Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

An answer again of the Tygurines to the Letter aforesaid.

FIrst, declaring how their Ministers had labored and travailed amongst them, teaching and preaching the word of God unto thē the space now of v. years. Whose doctrine at the first, seemed to them very strange and nouelle, because they never heard the same before. But after that they understood and perceived, the scope of that doctrine only to tend to this, to set forth Christ Jesus unto us to be the pillar and refuge of all our salvation, which gave his life and blood for our redemption and which only delivered us also sinful misers from eternal death, and is the only Advocate of mankind before God: they could no otherwise do, but with ardent affection receive so wholesome and joyful message.

The holy Apostles, and faithful Christians, after they had received the Gospel of Christ, did not fall out by and by in debate and variunce, but lovingly agreed and consented together: and so they trusted (said they) that they should do, if they would likewise receive the word of God, setting aside men's doctrines and traditions dissonant from the same.

Whatsoever Luther, or any other mā doth teach, whether it be right or wrong, it is not for the names of the persons, why the doctrine which they teach should be either evil or well judged upon, but only for that it agreeth or disagreeth from the rule of God's word: for that were but to go by affection, and were prejudicial to the authority of the word of God: which ought to rule man, and not to be measured by man.

And if Christ only be worshipped, and mē taught, solely to repose their confidence in him, yet neither doth the blessed Virgin, nor any Saint elles receive any injury thereby, who being here in earth received their salvation only by the name of him.

And where as they charge their Ministers with wrastyng the Scripture after their own interpretation, God had stirred up such light now in the hearts of mē, that the most part of their City, have the Bible in their hand, and diligently peruse the same: so that their Preachers cā not so wind the Scriptures awry, but they shall quickly be perceived. Wherefore there is no danger, why they should fear any sects, or factions in them: but rather such sects are to be objected to those, who for their gain and dignity, wrast the word of God after their own affections and appetites.

And where as they and other have accused them of error, yet was there never man, that could prove any error in them: Although diverse Bishops of Constance, of Basel, of Curiake, with diverse Universities besides: also they themselves, have been sundry times desired so to do, yet to this present day, neither they, nor ever any other so did, neither were they, nor any of all the foresaid Bishops, at their last assemble, being requested to come, so gentle to repair unto them, save only the Schashusians, and Sangallians. In the which foresaid assemble of theirs, all such as were then present, considering thoroughly the whole case of the matter, condescended together with them.

And if the Bishops happily will object again and say: that the word of God ought not so to be handled of the vulgare people: they answered the same not to stand with equity and reason. For albeit it did belong to the Bishops office, to provide that the sheep should not go astray, and most convenient it were, that by them they should be reduced into the way again: yet because they will not see to their charge, but leave it undone, referring all things to the fathers, and to Councils, therefore right and reason it is, that they themselves should hear and learn, not what man doth determine, but what Christ himself doth command in his Scripture. Neither have their Ministers given any occasion of this division, but rather it is to be imputed to such, which for their own private lucre and preferments, contrary to the word of the Lord, do seduce the people into error, and grievously offending God, do provoke him to plague them with manifold calamities. Who, if they would renounce the greediness of their own gain, and would follow the pure doctrine of his word, seeking not the will of man, but what is the will of God, no doubt but they should soon fall to agreement.

As for the eating of flesh and eggs, although it be free to all men, and forbidden to none by Christ: yet they have set forth a law, to restrain rash intemperance, and uncharitable offension of other.

And as touching matrimony, God is himself the author thereof, who hath left it free for all men. Also Paul willeth a Minister of the Church to be the husband of one wife.

And seeing that Bishops for money permit their Priests to have concubines, which is contrary both to God's law, and to good example: why then might not they as well obey God in permitting lawful matrimony, which he hath ordained, as they to resist God in forbidding the same? The like is to be said also of women vowing chastity: of whom this they judge and suppose, that such kind of vows and coacted chastity, are not auaylable nor allowed before God: and seeing that chastity is not all men's gift, better it were to marry (after their judgments) then filthely to live in single life.

As for Monasteries, and other houses of Canons, they were first given for relief only of the poor and needy, where as now they which inhabit them, are wealthy and able to live of their own patrimony, in such sort, as many times someone of them hath so much, as well might suffice a great number: Wherefore it seemeth to them, not inconvenient that those goods should be converted again to the use of the poor: Yet nevertheless they have used herein such moderation, that they have permitted the inhabitants of those monasteries to enjoy the possessions of their goods, during the term of their natural life, least any should have cause of just complaint.

Ornamentes of Churches serve nothing to God's service: but this is well agreeing to the will and service of God, that the poor should be succoured. So Christ commanded the young man in the Gospel, that was rich, not to hang up his riches in the temple, but to sell them, and distribute them to the needy.

The order of priesthood they do not contemn. Suche priests as will truly discharge their duty, & teach soundly, they do magnify. As for the other rabble, which serve to no public commodity, but rather damnify the common wealth, if the number of them were diminished by little and little, & their livings put to better use, they doubted not, but it wer a service well done to God. Now whether the singing and prayers of such Priests be auaylable before God, it may be doubted, for as much as many of thē understand not what they say or sing, but only for hire of wages do the same.

As for secrete confession, wherein men do detect their sins in the Priests ear, of what virtue this confession is to be esteemed, they leave it in suspense. But that confession, whereby repenting sinners do fly to Christ our only intercessor, they recount not only to be profitable, but also necessary to all troubled consciences. As for satisfaction, which Priests do use, they reckon it but a practice to get money, and the same to be not only erroneous, but also full of impiety. True penance and satisfaction is for a man to amend his life.

The orders of Monkery come only by the invention of man, and not by the institution of God.

And as touching the Sacraments, such as be of the Lord's institution, thē they do not despise but receive with all reverence, neither do suffer the same to be despised of any person, nor to be abused otherwise then becometh: but to be used rightly according to the prescript rule of God's word. And so with the like reverence, they use the Sacrament of the Lord's supper, according as the word prescribeth, not as many do abuse it, to make of it an oblation and a sacrifice.

And if the messengers sent to them of the Clergy in their letters mentioned, can justly charge them with any hindrance, or any error, they will be ready either to purge themselves, or to satisfy the offense. And if they cannot, then reason would, that those messengers of the Clergy should hereafter look better to their own doings, and to their doctrine, and to cease from such untrue sclaunders and contumelies.

Finally, where as they understand by their letters how desirous they are to have the Popes oppressions, and exactions, and usurped power abolished, they are right glad thereof and joyful, supposing that the same can by no means be brought to pass, except the word of God only and simply be received. For otherwise, so long as men's laws and constitutions shall stand in force, there will be no place nor hope of reformation. For by the preaching of God's word their estimation and dignity must needs decay: and that they well perceive, and therefore by all means do provide, how to stop the course of the word: and because they see themselves too weak to bring their purpose about, they fly to the aid of Kings and Princes. For the necessary remedy whereof, if they shall think good to join their consent, there shall nothing be lacking in their behalf, what they are able either in counsel or goods, to do in the matter, declaring moreover that this should have been seen too long before. Which being so, they prayed and desired them to accept in good parte, and diligently to expend this that they did write. As for their own parte, they required nothing else more then peace both between them, and all men. Neither was it ever their intent to stir anything that should be prejudicial against their league and bande agreed upon between them. But in this cause, which concerneth their eternal salvation, they can do no otherwise, but as they have done, unless their error by learning might be proved and declared unto them.

Wherefore as they did before, so now they desire again, that if they think this their doctrine to be repugnant to the holy Scripture, they will gently show and teach them their error, and that before the end of the month of May next ensuing: for so long they will abide waiting for an answer, as well from them, as from the Bishop of Constance, and also from the University of Basel. And thus much containeth the answer of the Tigurines, unto the letter of their other colleagues of Heluetia.

In the mean time, as this passed on, and the month of May above mentioned was now come, the Bishop of Constance, with the advise of his Council about him, did answer the Tigurines as he was requested of them to do, in a certain book, first written, and afterward printed: wherein he declareth what Images and pictures those were, which the profane Jews and Gentiles in the old time did adore, and what Images be these which the Church hath from time to time received and admitted, and what difference there is between those Idols of the Jews & Gentiles, and these Images of the Christians. The conclusion hereof was this, that where as the Scripture speaketh against Images, and willeth them not to be suffered, that is to be understand of such Images and Idols, as the Jews and Idolatrous Gentiles did use: yet nevertheless such Images & pictures, which the Church hath received, are to be used and retained.

From this, he entereth next into the discourse of the Mass, where he proveth by diverse and sundry testimonies, both of the Popes Canons and Councils, the Mass to be a sacrifice and oblation.

This book being thus compiled and written, he sent it unto the senate of Zurich, about the beginning of June, willing and exhorting them by no manner of means, to suffer their images, or the mass to be abrogated, and shortly after, he published the said book in Print, & sent it to the Priests and Canons of the Minster of Zurich, requiring them to follow the custom of the Church received, and not to suffer themselves otherwise to be persuaded by any mā.

The Senate again answering to the Bishops book, about the middle of August did write unto him: first declaring that they had read over & over again his book, with all diligence: The which book for so much as the Bishop had diuulged abroad in printe, they were thereof right glad because the whole world thereby might judge between thē the better. After this they explained unto him the judgment and doctrine of their ministers and preachers: and finally by the authority & testimonies of the Scripture convinced his opinion, and proved the doctrine of his book to be false. But before they sent their answer to him, about the 13. day of June, they commanded all the images as well within the City, as through their dominion, to be taken down and burned quietly and without any tumult. A few months after, an order was taken in the said City of Zurich, between the Canons of the church, and city, for disposing the lands and possessions of the College.

It would grow to a long discourse, to comprehend all things by order of circumstance, that happened among the Heluetians vpō this new alteration of religion: but briefly to contract, and to run over the chief specialties of the matter, here is first to be noted, that of the Heluetians, which were confederate together in 13. Pages, chiefly six there were, which most disdained and maligned this religion of the Tigurines: to wit, Lucernates, Urani, Suitenses, Unterualdij, Tugiani, Friburgenses: These in no case could be reconciled. The rest shown thenselves more favorable. But the other, which were their enemies, conceived great grudge, & raised many sclaunderous reports and false rumors against them, and laid diverse things to their charge, as first for refusing to join their consent to the public league of the other Pages, with Frances the french king: then for dissenting from them in religion: and thirdly for refusing to stand to the Popish decree made the year before at Ratisborne, by Ferdinandus and other bishops above mentioned, pag. 838. They laid moreover to their accusation, for aiding the Uualsutenses their neyghbors, against Ferdinandus their Prince, which was false. Also for joining league secretly, with other Cities, without their knowledge, which was likewise false. Item, that they should intend some secrete conspiracy against them, and invade them with war, which was as untrue as the rest. Many other quarrels besides, they pretended against the Tigurines, which were all false and cavilling sclaunders: as that they should teach and preach that Mary the mother of Christ had mo sons, & that James the younger, the Apostle, did die for us, and not Christ himself. Against these and such other untruths, being mere matters of cavillation and slander, the Tigurines did fully and amply purge and acquit themselves by writing, and did expostulate vehemently with them, not only for these false and wrongful suspicions of their partes undeserved, but also for other manifold injuries received and borne at their hands: among which other wrongs and injuries, this was one, that the Burghmaster of Turegia had apprehended a certain preacher, named Johannes Oxlinus, and led him home as prisoner unto his house, being taken within the precinct and limites of the City of Zurich, contrary to law and order.

Finally, after much discoursing, wherein they in a long letter declared their diligence and fidelity at all times, in keeping their league, and maintaining the liberty and dignity of their country, as touching the cause of religion, if that were all the matter of their offense, they offered themselves willing to hear, and more glad to amende, if any could prove any error in them by the Scripture. Otherwise, if none so could or would prove, wherein they did err by the word of God: they could not (they said) alter anything in the state of that Religion wherein their consciences were already staide by the word of God, and settled whatsoever pearill or danger should happen to them for the same,

Although here was no cause, why these Pages or Cantons, which were so confederate together in the league of peace, should disagree among themselves: yet herein may we see the course and trade of the world, that when difference of religiō beginneth a little to break the knot of amity, by and by how friends be turned to foes, what suspicions do rise, what quarrels and grudge do follow, howe nothing there liketh men, but everything is taken to y ^e worst part, small • otes are made mountains, virtues made vices, and one vice made a thousand, and all for lack only of a little good will betwixt party & party. For as love & charity commonly among men either covereth or seeth not the faults of their friends: so hatred and disdain taking all things to blame, can find nothing in their foes that they can like. And thus did it happen between these good men of Zurich, and these other Suitzers above named.

These letters of the Tigurines to the other Cantons, were written upon the occasion of their apprehending the preacher John. Oxlinus above named the 4. day of January Anno 1525. and in the month of April next following, the maiestrates and Senate of the said City of Zurich commanded the Mass, with all his ceremonies and appurtenaunce thereto belonging, to be put down, as well within the City, as without throughout all their jurisdiction: and in stead thereof was placed the Lord's Supper, the reading of the Prophets, prayer, and preaching. Also a law was made against whoredom, and adultery, and judges ordained to hear the causes of matrimony. Anno. 1525. Ex Comment. Sled. lib. 4.

All this while the Gospel was not as yet received in any other Page of Heluetia, but only in Zurich. Wherefore y ^e other 12. pages or towns appointed among themselves concerning a meting or a disputation to be had at Baden: Where were present among other divines, Johannes Faber Eckius, & Murnerus above mentioned. The bishops also of Lucerne, Basel, Curiake, & Lausanna sent thither their legates. The conclusions there propounded were these.

That the true body and blood of Christ, is in the Sacrament.

That the mass is a sacrifice for the quick and dead.

That the blessed virgins and other saints are to be invocated, as mediators and intercessors.

That Images ought not to be abolished.

That there is a purgatory.

Which conclusions or assertions, Eckius took upon him stoutly to defend. Against him reasoned Oecolampadius (who was then chief preacher at Basel) with certain other moe. Zwingli at that time was not there present, but by wrytinge confuted the doctrine of Eckius, declaring withal, the causes of his absence: which were, for that he durst not for fear of his life, committee himself to the hands of the Lucernates, Urani, Suitij, Unterualdij, and Tugiani, his enemies, and that he refused not to dispute, but the place only of the disputation, excusing moreover y ^t he was not permitted of the Senate to come, nevertheless: if they would assign the place of disputation, either at Zurich, or at Berna, or at Sangallum, thither he would not refuse to come. Briefly the conclusion of the disputation was this: that all should remain in that Religion, which hitherto they had kept, and should follow the authority of the Council, neither should admit any other new doctrine within their dominions. &c, Thys was in the month of June, the said year above mentioned.

As the time proceeded, and dissention about religion increased, it followed the next yere after, An. 1527. in the mōth of December, that the Senate & people of Berne, (whose power amongst all the Suitzers chiefly excelleth) considering how neither they could have the Acts of the disputation of Baden communicated unto them, and that the variance about religion still more & more increased: assigned another disputation within their own City, and sending forth writings thereof, called unto the same, all the bishops bordering nere about them, as the Bishops of Constance, Basel, Sedune, Lausanna warning them both to come themselves, and to bring their divines with them, or else to lose all such possessions, which they had lying within the bounds of their precinct. After this, they appointed out certain Ecclesiastical persons of their jurisdiction, to dispute, prescribing and determining the whole disputation to be decided only by the authority of the old and new Testament. To all that would come thither they granted safeconduict. Also they appointed that all things there should be done modestly, without injury and brauling words, and that everyone should have leave to speak his mind freely, and with such deliberation, that every man's saying might be received by the notarye & penned, with this proviso made before, that whatsoever there should be agreed upon, the same should be ratified, and observed through all their dominions: and to the intent mē might come thither better prepared before, they propounded in public writing 10. conclusions, in the said disputation to be defended of their ministers, by the scriptures, which ministers, wer Franciscus Colbus, and Bertholdus Hallerus. The theames or conclusions were these.

1. That the true Church, whereof Christ is the head, riseth out of gods word, and persisteth in the same, and heareth the voice of no other.

2. That the same Church maketh no laws without the word of God.

3. That traditions ordained in the name of the Church, do not bind, but so far forth as they be consonante to God's word.

4. That Christ only hath made satisfactiō for the sins of the world: and therefore if any man say that there is any other way of salvation, or mean to put away sin, the same denieth Christ.

5. That the body & blood of Christ cannot be received really and corporally, by the testimony of the Scripture.

6. That the use of the mass, wherein Christ is presented and offered up to his heavenly Father for the quick and the dead, is against the Scripture, and cōtumelious to the sacrifice which Christ made for us.

7. That Christ only is to be invocated, as the mediator and advocate of mankind, to God the father.

8. That there is no place to be found by the holy Scripture, wherein souls are purged after this life: and therefore all those prayers & ceremonies, Yerely Diriges & Obites, which are bestowed upon the dead: also Lamps, Tapers and such other things, profit nothing at all.

9. That to set up any picture or Image to be worshipped, is repugnant to the holy scripture, and therefore if any such be erected in Churches for that intent, the same ought to be taken down.

10. That Matrimonies prohibited to no state or order of men, but for eschewing of fornication, generally is commanded and permitted to all men by the word of God. And for as much as all fornicators are excluded by the testimony of Scripture, from the Communion of the Church, therefore this unchaste and filthy single life of Priests, is most of all inconvenient for the order of priesthood.

When the Senate and people of Bern, had sent abroad their letters with these theames and conclusions, to all the Heluetians, exhorting thē both to send their learned men, and to suffer all other to pass safely through their countries: the Lucernates, Uranites, Suitzians, Unternaldians, Tugians, Glareans, Soloturnians, and they of Friburg answered again by contrary letters, exhorting and requiring them in any case to desist from their purposed enterprise: putting them in remembrance of their league and composition made, and also of the disputation of Baden above mentioned, of the which disputation they were them selves (they said) the first beginners and authors: saying moreover, y ^t it was not lawful for any nation or province to alter the state of religion, but the same to belong to a general Council: wherefor they desired them, that they would not attempt any such wicked act, but continue in the Religion, which their parents and elders had observed: and in fine, thus in the end of their letters they concluded, that they would neither send, nor suffer any of their learned men to come, nor yet grant safeconducte to any others to pass through their country. To this and such like effect tended the letters of these Suitzers above named.

All which notwithstanding, the Lord's of Berne proceeding in their intended purpose, upon the day prescribed (which was the 7. of January) began their disputation. Of all the bishops before signified (which were assigned to come) there was not one present. Neuertheles the City of Basil, Zurike, and Schafuse, and Abbecelle, Sangallium, Mullusia, w ^t the neighbors of Rhetia, also they of Strasbourg, Ulmes, Ausburge, Lindaue, Constance, and Isne, sent thither their Ambassadors.

The Doctors, above mentioned, of the City of Berne, began the disputation. Where at the same time, were present Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Bucerus, Capito, Blaurerus, with other moe, all which defended the affirmative of the conclusions propounded. On the contrary side of them which were the opponentes, the Chieftayne was Conradus Tregerus a frier Augustine, who to prove his assertion, when he was driven to shift out of the scripture, to seek help of other Doctors, and the moderatours of the disputation would not permit the same (being contrary to the order before appointed) he departed out of the place, and would dispute no more.

The disputation endured 19. days, in the ende whereof it was agreed, by the assent of the most parte, that the conclusions there disputed, were consonant to y ^e truth of gods word, & should be ratified not only in the City of Berne, but also proclaimed by the Magistrates in sundry other Cities nere adjoining: furthermore that masses, aultares, and Images in all places should be abolished.

At the City of Constance certain things began to be altered a little before. Where also, among other things, laws were made against fornication and adultery, and all suspect or dishonest company, whereat the canons, (as they are called) of the Church, taking great grief and displeasure, departed the City. In the said City was then teacher Ambrosius Blaurerus, a learned man, and borne of a noble stock, who had been a Monk a little before, professed in the monastery of Alperspacke, in the Duchie of Wittenburg, belonging to the dominion of Ferdinandus. Which Blaurerus by reading of Luther's works, & having a good wit, had changed a little before, his Religion and also his coat, returning again home unto his friends, and when his Abbot would have had him again, & wrote earnestly to the Senate of Constance for him: he declared the whole case of the matter in writing, propounding w ^t all, certain conditions, whereupon he was content (as he said) to return. But the conditions were such that the Abbot was rather willing and contented, that he should remain still at Constance, and so he did.

After this disputation thus concluded at Berne, (as hath been said) the Images and aultares, with ceremonies, and Masses were abolished at Constance.

They of Geneva also for their parts, were not behind, following likewise the example of the City of Berne in extirping Images and ceremonies. By reason whereof the Bishop and Clergy there left and departed the City in no small anger.

The Bernates after they had redressed with them the state of Religion, they renounced the league made before with the French king, refusing and forsaking his warlye stipend, whereby they were bound at his call to feed his wars, following therein the example of the Tygurines, which before had done the like, and were contented only with their yearly pension that the King payeth to every page of the Heluetians, to keep peace.

The day and yere when this reformation with them began, from Popery to true Christianity, they caused in a pillar to be engraven with golden letters, for a perpetual memory to all posterity to come. This was An. 1528.

After that the rumour of this disputation, and alteration of Berne, was noised in other cities & places abroad, first the Ministers of Strasbourg encouraged by this occasion, began likewise to affirm and teach that the mass was wicked, and a great blasphemy against God's holy name, and therefore was to be abrogated, and instead thereof, the right use of the Lord's supper to be restored again. Which unless they could prove by y ^e manifest testimonies of the Scripture to be true, they would refuse no manner of punishment. On the contrary part, the Bishop of Rome's clergy, did hold and maintain that the Mass was good and holy, whereupon kindled a great contention on both sides: which when the Senate and Magistrates of the city would have brought to a disputation, and could not, because the Priests would not condescend to any reasoning, therefore seeing they so accused the other, & yet would come to no trial of their cause, the said Magistrates commanded them to silence. The bishop in the mean while ceased not with his letters & messengers, daily to call vpō the senate, desiring the senate to persevere in the ancient religion of their elders, & to give no care to those new teachers, declaring what danger & pearil it would bring upon them.

The Senate again desired him, as they had done oftentimes before, that such things, which appertained to the true honor and worship of God, might be set forward, and all other things which tended to the contrary, might be removed and taken away: for that properly belonged to his office to see to. But the Bishop still driving them off with delays, pretended to call an assemble for the same, appointing also day and place for the hearing & discussing of those controversies: where, in deed, nothing was performed at all: but with his letters he did often sollicitate them to surcease their enterprise, sometimes by way of entreating, sometimes with manacing words terrifying them: and at last, seeing he could nothing by that way prevail, he turned his suit to the assemble of the Empire, which was thē at Spires collected, entreating them to set in a foot, and to help what they could, with their authority.

They ready to satisfy the Bishops request, sent a solemn Ambassie to the Senate and Citizens of Strasbourg, about Decemb. the yere about said, requiring them not to put down the Mass: for neither it was (said they) in y ^e power of the Emperor, nor of any other estate to alter the ancient Religion received from their forefathers, but either by a general, or by a provincial Council, which Council if they supposed to be far of, at lease that they would take a pause till the next sitting of y ^e Empire, which should be with speed, where their requests being propounded and heard, they should have such reasonable answer, as should not miscontent them: for it was (said they) against all law and reason, for a private Magistrate to infringe and dissolve those things, which by general consent of the whole world, have been agreed upon: and therefore good reason required, that they should obtain so much at their hands: For else if they should obstinately proceed in this their attempt, so with force and violence to work, as they began, it might fortune, the Emperor their supreme Magistrate under God, and also Ferdinandus, his deputy would not take it well, and so should be compelled to seek such remedy therein, as they would be sorry to use. Wherefore their request was, & advise also, that they should wey the matter diligently with themselves, & follow good counsel: who in so doing, should not only glad the Emperor, but also work that which should redound chiefly to their own commendation and safety.

Besides the messengers thus sent from the Council of Spires, the Bishop also of Hildesseme had been with them a little before, exhorting them in the Emperors name, after like manner. Neither did the bishop of Strasbourg also cease with his messengers and letters, daily to labor his friends there, and especially such of the Senators as he had to him bound by any feaulty, or otherwise by any gifts or friendship, that so much as in them did lie, they should uphold the Mass, and gainstand the contrary proceedings of the other.

The Senate of Strasbourg in the mean time, seeing the matter did so long hang in controversy, the space now of 2. years, and the preachers daily and instantly calling upon them for a reformation, and suit also being made to them or the Citizens, assembled their great & full council to the number of 300 (as in great matters of importance they are accustomed to do) and there with themselves debated the case, declaring on the one side, if they abolished y ^e mass what danger they should incur by the Emperor: On the other side, if they did not, how much they should offend god and therefore giving them respite to consulte, at the next meting required them to declare their advise and sentence, in the matter. When the day came, that every man should say his mind, so it fell out, that the voices and judgments of them, which went against the Mass prevailed. Whereupon immediately a decree was made the 20. of February. Anno. 1529. that the Mass should be suspended and laid down, til the time that the adversary part could prove by good Scripture, the Mass to be a service available & acceptable before God.

This decree being established by the consent of y ^e whole City, the Senate eftsoons commanded the same to be proclaimed and to take full place and effect as well within the City, as also without, so far as their limites and dominion did extend, and afterward by letters certified their Bishop touching the doing thereof. Who hearing these news, as heavy to his heart as lead, did signify to them again, how he received their letters, & how he understood by them, the effect and sum of their doings: all which he was enforced to digest with such patience as he could, though they went sore against his stomach, seeing for the present time, he could no otherwise chu • e: hereafter would serve, he said he would see thereunto, according as his charge and office should require.

Thus howe the Mass was overthrown in Zurike, in Berne, in Geneva, & in Strasbourg you have heard. Now what followed in Basil, remaineth likewise to understand. In this city of Basel, was Oecolampadius preacher (as is above signified) by whose diligent labor & travail, the Gospel began there to take such fruit, that great dissention there also arose among the citizens about religion, and especially about the Mass: Wherupon the Senate of Basel appointed, that after an open disputation, it should be determined by voices, what were to be done therein. This notwithstanding the Papists still continuing in their former purpose: began more stoutly to inuey against the other parte, and because they were so suffered by the Magistrate without punishment, it was therefore doubted by the commons, that they had some privy maintainers among the Senators. Whereupon certain of the Citizens were appointed, in the name of the whole commons to sue to the Senators, and to put them in remembrance of their promise: Whose suite and request was this, that those Senators, which were the aiders and supporters of the papists, might be displaced, for that it did as well tend to the contempt of the former decree made, as also to the public disturbance of the City. But when this could not be obtained of the Senate, the commons, upon the 8. day of February, the year above said, assembled themselves in the gray Friers Churthe, and there considering with themselves upon the matter, repaired again with their suite unto the Senate, but not in such humble wise as before: and therewithal gathered themselves in the public places of the City, to fortify the same, all be it as yet without armor. The same evening the Senate sent them word, that at their request they granted, that those Senators, although remaining still in office, yet should not sit in counsel, what time any matter of Religion should come in talk.

By this answer the Commons gathering that the whole state was ruled by a few, took thereat grief and displeasure, protesting openly that they would take counsel by them selves hereafter what they had to do, not only in cases of Religion, but also in other matters of civil government, and forthwith took them to armor, keeping the towers and gates and other convenient places of the City with watch and ward, in as forcible wise, as if the enemy had been at hand.

The next day the Senate requiring respite to deliberate, was contented to commit the matter to them, whom the commons before had sent as suitors unto them. Which offer the Citizens did not refuse, but with this condition that those Senators, which were guilty, should in the mean season follow their pleey as private persons, upon their own private costs and charges: the other which defended the public cause for the behoove of the posterity, should be maintained by the public charges of the City. This the Senate was glad to grant unto, w ^t some other like matters of lighter weight, to appease their rage.

It happened the very same day, that certain of the citizens, such as were appointed to go about the City for the vewing of things, came into the high Church where one of them thrusting at a certain image with his staff, eftsoons it fell down and brake. By the occasion whereof, other Images also in like sort were served after the same devotion. But when the Priests came runnynge to them, which seemed to be greatly offended therewith, they because they would not pass their Commission, staid their hands and departed.

It followed upon this, that when word hereof was brought to the Citizens which stood in the market place, and the matter being made worse to them then it was, they incontinent discharged out CCC. armed men, to rescue their fellows in the church, supposing them to be in danger. Who coming to the Church, and not fineding their fellows there, and all things quiet, save only a few Images broken down, they likewise least they should have lost all their labor, threw down all the other Idols and Images which they found there standing, and so passing thorough all other Churches in the city, did there also the like: and when certain of the Senate came forth to appease the tumult, the Citizens said, that which you have stand about these three years, consulting and advising whether it were best to be done, or not, that shall we dispatche in one hour, that from henceforth never more contention shall grow between us for Images: and so the Senate permitted them free leave, without anymore resistance: and 12. Senators were displaced from their order, all be it without note of reproach or dishonesty. Also a decree the same time was made, that as well within the City of Basel, as without, through all their jurisdiction, the Mass with all Idols should be abandoned: and further, that in all such matters and cases as concerned the glory of God, and the affairs of the public wealth, besides the number of the other Senators two hundredth and three score of the Burgers or Citizens should be appointed out of every ward in the City, to sit with them in counsel. These decrees being established, after they had kept watch and ward about the City 3. days and 3. nights, everyone returned again to his house, quiet and joyful, without any blood or stroke given, or anger wrcked, but only upon the Images.

On the third day, which was Ash wednesday (as the Popes ceremonial Church doth call it) all the wooden Images were distributed among the poor of the City, to serve them for fire wood. But when they could not well agre in dividing the pray, but • el to brawling among them selves, it was agreed that the said images should be brent all together: so that in nine great heaps all the stocks and Idolles there, the same day were brent to ashes before the great Church door. And thus by God's ordinance it came to pass, that the same day, wherein the Popes priests are wont to show forth all their mourning, & do mark men's foreheads with ashes, in remembrance that they be but ashes, was to the whole city festival & joyful, for turning their Images to ashes, and to is observed and celebrate every yere still unto this present day, with all mirth, plays and pastimes, in remembrance of the same ashes, which day may there be called a right Ash wednesday of God's own making. The men of Zurike, of Berne, and of Solodure hearing what business was at Basel, sent their ambassadors to be a mean between them, but before the ambassadors came, all was ceased and at quiet.

All this mean space, the Emperor & the French king were together occupied in wars and strife. Whych as it turned to the great damage and detriment of the French king, who in the said wars was taken prisoner by the Emperor, so it happened commodious and oportune for the success of the Gospel: for else it is to be thought that these Heluetians and other Germans should not have had that leisure & rest to reform religion, and to link them selves in league together, as they did. But thus almighty God of his secret wisdom disposeth times & occasions, to serve his will & purpose in all things. All be it Ferdinandus the Emperors brother, & deputy in Germany, remitted no time nor diligence to do what he could in resisting the proceedings of the protestants, as appeared, both by the decree set forth at Ratis • one, and also at Spires. In the which Council of Spires, Ferdinandus at the same time, which was the year of our Lord 1529. had decreed against the protestants, in effect as followeth.

First, that the edict of the Emperor made at Wormes, should stand in force through all Germany, till the time of the general council, which should shortly follow. Also, that they which already had altered their religion, & now could not revoke the same again, for fear of sedition, should stay themselves and attempt no more innovations hereafter, till time of the general Council.

Item, that the doctrine of them which hold the Lord's Supper otherwise then the Church doth teach, should not be received, nor the mass should be altered: and there where as the doctrine of religion was altered, should be no impediment to the contrary, but that they which were disposed to come to Mass, might safely therein use their devotion: against Anabaptists likewise: and that all ministers of the Church should be enjoined to use no other interpretation of holy Scripture, but according to the exposition of the Church doctors: other matters that were disputable, not to be touched. Moreover, that all persons and states should keep peace, so that for Religion neither the one part should infer molestation to the other, nor receive any confederates under their protection and safeguard: All which decrees, they which should transgress, to be outlawed and exiled.

Unto this sitting at Spires first the Ambassadors of Strasbourg, were not admitted, but repelled by Ferdinandus, because they had rejected the mass: and therefore the said city of Strasbourg denied to pay any contribution against the Turk, except they with other Germans, might be likewise admitted into their counsels. The other princes which were received and not repelled, as the duke of Saxony, George of Brandeburgh, Ernestus, & Franciscus Earls of Luneburgh, Lantgraue, Anhaldius, did utterly gainstand the decree, & shown their cause in a large protestation written, why they so did: which done, all such cities which subscribed and consented to the said protestation of the princes, eftsones conjoined them selves in a common league with them, whereupon they had their name, called thereof Protestants. The names of the Cities were these. Argentina, or Strasbourg, Noriberge, Vlmes, Constance, Rutelinge, Winssemium, Meminge, Lindauia, Campodunum, Hailbrunum, Isna, Wisseburgum, Norlinge, Sangallum.

Furthermore, as touching the Heluetians (from whence we have somewhat digressed) howe the City of Berne and Zurich had consented and joined together in reformation of true religion, ye hard before. Wherefore the other Pages in Heluetia, which were of contrary profession, in like manner confederated them selves in league with Ferdinādus: the number and names of which Pages, especially were 5. to wit, Lucernates, Vraui, Suitenses, Vnterualdij, and Tugiani, which was in the year above said: to the intent, that they conioyning their power together, might overrun the religion of Christ, and the professors of the same. Who also for hatred & despite, hanged up the Arms of the foresaid cities of Zurich and of Berne, upon the gallows, beside many other injuries and greeuaunces, which they wrought against them. For the which cause the said Cities of Berne and Zurich raised their power, intending to set upon the foresaid Suitzers, as vpō their capital enemies. But as they were in the field ready to encoūter, one army against y ^e other, through the means of the city of Strasbourg, and other intercessors, they were parted for that time, and so returned.

As touching the Council of Auspurge, which followed the next year after the assemble of Spires, An. 1530. howe the Princes and Protestants of Germany, in the same Council exhibited their confession, and what labor was sought to confute it, and how constantly Duke Fridericke persisted in defense of his conscience against the threatening words, and replications of the Emperor: also in what danger the said princes had ben in, had not the Lantgraue privily by night slipped out of the city, parteineth not to this place presently to discourse.

To return therefore unto Zwingli and the Heluetians, of whom we have here presently to entreat, you heard before howe the tumulte and commotion between the two Cities of Zurich and Berne, and the other v. Cities of the Cantons, was pacified by the means of intercession, which peace so continued the space of two years. After that the old wound waxing raw again, began to burst out, & gather to an head: which was by reason of certain injuries, and opprobrious words and contumelies, which the reformed cities had received of the other: wherefor the Tigurines and the Bernates stopping all passages and streits, would permit no corn nor victual to pass unto them. This was in the year of our Lord. 1531,

And when great trouble was like to kindle thereby, the French king with certain other towneships of Suitzerland, as the Glarians, Friburgians, Soloturnians, and other coming between them, labored to set them at agrement, drawing out certain conditions of peace between them. Whyche conditions were these, that all contumelies & injuries past should be forgotten. That hereafter neither parte should molest the other. That they which were banished for religion, should again be restored. That the v. Pages might remain without disturbance in their religion, so that none should be restrained amongst them from the reading of the old and New Testament. That no kind of disquietness should be procured against them of Berne and Zurich: and that either part should confer mutual helps together, one to succor the other, as in times past. But the five Pagemen would not observe those covenants made, neither would their malicious hearts be brought to any conformity. Wherefore the Bernates and Tigurines, showing & declaring first their cause in public writing, to purge and excuse the necessity of their war, being pressed with so many wrongs, and in manner constrained to take the sword in hand, did as before, beset the hye ways and passages, that no furniture of victual or other forage could come to the other Pages. By reason whereof when they of the five towns began to be pinched with want and penury. they armed themselves secretly, and set forewarde in warlike array toward the borders of Zurich, where as then was lying a garrison of the Zurich men, to the number of a thousand and more. Whereupon word was sent incontinent to the City of Zurich, to succoure their men with speed, but their enemies approached so fast, that they could hardly come to rescue them. For when they were come to the top of the hille, whereby they must needs pass, they saw their fellows being in great distress in the valley under them: whereupon they encouraging themselves, made down the hill with more hast then order, who might go fastest: but the nature of the hill was such, that there could but one go down at once. By reason whereof, for as much as they could not keep their ranks, to join all together, it followed that they being but few in number, were discomfited and overmatched of the multitude, which was the 11. day of October, the year abouesayde. Among the number of them that were slain, was also Uldricus Zwingli the blessed servant & S. of God. Also the Abbotte of Capella, and Commendator Kunacensis, with 13. other learned and worthy men were slain, being as is thought, falsely betrayed, and brought into the hands of their enemies.

As touching the cause which moved Zwingli to go out with his citizens to the war, as is sufficiently declared and excused both by John Sleidan, and especially by Oecolampadius, in his Epistle ( ad Mart. Frechtum, and Somium. Epist. Lib. 4. where first is to be understand, that it is an old received manner among the Zurich men, that when they go forth in warfare, the chief minister of their church goeth with them. Zwingli also of him self being a man (saith Sledanus ) of a stout and bold courage, considering if he should remain at home when war should be attempted against his citizens, and if he which in his sermons did so encourage other, should now faint so cowardly, and tarry behind at home, when time of danger came, what shame and disdain might worthily rise to him thereby, thought not to refuse to take such parte as his brethren did.

Oecolampadius moreover addeth, that he went not out as a captain of the field, but as a good citizen with his citizens, and as a good shepherd ready to die with his flock. And which of them all (saith he) that most cry out against Zwingli, can show any such noble heart in him, to do the like? Again, neither did he go out of his own accord, but rather desired not to go, foreseeing belike, what danger thereof would ensue. But the Senate being importune upon him, would have no nay, urging and enforcing him most instantly to go: among whom were thought to have been some false betraiers, saying and objecting to him that he was a dastarde, if he refused to accompany his brethren, as well in time of danger, as in peace. Moreover the said Zwingli among other seculare arts, had also some skill in such matters of warfare. Haec Oecolampad. Whē he was slain, great cruelty was shown upon his dead corpse▪ such was their hatred toward him, that their malice could not be satisfied, unless also they should burn his body being dead. Ex comment. John. Sled Lib. 8.

The report goeth, that after his body was cut first in 4. pieces, and then consumed with fire, three days after his death, his friends came to see whether any part of him was remaining, where they found his heart in the ashes, whole and vnburned: in much like manner as was also the heart of Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, which in the ashes also was found and taken up vnconsumed, as by credible information is testified.

Furthermore, such was then the rage of these 5. pages against the foresaid Abbot Capellensis, that they took him being slain, and putting out both his eyes, they clothed him in a monks cowl, and so set him in the pulpite to preach, railing and jesting upon him in most despiteful manner. Ez Epist. Oecolamp. ad Wolfgangum Capitonem. lib. 4. Uldericke Zwingli was when he died, of the age of 44. years, younger then M. Luther by 4. years.

The Bernates, who were purposed the same time to achieve war against the Unterualdians bordering near unto them, when they heard of this discōfiture of the Tigurines, to comfort them again, desired thē to be of good cheare and courage, promising that they would not fail but come and revenge their quarrel. Again, when the Tigurines had assembled their power together, which was the 8. day after the battle, and had received aide from the Schaffusians, Mullusians, Sangalles, and frō Basil, (the Bernates at this time were nothing hasty) out of the whole number they chose out certain ensigns, which setting forth in the night, lay in the hill beside Mecinge, intending when the moon was up, to take the town of Tugie lying near at hand, upon the sudden. Which whē their enemies had perceived, which were encamped not far from them, with all speed and moste secrete manner came vpō them being at rest, the 24. day of October, and putting them in more fear, made a wonderful clamorous outcry: so it fell out in conclusion, that many on both parties were slain. And all be it the 5. pagemen had the upper hand, yet would they of Zurich nothing relent in their religion. At the last through mediation, a peace was concluded, and thus the matter agreed, that the Tigurines, Bernates, and Basilians, should forsake the league which they had lately made with the City of Strasbourg, and the Lantgraue: likewise should the 5. Page men give over their league and composition made with Ferdinandus: and hereof obligations were made and sealed in the latter ende of November.

Oecolampadius the preacher of the city of Strasbourg above recorded, hearing of y ^e death of Zwingli his dear friend, took thereat inward grief and sorrow, in so much that it is thought to have increased his disease, and so he also departed this life, the same year and month of November above mentioned, being of the age of 49. years, elder then M. Luther by one year. Although this Oecolampadius then died, yet his learned & famous Commentaries upon the Prophets, with other worthy works, which he left behind him, live still, and shall never die.

The next yere following, which was, anno. 1532. in the month of August, died also the worthy and memorable prince John Fridericke Duke of Saxony, who for testimony of Christ and of his Gospel, sustained such trials, so many bruntes, and so vehement conflicts with the Emperor, and that especially at the Council assembled at Auspurge, that unless the almighty hand of the Lord had sustained him, it had not been possible for him or any prince to have endured so constant and unremoveable, against so many persuasions, and assaults, as he did to the ende. After him succeeded John Fridericke his son. &c.

And thus have ye the history of Zwingli, and of the church of Suitzerlande, with their proceedings and troubles, from the first beginning of their reformation of religion, set forth and described. Whereunto we will add one certain Epistle of y ^e said Zwingli, taken out of his other Epistles, and so therewith close up his story. Which Epistle I thought here to record, especially for that in the same among other maters, profitably is expounded y ^e true meaning of the Apostle, writing to the Corrinthians, concerning how to judge the Lord's body, to the intent that the simple thereby may the better be informed. The words of his letter be these, as follow.

In English thus.

Martin Luther therefore urging & reducing things to the foundation and touchstone of the Scripture, opened the eyes of many, which before were drowned in darkness. Whereupon it cannot be expressed what joy, comfort, and consolation came to the hearts of men, some lying in darkness and ignorance, some wallowing in sin, some being in despair, some macerating them selves by works, and some presuming upon their own righteousness, to behold that glorious benefit of the great liberty and free justification set up in Christ Jesus. And briefly to speak, the more glorious the benefit of this doctrine appeared to the world after long ignorance, the greater persecution followed upon the same. And where the elect of God took most occasion of comfort and of salvation, thereof the adversaries took moste matter of vexation & disturbance: As commonly we see the true word of God to bring with it ever dissention and perturbation, and therefore truly it was said of Christ, That he came not to send peace on earth, but the sword. And this was the cause, why that after the doctrine and preaching of Luther, so great troubles and persecutions followed in all quarters of the world: whereby rose great disquietness among the Prelates, and many laws and decrees were made, to overthrow the same by cruel handling of many good and Christian men. Thus while authority armed with laws and rigor, did strive against simple verity, lamentable it was to hear, howe many poor men were troubled and went to wrack, some tost from place to place, some exiled out of the land for fear, some caused to abjure, some driven to caves in woods, some racked with torment, and some pursued to death with fagot and fire. Of whom we have now (Christ willing) in this history following to entreat, first beginning with certain that suffered in Germany, & then to return to our own stories, and Martyrs here in England.

Henry Voes and John Esch, Friers Augustine's.

IN the year of our Lord. 1523. two young men were burnt at Bruxelles, the one named Henry Uoes, being of the age of 24. years, and the other John Esch, which before had been of the order of the Augustine Friers. They were disgraded the first day of July, and spoiled of their friers weed, at the suite of Egmondanus the Popes Inquisitor, and the divines of Louaine, for that they would not retracte and deny their doctrine of the Gospel, which the Papists call Lutheranism. Theyr examiners were Hochestratus and other, who demanded of them, what they did believe? They said, the books of the old Testament, and the new, wherein were contained the Articles of the Creed. Then were they asked whether they believed the decrees of the Councils and of the Fathers? They said, such as were agreeing to the Scripture, they believed. After this they proceeded further, asking whether they thought it any deadly sin, to transgress the decrees of the fathers, and of the bishop of Rome? That (said they) is to be attributed only to the precepts of God, to bind the conscience of man, or to loose it. Wherein when they constantly persisted, and would not turn, they were condemned and judged to be burned. Then they began to give thanks to God their heavenly father, which had delivered them through his great goodness, from the false and abhominable priesthood, & had made of them priests of his holy order, receiving thē unto him as a sacrifice of sweet odor. Then there was a bill written, which was delivered unto them to read openlie before the people, to declare what faith and doctrine they held. The greatest error that they were accused of, was that men ought to trust only in God, for so much as men are liars and deceitful in all their words and deeds, and therefore there ought no trust or affiance to be put in them.

As they were led unto the place of execution, which was the first day of July, they went joyfully and merrily, making continual protestation that they died for the glory of God, and the doctrine of the gospel, as true Christians, believing & following the holy church of the son of God, saying also that it was y ^e day which they had long desired. After they were come to the place where they should be burned, and were despoiled of their garments, they tarried a great space in their shirtes, & joyfully embraced the stake that they should be bound to, patiently and joyfully enduring what so ever was done unto thē, praising God with Te Deum laudamus, and singing Psalms, and rehearsing

Henry being demanded amongst other things, whether Luther had seduced him or no: yea (said he) even as Christ seduced his Apostles. He said also, that it was contrary to God's law, that y ^e Clergy should be exempted frō the power & iurisdictiō of the magistrate ordained of God, for such as were ordained in office by the bishops, have no power but only to preach the word of God, and to feed their flock therewithal. After their death, their monastery was dissolved at Antwarpe. The President whereof, by the Papists called Jacobus Lutherianus, after diverse and many troubles & afflictions, was forced to recant at Brussels, but afterward his mind being renewed by y ^e holy ghost, embracing that again which before he had renounced, he fled unto Luther. Ex 6. tomo M. Lutheri. fol. 397.

Henry Sutphen Monk put to death in Diethmar.

THe next year after the burning of those two Christian martyrs at Brussels above mentioned, with like tyranny also was martyred & burned without all order of judgment or just condemnation, about the City of Diethmar, in y ^e borders of Germany, one Henry of Sutphen monk, an. 1524. of whom mention is partly touched in the Commentaries of John. Sledan. Lib. 4. but his history is more amply described of Luther, of Paulus Eberus in his Calēdar, of Ludou. Rabus Crispinus, and other. This Sutphen had been before with M. Luther, and afterward coming to Antwarpe, was frō thence excluded for the Gospel, and so came to Breme, not to y ^e intent there to preach, but for that he was minded to go to Wittenburg, being driven from Antwarpe, as is abouesaide. Who being at Breme, was there required by certain godly Citizens of Breme, to make one or two brief exhortations upon the Gospel. Wherunto, through the earnest love and zeal that was in him, he was easily allured & persuaded. He made his first Sermon unto the people, the Sunday before Saint Martins day. When the people heard him preach the word of God so sincerely, they desired him again the second time, and were so in love with his doctrine, that the whole parish required him to tarry amongst them to preach the Gospel: which thing, for fear of danger, for a time he refused. When the religious rout had understanding hereof, specially the Canons, Monks, and priests, they went about with all endeavor, to oppress him, & thrust both him out of the city, and also the Gospel of Christ (for that was their chief seeking: ) whereupon they went unto the Senate, desiring that such an heretic might be banished the town, which in his doctrine preached against y ^e catholic Church. Upon the complaint of the Canons, the Senate sent for the wardens, and head men of the parish where Henry had preached, who being come together, the Senate declared unto them the complaint of the Canons, and all the other religious men. Wherunto the citizens of Breme taking their preachers part, answered, that they knew none other, but that they had hired a learned and honest man, to preach unto thē, which should teach them sincerely & truly the word of God. Notwithstanding, if the Chapterhouse or any other man could bring testimonial or witness, that the Preacher had taught anything, which either sauored of heresy, or were repugnant to the word of God, they were ready (they said) with the Chapterhouse to persecute him: for God forbid that they should maintain an heretic. But if contrariwise the Canons of the Chapterhouse, and the other Religious men will not declare and show that the preacher whom they had hired, had taught any error or heresy, but were set only of malice, by violence to drive him away, they might not (said they) by any means suffer the same. Whereupon they desired the Senate with all humble obedience, that they would not require it of them, but grant them equity and justice, saying, that they were minded to assist their preacher always, and to plead his cause.

This answer the Senate commanded to be declared to the Chapterhouse. When as the religious sort understood that they could prevail little or nothing with their words, bursting out in a fury, they began to threaten, and there withal went straight unto the Archbyshop, to certify him how y ^e Citizens of Breme were become heretics, & would no longer obey their religious sort, with many other like things in their complaint, so that it was to be feared, least the whole City shortly should be seduced.

When the Bishop heard tell of these things, straightways he sent ii. which were of his counsel, unto Breme, requiring that Henry should be sent unto him without delay. Whē they were demanded why they would have him sent, they answered, because he preached against the holy Church. Being again demanded, in what pointes or articles, they had nothing to say. One of these counselors was the Bishops Suffragan, a naughty pernicious hypocrite, which sought all means possible to carry away the said Henry captive. Finally they received this answer of the Senators, that for so much as the preacher being hired by the Church wardens, had not hitherto been convict for an heretic, & that no mā had declared any erroneous or heretical article that he had taught, they said, they could by no means obtain of the Citizens that he should be carried away: Wherefore they earnestly desired the Bishop that he would speedily send his learned mē unto Breme, to dispute with him, & if he were convinced, they promised, without any delay that he should be justly punished, and sent away: if not, they would in no wise let him depart. Whereunto the Suffragan answered with a great protestation, requiring that he might be delivered into his hands, for the quietness of the whole country, taking God to his witness, that in this behalf, he sought for nothing else, but only the commodity of his country. But for all this, they could prevail nothing, for the Senate continued still in their former mind. Wherupō the Suffragan being moved with anger, departed from Breme, and would not confirm their children.

When he came unto the Bishop he declared the answer of the Senate, and what he had heard and learned of the Priests and Monks there. Afterward whē daily news came, that the preacher did still more & more preach & teach more heinous matter against the religious rout, they attempted another way, suborning great men to admonish the Citizens of Breme into what jeopardy their common wealth might fall by means of their Preacher, preaching contrary to the decree of the Pope and Emperor. Besides that, they said, that he was the prisoner of the Lady Margaret, for which cause they had gotten Letters of the Lady Margaret, requiring to have her prisoner sent unto her again.

All these crafts and subtleties did nothing at all prevail, for the Senate of Breme answered all things without blame. When as the Bishop saw this his enterprise also frustrate, he attempted another way, whereby he had certain hope, that both he, & also the word of God with him should be wholly oppressed. Whereupō they decreed a Provincial counsel, not to be holden at Breme, as it was accustomed, but at Bucstade, which place they thought most meet for their purpose.

To this Council were called all the Prelates & learned men of the Dioces, to determine what was to be believed, and whereto to trust.

Also to the said Council was Henry called, notwithstanding that they had already decreed to proceed against him, as against a manifest heretic, albeit he was not yet convict, nor had pleaded his cause before. Wherefore the rulers of the City, together with the commonality, detained him at home, foreseyng and suspectyng the malice of the Council. Then the said Henry gathered a sum of his doctrine into a few Articles, and sent it with his letters, unto the Archbyshop, excusing his innocency, offering him self to be ready, if he were convict of any error by the testimony of y ^e holy Scripture, he would be ready to recant y ^e same: notw ^t standing earnestly requiring, that his errors might be convicted by y ^e holy Scriptures, by the testimony whereof he had hitherto approved his doctrine & doubted not hereafter to cōfirm the same: but this took no place amongst those annointed prelates. What y ^e determinatiō of their judgment was, it may hereupon well be gathered, in that shortly after they set up vpō the Church porche the Bull of Pope Leo the x. & decree of the Emperor made at Wormes. Wherupon Henry contēnyng their madness, proceeded daily in preaching the Gospel, adding always this protestatiō, y ^t he was ready willingly to give account touching his faith & doctrine, to every mā that would require the same. In the mean time the holy Catholics could not be idle, but sent their chapleines unto every sermon, to trappe him in his words. But God, whose foot paths are in y ^e midst of y ^e floods, would have his marvelous power to be seen in thē, for he converted many of them: in so much that the greater part of those that were sent to hearken, did openlie witness his doctrine to be God's truth, against which no man could contend, and such as in all their lives before they had not heard, persuading them likewise, that they forsaking all impiety, should follow the word of God, and believe the same, if they would be saved. But the chief priests, canons and monks, were so indurate and blinded with Pharaoh, that they became the worse for these admonitions. When as God saw the time convenient that Henry should confirm the verity that he had preached, he sent him among the cruel murderers appointed for that slaughter, by this occasion as followeth.

It happened in the year of our Lord 1524. that this Henry was sent for by letters, by Nicholas Boye parish priest, and other faithful Christians of the parish of Meldorph, which is a town in Diethmar, to preach the Gospel unto them, and deliver them out of the bondage of Antichrist, which in that place had full dominion.

These letters being received upon S. Catherines even, calling together six brethren, honest Citizens, he opened the matter unto thē, how y ^t he was sent for by them of Diethmar, to preach y ^e Gospel: adding moreover that he was not only a debtor unto thē, but to all other which required his aid. Wherefore he thought good to go unto Diethmar, to see what God would work by him, requiring also that they would help him with their advice, by what means he might best take his journey, that no mā should know of it, that thereby he might not be letted or stopped: which thing without doubt had come to pass, if his purpose had been known to the people. Unto whom the citizens answered, desiring him that he would not depart for a time, for so much as y ^e Gospel had not yet taken so deep root in y ^e people, but was as yet weak, & specially in the villages thereabout, & that the persecution was very great, willing him also to have respect unto this, that he was by them called to the office of preaching, and if they of Diethmar desired a preacher, he should send some other in his place, for they had before perceived the disposition and untrustiness of them of Diethmar: besides that, it was not in their power to give him free liberty to depart, without the consent of the whole communaltie. Whereunto Henry made answer in this manner, that albeit he could not deny but that he was sent for by them: yet now there were many godly & learned men at Breme, whose labor they might use in his absence, in preaching of the Gospel. Besides that, the Papists were for the most parte vanquished and overthrown, and their folly known, even unto women and children, adding thereunto, that he had now preached the Gospel by the space of two years at Breme, and that they of Diethmar lived without a pastour even in the midst of the wolves, wherefore he could not with safe conscience deny their request. And whereas they alleged that they could not license him without the consent of the whole congregation, that (said he) was but of small effect, for so much as he would not utterly forsake them, but determined only to remain with them of Diethmar, for a month or two, to lay a foundation, and then to return again, desiring them, that after his departure, they would declare unto the congregation, how he was sent for by them of Diethmar, to whom he could not say nay: willing them also to excuse his sodeine departure, for that he was forced to depart secretly, because of his adversaries privily lyeng in wait in every place for him, thinking that he should scarcely avoid them, which had always gone about to bring him to his death. Finally, they should promise to the congregation in his name, that when he had performed his enterprise, he would straight return again. They being persuaded with these words, cōscented unto him, steadfastly hoping that they of Diethmar should be converted unto the true faith: which people above all other, have always been most given to Idolatry.

Having prepared all things toward his setting forth, the xxij. day of October, he took his journey, and came to Meldorphe, whither he was sent for: whereas he was joyfully received of the parish priest and other, as soon as he was come thither. Albeit he had not yet preached, the Devil with his members by and by began to freat and fume for anger. Above all other, one Augustine Torneborch, Prior of the Black friers, began to fume, who went out of hand unto master John Swicken his companion, and Commissary to the Officiall of Hamburge, to take counsel what was to be done, least they should loose their kingdom. Finally it was decreed by them, above all things to withstand the beginnings, that he should not have license to preach: for if by any means it happened that he preached, and the people should hear him, it was to be feared that the wickedness and craft of the Priests and Monks should be opened, which being made manifest, they knew plainly that it would be but a folly to resist, remembering what had happened lately before in Breme. This determination had, the Prior the next day early in the morning, (for he had not slept well all night for cares) went with great speed unto Heyda to speak with the 48. Presidēts of the country: unto whom with great complaints he shown, how that a seditious fellow a Monk, was come from Breme, which would seduce all the people of Diethmar, as he had done the Bremers. There was moreover that did assist this Prior, master Gunterus, Chancelor of that country, and Petrus Hannus, both enemies unto the Gospel. These two stoutly assisted the Prior, persuading the other 46. being simple and unlearned men, that they should obtain great favor and good will of the Bishop of Breme, if they would put this heretic monk to death. When these poor unlearned men heard these words, they decreed that this Monk should be put to death, neither heard, nor seen, much less convict.

Furthermore, this Prior obtained letters from the 48. Presidents unto the parish priest, commanding him under great penalty, that he should put the Monk out of his house, and command him to depart without preaching. With these letters he came speedily unto Meldorphe, and delivered the letters ouernight unto the parish Priest, trusting that by their threatenings and commandment, the said Henry should be feared from preaching, diligently watching whether he did preach or not.

When as the parish priest had read over the letters, he marueyled not a little at that proud commandment, for that it had not been heard of before, that the xlviij. Presidents should meddle with Ecclesiastical matters, and that it had been of long time used, that the ruling thereof should be in the hands of the parish priest: and long time before it was decreed by the whole province, and customably used, that in every church y ^e parish priest should have free liberty to receive or put out the preacher. These letters the parish priest delivered unto Henry: which when he had diligently looked over, he answered, that for so much as he was come, being sent for by y ^e whole cōgregatiō to preach the Gospel of Christ, he would satisfy that vocation, because he saw it would be acceptable unto the whole congregation, and that he ought rather to obey the word of God, then mā: Also y ^t if it pleased God that he should lose his life in Diethmar, there was as near a way to heaven, as in any other place, for that he doubted nothing at all, y ^t once he must suffer for y ^e Gospels sake. Upon this courage and boldness, the next day Henry went up into the Pulpit, and made a Sermon, expounding the place of Paul, which is, Rom. 1. Testis est mihi Deus, &c. That is, God is my witness: and the Gospel of the day. After the Sermon was done, the whole congregation being called together, the Prior delivered the letters that were sent by the 48. Presidents, the tenor whereof was this: that they of Meldorph should be fined with a fine of a thousand gildrens, if they suffered the Monk to preach: and commanded moreover, that they should send ambassadors unto Heida, with full power and authority. When they heard these letters read, they were much moved, because they were so charged contrary to the custom of the country, for so much as every parish priest hath always had authority, according to his discretion, to choose or put away the preacher. Briefly they all determined with one voice, to keep Henry for their preacher, and to defend him: for when they had heard the Sermon, they were greatly offended with the Prior.

After dinner Henry preached again, expounding y ^e place of S. Paul Rom. 15. Debemus nos qui potentes sumus, &c. We ought which are strong, &c. The next day the Citizens of Meldorphe sent their messengers unto Heyda, offering to answer in all causes before all men, for their preacher, whom they had received. Besides that, the messengers declared what Christian & godly Sermons they heard him preach. The parish priest also wrote letters by the said Legates unto the 48. rulers, wherein he excused himself, that it was never his mind, nor the intent of the said Henry to move sedition, but only sincerely to preach y ^e word of God, and offered himself ready to answer for the said Henry to all mē, whensoever he should be called, most earnestly desiring them not to give credit unto y ^e Monks, which being blinded with hatred & avarice, had fully determined to oppress y ^e truth: saying moreover, that it was against all reason, that a man should be condemned, before the truth be tried out, and his cause declared, and if after due inquisitiō had, he should be convict, then he should suffer cōdigne punishment. This submission with y ^e public testimonial, was nothing esteemed or regarded, neither was there any answer given thereunto, but every man repined & murmured thereat. Last of all, one Peter Dethleues, one of the Seniors answered: that albeit there were diverse dissensions in every place about the Christian faith; and that they as men ignorant, could not redress the same, yet this their sentence should be holden and ratified: which was, that the judgment of determining this dissension, should be reserved to the next Council, which by the report of master Chancelor, was now in hand to be called and gathered. Also until all discord and dissension should be appeased, whatsoever was received and believed by their neighbors, he promised in the name of the rest, that they would willingly receive and believe the same: So that if the word of God hath not hitherto been clearly and sincerely preached (as they said) unto y ^e people, and that there be now some which can teache and preach the same more sincerely, it is not their mind or intent to withstand or resist their good doings, but that the presidents would wish this one thing diligently to be taken heed of, that there be no occasion given by any man to move sedition, and in the mean time he commanded all men quietly to give over all matters until Easter next, and by that time it should be made evident what should be received, and what left undone. With this answer they were all very well contented, and the messengers returned again to Meldorphe with great joy and gladness, declaring to the whole congregation what answer was made, conceiving a sure hope that the matter would shortly come to pass.

Upon S. Nicholas day, this Henry preached twice, first upon the Gospel Homo quidam nobilis, &c. A certain noble man, &c. Secondly upon this text, Plures facti sunt sacerdotes, &c. There are many made Priests, &c. with such a spirit and grace, that all men had him in admiration, praieng God most earnestly that they might long have such a preacher. Upon the day of the conception of our Lady, he also made two Sermons upon the first chapter of Matthew, expounding the book of the generation, wherein he rehearsed the promises made by God unto our forefathers, and under what faith our fathers that then were, had lived, adding also that all respect of works being set apart, we must be justified by the same faith. All these things were spoken with such boldness of spirit, that all mē greatly marvelled at him, giving thanks to God for his great mercy, that had sent them such a Preacher, desiring him moreover that he would tarry with them all Christmas to preach, for they feared least he should be sent for to some other place.

In the mean space, the Prior and master John Schinke were not idle, for when the Prior perceived that his malicious enterprise took no good success, he adjoined unto him a companion, William, a Doctor of the Iacobines, and so went up to Laudanum, to the Monks, Franciscans, and Minors, for help and counsel. For those kinds of Friers above all other, are best instruct by their hypocrisy, to deceive the poor and simple people. These Friers streightwaies sent for certain of the rulers, which had all the rule and authority, and specially Peter Hannus, Peter Swine, and Nicholas Roden, unto whom they declared, after their accustomed manner, with great complaints, what an heretic Monk had preached, and how he had obtained the favor almost of all the simple people, which if they did not speedily provide for and withstand the beginnings, and put the heretic to death, it would come to pass, that shortly the honor of our Lady and all Saints, together with the two Abbeys, should utterly come to ruin and decay.

When these simple & ignorant men heard these words, they were greatly moved. Whereunto Peter Swine answered thus, that they had before written unto the parish priest & to Henry, what was best to be done, notwithstanding if they thought good, they would write again. No, said y ^e Prior, this matter must be attempted another way, for if you write unto the heretic, he will by and by answer you again. And it is to be feared, least the contagion of his heresy do also infect you, being unlearned men: for if you give him leave to speak, and to answer, there is no hope that you shall overcome him. Wherefore they finally determined to take this Henry by night, and burn him, before the people should know it, or he come to his defense to answer. This devise pleased all mē, but specially the Franciscane Friers. Petrus Hannus the Priors chief friend, willing to get the chief praise and thanks of this matter, by the help of master Gunter, did associate unto him certain other rulers of the towns near adioining, whose names are here not to be hidden, because they so much affected praise and glory. The names of the Presidentes were these, Petrus Hannus, Peter Swines son, Hennicke Lūdane, John Holneus, Laurence Hannemanus, Nicholas Weslingbourgus, Ambrose & John Brenthusius, Marquardus Kremmerus, Henstedanus Ludekus, Johannnes Weslingus, and Petrus Grossus, President of Himmigstate. All these Presidentes & all other that were of Council to this pretence, assembled together in the Parish of the new Church, in the house of master Gunter, where also the Chancelor was consultyng together with thē, how they might burn the said Henry, secretly coming upon him without any judgment or sentence. They concluded the next day after the conception of our Lady, to meet at Hennyng, which is v. mile frō Meldorphe, with a great band of husbādmen. This determination this made, they laid scoutes in every place, that there should no news of their pretēsed mischiefs come unto Meldorphe, cōmaundyng that as soon as it began to wax dark, they should all gather together. There assembled above v. C. mē of the country, unto whom was declared the cause of their assemble, & also they were instructed what was to be done, for before no mā knew the cause of the assemble, but only the Presidentes. When the husbandmē understood it, they would have returned back again, refusing to do such a detestable and horrible deed. The Presidentes with most bitter threats, kept them in obedience, & to the intent they should be the more courageous, they gave them three barrels of Hamborow beer to drink.

About midnight they came in armor to Meldorphe. The Iacobines and Monks prepared torches for them, that Henry should not slip away suddenly in the dark. They had also with them a false betrayer, named Hennegus, by whose treason they had perfect knowledge of all things. With great violence they burst into the house of the Parish Priest, breaking & spoylyng all things, as the manner of that drunken people is. If they found either gold or silver, they took it away. When they had spoiled all things, they violently fell upon the Parish Priest, & with great noise cried out, kill the thief, kill the thief. Some of them took him by the hear of the head and pulled him out into the dirt, forcyng him to go with them as prisoner: other some cried out, saying that y ^e Parish Priest was not to be meddled withal, for they had no commission to take him. After they had satisfied their lust upon the Parishe Priest, with great rage and fury they ran vpō Henry, and drawing him naked out of his bed, bound his hands hard behind him: whō being so bound, they drew to and fro so long, that Peter Hannus, which otherwise was vnmercyfull & a cruel persecutor of the word of God, willed thē that they should let him alone, for y ^t without doubt, he would follow of his own mind. Then they committed the guidyng of him to John Balco, who rather drew him by violence, thē led him. When he was brought to Hemmingsted, they asked of him how and for what intent he came to Diethmar. Unto whom he gently declared the whole cause of his coming: but they all in a rage cried out. Away with him, away with him, for if we hear him talk any longer, it is to be feared, that he will make us also heretics. Then he being marvelous weary and faint, required to be set a horseback, for his feet were all cut and hurt with the yse, because he was led all night barefoot. When they heard him say so, they mocked & laughed at him, say • ng, must we hire a horse for an heretic? He shall go a foot whether he will or no. Because it was night, they carried him naked unto Heyda. Afterward they brought him to a certain mans house named Calden, & bound him there with chains in the stocks. The master of the house seeing the cruel deed, taking compassion upon Henry, would not suffer it to be done. Wherefore he was carried away to the Priests house, the Officials servant of Hamburge, & shut up in a cupboard, & was kept by the rude people, which all the night mocked & scorned him. Amongest all other there came unto him, Simon in Altenuord, & Christian Parish Priest of the new Church, both alike ignorant & wicked persecutors of the word of God, demaundyng of him why he had forsaken his holy habit. Unto whom he friendly answered by the Scriptures, but those ignorant persons understood nothing what he said. Master Gunterus also came unto him, enquiring whether he had rather to be sent to the Bishop of Breme, or receive his punishment in Diethmar. Unto whom Henry answered, if I have preached any thing contrary to God's word, or done any wicked act, it is in their hands to punish me therefore. Gunterus answered. Harke I pray you friends, bark, he desireth to suffer in Diethmar. The common people all the night continued drinking and swillyng.

In the morning about viii. of the clock, they gathered together in y ^e market place to consult what they should do. There the rusticall people boiling with drink, cried out, burn him, burn him, to the fire with the heretic. Without doubt, if we do it, we shall this day obtain great glory and praise both of God and man, for the longer he liveth, the more he will seduce with his heresy. What need many words? Sure he was to die, for they had condemned this good Henry without any judgment, (his cause not being heard) to be burned. At last they commanded the Crier to proclaim, that every man that was at the taking of him, should be ready in armor to bring him forth to the fire. Amongest all other, the Frier Franciscans were present, encouraging the drunken rude people, saying, now ye go the right way to work. Then they bound the said Henry, hands, feet, and neck, and with great noise brought him forth to the fire. As he passed by, a certain woman standing in her door, beholding that pitiful sight, wept abundantly. Unto whom Henry turning himself, said, I pray you weep not for me. When he came to the fire, for very weakness he sat down upon the ground. By and by there was present one of the Presidents named Maye, which was evidently known to be corrupted and bribed with money, to this purpose: he condemned the said Henry to be burned, pronouncing this sentence upon him.

For so much as this thief hath wickedly preached against the worship of our blessed Lady, by the commandment and sufferance of our reverend father in Christ, the Bishop of Breme, and my Lord, I condemn him here to be burned and consumed with fire. Unto whom Henry answered, I have done no such thing: and lifting up his eyes towards the heaven, he said, O Lord forgive them, for they offend ignorantly, not knowing what they do. Thy name, O almighty God, is holy.

In the mean time, a certain woman, the wife of one Iunger, sister of Peter Hannus, offered hir self to suffer a thousand stripes, and to give them much money, so that they would pacify the matter, and keep him in prison, until that he might plead his matter before the whole convocation of the country. When they heard these words, they waxed more mad, and threw the woman down under feet, and trode vpō her, and beat the said Henry unmercifully. One of the rusticall sort, strake him behind on the head with a sharp daggar. John Holmes of the new Church strake him with a Mace. Othersome thrust him in the back, and in the arms. And this was not done once or twice, but as often as he began to speak. Master Gunter cried out, encouraging them, saying: Go to boldly good fellows, truly God is with us present.

After this he brought a Franciscane Frier unto Henry, y ^t he should be confessed. Whom Henry demanded in this manner: Brother, when have I done you injury, either by word or deed, or when did I ever provoke you to anger? Never, said the frier. What should I then confess unto you, said he, that you think you might forgive me? The Frier being moved at these words, departed. The fire as often as it was kindled, would not burn. Notwithstanding they satisfied their minds upon him, striking & pricking him with all kind of weapons. The said Henry standing in the mean time in his shyrt before all this rude people, at the last they having gotten a great ladder, bound him hard thereunto, and cast him into the fire. And whē he began to pray, & to repeat his Creed, one strake him vpō the face with his fist, saying, thou shalt first be burnt, and afterward pray & prate as much as thou wilt. Then another treading upon his breast, bound his neck hard to a step of the ladder, that the blood gushed out of his mouth and nose. This was done to strangle him withal, for they saw, that for all his sore wounds, he would not die.

After he was bound to the ladder, he was set upright. Then one running unto him, set his halbard for the ladder to lean against (for those countrymen use no commō hangman, but every mā exerciseth the office without difference) but the ladder slipping away from the point of the halbard, caused that the halbard strake him through the body. Then they cast this good man with ladder and all upon the wood, which tumbling down, light upon the one side. Then John Holmeus ran unto him, & strake him with a mace upon the breast, till he was dead, and stirred no more. Afterward they roasted him upon the coles, for the wood as aftē as it was set on fire, would not burn out. And thus this godly preacher finished his martyrdom, which was, ann. 1524. Ex Epist. Mart. Luth.

About the same time, many other godly persons, & such as feared God, for the testimony of the Gospel, were thrown into the river of Rhene, and into other rivers, where their bodies afterward were found, and taken up. Also in the said Town of Diethmar, another faithful Saint of God, named John, suffered the like martyrdom. Thus these two blessed and constant Martyrs, as two shining lights set up of God, in testimony of his truth, offered up the sacrifice of their confession, sealed with their blood, in a sweet odor unto God.

At the Town of Hala, likewise another preacher, named M. George, for ministering in both kinds, was martyred and slain of a like sort of cutchrotes, set up by monks and friers to murder him, near to the town called Haschemburge. Ex Crisp. & Pantal.

At Prague also in Bohemia, another for changing his Monkerie into Matrimony, did suffer in like manner. Ex Lud. Rab.

Furthermore, in the same year of our Lord above mentioned 1524. and 22. of Octob. the Town of Miltenberge in Germany was taken and ransacked, and diverse of the inhabitants there slain, and many imprisoned for maintaining and keeping with them Carolostadius, to be their preacher. Ex Raba. & Pantal.

In the same catalogue of holy Martyrs, likewise is to be placed Gaspar Tamber. Also another called Georgius, a Scrivener, which both wer burned at Vienna in Austria.

The lamentable martyrdom of John Clerke of Melden in France.

MElden is a city in France x. miles distant from Paris, where John Clerke first was apprehended & takē, ann. 1523. for setting up upon the Church door, a certain Bill against the Popes pardons lately sent thither from Rome, in which Bill he named the Pope to be Antichrist. For the which his punishment was this, that three several days he should be whipped, & afterward have a mark imprinted in his forehed, as a note of infamy. His mother being a christiā womā, although her husband was an adversary, when she beheld her son thus pitiously scourged, and ignominiously deformed in the face, constantly & boldly did encourage her son, crying with a loud voice. Blessed be Christ, and welcome be his printes and marks.

After this execution and punishment sustained, the said John departed that town, and went to Roisie in Bry, & from thence removed to Metz in Lotharing, where he remained a certain space, applyeng his vocation, being a Wollecarder by his occupation. Whereas he, the day before that the people of that city should go out to the suburbs to worship certain blind idols near by (after an old use and custom amongst them received) being inflamed with the zeal of God, went out of the City to the place where the Images were, and brast them all down in pieces. The next morrow after, when y ^e Canons, Priests, & Monks, keeping their old custom, had brought with them the people out of the City, to the place of Idolatry, to worship as they were wont, they found all their blocks and stocks almighty, lie broken upon the ground. At the sight whereof they being mightily offended in their minds, set all the City on a gog to search out the author thereof. Who was not hard to be found: for so much as this foresaid Clerke, besides that he was noted of them to be a man much addicted that way, he was also seen somewhat late in the evening before, to come from the same place into the City. Wherefore he being suspected, and examined vpō the same, at first confessed the fact, rendering also the cause, which moved him so to do. The people hearing this, and being not yet acquainted with that kind of doctrine, were moved marvelously against him, crying out upon him in a great rage. Thus his cause being infourmed to the Judges, wherein he defended the pure doctrine of the son of God, he was condemned, and led to the place of executiō, where he sustained extreme torments: For first his hand was cut off from his right arm: then his nose with sharp pinsons was violently plucked from his face: after that both his arms, and his paps were likewise plucked and drawn with the same instrument. To all them that stood looking upon, it was an horror to behold the grievous and doleful sight of his pains: again to behold his patience, or rather the grace of God giving him the gift so to suffer, it was a wonder. Thus quietly and constantly he endured in his torments, pronouncing, or in a manner singing the verses of the 115. Psal. Simulacra eorum sunt argentum & aurum, &c. Their Images be silver and gold, the work only of man's hand, &c. The residue of his life that remained in his rent body, was committed to the fire, and therewith consumed: which was about the year of our Lord 1524. Ex Plant. & Crisp.

John Castellane.

THe year next ensuing, which was 1525. master John Castellane borne at Tourney, a Doctor of Divinity, after that he was called unto y ^e knowledge of God, and became a true preacher of his word, and had preached in France, in a place called Barleduc, also at Uittery in Partoise, at Chalon in Champaine, and in the town of Uike, which is the Chamber and Episcopal Seat of the Bishop of Metz in Loraine, after he had laid some foundation of the doctrine of the Gospel in the town of Metz, in returning from thence he was taken prisoner by the Cardinal of Loraines servants, by whom he was carried from Gorze to the Castell of Nommeny: whereupon the citizens of Merz took no little displeasure and greeuance, who being grievously offended to have their preacher so to be apprehended and imprisoned, within short space after took certain of the Cardinals subjects, and kept them prisoners so long, until the Abbot of S. Antonies in Uiennois, called Theodore de Chaumont, vicar general, as well in causes spiritual, as temporal, through the jurisdiction both of the Cardinal, and Bishopric of Metz, Tollouse and Uerdune, being furnished with a letter & commission from the See of Rome, came to the said town of Metz, and after diverse declarations made to the Prouost, and the other Justices and Counsellers of the City, he so wrought and brought to pass, that immediately the said subjects of the Cardinal were set at liberty. But John Castellane was kept still prisoner in the Castell of Nommeny, and was most cruelly handled, from the time of the fourth day of May, until the twelfth day of January: during all which time he persevered constant in y ^e doctrine of the son of God. Wherupon he was carried from Nommeny, to the town and Castell of Uike, always persevering constantly in the profession of the same doctrine, so that they did proceed unto the sentence of his degradation, that he might be delivered over unto the secular power, according to the custom and manner. And for so much as the form and manner of the sentence and process of disgrading is notable, and hath been reported unto us word for word, we have thought good here to annex the same, to declare the horrible blasphemies joined with gross and brutish subtlety, in those high mysteries which the enemies of the truth do use in their process against the children of God, whereby every man, even the most ignorant, may evidently perceive the horrible blindness, that these unshamefast Catholics are blinded withal.

The sentence of the degradation.

COncerning the process inquisitorie, fourmed and given in form of accusation against thee John Castellane, priest and religious man of the fryer Eremites of the order of S. Augustine: understanding likewise thy confession which thou hast made of thine own good will, maintaining false and erroneous doctrine: and marking also besides this, the godly admonitions, and charitable exhortations which we made unto thee in the town of Metz, which thou like unto the serpent Aspis, hast refused, and given no ear unto: also considering thine answers made and reiterate unto our interrogatories, by means of thine oath, in the which diuelishly thou hast hidden and kept back, not only the truth, but also following the example of Cain, hast denied to confess thy sins and mischievous offense: and finally hearing the great number of witnesses, sworn and examined against thee, their persons and depositions diligently considered, and all other things worthy of consideration, being justly examined: the reverend master Nicholas Sauin, doctor of divinity, and inquisitour of the faith, assistaunt unto us, hath entered process against thee, and given full information thereof: this our purpose and intent being also communicate unto diverse Maysters and Doctors both of the Ciuile and Canon laws here present, which have subscribed and signed hereunto, whereby it appeareth that thou John Castellane hast oftentimes and in diverse places openly and manifestly spread abroad and taught many erroneous propositions, full of the heresy of Luther, contrary and against the Catholic faith, and the verity of the Gospel, and the holy Apostolic see, and so accursedly looked back, & turned thy face, that thou art found to be a liar before Almighty God. It is ordained by the sacred rules of the Canon law, that such as through the sharp darts of their venomous tongue, do pervert the Scriptures, and go about with all their power to corrupt and infect the souls of the faithful, should be punished and corrected with most sharp correction, to the ende that others should be afraid to attempt the like, and apply themselves the better to the study of Christian concord, through the examples set before their eyes, as well of severity▪ as of clemency. For these causes and others rising upon the said process, by the Apostolic authority, and also the authority of our said reverend Lord the Cardinal, which we do use in this our sentence definitive, which we sitting in our judgment seat, declare in these writings, having God only before our eyes, and surely considering, that what measure we do meat unto other, the same shall be measured to us again: we pronounce and declare sent̄tially and diffinitiuely, thee John Castellane, being here present before us, and judge thee because of thy deserts, to be excommunicate with the most great excommunication, and therewithal to be culpable of treason against the divine majesty, and a mortal enemy of the Catholic faith, and verity of the Gospel: also to be a manifest heretic, & a folower & partaker of the execrable cruelty of Martin Luther, a stirrer up of old heresies already condemned, and therefore, as thou oughtest to be deposed and deprived of all Priestly honor and dignity, of all thy orders, of thy shaving, & religious habit: also of thy Ecclesiastical benefices, if thou hast any, and from all privilege of the Clergy: so we here presently do depose, deprive, and separate thee as a rotten member, from the communion and company of all the faithful, and being so deprived, we judge that thou oughtest to be actually disgraded: that done, we leave thee unto the secular powers, committyng the degradation and actual execution of this our sentence, unto the reverend Lord and Bishop here present, with the authority and commandment aforesaid.

This sentence being thus ended, with their Catholic Sermon also, the said Bishop of Nicopolis sitting in his pontificalibus, in the judgment seat, being Suffragan of Metz, with the clergy, nobles and people about him, proceeded to the disgradyng (as they call it) of the said master John Castellane. Thus the said master John Castellane being made ready to his degradation by the officers of the said Bishop, was appareled in his Priestly attire, and afterward brought forth of the Chapel by the Priests, which were thereunto appointed, with all his priestly ornaments upon him, and holding his hands together, he kneeled down before the Bishop. Then the officers gave him the chalice in his hands with wyne & water, the patine, & the host: all which things the said bysh. which disgraded him, took frō him, saying, we take away frō thee, or command to be takē frō thee, all power to offer sacrifice unto God, & to say Mass as well for y ^e quick, as the dead.

Moreover, y ^e Bysh. scraped y ^e nails of both his hands with a piece of glass, saying: By this scrapyng we take away frō thee all power to sacrifice, to consecrate, & to bless, which thou hast received by the annoyntyng of thy hands. Then he took from him the Chesille, saying: by good right we do dispoyle thee of this priestly ornament, which signifieth charity: for certainly y ^u hast forsakē the same, & all innocence. Then taking away the stole, he said: Thou hast vilanously rejected & despised the sign of our Lord, which is represented by this stole: wherefore we take it away frō thee, and make thee unable to exercise and use the office of Priesthood, & all other things apperteinyng to Priesthood. The degradation of y ^e order of Priesthood being thus ended, they proceeded to the order of Deacon. Thē the ministers gave him the book of the Gospels, which the Bysh. took away, saying: we take away from thee all power to read y ^e Gospels in the Church of God, for it appertaineth only to such as are worthy. After this he spoiled him of the Dalmatike, which is the vesture that the Decons use, saying: we deprive thee of this Levitical order: for so much as thou hast not fulfilled thy ministry & office. After this the bysh. took away the stole frō behind his back, saying: we justly take away from thee the white stole which thou haddest received vndefiledly, which also thou oughtest to have borne in the presence of our Lord: and to the end that the people dedicate unto the name of Christ, may take by thee example, we prohibit thee anymore to exercise or use the office of Deaconshyp. Then they proceeded to the disgradyng of Subdeaconshyp, & taking away from him the book of the Epistles, & his Subdeacons vesture, deposed him from reading of the Epistles in the Church of God: & so orderly proceeding unto all the other orders, disgraded him from the order of Benet and Collet, from the order of Exorcist, from the Lectorshyp, and last of all, frō the office of Doorekeeper, taking frō him the keys, & cōmaundyng him hereafter not to opē or shut the Reuestry, nor to ring anymore belles in the Church. That done, the bysh. went forward to disgrade him from his first shaving, & taking away his Surplice, said unto him, by y ^e authority of God almighty, the father, the son, & the holy ghost, & by our authority, we take from thee all Clerkely habit, and dispoyle thee of all ornament of religion: Also we depose and disgrade thee of all order, benefit, & privilege of the Clergy, & as one unworthy of that profession, we commit thee to the servitude & ignominy of the secular estate. Thē the Bishop took the sheeres, and began to clyp his head, saying in this manner, we cast thee out as an vnthākfull child of the Lord's heritage, whereunto thou wast called, and take away from thy head, the crown, which is the royal sign of Priesthood, through thine own wickedness and malice. The Bishop also added these words, that which thou hast song with thy mouth, thou hast not believed with thy heart, nor accomplished in work, wherefore we take from thee the office of singing in the Church of God.

The disgrading thus ended, the procurator fiscall of the Court and city of Metz, required of the Notary an instrument or copy of the disgrading. Then the ministers of the Bishop turned him out of his clerkely habit, and put upon him the apparel of a secular man. That done, for so much as he which is disgraded, according to the institution of Pope Innocent the third, ought to be delivered unto the secular court, the Bishop that disgraded him, proceeded no further, but said in this manner, we pronounce that the secular court shall receive thee into their charge, being thus disgraded of all clerkly honor and privilege.

This done, the Bishop, after a certain manner, entreated the secular Judge for him, saying: My Lord Judge, we pray you as heartily as we can, for the love of God, and the contemplatiō of tender pity & mercy, and for y ^e respect of our prayers, that you will not in any point do anything that shall be hurtful unto this miserable man, or tending to his death, or maiming of his body. These things thus done, the secular Judge of the town of Uike, confirming the foresaid sentence, condemned the said master John Castellane, to be burned quick: which death he suffered the xii. day of January 1525. with such a constancy, that not only a great company of ignorant people were thereby drawn to the knowledge of the verity, but also a great number which had already some taste thereof, were greatly confirmed by that his constant and valiant death.

It would fill another volume to comprehend the acts & stories of all them, which in other countries at the rising of the Gospel, suffered for the same. But praised be y ^e Lord, every Region almost hath his own history writer, which sufficiently hath discharged that part of duty, as everyone in matters of his own country is best acquainted: wherefor I shall the less need to ouerstraine my travail, or to overcharge this volume therewith. Only it shall suffice me to collect iii. or iv histories, recorded by Oecolampadius and the rest to bring into a brief table, & so returning, to occupy myself w ^t our own domestical matters, here done at home.

An answer again of the Tygurines to the Letter aforesaid.

FIrst, declaring how their Ministers had labored and travailed amongst them, teaching and preaching the word of God unto thē the space now of v. years. Whose doctrine at the first, seemed to them very strange and nouelle, because they never heard the same before. But after that they understood and perceived, the scope of that doctrine only to tend to this, to set forth Christ Jesus unto us to be the pillar and refuge of all our salvation, which gave his life and blood for our redemption and which only delivered us also sinful misers from eternal death, and is the only Advocate of mankind before God: they could no otherwise do, but with ardent affection receive so wholesome and joyful message.

The holy Apostles, and faithful Christians, after they had received the Gospel of Christ, did not fall out by and by in debate and variunce, but lovingly agreed and consented together: and so they trusted (said they) that they should do, if they would likewise receive the word of God, setting aside men's doctrines and traditions dissonant from the same.

Whatsoever Luther, or any other mā doth teach, whether it be right or wrong, it is not for the names of the persons, why the doctrine which they teach should be either evil or well judged upon, but only for that it agreeth or disagreeth from the rule of God's word: for that were but to go by affection, and were prejudicial to the authority of the word of God: which ought to rule man, and not to be measured by man.

And if Christ only be worshipped, and mē taught, solely to repose their confidence in him, yet neither doth the blessed Virgin, nor any Saint elles receive any injury thereby, who being here in earth received their salvation only by the name of him.

And where as they charge their Ministers with wrastyng the Scripture after their own interpretation, God had stirred up such light now in the hearts of mē, that the most part of their City, have the Bible in their hand, and diligently peruse the same: so that their Preachers cā not so wind the Scriptures awry, but they shall quickly be perceived. Wherefore there is no danger, why they should fear any sects, or factions in them: but rather such sects are to be objected to those, who for their gain and dignity, wrast the word of God after their own affections and appetites.

And where as they and other have accused them of error, yet was there never man, that could prove any error in them: Although diverse Bishops of Constance, of Basel, of Curiake, with diverse Universities besides: also they themselves, have been sundry times desired so to do, yet to this present day, neither they, nor ever any other so did, neither were they, nor any of all the foresaid Bishops, at their last assemble, being requested to come, so gentle to repair unto them, save only the Schashusians, and Sangallians. In the which foresaid assemble of theirs, all such as were then present, considering thoroughly the whole case of the matter, condescended together with them.

And if the Bishops happily will object again and say: that the word of God ought not so to be handled of the vulgare people: they answered the same not to stand with equity and reason. For albeit it did belong to the Bishops office, to provide that the sheep should not go astray, and most convenient it were, that by them they should be reduced into the way again: yet because they will not see to their charge, but leave it undone, referring all things to the fathers, and to Councils, therefore right and reason it is, that they themselves should hear and learn, not what man doth determine, but what Christ himself doth command in his Scripture. Neither have their Ministers given any occasion of this division, but rather it is to be imputed to such, which for their own private lucre and preferments, contrary to the word of the Lord, do seduce the people into error, and grievously offending God, do provoke him to plague them with manifold calamities. Who, if they would renounce the greediness of their own gain, and would follow the pure doctrine of his word, seeking not the will of man, but what is the will of God, no doubt but they should soon fall to agreement.

As for the eating of flesh and eggs, although it be free to all men, and forbidden to none by Christ: yet they have set forth a law, to restrain rash intemperance, and uncharitable offension of other.

And as touching matrimony, God is himself the author thereof, who hath left it free for all men. Also Paul willeth a Minister of the Church to be the husband of one wife.

And seeing that Bishops for money permit their Priests to have concubines, which is contrary both to God's law, and to good example: why then might not they as well obey God in permitting lawful matrimony, which he hath ordained, as they to resist God in forbidding the same? The like is to be said also of women vowing chastity: of whom this they judge and suppose, that such kind of vows and coacted chastity, are not auaylable nor allowed before God: and seeing that chastity is not all men's gift, better it were to marry (after their judgments) then filthely to live in single life.

As for Monasteries, and other houses of Canons, they were first given for relief only of the poor and needy, where as now they which inhabit them, are wealthy and able to live of their own patrimony, in such sort, as many times someone of them hath so much, as well might suffice a great number: Wherefore it seemeth to them, not inconvenient that those goods should be converted again to the use of the poor: Yet nevertheless they have used herein such moderation, that they have permitted the inhabitants of those monasteries to enjoy the possessions of their goods, during the term of their natural life, least any should have cause of just complaint.

Ornamentes of Churches serve nothing to God's service: but this is well agreeing to the will and service of God, that the poor should be succoured. So Christ commanded the young man in the Gospel, that was rich, not to hang up his riches in the temple, but to sell them, and distribute them to the needy.

The order of priesthood they do not contemn. Suche priests as will truly discharge their duty, & teach soundly, they do magnify. As for the other rabble, which serve to no public commodity, but rather damnify the common wealth, if the number of them were diminished by little and little, & their livings put to better use, they doubted not, but it wer a service well done to God. Now whether the singing and prayers of such Priests be auaylable before God, it may be doubted, for as much as many of thē understand not what they say or sing, but only for hire of wages do the same.

As for secrete confession, wherein men do detect their sins in the Priests ear, of what virtue this confession is to be esteemed, they leave it in suspense. But that confession, whereby repenting sinners do fly to Christ our only intercessor, they recount not only to be profitable, but also necessary to all troubled consciences. As for satisfaction, which Priests do use, they reckon it but a practice to get money, and the same to be not only erroneous, but also full of impiety. True penance and satisfaction is for a man to amend his life.

The orders of Monkery come only by the invention of man, and not by the institution of God.

And as touching the Sacraments, such as be of the Lord's institution, thē they do not despise but receive with all reverence, neither do suffer the same to be despised of any person, nor to be abused otherwise then becometh: but to be used rightly according to the prescript rule of God's word. And so with the like reverence, they use the Sacrament of the Lord's supper, according as the word prescribeth, not as many do abuse it, to make of it an oblation and a sacrifice.

And if the messengers sent to them of the Clergy in their letters mentioned, can justly charge them with any hindrance, or any error, they will be ready either to purge themselves, or to satisfy the offense. And if they cannot, then reason would, that those messengers of the Clergy should hereafter look better to their own doings, and to their doctrine, and to cease from such untrue sclaunders and contumelies.

Finally, where as they understand by their letters how desirous they are to have the Popes oppressions, and exactions, and usurped power abolished, they are right glad thereof and joyful, supposing that the same can by no means be brought to pass, except the word of God only and simply be received. For otherwise, so long as men's laws and constitutions shall stand in force, there will be no place nor hope of reformation. For by the preaching of God's word their estimation and dignity must needs decay: and that they well perceive, and therefore by all means do provide, how to stop the course of the word: and because they see themselves too weak to bring their purpose about, they fly to the aid of Kings and Princes. For the necessary remedy whereof, if they shall think good to join their consent, there shall nothing be lacking in their behalf, what they are able either in counsel or goods, to do in the matter, declaring moreover that this should have been seen too long before. Which being so, they prayed and desired them to accept in good parte, and diligently to expend this that they did write. As for their own parte, they required nothing else more then peace both between them, and all men. Neither was it ever their intent to stir anything that should be prejudicial against their league and bande agreed upon between them. But in this cause, which concerneth their eternal salvation, they can do no otherwise, but as they have done, unless their error by learning might be proved and declared unto them.

Wherefore as they did before, so now they desire again, that if they think this their doctrine to be repugnant to the holy Scripture, they will gently show and teach them their error, and that before the end of the month of May next ensuing: for so long they will abide waiting for an answer, as well from them, as from the Bishop of Constance, and also from the University of Basel. And thus much containeth the answer of the Tigurines, unto the letter of their other colleagues of Heluetia.

In the mean time, as this passed on, and the month of May above mentioned was now come, the Bishop of Constance, with the advise of his Council about him, did answer the Tigurines as he was requested of them to do, in a certain book, first written, and afterward printed: wherein he declareth what Images and pictures those were, which the profane Jews and Gentiles in the old time did adore, and what Images be these which the Church hath from time to time received and admitted, and what difference there is between those Idols of the Jews & Gentiles, and these Images of the Christians. The conclusion hereof was this, that where as the Scripture speaketh against Images, and willeth them not to be suffered, that is to be understand of such Images and Idols, as the Jews and Idolatrous Gentiles did use: yet nevertheless such Images & pictures, which the Church hath received, are to be used and retained.

From this, he entereth next into the discourse of the Mass, where he proveth by diverse and sundry testimonies, both of the Popes Canons and Councils, the Mass to be a sacrifice and oblation.

This book being thus compiled and written, he sent it unto the senate of Zurich, about the beginning of June, willing and exhorting them by no manner of means, to suffer their images, or the mass to be abrogated, and shortly after, he published the said book in Print, & sent it to the Priests and Canons of the Minster of Zurich, requiring them to follow the custom of the Church received, and not to suffer themselves otherwise to be persuaded by any mā.

The Senate again answering to the Bishops book, about the middle of August did write unto him: first declaring that they had read over & over again his book, with all diligence: The which book for so much as the Bishop had diuulged abroad in printe, they were thereof right glad because the whole world thereby might judge between thē the better. After this they explained unto him the judgment and doctrine of their ministers and preachers: and finally by the authority & testimonies of the Scripture convinced his opinion, and proved the doctrine of his book to be false. But before they sent their answer to him, about the 13. day of June, they commanded all the images as well within the City, as through their dominion, to be taken down and burned quietly and without any tumult. A few months after, an order was taken in the said City of Zurich, between the Canons of the church, and city, for disposing the lands and possessions of the College.

It would grow to a long discourse, to comprehend all things by order of circumstance, that happened among the Heluetians vpō this new alteration of religion: but briefly to contract, and to run over the chief specialties of the matter, here is first to be noted, that of the Heluetians, which were confederate together in 13. Pages, chiefly six there were, which most disdained and maligned this religion of the Tigurines: to wit, Lucernates, Urani, Suitenses, Unterualdij, Tugiani, Friburgenses: These in no case could be reconciled. The rest shown thenselves more favorable. But the other, which were their enemies, conceived great grudge, & raised many sclaunderous reports and false rumors against them, and laid diverse things to their charge, as first for refusing to join their consent to the public league of the other Pages, with Frances the french king: then for dissenting from them in religion: and thirdly for refusing to stand to the Popish decree made the year before at Ratisborne, by Ferdinandus and other bishops above mentioned, pag. 838. They laid moreover to their accusation, for aiding the Uualsutenses their neyghbors, against Ferdinandus their Prince, which was false. Also for joining league secretly, with other Cities, without their knowledge, which was likewise false. Item, that they should intend some secrete conspiracy against them, and invade them with war, which was as untrue as the rest. Many other quarrels besides, they pretended against the Tigurines, which were all false and cavilling sclaunders: as that they should teach and preach that Mary the mother of Christ had mo sons, & that James the younger, the Apostle, did die for us, and not Christ himself. Against these and such other untruths, being mere matters of cavillation and slander, the Tigurines did fully and amply purge and acquit themselves by writing, and did expostulate vehemently with them, not only for these false and wrongful suspicions of their partes undeserved, but also for other manifold injuries received and borne at their hands: among which other wrongs and injuries, this was one, that the Burghmaster of Turegia had apprehended a certain preacher, named Johannes Oxlinus, and led him home as prisoner unto his house, being taken within the precinct and limites of the City of Zurich, contrary to law and order.

Finally, after much discoursing, wherein they in a long letter declared their diligence and fidelity at all times, in keeping their league, and maintaining the liberty and dignity of their country, as touching the cause of religion, if that were all the matter of their offense, they offered themselves willing to hear, and more glad to amende, if any could prove any error in them by the Scripture. Otherwise, if none so could or would prove, wherein they did err by the word of God: they could not (they said) alter anything in the state of that Religion wherein their consciences were already staide by the word of God, and settled whatsoever pearill or danger should happen to them for the same,

Although here was no cause, why these Pages or Cantons, which were so confederate together in the league of peace, should disagree among themselves: yet herein may we see the course and trade of the world, that when difference of religiō beginneth a little to break the knot of amity, by and by how friends be turned to foes, what suspicions do rise, what quarrels and grudge do follow, howe nothing there liketh men, but everything is taken to y ^e worst part, small • otes are made mountains, virtues made vices, and one vice made a thousand, and all for lack only of a little good will betwixt party & party. For as love & charity commonly among men either covereth or seeth not the faults of their friends: so hatred and disdain taking all things to blame, can find nothing in their foes that they can like. And thus did it happen between these good men of Zurich, and these other Suitzers above named.

These letters of the Tigurines to the other Cantons, were written upon the occasion of their apprehending the preacher John. Oxlinus above named the 4. day of January Anno 1525. and in the month of April next following, the maiestrates and Senate of the said City of Zurich commanded the Mass, with all his ceremonies and appurtenaunce thereto belonging, to be put down, as well within the City, as without throughout all their jurisdiction: and in stead thereof was placed the Lord's Supper, the reading of the Prophets, prayer, and preaching. Also a law was made against whoredom, and adultery, and judges ordained to hear the causes of matrimony. Anno. 1525. Ex Comment. Sled. lib. 4.

All this while the Gospel was not as yet received in any other Page of Heluetia, but only in Zurich. Wherefore y ^e other 12. pages or towns appointed among themselves concerning a meting or a disputation to be had at Baden: Where were present among other divines, Johannes Faber Eckius, & Murnerus above mentioned. The bishops also of Lucerne, Basel, Curiake, & Lausanna sent thither their legates. The conclusions there propounded were these.

That the true body and blood of Christ, is in the Sacrament.

That the mass is a sacrifice for the quick and dead.

That the blessed virgins and other saints are to be invocated, as mediators and intercessors.

That Images ought not to be abolished.

That there is a purgatory.

Which conclusions or assertions, Eckius took upon him stoutly to defend. Against him reasoned Oecolampadius (who was then chief preacher at Basel) with certain other moe. Zwingli at that time was not there present, but by wrytinge confuted the doctrine of Eckius, declaring withal, the causes of his absence: which were, for that he durst not for fear of his life, committee himself to the hands of the Lucernates, Urani, Suitij, Unterualdij, and Tugiani, his enemies, and that he refused not to dispute, but the place only of the disputation, excusing moreover y ^t he was not permitted of the Senate to come, nevertheless: if they would assign the place of disputation, either at Zurich, or at Berna, or at Sangallum, thither he would not refuse to come. Briefly the conclusion of the disputation was this: that all should remain in that Religion, which hitherto they had kept, and should follow the authority of the Council, neither should admit any other new doctrine within their dominions. &c, Thys was in the month of June, the said year above mentioned.

As the time proceeded, and dissention about religion increased, it followed the next yere after, An. 1527. in the mōth of December, that the Senate & people of Berne, (whose power amongst all the Suitzers chiefly excelleth) considering how neither they could have the Acts of the disputation of Baden communicated unto them, and that the variance about religion still more & more increased: assigned another disputation within their own City, and sending forth writings thereof, called unto the same, all the bishops bordering nere about them, as the Bishops of Constance, Basel, Sedune, Lausanna warning them both to come themselves, and to bring their divines with them, or else to lose all such possessions, which they had lying within the bounds of their precinct. After this, they appointed out certain Ecclesiastical persons of their jurisdiction, to dispute, prescribing and determining the whole disputation to be decided only by the authority of the old and new Testament. To all that would come thither they granted safeconduict. Also they appointed that all things there should be done modestly, without injury and brauling words, and that everyone should have leave to speak his mind freely, and with such deliberation, that every man's saying might be received by the notarye & penned, with this proviso made before, that whatsoever there should be agreed upon, the same should be ratified, and observed through all their dominions: and to the intent mē might come thither better prepared before, they propounded in public writing 10. conclusions, in the said disputation to be defended of their ministers, by the scriptures, which ministers, wer Franciscus Colbus, and Bertholdus Hallerus. The theames or conclusions were these.

1. That the true Church, whereof Christ is the head, riseth out of gods word, and persisteth in the same, and heareth the voice of no other.

2. That the same Church maketh no laws without the word of God.

3. That traditions ordained in the name of the Church, do not bind, but so far forth as they be consonante to God's word.

4. That Christ only hath made satisfactiō for the sins of the world: and therefore if any man say that there is any other way of salvation, or mean to put away sin, the same denieth Christ.

5. That the body & blood of Christ cannot be received really and corporally, by the testimony of the Scripture.

6. That the use of the mass, wherein Christ is presented and offered up to his heavenly Father for the quick and the dead, is against the Scripture, and cōtumelious to the sacrifice which Christ made for us.

7. That Christ only is to be invocated, as the mediator and advocate of mankind, to God the father.

8. That there is no place to be found by the holy Scripture, wherein souls are purged after this life: and therefore all those prayers & ceremonies, Yerely Diriges & Obites, which are bestowed upon the dead: also Lamps, Tapers and such other things, profit nothing at all.

9. That to set up any picture or Image to be worshipped, is repugnant to the holy scripture, and therefore if any such be erected in Churches for that intent, the same ought to be taken down.

10. That Matrimonies prohibited to no state or order of men, but for eschewing of fornication, generally is commanded and permitted to all men by the word of God. And for as much as all fornicators are excluded by the testimony of Scripture, from the Communion of the Church, therefore this unchaste and filthy single life of Priests, is most of all inconvenient for the order of priesthood.

When the Senate and people of Bern, had sent abroad their letters with these theames and conclusions, to all the Heluetians, exhorting thē both to send their learned men, and to suffer all other to pass safely through their countries: the Lucernates, Uranites, Suitzians, Unternaldians, Tugians, Glareans, Soloturnians, and they of Friburg answered again by contrary letters, exhorting and requiring them in any case to desist from their purposed enterprise: putting them in remembrance of their league and composition made, and also of the disputation of Baden above mentioned, of the which disputation they were them selves (they said) the first beginners and authors: saying moreover, y ^t it was not lawful for any nation or province to alter the state of religion, but the same to belong to a general Council: wherefor they desired them, that they would not attempt any such wicked act, but continue in the Religion, which their parents and elders had observed: and in fine, thus in the end of their letters they concluded, that they would neither send, nor suffer any of their learned men to come, nor yet grant safeconducte to any others to pass through their country. To this and such like effect tended the letters of these Suitzers above named.

All which notwithstanding, the Lord's of Berne proceeding in their intended purpose, upon the day prescribed (which was the 7. of January) began their disputation. Of all the bishops before signified (which were assigned to come) there was not one present. Neuertheles the City of Basil, Zurike, and Schafuse, and Abbecelle, Sangallium, Mullusia, w ^t the neighbors of Rhetia, also they of Strasbourg, Ulmes, Ausburge, Lindaue, Constance, and Isne, sent thither their Ambassadors.

The Doctors, above mentioned, of the City of Berne, began the disputation. Where at the same time, were present Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Bucerus, Capito, Blaurerus, with other moe, all which defended the affirmative of the conclusions propounded. On the contrary side of them which were the opponentes, the Chieftayne was Conradus Tregerus a frier Augustine, who to prove his assertion, when he was driven to shift out of the scripture, to seek help of other Doctors, and the moderatours of the disputation would not permit the same (being contrary to the order before appointed) he departed out of the place, and would dispute no more.

The disputation endured 19. days, in the ende whereof it was agreed, by the assent of the most parte, that the conclusions there disputed, were consonant to y ^e truth of gods word, & should be ratified not only in the City of Berne, but also proclaimed by the Magistrates in sundry other Cities nere adjoining: furthermore that masses, aultares, and Images in all places should be abolished.

At the City of Constance certain things began to be altered a little before. Where also, among other things, laws were made against fornication and adultery, and all suspect or dishonest company, whereat the canons, (as they are called) of the Church, taking great grief and displeasure, departed the City. In the said City was then teacher Ambrosius Blaurerus, a learned man, and borne of a noble stock, who had been a Monk a little before, professed in the monastery of Alperspacke, in the Duchie of Wittenburg, belonging to the dominion of Ferdinandus. Which Blaurerus by reading of Luther's works, & having a good wit, had changed a little before, his Religion and also his coat, returning again home unto his friends, and when his Abbot would have had him again, & wrote earnestly to the Senate of Constance for him: he declared the whole case of the matter in writing, propounding w ^t all, certain conditions, whereupon he was content (as he said) to return. But the conditions were such that the Abbot was rather willing and contented, that he should remain still at Constance, and so he did.

After this disputation thus concluded at Berne, (as hath been said) the Images and aultares, with ceremonies, and Masses were abolished at Constance.

They of Geneva also for their parts, were not behind, following likewise the example of the City of Berne in extirping Images and ceremonies. By reason whereof the Bishop and Clergy there left and departed the City in no small anger.

The Bernates after they had redressed with them the state of Religion, they renounced the league made before with the French king, refusing and forsaking his warlye stipend, whereby they were bound at his call to feed his wars, following therein the example of the Tygurines, which before had done the like, and were contented only with their yearly pension that the King payeth to every page of the Heluetians, to keep peace.

The day and yere when this reformation with them began, from Popery to true Christianity, they caused in a pillar to be engraven with golden letters, for a perpetual memory to all posterity to come. This was An. 1528.

After that the rumour of this disputation, and alteration of Berne, was noised in other cities & places abroad, first the Ministers of Strasbourg encouraged by this occasion, began likewise to affirm and teach that the mass was wicked, and a great blasphemy against God's holy name, and therefore was to be abrogated, and instead thereof, the right use of the Lord's supper to be restored again. Which unless they could prove by y ^e manifest testimonies of the Scripture to be true, they would refuse no manner of punishment. On the contrary part, the Bishop of Rome's clergy, did hold and maintain that the Mass was good and holy, whereupon kindled a great contention on both sides: which when the Senate and Magistrates of the city would have brought to a disputation, and could not, because the Priests would not condescend to any reasoning, therefore seeing they so accused the other, & yet would come to no trial of their cause, the said Magistrates commanded them to silence. The bishop in the mean while ceased not with his letters & messengers, daily to call vpō the senate, desiring the senate to persevere in the ancient religion of their elders, & to give no care to those new teachers, declaring what danger & pearil it would bring upon them.

The Senate again desired him, as they had done oftentimes before, that such things, which appertained to the true honor and worship of God, might be set forward, and all other things which tended to the contrary, might be removed and taken away: for that properly belonged to his office to see to. But the Bishop still driving them off with delays, pretended to call an assemble for the same, appointing also day and place for the hearing & discussing of those controversies: where, in deed, nothing was performed at all: but with his letters he did often sollicitate them to surcease their enterprise, sometimes by way of entreating, sometimes with manacing words terrifying them: and at last, seeing he could nothing by that way prevail, he turned his suit to the assemble of the Empire, which was thē at Spires collected, entreating them to set in a foot, and to help what they could, with their authority.

They ready to satisfy the Bishops request, sent a solemn Ambassie to the Senate and Citizens of Strasbourg, about Decemb. the yere about said, requiring them not to put down the Mass: for neither it was (said they) in y ^e power of the Emperor, nor of any other estate to alter the ancient Religion received from their forefathers, but either by a general, or by a provincial Council, which Council if they supposed to be far of, at lease that they would take a pause till the next sitting of y ^e Empire, which should be with speed, where their requests being propounded and heard, they should have such reasonable answer, as should not miscontent them: for it was (said they) against all law and reason, for a private Magistrate to infringe and dissolve those things, which by general consent of the whole world, have been agreed upon: and therefore good reason required, that they should obtain so much at their hands: For else if they should obstinately proceed in this their attempt, so with force and violence to work, as they began, it might fortune, the Emperor their supreme Magistrate under God, and also Ferdinandus, his deputy would not take it well, and so should be compelled to seek such remedy therein, as they would be sorry to use. Wherefore their request was, & advise also, that they should wey the matter diligently with themselves, & follow good counsel: who in so doing, should not only glad the Emperor, but also work that which should redound chiefly to their own commendation and safety.

Besides the messengers thus sent from the Council of Spires, the Bishop also of Hildesseme had been with them a little before, exhorting them in the Emperors name, after like manner. Neither did the bishop of Strasbourg also cease with his messengers and letters, daily to labor his friends there, and especially such of the Senators as he had to him bound by any feaulty, or otherwise by any gifts or friendship, that so much as in them did lie, they should uphold the Mass, and gainstand the contrary proceedings of the other.

The Senate of Strasbourg in the mean time, seeing the matter did so long hang in controversy, the space now of 2. years, and the preachers daily and instantly calling upon them for a reformation, and suit also being made to them or the Citizens, assembled their great & full council to the number of 300 (as in great matters of importance they are accustomed to do) and there with themselves debated the case, declaring on the one side, if they abolished y ^e mass what danger they should incur by the Emperor: On the other side, if they did not, how much they should offend god and therefore giving them respite to consulte, at the next meting required them to declare their advise and sentence, in the matter. When the day came, that every man should say his mind, so it fell out, that the voices and judgments of them, which went against the Mass prevailed. Whereupon immediately a decree was made the 20. of February. Anno. 1529. that the Mass should be suspended and laid down, til the time that the adversary part could prove by good Scripture, the Mass to be a service available & acceptable before God.

This decree being established by the consent of y ^e whole City, the Senate eftsoons commanded the same to be proclaimed and to take full place and effect as well within the City, as also without, so far as their limites and dominion did extend, and afterward by letters certified their Bishop touching the doing thereof. Who hearing these news, as heavy to his heart as lead, did signify to them again, how he received their letters, & how he understood by them, the effect and sum of their doings: all which he was enforced to digest with such patience as he could, though they went sore against his stomach, seeing for the present time, he could no otherwise chu • e: hereafter would serve, he said he would see thereunto, according as his charge and office should require.

Thus howe the Mass was overthrown in Zurike, in Berne, in Geneva, & in Strasbourg you have heard. Now what followed in Basil, remaineth likewise to understand. In this city of Basel, was Oecolampadius preacher (as is above signified) by whose diligent labor & travail, the Gospel began there to take such fruit, that great dissention there also arose among the citizens about religion, and especially about the Mass: Wherupon the Senate of Basel appointed, that after an open disputation, it should be determined by voices, what were to be done therein. This notwithstanding the Papists still continuing in their former purpose: began more stoutly to inuey against the other parte, and because they were so suffered by the Magistrate without punishment, it was therefore doubted by the commons, that they had some privy maintainers among the Senators. Whereupon certain of the Citizens were appointed, in the name of the whole commons to sue to the Senators, and to put them in remembrance of their promise: Whose suite and request was this, that those Senators, which were the aiders and supporters of the papists, might be displaced, for that it did as well tend to the contempt of the former decree made, as also to the public disturbance of the City. But when this could not be obtained of the Senate, the commons, upon the 8. day of February, the year above said, assembled themselves in the gray Friers Churthe, and there considering with themselves upon the matter, repaired again with their suite unto the Senate, but not in such humble wise as before: and therewithal gathered themselves in the public places of the City, to fortify the same, all be it as yet without armor. The same evening the Senate sent them word, that at their request they granted, that those Senators, although remaining still in office, yet should not sit in counsel, what time any matter of Religion should come in talk.

By this answer the Commons gathering that the whole state was ruled by a few, took thereat grief and displeasure, protesting openly that they would take counsel by them selves hereafter what they had to do, not only in cases of Religion, but also in other matters of civil government, and forthwith took them to armor, keeping the towers and gates and other convenient places of the City with watch and ward, in as forcible wise, as if the enemy had been at hand.

The next day the Senate requiring respite to deliberate, was contented to commit the matter to them, whom the commons before had sent as suitors unto them. Which offer the Citizens did not refuse, but with this condition that those Senators, which were guilty, should in the mean season follow their pleey as private persons, upon their own private costs and charges: the other which defended the public cause for the behoove of the posterity, should be maintained by the public charges of the City. This the Senate was glad to grant unto, w ^t some other like matters of lighter weight, to appease their rage.

It happened the very same day, that certain of the citizens, such as were appointed to go about the City for the vewing of things, came into the high Church where one of them thrusting at a certain image with his staff, eftsoons it fell down and brake. By the occasion whereof, other Images also in like sort were served after the same devotion. But when the Priests came runnynge to them, which seemed to be greatly offended therewith, they because they would not pass their Commission, staid their hands and departed.

It followed upon this, that when word hereof was brought to the Citizens which stood in the market place, and the matter being made worse to them then it was, they incontinent discharged out CCC. armed men, to rescue their fellows in the church, supposing them to be in danger. Who coming to the Church, and not fineding their fellows there, and all things quiet, save only a few Images broken down, they likewise least they should have lost all their labor, threw down all the other Idols and Images which they found there standing, and so passing thorough all other Churches in the city, did there also the like: and when certain of the Senate came forth to appease the tumult, the Citizens said, that which you have stand about these three years, consulting and advising whether it were best to be done, or not, that shall we dispatche in one hour, that from henceforth never more contention shall grow between us for Images: and so the Senate permitted them free leave, without anymore resistance: and 12. Senators were displaced from their order, all be it without note of reproach or dishonesty. Also a decree the same time was made, that as well within the City of Basel, as without, through all their jurisdiction, the Mass with all Idols should be abandoned: and further, that in all such matters and cases as concerned the glory of God, and the affairs of the public wealth, besides the number of the other Senators two hundredth and three score of the Burgers or Citizens should be appointed out of every ward in the City, to sit with them in counsel. These decrees being established, after they had kept watch and ward about the City 3. days and 3. nights, everyone returned again to his house, quiet and joyful, without any blood or stroke given, or anger wrcked, but only upon the Images.

On the third day, which was Ash wednesday (as the Popes ceremonial Church doth call it) all the wooden Images were distributed among the poor of the City, to serve them for fire wood. But when they could not well agre in dividing the pray, but • el to brawling among them selves, it was agreed that the said images should be brent all together: so that in nine great heaps all the stocks and Idolles there, the same day were brent to ashes before the great Church door. And thus by God's ordinance it came to pass, that the same day, wherein the Popes priests are wont to show forth all their mourning, & do mark men's foreheads with ashes, in remembrance that they be but ashes, was to the whole city festival & joyful, for turning their Images to ashes, and to is observed and celebrate every yere still unto this present day, with all mirth, plays and pastimes, in remembrance of the same ashes, which day may there be called a right Ash wednesday of God's own making. The men of Zurike, of Berne, and of Solodure hearing what business was at Basel, sent their ambassadors to be a mean between them, but before the ambassadors came, all was ceased and at quiet.

All this mean space, the Emperor & the French king were together occupied in wars and strife. Whych as it turned to the great damage and detriment of the French king, who in the said wars was taken prisoner by the Emperor, so it happened commodious and oportune for the success of the Gospel: for else it is to be thought that these Heluetians and other Germans should not have had that leisure & rest to reform religion, and to link them selves in league together, as they did. But thus almighty God of his secret wisdom disposeth times & occasions, to serve his will & purpose in all things. All be it Ferdinandus the Emperors brother, & deputy in Germany, remitted no time nor diligence to do what he could in resisting the proceedings of the protestants, as appeared, both by the decree set forth at Ratis • one, and also at Spires. In the which Council of Spires, Ferdinandus at the same time, which was the year of our Lord 1529. had decreed against the protestants, in effect as followeth.

First, that the edict of the Emperor made at Wormes, should stand in force through all Germany, till the time of the general council, which should shortly follow. Also, that they which already had altered their religion, & now could not revoke the same again, for fear of sedition, should stay themselves and attempt no more innovations hereafter, till time of the general Council.

Item, that the doctrine of them which hold the Lord's Supper otherwise then the Church doth teach, should not be received, nor the mass should be altered: and there where as the doctrine of religion was altered, should be no impediment to the contrary, but that they which were disposed to come to Mass, might safely therein use their devotion: against Anabaptists likewise: and that all ministers of the Church should be enjoined to use no other interpretation of holy Scripture, but according to the exposition of the Church doctors: other matters that were disputable, not to be touched. Moreover, that all persons and states should keep peace, so that for Religion neither the one part should infer molestation to the other, nor receive any confederates under their protection and safeguard: All which decrees, they which should transgress, to be outlawed and exiled.

Unto this sitting at Spires first the Ambassadors of Strasbourg, were not admitted, but repelled by Ferdinandus, because they had rejected the mass: and therefore the said city of Strasbourg denied to pay any contribution against the Turk, except they with other Germans, might be likewise admitted into their counsels. The other princes which were received and not repelled, as the duke of Saxony, George of Brandeburgh, Ernestus, & Franciscus Earls of Luneburgh, Lantgraue, Anhaldius, did utterly gainstand the decree, & shown their cause in a large protestation written, why they so did: which done, all such cities which subscribed and consented to the said protestation of the princes, eftsones conjoined them selves in a common league with them, whereupon they had their name, called thereof Protestants. The names of the Cities were these. Argentina, or Strasbourg, Noriberge, Vlmes, Constance, Rutelinge, Winssemium, Meminge, Lindauia, Campodunum, Hailbrunum, Isna, Wisseburgum, Norlinge, Sangallum.

Furthermore, as touching the Heluetians (from whence we have somewhat digressed) howe the City of Berne and Zurich had consented and joined together in reformation of true religion, ye hard before. Wherefore the other Pages in Heluetia, which were of contrary profession, in like manner confederated them selves in league with Ferdinādus: the number and names of which Pages, especially were 5. to wit, Lucernates, Vraui, Suitenses, Vnterualdij, and Tugiani, which was in the year above said: to the intent, that they conioyning their power together, might overrun the religion of Christ, and the professors of the same. Who also for hatred & despite, hanged up the Arms of the foresaid cities of Zurich and of Berne, upon the gallows, beside many other injuries and greeuaunces, which they wrought against them. For the which cause the said Cities of Berne and Zurich raised their power, intending to set upon the foresaid Suitzers, as vpō their capital enemies. But as they were in the field ready to encoūter, one army against y