Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

An answer again of the Tygurines to the Letter aforesaid.

FIrst, declaring how their Ministers had labored and travailed amongst them, teaching and preaching the word of God unto thē the space now of v. years. Whose doctrine at the first, seemed to them very strange and nouelle, because they never heard the same before. But after that they understood and perceived, the scope of that doctrine only to tend to this, to set forth Christ Jesus unto us to be the pillar and refuge of all our salvation, which gave his life and blood for our redemption and which only delivered us also sinful misers from eternal death, and is the only Advocate of mankind before God: they could no otherwise do, but with ardent affection receive so wholesome and joyful message.

The holy Apostles, and faithful Christians, after they had received the Gospel of Christ, did not fall out by and by in debate and variunce, but lovingly agreed and consented together: and so they trusted (said they) that they should do, if they would likewise receive the word of God, setting aside men's doctrines and traditions dissonant from the same.

Whatsoever Luther, or any other mā doth teach, whether it be right or wrong, it is not for the names of the persons, why the doctrine which they teach should be either evil or well judged upon, but only for that it agreeth or disagreeth from the rule of God's word: for that were but to go by affection, and were prejudicial to the authority of the word of God: which ought to rule man, and not to be measured by man.

And if Christ only be worshipped, and mē taught, solely to repose their confidence in him, yet neither doth the blessed Virgin, nor any Saint elles receive any injury thereby, who being here in earth received their salvation only by the name of him.

And where as they charge their Ministers with wrastyng the Scripture after their own interpretation, God had stirred up such light now in the hearts of mē, that the most part of their City, have the Bible in their hand, and diligently peruse the same: so that their Preachers cā not so wind the Scriptures awry, but they shall quickly be perceived. Wherefore there is no danger, why they should fear any sects, or factions in them: but rather such sects are to be objected to those, who for their gain and dignity, wrast the word of God after their own affections and appetites.

And where as they and other have accused them of error, yet was there never man, that could prove any error in them: Although diverse Bishops of Constance, of Basel, of Curiake, with diverse Universities besides: also they themselves, have been sundry times desired so to do, yet to this present day, neither they, nor ever any other so did, neither were they, nor any of all the foresaid Bishops, at their last assemble, being requested to come, so gentle to repair unto them, save only the Schashusians, and Sangallians. In the which foresaid assemble of theirs, all such as were then present, considering thoroughly the whole case of the matter, condescended together with them.

And if the Bishops happily will object again and say: that the word of God ought not so to be handled of the vulgare people: they answered the same not to stand with equity and reason. For albeit it did belong to the Bishops office, to provide that the sheep should not go astray, and most convenient it were, that by them they should be reduced into the way again: yet because they will not see to their charge, but leave it undone, referring all things to the fathers, and to Councils, therefore right and reason it is, that they themselves should hear and learn, not what man doth determine, but what Christ himself doth command in his Scripture. Neither have their Ministers given any occasion of this division, but rather it is to be imputed to such, which for their own private lucre and preferments, contrary to the word of the Lord, do seduce the people into error, and grievously offending God, do provoke him to plague them with manifold calamities. Who, if they would renounce the greediness of their own gain, and would follow the pure doctrine of his word, seeking not the will of man, but what is the will of God, no doubt but they should soon fall to agreement.

As for the eating of flesh and eggs, although it be free to all men, and forbidden to none by Christ: yet they have set forth a law, to restrain rash intemperance, and uncharitable offension of other.

And as touching matrimony, God is himself the author thereof, who hath left it free for all men. Also Paul willeth a Minister of the Church to be the husband of one wife.

And seeing that Bishops for money permit their Priests to have concubines, which is contrary both to God's law, and to good example: why then might not they as well obey God in permitting lawful matrimony, which he hath ordained, as they to resist God in forbidding the same? The like is to be said also of women vowing chastity: of whom this they judge and suppose, that such kind of vows and coacted chastity, are not auaylable nor allowed before God: and seeing that chastity is not all men's gift, better it were to marry (after their judgments) then filthely to live in single life.

As for Monasteries, and other houses of Canons, they were first given for relief only of the poor and needy, where as now they which inhabit them, are wealthy and able to live of their own patrimony, in such sort, as many times someone of them hath so much, as well might suffice a great number: Wherefore it seemeth to them, not inconvenient that those goods should be converted again to the use of the poor: Yet nevertheless they have used herein such moderation, that they have permitted the inhabitants of those monasteries to enjoy the possessions of their goods, during the term of their natural life, least any should have cause of just complaint.

Ornamentes of Churches serve nothing to God's service: but this is well agreeing to the will and service of God, that the poor should be succoured. So Christ commanded the young man in the Gospel, that was rich, not to hang up his riches in the temple, but to sell them, and distribute them to the needy.

The order of priesthood they do not contemn. Suche priests as will truly discharge their duty, & teach soundly, they do magnify. As for the other rabble, which serve to no public commodity, but rather damnify the common wealth, if the number of them were diminished by little and little, & their livings put to better use, they doubted not, but it wer a service well done to God. Now whether the singing and prayers of such Priests be auaylable before God, it may be doubted, for as much as many of thē understand not what they say or sing, but only for hire of wages do the same.

As for secrete confession, wherein men do detect their sins in the Priests ear, of what virtue this confession is to be esteemed, they leave it in suspense. But that confession, whereby repenting sinners do fly to Christ our only intercessor, they recount not only to be profitable, but also necessary to all troubled consciences. As for satisfaction, which Priests do use, they reckon it but a practice to get money, and the same to be not only erroneous, but also full of impiety. True penance and satisfaction is for a man to amend his life.

The orders of Monkery come only by the invention of man, and not by the institution of God.

And as touching the Sacraments, such as be of the Lord's institution, thē they do not despise but receive with all reverence, neither do suffer the same to be despised of any person, nor to be abused otherwise then becometh: but to be used rightly according to the prescript rule of God's word. And so with the like reverence, they use the Sacrament of the Lord's supper, according as the word prescribeth, not as many do abuse it, to make of it an oblation and a sacrifice.

And if the messengers sent to them of the Clergy in their letters mentioned, can justly charge them with any hindrance, or any error, they will be ready either to purge themselves, or to satisfy the offense. And if they cannot, then reason would, that those messengers of the Clergy should hereafter look better to their own doings, and to their doctrine, and to cease from such untrue sclaunders and contumelies.

Finally, where as they understand by their letters how desirous they are to have the Popes oppressions, and exactions, and usurped power abolished, they are right glad thereof and joyful, supposing that the same can by no means be brought to pass, except the word of God only and simply be received. For otherwise, so long as men's laws and constitutions shall stand in force, there will be no place nor hope of reformation. For by the preaching of God's word their estimation and dignity must needs decay: and that they well perceive, and therefore by all means do provide, how to stop the course of the word: and because they see themselves too weak to bring their purpose about, they fly to the aid of Kings and Princes. For the necessary remedy whereof, if they shall think good to join their consent, there shall nothing be lacking in their behalf, what they are able either in counsel or goods, to do in the matter, declaring moreover that this should have been seen too long before. Which being so, they prayed and desired them to accept in good parte, and diligently to expend this that they did write. As for their own parte, they required nothing else more then peace both between them, and all men. Neither was it ever their intent to stir anything that should be prejudicial against their league and bande agreed upon between them. But in this cause, which concerneth their eternal salvation, they can do no otherwise, but as they have done, unless their error by learning might be proved and declared unto them.

Wherefore as they did before, so now they desire again, that if they think this their doctrine to be repugnant to the holy Scripture, they will gently show and teach them their error, and that before the end of the month of May next ensuing: for so long they will abide waiting for an answer, as well from them, as from the Bishop of Constance, and also from the University of Basel. And thus much containeth the answer of the Tigurines, unto the letter of their other colleagues of Heluetia.

In the mean time, as this passed on, and the month of May above mentioned was now come, the Bishop of Constance, with the advise of his Council about him, did answer the Tigurines as he was requested of them to do, in a certain book, first written, and afterward printed: wherein he declareth what Images and pictures those were, which the profane Jews and Gentiles in the old time did adore, and what Images be these which the Church hath from time to time received and admitted, and what difference there is between those Idols of the Jews & Gentiles, and these Images of the Christians. The conclusion hereof was this, that where as the Scripture speaketh against Images, and willeth them not to be suffered, that is to be understand of such Images and Idols, as the Jews and Idolatrous Gentiles did use: yet nevertheless such Images & pictures, which the Church hath received, are to be used and retained.

From this, he entereth next into the discourse of the Mass, where he proveth by diverse and sundry testimonies, both of the Popes Canons and Councils, the Mass to be a sacrifice and oblation.

This book being thus compiled and written, he sent it unto the senate of Zurich, about the beginning of June, willing and exhorting them by no manner of means, to suffer their images, or the mass to be abrogated, and shortly after, he published the said book in Print, & sent it to the Priests and Canons of the Minster of Zurich, requiring them to follow the custom of the Church received, and not to suffer themselves otherwise to be persuaded by any mā.

The Senate again answering to the Bishops book, about the middle of August did write unto him: first declaring that they had read over & over again his book, with all diligence: The which book for so much as the Bishop had diuulged abroad in printe, they were thereof right glad because the whole world thereby might judge between thē the better. After this they explained unto him the judgment and doctrine of their ministers and preachers: and finally by the authority & testimonies of the Scripture convinced his opinion, and proved the doctrine of his book to be false. But before they sent their answer to him, about the 13. day of June, they commanded all the images as well within the City, as through their dominion, to be taken down and burned quietly and without any tumult. A few months after, an order was taken in the said City of Zurich, between the Canons of the church, and city, for disposing the lands and possessions of the College.

It would grow to a long discourse, to comprehend all things by order of circumstance, that happened among the Heluetians vpō this new alteration of religion: but briefly to contract, and to run over the chief specialties of the matter, here is first to be noted, that of the Heluetians, which were confederate together in 13. Pages, chiefly six there were, which most disdained and maligned this religion of the Tigurines: to wit, Lucernates, Urani, Suitenses, Unterualdij, Tugiani, Friburgenses: These in no case could be reconciled. The rest shown thenselves more favorable. But the other, which were their enemies, conceived great grudge, & raised many sclaunderous reports and false rumors against them, and laid diverse things to their charge, as first for refusing to join their consent to the public league of the other Pages, with Frances the french king: then for dissenting from them in religion: and thirdly for refusing to stand to the Popish decree made the year before at Ratisborne, by Ferdinandus and other bishops above mentioned, pag. 838. They laid moreover to their accusation, for aiding the Uualsutenses their neyghbors, against Ferdinandus their Prince, which was false. Also for joining league secretly, with other Cities, without their knowledge, which was likewise false. Item, that they should intend some secrete conspiracy against them, and invade them with war, which was as untrue as the rest. Many other quarrels besides, they pretended against the Tigurines, which were all false and cavilling sclaunders: as that they should teach and preach that Mary the mother of Christ had mo sons, & that James the younger, the Apostle, did die for us, and not Christ himself. Against these and such other untruths, being mere matters of cavillation and slander, the Tigurines did fully and amply purge and acquit themselves by writing, and did expostulate vehemently with them, not only for these false and wrongful suspicions of their partes undeserved, but also for other manifold injuries received and borne at their hands: among which other wrongs and injuries, this was one, that the Burghmaster of Turegia had apprehended a certain preacher, named Johannes Oxlinus, and led him home as prisoner unto his house, being taken within the precinct and limites of the City of Zurich, contrary to law and order.

Finally, after much discoursing, wherein they in a long letter declared their diligence and fidelity at all times, in keeping their league, and maintaining the liberty and dignity of their country, as touching the cause of religion, if that were all the matter of their offense, they offered themselves willing to hear, and more glad to amende, if any could prove any error in them by the Scripture. Otherwise, if none so could or would prove, wherein they did err by the word of God: they could not (they said) alter anything in the state of that Religion wherein their consciences were already staide by the word of God, and settled whatsoever pearill or danger should happen to them for the same,

Although here was no cause, why these Pages or Cantons, which were so confederate together in the league of peace, should disagree among themselves: yet herein may we see the course and trade of the world, that when difference of religiō beginneth a little to break the knot of amity, by and by how friends be turned to foes, what suspicions do rise, what quarrels and grudge do follow, howe nothing there liketh men, but everything is taken to y ^e worst part, small • otes are made mountains, virtues made vices, and one vice made a thousand, and all for lack only of a little good will betwixt party & party. For as love & charity commonly among men either covereth or seeth not the faults of their friends: so hatred and disdain taking all things to blame, can find nothing in their foes that they can like. And thus did it happen between these good men of Zurich, and these other Suitzers above named.

These letters of the Tigurines to the other Cantons, were written upon the occasion of their apprehending the preacher John. Oxlinus above named the 4. day of January Anno 1525. and in the month of April next following, the maiestrates and Senate of the said City of Zurich commanded the Mass, with all his ceremonies and appurtenaunce thereto belonging, to be put down, as well within the City, as without throughout all their jurisdiction: and in stead thereof was placed the Lord's Supper, the reading of the Prophets, prayer, and preaching. Also a law was made against whoredom, and adultery, and judges ordained to hear the causes of matrimony. Anno. 1525. Ex Comment. Sled. lib. 4.

All this while the Gospel was not as yet received in any other Page of Heluetia, but only in Zurich. Wherefore y ^e other 12. pages or towns appointed among themselves concerning a meting or a disputation to be had at Baden: Where were present among other divines, Johannes Faber Eckius, & Murnerus above mentioned. The bishops also of Lucerne, Basel, Curiake, & Lausanna sent thither their legates. The conclusions there propounded were these.

That the true body and blood of Christ, is in the Sacrament.

That the mass is a sacrifice for the quick and dead.

That the blessed virgins and other saints are to be invocated, as mediators and intercessors.

That Images ought not to be abolished.

That there is a purgatory.

Which conclusions or assertions, Eckius took upon him stoutly to defend. Against him reasoned Oecolampadius (who was then chief preacher at Basel) with certain other moe. Zwingli at that time was not there present, but by wrytinge confuted the doctrine of Eckius, declaring withal, the causes of his absence: which were, for that he durst not for fear of his life, committee himself to the hands of the Lucernates, Urani, Suitij, Unterualdij, and Tugiani, his enemies, and that he refused not to dispute, but the place only of the disputation, excusing moreover y ^t he was not permitted of the Senate to come, nevertheless: if they would assign the place of disputation, either at Zurich, or at Berna, or at Sangallum, thither he would not refuse to come. Briefly the conclusion of the disputation was this: that all should remain in that Religion, which hitherto they had kept, and should follow the authority of the Council, neither should admit any other new doctrine within their dominions. &c, Thys was in the month of June, the said year above mentioned.

As the time proceeded, and dissention about religion increased, it followed the next yere after, An. 1527. in the mōth of December, that the Senate & people of Berne, (whose power amongst all the Suitzers chiefly excelleth) considering how neither they could have the Acts of the disputation of Baden communicated unto them, and that the variance about religion still more & more increased: assigned another disputation within their own City, and sending forth writings thereof, called unto the same, all the bishops bordering nere about them, as the Bishops of Constance, Basel, Sedune, Lausanna warning them both to come themselves, and to bring their divines with them, or else to lose all such possessions, which they had lying within the bounds of their precinct. After this, they appointed out certain Ecclesiastical persons of their jurisdiction, to dispute, prescribing and determining the whole disputation to be decided only by the authority of the old and new Testament. To all that would come thither they granted safeconduict. Also they appointed that all things there should be done modestly, without injury and brauling words, and that everyone should have leave to speak his mind freely, and with such deliberation, that every man's saying might be received by the notarye & penned, with this proviso made before, that whatsoever there should be agreed upon, the same should be ratified, and observed through all their dominions: and to the intent mē might come thither better prepared before, they propounded in public writing 10. conclusions, in the said disputation to be defended of their ministers, by the scriptures, which ministers, wer Franciscus Colbus, and Bertholdus Hallerus. The theames or conclusions were these.

1. That the true Church, whereof Christ is the head, riseth out of gods word, and persisteth in the same, and heareth the voice of no other.

2. That the same Church maketh no laws without the word of God.

3. That traditions ordained in the name of the Church, do not bind, but so far forth as they be consonante to God's word.

4. That Christ only hath made satisfactiō for the sins of the world: and therefore if any man say that there is any other way of salvation, or mean to put away sin, the same denieth Christ.

5. That the body & blood of Christ cannot be received really and corporally, by the testimony of the Scripture.

6. That the use of the mass, wherein Christ is presented and offered up to his heavenly Father for the quick and the dead, is against the Scripture, and cōtumelious to the sacrifice which Christ made for us.

7. That Christ only is to be invocated, as the mediator and advocate of mankind, to God the father.

8. That there is no place to be found by the holy Scripture, wherein souls are purged after this life: and therefore all those prayers & ceremonies, Yerely Diriges & Obites, which are bestowed upon the dead: also Lamps, Tapers and such other things, profit nothing at all.

9. That to set up any picture or Image to be worshipped, is repugnant to the holy scripture, and therefore if any such be erected in Churches for that intent, the same ought to be taken down.

10. That Matrimonies prohibited to no state or order of men, but for eschewing of fornication, generally is commanded and permitted to all men by the word of God. And for as much as all fornicators are excluded by the testimony of Scripture, from the Communion of the Church, therefore this unchaste and filthy single life of Priests, is most of all inconvenient for the order of priesthood.

When the Senate and people of Bern, had sent abroad their letters with these theames and conclusions, to all the Heluetians, exhorting thē both to send their learned men, and to suffer all other to pass safely through their countries: the Lucernates, Uranites, Suitzians, Unternaldians, Tugians, Glareans, Soloturnians, and they of Friburg answered again by contrary letters, exhorting and requiring them in any case to desist from their purposed enterprise: putting them in remembrance of their league and composition made, and also of the disputation of Baden above mentioned, of the which disputation they were them selves (they said) the first beginners and authors: saying moreover, y ^t it was not lawful for any nation or province to alter the state of religion, but the same to belong to a general Council: wherefor they desired them, that they would not attempt any such wicked act, but continue in the Religion, which their parents and elders had observed: and in fine, thus in the end of their letters they concluded, that they would neither send, nor suffer any of their learned men to come, nor yet grant safeconducte to any others to pass through their country. To this and such like effect tended the letters of these Suitzers above named.

All which notwithstanding, the Lord's of Berne proceeding in their intended purpose, upon the day prescribed (which was the 7. of January) began their disputation. Of all the bishops before signified (which were assigned to come) there was not one present. Neuertheles the City of Basil, Zurike, and Schafuse, and Abbecelle, Sangallium, Mullusia, w ^t the neighbors of Rhetia, also they of Strasbourg, Ulmes, Ausburge, Lindaue, Constance, and Isne, sent thither their Ambassadors.

The Doctors, above mentioned, of the City of Berne, began the disputation. Where at the same time, were present Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Bucerus, Capito, Blaurerus, with other moe, all which defended the affirmative of the conclusions propounded. On the contrary side of them which were the opponentes, the Chieftayne was Conradus Tregerus a frier Augustine, who to prove his assertion, when he was driven to shift out of the scripture, to seek help of other Doctors, and the moderatours of the disputation would not permit the same (being contrary to the order before appointed) he departed out of the place, and would dispute no more.

The disputation endured 19. days, in the ende whereof it was agreed, by the assent of the most parte, that the conclusions there disputed, were consonant to y ^e truth of gods word, & should be ratified not only in the City of Berne, but also proclaimed by the Magistrates in sundry other Cities nere adjoining: furthermore that masses, aultares, and Images in all places should be abolished.

At the City of Constance certain things began to be altered a little before. Where also, among other things, laws were made against fornication and adultery, and all suspect or dishonest company, whereat the canons, (as they are called) of the Church, taking great grief and displeasure, departed the City. In the said City was then teacher Ambrosius Blaurerus, a learned man, and borne of a noble stock, who had been a Monk a little before, professed in the monastery of Alperspacke, in the Duchie of Wittenburg, belonging to the dominion of Ferdinandus. Which Blaurerus by reading of Luther's works, & having a good wit, had changed a little before, his Religion and also his coat, returning again home unto his friends, and when his Abbot would have had him again, & wrote earnestly to the Senate of Constance for him: he declared the whole case of the matter in writing, propounding w ^t all, certain conditions, whereupon he was content (as he said) to return. But the conditions were such that the Abbot was rather willing and contented, that he should remain still at Constance, and so he did.

After this disputation thus concluded at Berne, (as hath been said) the Images and aultares, with ceremonies, and Masses were abolished at Constance.

They of Geneva also for their parts, were not behind, following likewise the example of the City of Berne in extirping Images and ceremonies. By reason whereof the Bishop and Clergy there left and departed the City in no small anger.

The Bernates after they had redressed with them the state of Religion, they renounced the league made before with the French king, refusing and forsaking his warlye stipend, whereby they were bound at his call to feed his wars, following therein the example of the Tygurines, which before had done the like, and were contented only with their yearly pension that the King payeth to every page of the Heluetians, to keep peace.

The day and yere when this reformation with them began, from Popery to true Christianity, they caused in a pillar to be engraven with golden letters, for a perpetual memory to all posterity to come. This was An. 1528.

After that the rumour of this disputation, and alteration of Berne, was noised in other cities & places abroad, first the Ministers of Strasbourg encouraged by this occasion, began likewise to affirm and teach that the mass was wicked, and a great blasphemy against God's holy name, and therefore was to be abrogated, and instead thereof, the right use of the Lord's supper to be restored again. Which unless they could prove by y ^e manifest testimonies of the Scripture to be true, they would refuse no manner of punishment. On the contrary part, the Bishop of Rome's clergy, did hold and maintain that the Mass was good and holy, whereupon kindled a great contention on both sides: which when the Senate and Magistrates of the city would have brought to a disputation, and could not, because the Priests would not condescend to any reasoning, therefore seeing they so accused the other, & yet would come to no trial of their cause, the said Magistrates commanded them to silence. The bishop in the mean while ceased not with his letters & messengers, daily to call vpō the senate, desiring the senate to persevere in the ancient religion of their elders, & to give no care to those new teachers, declaring what danger & pearil it would bring upon them.

The Senate again desired him, as they had done oftentimes before, that such things, which appertained to the true honor and worship of God, might be set forward, and all other things which tended to the contrary, might be removed and taken away: for that properly belonged to his office to see to. But the Bishop still driving them off with delays, pretended to call an assemble for the same, appointing also day and place for the hearing & discussing of those controversies: where, in deed, nothing was performed at all: but with his letters he did often sollicitate them to surcease their enterprise, sometimes by way of entreating, sometimes with manacing words terrifying them: and at last, seeing he could nothing by that way prevail, he turned his suit to the assemble of the Empire, which was thē at Spires collected, entreating them to set in a foot, and to help what they could, with their authority.

They ready to satisfy the Bishops request, sent a solemn Ambassie to the Senate and Citizens of Strasbourg, about Decemb. the yere about said, requiring them not to put down the Mass: for neither it was (said they) in y ^e power of the Emperor, nor of any other estate to alter the ancient Religion received from their forefathers, but either by a general, or by a provincial Council, which Council if they supposed to be far of, at lease that they would take a pause till the next sitting of y ^e Empire, which should be with speed, where their requests being propounded and heard, they should have such reasonable answer, as should not miscontent them: for it was (said they) against all law and reason, for a private Magistrate to infringe and dissolve those things, which by general consent of the whole world, have been agreed upon: and therefore good reason required, that they should obtain so much at their hands: For else if they should obstinately proceed in this their attempt, so with force and violence to work, as they began, it might fortune, the Emperor their supreme Magistrate under God, and also Ferdinandus, his deputy would not take it well, and so should be compelled to seek such remedy therein, as they would be sorry to use. Wherefore their request was, & advise also, that they should wey the matter diligently with themselves, & follow good counsel: who in so doing, should not only glad the Emperor, but also work that which should redound chiefly to their own commendation and safety.

Besides the messengers thus sent from the Council of Spires, the Bishop also of Hildesseme had been with them a little before, exhorting them in the Emperors name, after like manner. Neither did the bishop of Strasbourg also cease with his messengers and letters, daily to labor his friends there, and especially such of the Senators as he had to him bound by any feaulty, or otherwise by any gifts or friendship, that so much as in them did lie, they should uphold the Mass, and gainstand the contrary proceedings of the other.

The Senate of Strasbourg in the mean time, seeing the matter did so long hang in controversy, the space now of 2. years, and the preachers daily and instantly calling upon them for a reformation, and suit also being made to them or the Citizens, assembled their great & full council to the number of 300 (as in great matters of importance they are accustomed to do) and there with themselves debated the case, declaring on the one side, if they abolished y ^e mass what danger they should incur by the Emperor: On the other side, if they did not, how much they should offend god and therefore giving them respite to consulte, at the next meting required them to declare their advise and sentence, in the matter. When the day came, that every man should say his mind, so it fell out, that the voices and judgments of them, which went against the Mass prevailed. Whereupon immediately a decree was made the 20. of February. Anno. 1529. that the Mass should be suspended and laid down, til the time that the adversary part could prove by good Scripture, the Mass to be a service available & acceptable before God.

This decree being established by the consent of y ^e whole City, the Senate eftsoons commanded the same to be proclaimed and to take full place and effect as well within the City, as also without, so far as their limites and dominion did extend, and afterward by letters certified their Bishop touching the doing thereof. Who hearing these news, as heavy to his heart as lead, did signify to them again, how he received their letters, & how he understood by them, the effect and sum of their doings: all which he was enforced to digest with such patience as he could, though they went sore against his stomach, seeing for the present time, he could no otherwise chu • e: hereafter would serve, he said he would see thereunto, according as his charge and office should require.

Thus howe the Mass was overthrown in Zurike, in Berne, in Geneva, & in Strasbourg you have heard. Now what followed in Basil, remaineth likewise to understand. In this city of Basel, was Oecolampadius preacher (as is above signified) by whose diligent labor & travail, the Gospel began there to take such fruit, that great dissention there also arose among the citizens about religion, and especially about the Mass: Wherupon the Senate of Basel appointed, that after an open disputation, it should be determined by voices, what were to be done therein. This notwithstanding the Papists still continuing in their former purpose: began more stoutly to inuey against the other parte, and because they were so suffered by the Magistrate without punishment, it was therefore doubted by the commons, that they had some privy maintainers among the Senators. Whereupon certain of the Citizens were appointed, in the name of the whole commons to sue to the Senators, and to put them in remembrance of their promise: Whose suite and request was this, that those Senators, which were the aiders and supporters of the papists, might be displaced, for that it did as well tend to the contempt of the former decree made, as also to the public disturbance of the City. But when this could not be obtained of the Senate, the commons, upon the 8. day of February, the year above said, assembled themselves in the gray Friers Churthe, and there considering with themselves upon the matter, repaired again with their suite unto the Senate, but not in such humble wise as before: and therewithal gathered themselves in the public places of the City, to fortify the same, all be it as yet without armor. The same evening the Senate sent them word, that at their request they granted, that those Senators, although remaining still in office, yet should not sit in counsel, what time any matter of Religion should come in talk.

By this answer the Commons gathering that the whole state was ruled by a few, took thereat grief and displeasure, protesting openly that they would take counsel by them selves hereafter what they had to do, not only in cases of Religion, but also in other matters of civil government, and forthwith took them to armor, keeping the towers and gates and other convenient places of the City with watch and ward, in as forcible wise, as if the enemy had been at hand.

The next day the Senate requiring respite to deliberate, was contented to commit the matter to them, whom the commons before had sent as suitors unto them. Which offer the Citizens did not refuse, but with this condition that those Senators, which were guilty, should in the mean season follow their pleey as private persons, upon their own private costs and charges: the other which defended the public cause for the behoove of the posterity, should be maintained by the public charges of the City. This the Senate was glad to grant unto, w ^t some other like matters of lighter weight, to appease their rage.

It happened the very same day, that certain of the citizens, such as were appointed to go about the City for the vewing of things, came into the high Church where one of them thrusting at a certain image with his staff, eftsoons it fell down and brake. By the occasion whereof, other Images also in like sort were served after the same devotion. But when the Priests came runnynge to them, which seemed to be greatly offended therewith, they because they would not pass their Commission, staid their hands and departed.

It followed upon this, that when word hereof was brought to the Citizens which stood in the market place, and the matter being made worse to them then it was, they incontinent discharged out CCC. armed men, to rescue their fellows in the church, supposing them to be in danger. Who coming to the Church, and not fineding their fellows there, and all things quiet, save only a few Images broken down, they likewise least they should have lost all their labor, threw down all the other Idols and Images which they found there standing, and so passing thorough all other Churches in the city, did there also the like: and when certain of the Senate came forth to appease the tumult, the Citizens said, that which you have stand about these three years, consulting and advising whether it were best to be done, or not, that shall we dispatche in one hour, that from henceforth never more contention shall grow between us for Images: and so the Senate permitted them free leave, without anymore resistance: and 12. Senators were displaced from their order, all be it without note of reproach or dishonesty. Also a decree the same time was made, that as well within the City of Basel, as without, through all their jurisdiction, the Mass with all Idols should be abandoned: and further, that in all such matters and cases as concerned the glory of God, and the affairs of the public wealth, besides the number of the other Senators two hundredth and three score of the Burgers or Citizens should be appointed out of every ward in the City, to sit with them in counsel. These decrees being established, after they had kept watch and ward about the City 3. days and 3. nights, everyone returned again to his house, quiet and joyful, without any blood or stroke given, or anger wrcked, but only upon the Images.

On the third day, which was Ash wednesday (as the Popes ceremonial Church doth call it) all the wooden Images were distributed among the poor of the City, to serve them for fire wood. But when they could not well agre in dividing the pray, but • el to brawling among them selves, it was agreed that the said images should be brent all together: so that in nine great heaps all the stocks and Idolles there, the same day were brent to ashes before the great Church door. And thus by God's ordinance it came to pass, that the same day, wherein the Popes priests are wont to show forth all their mourning, & do mark men's foreheads with ashes, in remembrance that they be but ashes, was to the whole city festival & joyful, for turning their Images to ashes, and to is observed and celebrate every yere still unto this present day, with all mirth, plays and pastimes, in remembrance of the same ashes, which day may there be called a right Ash wednesday of God's own making. The men of Zurike, of Berne, and of Solodure hearing what business was at Basel, sent their ambassadors to be a mean between them, but before the ambassadors came, all was ceased and at quiet.

All this mean space, the Emperor & the French king were together occupied in wars and strife. Whych as it turned to the great damage and detriment of the French king, who in the said wars was taken prisoner by the Emperor, so it happened commodious and oportune for the success of the Gospel: for else it is to be thought that these Heluetians and other Germans should not have had that leisure & rest to reform religion, and to link them selves in league together, as they did. But thus almighty God of his secret wisdom disposeth times & occasions, to serve his will & purpose in all things. All be it Ferdinandus the Emperors brother, & deputy in Germany, remitted no time nor diligence to do what he could in resisting the proceedings of the protestants, as appeared, both by the decree set forth at Ratis • one, and also at Spires. In the which Council of Spires, Ferdinandus at the same time, which was the year of our Lord 1529. had decreed against the protestants, in effect as followeth.

First, that the edict of the Emperor made at Wormes, should stand in force through all Germany, till the time of the general council, which should shortly follow. Also, that they which already had altered their religion, & now could not revoke the same again, for fear of sedition, should stay themselves and attempt no more innovations hereafter, till time of the general Council.

Item, that the doctrine of them which hold the Lord's Supper otherwise then the Church doth teach, should not be received, nor the mass should be altered: and there where as the doctrine of religion was altered, should be no impediment to the contrary, but that they which were disposed to come to Mass, might safely therein use their devotion: against Anabaptists likewise: and that all ministers of the Church should be enjoined to use no other interpretation of holy Scripture, but according to the exposition of the Church doctors: other matters that were disputable, not to be touched. Moreover, that all persons and states should keep peace, so that for Religion neither the one part should infer molestation to the other, nor receive any confederates under their protection and safeguard: All which decrees, they which should transgress, to be outlawed and exiled.

Unto this sitting at Spires first the Ambassadors of Strasbourg, were not admitted, but repelled by Ferdinandus, because they had rejected the mass: and therefore the said city of Strasbourg denied to pay any contribution against the Turk, except they with other Germans, might be likewise admitted into their counsels. The other princes which were received and not repelled, as the duke of Saxony, George of Brandeburgh, Ernestus, & Franciscus Earls of Luneburgh, Lantgraue, Anhaldius, did utterly gainstand the decree, & shown their cause in a large protestation written, why they so did: which done, all such cities which subscribed and consented to the said protestation of the princes, eftsones conjoined them selves in a common league with them, whereupon they had their name, called thereof Protestants. The names of the Cities were these. Argentina, or Strasbourg, Noriberge, Vlmes, Constance, Rutelinge, Winssemium, Meminge, Lindauia, Campodunum, Hailbrunum, Isna, Wisseburgum, Norlinge, Sangallum.

Furthermore, as touching the Heluetians (from whence we have somewhat digressed) howe the City of Berne and Zurich had consented and joined together in reformation of true religion, ye hard before. Wherefore the other Pages in Heluetia, which were of contrary profession, in like manner confederated them selves in league with Ferdinādus: the number and names of which Pages, especially were 5. to wit, Lucernates, Vraui, Suitenses, Vnterualdij, and Tugiani, which was in the year above said: to the intent, that they conioyning their power together, might overrun the religion of Christ, and the professors of the same. Who also for hatred & despite, hanged up the Arms of the foresaid cities of Zurich and of Berne, upon the gallows, beside many other injuries and greeuaunces, which they wrought against them. For the which cause the said Cities of Berne and Zurich raised their power, intending to set upon the foresaid Suitzers, as vpō their capital enemies. But as they were in the field ready to encoūter, one army against y ^e other, through the means of the city of Strasbourg, and other intercessors, they were parted for that time, and so returned.

As touching the Council of Auspurge, which followed the next year after the assemble of Spires, An. 1530. howe the Princes and Protestants of Germany, in the same Council exhibited their confession, and what labor was sought to confute it, and how constantly Duke Fridericke persisted in defense of his conscience against the threatening words, and replications of the Emperor: also in what danger the said princes had ben in, had not the Lantgraue privily by night slipped out of the city, parteineth not to this place presently to discourse.

To return therefore unto Zwingli and the Heluetians, of whom we have here presently to entreat, you heard before howe the tumulte and commotion between the two Cities of Zurich and Berne, and the other v. Cities of the Cantons, was pacified by the means of intercession, which peace so continued the space of two years. After that the old wound waxing raw again, began to burst out, & gather to an head: which was by reason of certain injuries, and opprobrious words and contumelies, which the reformed cities had received of the other: wherefor the Tigurines and the Bernates stopping all passages and streits, would permit no corn nor victual to pass unto them. This was in the year of our Lord. 1531,

And when great trouble was like to kindle thereby, the French king with certain other towneships of Suitzerland, as the Glarians, Friburgians, Soloturnians, and other coming between them, labored to set them at agrement, drawing out certain conditions of peace between them. Whyche conditions were these, that all contumelies & injuries past should be forgotten. That hereafter neither parte should molest the other. That they which were banished for religion, should again be restored. That the v. Pages might remain without disturbance in their religion, so that none should be restrained amongst them from the reading of the old and New Testament. That no kind of disquietness should be procured against them of Berne and Zurich: and that either part should confer mutual helps together, one to succor the other, as in times past. But the five Pagemen would not observe those covenants made, neither would their malicious hearts be brought to any conformity. Wherefore the Bernates and Tigurines, showing & declaring first their cause in public writing, to purge and excuse the necessity of their war, being pressed with so many wrongs, and in manner constrained to take the sword in hand, did as before, beset the hye ways and passages, that no furniture of victual or other forage could come to the other Pages. By reason whereof when they of the five towns began to be pinched with want and penury. they armed themselves secretly, and set forewarde in warlike array toward the borders of Zurich, where as then was lying a garrison of the Zurich men, to the number of a thousand and more. Whereupon word was sent incontinent to the City of Zurich, to succoure their men with speed, but their enemies approached so fast, that they could hardly come to rescue them. For when they were come to the top of the hille, whereby they must needs pass, they saw their fellows being in great distress in the valley under them: whereupon they encouraging themselves, made down the hill with more hast then order, who might go fastest: but the nature of the hill was such, that there could but one go down at once. By reason whereof, for as much as they could not keep their ranks, to join all together, it followed that they being but few in number, were discomfited and overmatched of the multitude, which was the 11. day of October, the year abouesayde. Among the number of them that were slain, was also Uldricus Zwingli the blessed servant & S. of God. Also the Abbotte of Capella, and Commendator Kunacensis, with 13. other learned and worthy men were slain, being as is thought, falsely betrayed, and brought into the hands of their enemies.

As touching the cause which moved Zwingli to go out with his citizens to the war, as is sufficiently declared and excused both by John Sleidan, and especially by Oecolampadius, in his Epistle ( ad Mart. Frechtum, and Somium. Epist. Lib. 4. where first is to be understand, that it is an old received manner among the Zurich men, that when they go forth in warfare, the chief minister of their church goeth with them. Zwingli also of him self being a man (saith Sledanus ) of a stout and bold courage, considering if he should remain at home when war should be attempted against his citizens, and if he which in his sermons did so encourage other, should now faint so cowardly, and tarry behind at home, when time of danger came, what shame and disdain might worthily rise to him thereby, thought not to refuse to take such parte as his brethren did.

Oecolampadius moreover addeth, that he went not out as a captain of the field, but as a good citizen with his citizens, and as a good shepherd ready to die with his flock. And which of them all (saith he) that most cry out against Zwingli, can show any such noble heart in him, to do the like? Again, neither did he go out of his own accord, but rather desired not to go, foreseeing belike, what danger thereof would ensue. But the Senate being importune upon him, would have no nay, urging and enforcing him most instantly to go: among whom were thought to have been some false betraiers, saying and objecting to him that he was a dastarde, if he refused to accompany his brethren, as well in time of danger, as in peace. Moreover the said Zwingli among other seculare arts, had also some skill in such matters of warfare. Haec Oecolampad. Whē he was slain, great cruelty was shown upon his dead corpse▪ such was their hatred toward him, that their malice could not be satisfied, unless also they should burn his body being dead. Ex comment. John. Sled Lib. 8.

The report goeth, that after his body was cut first in 4. pieces, and then consumed with fire, three days after his death, his friends came to see whether any part of him was remaining, where they found his heart in the ashes, whole and vnburned: in much like manner as was also the heart of Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, which in the ashes also was found and taken up vnconsumed, as by credible information is testified.

Furthermore, such was then the rage of these 5. pages against the foresaid Abbot Capellensis, that they took him being slain, and putting out both his eyes, they clothed him in a monks cowl, and so set him in the pulpite to preach, railing and jesting upon him in most despiteful manner. Ez Epist. Oecolamp. ad Wolfgangum Capitonem. lib. 4. Uldericke Zwingli was when he died, of the age of 44. years, younger then M. Luther by 4. years.

The Bernates, who were purposed the same time to achieve war against the Unterualdians bordering near unto them, when they heard of this discōfiture of the Tigurines, to comfort them again, desired thē to be of good cheare and courage, promising that they would not fail but come and revenge their quarrel. Again, when the Tigurines had assembled their power together, which was the 8. day after the battle, and had received aide from the Schaffusians, Mullusians, Sangalles, and frō Basil, (the Bernates at this time were nothing hasty) out of the whole number they chose out certain ensigns, which setting forth in the night, lay in the hill beside Mecinge, intending when the moon was up, to take the town of Tugie lying near at hand, upon the sudden. Which whē their enemies had perceived, which were encamped not far from them, with all speed and moste secrete manner came vpō them being at rest, the 24. day of October, and putting them in more fear, made a wonderful clamorous outcry: so it fell out in conclusion, that many on both parties were slain. And all be it the 5. pagemen had the upper hand, yet would they of Zurich nothing relent in their religion. At the last through mediation, a peace was concluded, and thus the matter agreed, that the Tigurines, Bernates, and Basilians, should forsake the league which they had lately made with the City of Strasbourg, and the Lantgraue: likewise should the 5. Page men give over their league and composition made with Ferdinandus: and hereof obligations were made and sealed in the latter ende of November.

Oecolampadius the preacher of the city of Strasbourg above recorded, hearing of y ^e death of Zwingli his dear friend, took thereat inward grief and sorrow, in so much that it is thought to have increased his disease, and so he also departed this life, the same year and month of November above mentioned, being of the age of 49. years, elder then M. Luther by one year. Although this Oecolampadius then died, yet his learned & famous Commentaries upon the Prophets, with other worthy works, which he left behind him, live still, and shall never die.

The next yere following, which was, anno. 1532. in the month of August, died also the worthy and memorable prince John Fridericke Duke of Saxony, who for testimony of Christ and of his Gospel, sustained such trials, so many bruntes, and so vehement conflicts with the Emperor, and that especially at the Council assembled at Auspurge, that unless the almighty hand of the Lord had sustained him, it had not been possible for him or any prince to have endured so constant and unremoveable, against so many persuasions, and assaults, as he did to the ende. After him succeeded John Fridericke his son. &c.

And thus have ye the history of Zwingli, and of the church of Suitzerlande, with their proceedings and troubles, from the first beginning of their reformation of religion, set forth and described. Whereunto we will add one certain Epistle of y ^e said Zwingli, taken out of his other Epistles, and so therewith close up his story. Which Epistle I thought here to record, especially for that in the same among other maters, profitably is expounded y ^e true meaning of the Apostle, writing to the Corrinthians, concerning how to judge the Lord's body, to the intent that the simple thereby may the better be informed. The words of his letter be these, as follow.

An other history of a certain man of the country wrongfully put to death, collected by the said John Oecolampadius.

THere was (saith he) a certain man of the country, which in my judgment was a good man, and lover of justice, and a mortal enemy of all the cruel exactions of the Gentlemen, which oppressed the poor people. Thys man, after the tumult and commotion of the country was appeased, was grievously vexed and tormented, because he had cried Alarm. when as a great number of horsemen raunged about the country to seek out those which had been the authors of that sedition. This poor man was taken by policy, & so upholden with fair promises, that they made him confess whatsoever they required. He thinking that they would not have put him to death, was cast in prison, whereas he was long time detained, & well cherished, to take away all suspicion from him: but after he had tarried a long time in prison, they put him to the Pinbank, laying diverse and many grievous offenses to his charge, where they kept him hanging in the truss of the cord, the space of six hours, hanging a great stone fastened at his feet.

The sweat that dropped from his body for very pain and anguish, was almost blood. In this distress he cried out pitifully, but all that could not once move the tormenters hearts. When as all the power & strength in his body began to fail him, with great violence they let him fall down. There this poor man lay even as a stock, not moving any part or member of his body, but a little drawing his breath, which was a token that there was some life in him. Here the tormenters were in great doubt what to do with the man, whom they sought by all means to destroy, in what place they might put him, that he should not die of that torment.

Amongest them there was one which brought vinegar and rose water, and rubbing him therewithal, they did somewhat recover him. After that they had caused him to eat and drink such as they had provided for him, they let him down into a deep dungeon, where he could see neither Sun nor Moon. All this was done to the intent to put him to more torment, when he had somewhat recovered his strength again. There they let him continue xviij. days: after which time they brought him again to examination, propoūding certain articles unto him, which he constantly denied. They devised diverse and sundry kinds of torments, to the intent they might even of force extorte something of this poor man, which might seem worthy of death: yet for all that they were fain to depart without their purpose. The xx. day after, these tyrants hired a hangman (a man sure worthy of his office) which left no kind of cruelty vnpractised. Yet did he miss of his purpose also, and was constrained to leave his cruelty, and to pronounce evē with his own mouth, that the man was innocent, in that he had so constantly endured so many horrible and grievous torments. Yet these tyrants came again the fourth time, & suborned two witnesses against him, thus concluding that he was worthy of death, because he had cried Alarm, after the truice was taken, & would have moved a new sedition. The day was appointed whē he should suffer, and they brought unto him the hangman, and a Frier into the prison.

In the mean time this poor man thought with himself that they would have shown him the like cruelty as they had done the night before. They called him out of the dungeō where they had let him down, certifying him that they had things to tell him for his profit. This they did because he should not die in prison.

Then they let down a cord and a staff, but they could not persuade him to sit thereupon, saying that he would rather choose to die there, then he would endure anymore such cruel torments: Notwithstanding, if they would promise him, not to put him anymore to the truss of the Corde, nor to put him to death, but to bring him before just Judges: on that condition he would come out, although he had fully determined never to have removed from thence, but to have ended his life in that dungeon. There were present certain counsellors which promised to perform his request. And thereupon he was taken out of the dungeon. As soon as he saw the Friar, he cried out with a loud voice, saying: O miserable and wretched man that I am: now am I betrayed and deceived, for my latter hour is at hand. I see well the dream which I have dreamed this night will come to effect, for they do handle me tyrannously & condemn me, not being heard. The frier brake him of from his purpose and pulling a wood̄ cross out of his sleeve, presented it unto him, declaring that he must be quiet, because they had already given sentence against him, & that he should gain nothing by so much talk. Poor man (said the Frier) thou hast had good and gentle Judges, at the least thou shalt go to God, therefore confess thy sins in my care, and after thou hast received absolution at my hands, doubt not but this day thou shalt go straight to the kingdom of heavē. The poor man answered: Thou wicked frier, get thee away from me, for I have long since bewailed my sins and offenses, & that before the face of my Lord Jesus, who hath already forgiven me all that which I have committed against his majesty, wherefor I have no need of thy absolution, which thou thyself doest not understand. This is most certain, that long time since, thou shouldest have amended thine own wicked & hipocriticall life. I know well enough what thou art, thou plaiest the Ape with me, but thou hast a subtle and crafty heart, which hath deceived much simple people. If thou hast any comfort or consolation out of the Gospel to comfort me withal, let me have it, if not, get thee away frō me, with thy Portesse. The frier was so confused and amazed with these words, that he knew not what to do or say. The hangman being wiser then the fryer, bade him read unto the poor man something of the Passion, wherein the poor mā would take great pleasure. This foolish frier had no other consolatiō to comfort him withal, but to hold the Crucifix of wood before him, saying: Behold thy savior which died for thee, look upon him, & thou shalt be comforted. Then said the poor man, I have another Savior this is none of my Savior, get thee away from me thou naughty person: with thy marmoset of wood. My Savior dwelleth in heavē in whom I trust that he will not deliver my soul to eternal death. The frier crossed himself, showing the semblance of a man that were very sory & aggrieved, thinking with himself, that this poor man was fallen into desperation. Then he was led forth into the market place, whereas according to the custom, openlie before all the people, his confession was read with a loud voice which contained no other thing, but only that y ^e mā had been a seditious person, and that in the time of truce he had cried Alarm, even in the night, when all men were at rest.

When he was come to the place where he should suffer, being compassed in with Gleues & Halbardes, hired for the purpose: after he had said the Lord's prayer, y ^e hangman bad him kneel down, but he refused so to do, declaring that he had yet something more to say before the people, thinking that he should not be denied to speak in that place, as he was before the wicked Judges. Those (said he) which know me, shall be sufficient good witnesses on my behalf, that from my youth upward: I have always lived in good name, fame, and honesty, being never before accused for any offense, sedition, or perjury.

In an evil time have I happened into these cursed days, when as all ways both God and man are turned topsy turuy. I was adherent to the tumult & sedition of the m • n of the country, as many other were which dwell there about, but what then? are there not also many Gentlemen which followed the pesants army, and many strong towns which went also with them? I was not the author of any sedition, which always I have mortally hated. I never gave counsel unto any man to move any broile or tumult in any place. We asked counsel of our Gentlemenne what we should do, when the bands of the pesants were assembled in the fields: but they gave us neither counsel nor comfort. And to speak of myself, I did never understand or know what the articles were that were published, neither was there ever any man that told me wherefore they wer published, neither did I know wherefor the bands of the countrymen were risen, neither wherefore every man moved his neighbor to put on armor. Wherefore thē have ye taken me as a seditious man, and made me to endure so great torments. He continued a long time in declaring his innocence, but notwithstanding all his excuses & defences, the hangman drue his sword, & at the commandment of the judge, strake of his head, as he had made an end of his prayers. His tongue moved a long time afterward in his head, by means of the force of the words which he had before spoken.

Thus this good man of the country ended his days. Against whom the false Judges could find no crime or offense to object, albeit they had diligently sought by witnesses to have information of all his life & living. The Lord grant his spirit to all those which suffer for his name. Ex John. Oecolampad.

*Wolfgangus Schuch a Germane, in Lotharing, martyr.

WOfgangus Schuchus coming to a certain town in Lotharing, bearing the name of s. Hippolitus, & being received in the said town to be their Pastor, labored by all means how to extirp out of the harts of the people Idolatry and Superstition. Which through the grace of Christ working with him, he in short time had brought prosperously to pass, according to his desire: In so much that the observation of Lent, Images, and all Idols, with the abhominatiō also of the Mass, in the same town was utterly abolished: So reformable God made the hearts of the people there, & such affection had they to their minister. It was not long but the rumour thereof came to the hearing of Duke Antony, prince of Loraine (under whose dominion they were) through the swift report of the adversaries, falsely belying these Hippolitans to y ^e duke, as though they in relinquishing the doctrine and faction of the Pope, went about to reject and shake of all authority & power of princes, & all superior governors. By the means of which sinister report, they incensed the Prince to such displeasure and indignation, that he threatened to subvert and utterly to destroy the Town with sword and fire. Wolfgangus having word of this, wrote unto the Duke his Epistle, in most humble & obedient wise, in defense both of his ministry, of his doctrine which he taught, & of the whole cause of the Gospel.

In which Epistle first he excused the people to be innocent & blameless, & rather those slanderous reporters to be both worthy to be blamed, and also punished for their false rumors & forged sclaunders raised up against them. After that he opened and explained the cause and state of the Gospel, and of our salvation, consisting only in the free grace of God, through faith in Christ his son, comparing also the same doctrine of the Gospel, with the confused doctrine of the Church of Rome.

That done, thirdly he proceeded to our obedience, honor and worship which first we owe to God & to Christ: next under him, to Princes here and Potestates, whom God hath placed in his room, and endued with authority here in earth, unto whom they offered themselves now & at all times, pressed and most ready to obey with all service & duty. &c.

But with this Epistle Wolfgangus did nothing prevail, either for that it was intercepted by the way, or else for that the false accusations & wicked tongues of the adversary parte took more effect to win credit with the Duke, then could the simple defense of verity. Whereupon Wolfgangus, when he saw no other remedy, rather then the town should come in any danger for his cause, y ^e good man of his own accord came to the city of Nancey (which is the head town of Loraine) there to render a confession of his doctrine, and also to deliver the town of S. Hippolite out of peril, deriuyng all the danger upon himself.

As soon as he was come thither, incontinent hands were laid upon him, and he laid fast in a straight and stinking prison, where he was sharply and bitterly handled, under the custody of the churlish and cruel kepers. All this notwithstanding, Wolfgangus continuing in that prisō the space of a whole year, yet would not be moved from his cōstancy neither with the straitnes of the prison, nor with the hardness of his kepers, nor yet with the compassion of his wife & children, which he had about six or seven. Then was he had to the house of the Gray fryers to profess there his faith: where he both wittyly and learnedly confuted all them that stood against him.

There was a fryer (named Bonaventure) provincial of that order, of face, body, and belly monstrous, but much more gross in blind ignorance, and a man utterly rude, a contemner of all civility and honesty, who being long confessor to the Duke, and of great authority in Loraine, as he was an enemy to virtue and learning, so was he ever persuading the Duke to banish out of the Courte and Country of Loraine all learned men, neither could he abide any person which seemed to know more then his elders knew before. The sum of all his Diuinitye was this, to be sufficient to salvation only to know the Pater noster, and Ave Maria. And thus was the Duke brought up and trained, and in nothing else, as the Duke himself oft times in talk with his familiars, would confess. Thys Bonaventure being chief Judge and Moderator where Wolfgangus disputed, or was examined, had nothing else in his mouth, but thou heretic, Judas, Belzebub. &c. Wolfgangus bearing patientlye those private iniuryes, which pertained to himself, proceeded mightily in his disputation by the Scriptures confuting or rather cōfounding his adversaries. Who being not otherwise able to make their party good, yet for very shame, because they would not seem to do nothing, took his Bible with his notes in the margin, into their monastery and burned it. At the last disputation Duke Anthony himself was said to be there, altering his apparel, because he would not be known, who albeit he understood not the speech of Wolfgangus, speaking in Latin, yet perceiving him to be bold and constant in his doctrine, departing from the disputation, gave sentence, that he should be burned, because he denied

the Church, and Sacrament of the Mass. Wherupō it followed shortly after that Wolfgangus was condemned to be burned, who hearing the sentence of his condemnation began to sing the Psal. 122. Laetatus sum in his quae dicta sunt mihi, in domum Domini ibimus. &c.

As he was led to the place of execution, passing by the house of the Gray Friers, Bonaventure the great Cyclops sitting at the door, cried out to him: thou heretic do thy reverence here to God, and to our Lady, and to his holy Saints, showing to him the Idols standing at the Friers gate. To whom Wolfgangus answered again: thou hypocrite, thou painted Wall, the Lord shall destroy thee, and bring all thy false dissimulation unto light. When they were come to the place of his Martyrdom, first his books before him were thrown in the fire. Then they asked him whether he would have his pain mynished or shortened: to whom he said no, bidding thē to do their will: for (said he) as God hath been with me hitherto, so I trust now he will not leave me, when I shall have most need of him, concluding his words thus: that they should put the sentence in execution, & so beginning to sing the 51. Psalm he entered into the place heaped up with fagots and wood, continuing in his Psalm and singing till the smoke & the flame took from him both voice and life.

The singular virtue, constancye, and learning of this blessed man, as it refreshed and greatly edified the harts of many good men: so it astonished as much the minds of his adversaries, and wrought to their confusion: For shortly after his death the Commēdator of S. Antony of Vienna, who sat as spiritual judge over him, and gave sentence of his condemnation, fell suddenly down and died. Also his fellow, which was Abbot of Clarilocus, and suffragan to to the Bishop of Metz, suddenly at the coming of the Duches of Denmark into the city of Nancy, strokē with sudden fear, at the crack of gunnes, fell down and died, as they which were present and saw it, have made faithful relation of the same. an. 1525. Ex Ludou. Rabo, & Pantal.

John Huglein Martyr.

OF John Huglein Priest, mention is made in the Commentaryes of John Sled. in Lib. 6. who the next year following. an. 1526. was burned at Merspurge by the bishop of Constance, for that he did not hold with the Bishop of Rome's doctrine in all points.

Moreover, besides other matters in this year occurrent, here is also a Memorandum to be made to all posterity, that in this present year .1526. unto John Friderick son and heir to the Prince and Electour of Saxony, was promised the Lady Katherine the Emperors younger sister in Marriage, and writings made of the same. But when the alteration of religion was sent by God's providence in to Saxonye, they swerved from their couenauntes, and Hawnart, which was then the Emperors Ambassador in Germany, said plainly, that there was no promise to be kept with heretics: wherein they seemed to follow well the footsteppes of the Council of Constance, as before you have partly heard in the story of John Hus, & of the Emperor Sigismund, pag. 593.587.

George Carpenter of Emeryng Martyr, burned in the town of Munchen in Bavaria.

THe viii. day of February in the year of our salvation .1527. there happened a rare and marvelous example & spectacle in the town of Munchen in Barauia. which was this. A certain man named George Carpenter of Emeryng was there burnt. When he was fette out of the prison called Falken Tower, and led before the Council, diverse Friers and Monks followed him, to instruct and teach him. Whom he willed to tarry at home, & not to follow him. When he came before the Council, his offenses were read, contained in four Articles.

First that he did not believe that a Priest could forgive a man's sins.

Secondly that he did not believe, that a man could call God out of heaven.

Thyrdly that he did not believe, that God was in the bread, which the Priest hangeth over the alter, but that it was the bread of the Lord.

Fourthly, that he did not believe, that the very element of the water it self in Baptism, doth give grace.

Which four Articles, he utterly refused to recant. Thē came unto him a certain Scholemaister of S. Peters in y ^e town of Munchen, saying: my friend George, doest thou not fear the death and punishment which thou must suffer? If thou were let go, wouldest thou return to thy wife and children? Wherunto he answered: If I were set at liberty, whither should I rather go, then to my Wyfe and well beloved children? Then said the Schoolemayster, revoke your former sentence and opinion, and you shall be set at liberty. Wherunto George answered: my wife and my children are so dearly beloved unto me, that they cannot be bought from me, for all the riches and possessions of the Duke of Bavaria: but for the love of my Lord God I will willingly forsake them. When he was led unto the place of execution, the scholemayster spake unto him again, in the midst of the market place, saying: good George, believe in the Sacrament of the alter: do not affirm it to be only a sign. Wherunto he answered: I believe this Sacrament to be a sign of the body of Jesus Christ, offered upon the Cross for us. Then said the Schoolemayster moreover, what doest thou mean, that thou doest so little esteem Baptism, knowing that Christ suffered himself to be Baptized in Jordan? Wherunto he answered, and shown what was the true use of Baptism, and what was the end why Christ was Baptized in Jordan, & howe necessary it was that Christ should die and suffer upon the Cross, wherein only standeth our salvation. The same Christ (said he) will I confess this day before the whole world: for he is my Savior, and in him do I believe.

After this came unto him one Mayster Conrade Scheitter, the Vicar of the cathedral Church of our Lady in Munchen a preacher, saying: George, if thou wilt not believe the Sacrament, yet put all thy trust in God, and say: I trust my cause to be good and true: but if I should err, truly I would be sory and repent. Whereunto George Carpenter answered: God suffer me not to err I beseech him. Then said the Scholemayster unto him, do not put the matter in that hasarde, but choose unto you some good Christian brother, Mayster Conrade, or some other, unto whom thou mayst reuele thy heart: not to confess thyself, but to take some godly counsel of him. Wherunto he answered: Nay, not so, for it would be to long. Then master Conrade began the Lord's Prayer, Our Father which art in heaven. Whereunto Carpenter answered, truly thou art our Father and no other: this day I trust to be with thee. Then Mayster Conrade went forward with the prayer, saying: Hallowed be thy name. Carpenter answered: O my God, how little is thy name hallowed in this world? Then said Mayster Conrade. Thy Kingdom come. Carpenter answered: let thy kingdom come this day unto me, that I also may come unto thy kingdom. Then said Cōrade: Thy will be done in earth as it is heaven. Carpenter answered: For this cause O Father, am I now here, that thy will might be fulfilled and not mine. Then said Mayster Conrade: Geue us this day our daily bread. Carpenter answered: the only living bread Jesus Christ shall be my food. Then said Conrade: And forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive them that trespass against us. Carpenter answered: with a willing mind do I forgive all men, both my friends and adversaries. Then said Mayster Conrade: And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from all evil: Wherunto Carpenter answered: O my Lord, without doubt thou shalt deliver me, for upon thee only have I laid all my hope. Then he began to rehearse the belief, saying: I believe in God the Father almighty. Carpenter answered: O my God, in thee alone do I trust: in thee only is all my confidence, and upon no other creature, albeit they have gone about to force me otherwise. In this manner he answered to every word: which his answers, if they should be described at length, would be to long. This prayer ended, the Scholemayster said unto him: doest thou believe so truly and constantly in thy Lord and God with thy heart, as thou doest chearefullye seem to confess him with thy mouth? Hereunto he answered: It were a very hard matter for me, if that I which am here ready to suffer death should not believe that with my heart, which I openly profess with my mouth: For I knew before, that I must suffer persecutiō, if I would cleave unto Christ: who saith, where as thy heart is, there also is thy treasure, and whatsoever thing a man doth fixe in his heart to love above God, that he maketh his Idol. Thē said master Conrade unto him, George doest thou think it necessary after thy death, that any man should pray for thee, or say Mass for thee? He answered: so long as the soul is joined to the body, pray God for me, that he will give me grace and patience, with all humility, to suffer the pains of death with a true Christian faith: but when the soul is separate from the body, then have I no more need of your prayers. When as the hangman should bind him to the ladder, he preached much unto the people. Then he was desired by certain Christian brethren, that as soon as he was cast into the fire, he should give some sign or token, what his faith or belief was. To whom he answered: this shall be my sign and token: that so long as I can opē my mouth, I will not cease to call upon the name of Jesus.

Behold (good reader) what an incredible cōstancy was in this godly man, such as lightly hath not been seen in any man before. His face & countenance never changed color, but cheerfully he went unto the fire. In the midst (saith he) of the town, this day will I confess my God before the whole world. When he was laid upon the ladder, and that hangman put a bag of gunnepouder about his neck, he said, let it so be, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the holy Ghost. And when as the two hangmen lifted him up upon the ladder, smiling he bad a certain Christian farewell, requiring forgiveness of him. That done, the hangman thrust him into the fire. He with a loud voice cried out Jesus, Jesus. Then the hangman turned him over: and he again for a certain space, cried Jesus, Jesus, and so joyfully yielded up his spirit.

Leonard Keyser.

HEre also is not to be passed over the marvelous cōstācy of M. Leonard Keyser of the country of Bavaria, who was burned for the Gospel. This Keyser was of the town of Rawbe .4. miles frō Passaw, of a famous house. This man being at his study in Wyttēberge, was sent for by his brethren which certified him, that if ever he would see his father alive, he should come with speed: which thing he did. He was scarcely come thither, when as by the commandment of the Bishop of Passawe, he was taken by his mother & his brethren. The Articles which he was accused of, for y ^e which also he was most cruelly put to death, & shed his blood for the testimony of the truth were these.

That faith only justifieth.

That works are the fruits of faith.

That the Mass is no sacrifice or oblation.

Item, for confession, satisfaction, the vow of chastitye, Purgatory, difference of days, for affirming only two Sacraments, and invocation of Saints.

He also mayntayneth 3. kinds of confession.

The first to be of faith, which is always necessary.

The second of charity, which serveth when any man hath offended his neighbor, to whom he ought to reconcile himself again, as a man may see by that which is written in Math. 18.

The third which is not to be despised, is to ask counsel of the ancient Ministers of the Church.

And for so much as all this was contrary to the bull of Pope Leo, and the Emperors decree made at Wormes, sentence was given against him, that he should be disgraded and put into the hands of the secular power. The persecutors that sat in judgment upon him, were the Bishop of Passaw: the Suffragans of Ratisbone, & of Passaw: also Doctor Eckius, being guarded about with armed men. His brethren and kinsfolks made great intercession to have his judgment deferred and put of, that the matter might be more exactly known. Also John Fridericke Duke of Saxony, and the Earls of Schauuēburge, and of Schunartzen, wrote to the Byshoppe for him, but could not prevail. After the sentence was given, he was carried by a company of harnessed men, out of the Citty again, to Schardingham .13. of August. Where Christopher Frenkinger the civil Judge receiving him, had letters sent him from Duke William of Bavaria, that forthwith tarrying for no other judgment, he should be burned alive. Whereupon the good and blessed Martyr early in the morning, being rounded and shaven and clothed in a short gown, and a black cap set upon his head all cut and iagged, so was delivered to the officer. As he was led out of the town, to the place where as he should suffer, he boldly and hardily spake in the Almayne tongue, turning his head, first on the one side, and then on the other, saying: O Lord Jesus remain with me, sustain and help me, and give me force and power.

Then the wood was made ready to be set on fire, and he began to cry with a loud voice: O Jesus, I am thine, have mercy upon me, and save me, and therwithall he felt the fire begin sharply under his feet his hands, and about his head: and because the fire was not great enough, the hangman plucked the body half burnt, with a long hook, from underneath the wood. Then he made a great hoale in the body, through the which he thrust a stake, and cast him again into the fire, and so made an end of burning, This was the blessed end of that good man, which suffered for the testimony of the truth, the 16. day of August, in the year of our Lord. 1526. Ex 6. Tomo operum Lutheri.

Wendelmuta widow and Martyr.

IN Holland also the same year .1527. was Martyred and burned a good and virtuous widow, named Wendelmuta, a daughter of Nicholas of Munchendam, Thys widow receiving to her heart the brightness of God's grace, by the appearing of the Gospel, was therefore apprehended and committed to custody in the Castle of Werden, & shortly after, from thence was brought to Hage the 15. day of November there to appear at the general sessions of that country: Where was present Hochstratus, Lord President of the said countye, who also sat upon her the 17. day of the foresaid month. Divers Monks were appointed there to talk with her, to the end they might convince her, and wyn her to recant, but she constantly persisting in y ^e truth, wherein she was planted, would not be removed. Many also of her kindred & other honest womē were suffered to persuade w ^t her. Amōg whō there was a certain noble matrō, who loved and favored dearly the said wydow being in prison. This matron coming, and commoning with her in her talk said: My Wendelmuta, why doest thou not keep silence, & think secretly in thine heart, these things which thou believest, that thou mayest prolonge here thy days and life? To whom she answered again: Ah (said she) you know not what ye say. It is written: With the heart we believe to righteousness, with tongue we confess, to salvation. &c. And thus she remaining firm & steadfast in her belief and confession, the 20. day of November was condemned by sentence given, as against an heretic, to be burned to ashes and her goods to be confiscate, she taking the sentence of her condemnation mildly and quietly.

After she came to the place where she should be executed, and a Monk there had brought out a blind Cross, willing her many times to kiss and worship her God: I worship (said she) no wooden God, but only that God which is in heaven: and so with a merry and joyful countenance, she went to the stake, desiring the executioner, to see the stake to be fast, that it fall not: then taking the powder and laying it to her breast, she gave her neck willingly to be bound, with an ardent prayer commending her self to the hands of God. Whē the time came that she should be strāgled, modestly she closed her eyes, & bowed down her head as one that would take a sleep: which done the fire then was put to the wood, and she being strangled, was burned afterward to ashes, instead of this life to get the immortal crown in heaven. an. 1527. Ex Pantal.

*Petrus Flistedius, and Adolphus Clarebachus put to death at Colen.

IN the number of these Germane Martyrs, are also to be comprehended Peter Flisteden and Adolphe Clarebach, two mē of singular learning, & having rype knowledge of God's holy word. Which two, in the yere of our Lord. 1529. for that they did dissent frō the papists in diverse points, & specially touching the supper of the Lord, and other the popes traditions & ceremonies, after they had endured imprisonment a year and a half, by the commandment of the Archb. and Senate, were put to death and burned in Colen, not without the great grief & lamentatiō of many good Christians, all the fault being put upon certain Divines, which at that time preached that the punishment & death of certain wicked persons, should pacify the wrath of God, which then plagued Germany grievously with a new and strange kind of disease: For at that season, the sweating sickness did mortally rage and reign throughout all Germany. Ex Commenta. John. Sled Lib. 6.

A Preface to the Table following.

IF thou well remember in reading this book of stories (loving reader) it was before mentioned & declared, pag. 842. how in the year of grace 1501. certain prodigious marks and printes of the Lord's passion, as the crown, cross, nails, scourges, & spear were seen in Germany, upon the garments of men & womē. Which miraculous ostent passing y ^e ordinary course of natural causes, as it was sent of God, no doubt, to foreshow the great & terrible persecution, which afterward fell in the country of Germany and other regions besides, for the testimony of Christ: so if the number & names of all those good men & womē, which suffered in the same persecution, with their acts & doings should be gathered & cōpiled together, it would ask a long time, & a large volume. Notwithstanding, partly to satisfy the history which we have in hand, partly also to avoid tedious prolixity, I thought briefly to contract the discourse thereof, drawing, as in a compendious Table, the names of the persecutors, & of the Martyrs which suffered, and the causes wherefor, in as much shortness as I may, referring the full tractation of their lives & doings to those writers of their own country, where they are to be read more at large. And to keep an order in the same Table, as much as in such a cōfused heap of matters I may, according to the order and distinctiō of the countries, in which these blessed Saints of Christ did suffer: I have so divided the order of the Table in such sort, as first to begin with them that suffered in Germany, then in France, also in Spain, with other foreign countries mo, showing only the names with the principal matters of them, referring the rest to the further explication of their own Storywriters, from whence they be collected. The which Table being finished, my purpose is (Christ willing) to return to the full history of our own matters, & Martyrs which suffered here in England.

A Table of the names and causes of such Martyrs, which gave their lives for the testimony of the Gospel in Germany, France, Spain, Italy, and other foreign Countries, since Luther's time: In which Table first is contained within the first space between the lines, the Persecutours, next the Martyrs, and thyrdly the causes.The Martyrs of Germany. Of diverse which suffered in Germany for the witness of the Gospel, partly some rehearsal is made before, as of Voes, and Esch, of Sutphen, John Castellanne, Pet, Spengler, with a certain Godly Minister, and another simple man of the country mentioned in Oecolampadius: Also of them in Diethmar and Prague, of M. George of Hala, Gaspar, Tambert, Georgius of Vienna, Wolfgangus Schuch, John Huglius, George Carpenter, Leonard Keyser, Wendelmuta, P. Flistede, Adol. Clarebach, and other moe. The residue follow in order of this Table here to be shown.

Persecutors.	Martyrs.	The causes.
Charles the Emperor. Two servants of a Butcher did apprehend.	One Nicholas of Antwerpe. At Antwarpe. An. 1254.	The Curate of Melza by Antwarpe, had used to preach to a great number of people without the town. The Emperor hearing thereof, gave leave to take the uppermost garment of all thē that came to hear, and offered 30. gilders who so would take the Prieste. Afterwarde, when the people were gathered, and the Curate not there, this Nicholas stepped up in place and preached. Wherefore he being apprehended by these two servants of a Butcher, was put in a sack and drowned by the Crane at Antwerpe. 1524.
Margarete daughter of Maximiliā, Princes of Holland. M. Montane M. Rosemund. M. Anchusanus Inquisitors. M. Iodocus Loueryng, Vicare of Mechlin.	John. Pistorius, a learned man of Holland, and partly of kynne to Erasm Roterod. An. 1524.	The story of Pistorius, is largely set forth by Gnapheus. First he was a Priest, then he married: after that he preached, coming from Wyttenberge. He spake against the Mass and pardons, and against the subtle abuses of Priests. He was committed unto prisō with 10. malefactors, whom he did comfort, & to one being half naked and in danger of cold, he gave his gown. Hys father visiting him in prison, did not dissuade him, but bad him be constant. At last he was condemned, and disgraded, having a fools coat put upon him. His fellow prisoners at his death song Te Deum. Commyng to the stake he gave his neck willingly to the band wherewith he was first strangled, and then burned, saying at his death: O death, where is thy victory?
Sabastian Braitestein, Abbot.	Mathias Weibell, Scholemaister. In Sueuia. An. 1525.	For saying somewhat against the Abbots first Mass, and against carrying about the relics, through the procurement of the Abbotte, he was hanged by Campidonium in Sueuia.
Certain noble men, after the commotion of the countrymen in Germany.	A certain godly Priest. An. 1525.	This Priest being commanded to come and give good counsel to 16. countrymen that should be beheaded, afterward was bid, him self to kneel down to have his head cut off, no cause nor cōdamnation further being laid against him, but only of mere hatred against the Gospel. Ex John. Gastia.
The name of the Persecutor appeareth not in the story.	George Scherrer. At Rastat by Saltzeburge. An. 1528.	Ater that this George had instructed the people in knowledge of the Gospel in Rastat .x. miles distant frō Saltzeburge, he was accused of his adversaries and put in prison, where he wrote a confession of his faith which Mathias Illiricus hath set out with his whole story. He was condemned to be burned a live: but means was made, that first his head should be cut of, and his body afterward be cast into the fire. Going toward his death he said, crying aloud: That you may know (said he) that I die a true Christian, I will give you a manifest sign, and so he did by the power of the Lord: For when his head was taken of frō his shoulders, the body falling upon his belly, so continued the space while one might well eat an egg. After that, softly it turned it self upon the back, and crossed the righte foot over the left, and the right hand over the left. At the sight whereof they which saw it were in a great marvel. The Magistrates which before had appointed to have burned the body after his beheading, seeing this miracle, would not burn it, but buried it with other Christian men's bodies, and many by the same examplr [illustration] were moved to believe the Gospel. Thus God is able to manifest the truth of his Gospel, in the midst of persecution, who is to be blessed forever. Amen.
Balthasar, Officiall.	Henry Flemmyng. At Dornick. 1225.	This Henry a Friar sometime of Flaunders, forsook his habit & married a wife. Who being offered life of Balthasar, if he would confess his wife to be an harlot, denied so to do, and so was burnt at Dornic.
A Popish priest and a wicked murderer.	A good priest dwelling not far from Basel. 1539.	There was a certain wicked Priest, a notorious adulterer, a dycer, and a vile dronkard given to all wickedness and vngratiousnesse, without all fear, regarding nothing what mischief he did: moreover a mā fit and ready to serve the affection of the papists at all turns. It chanced y t this Priest was received and lodged in the house of another Priest dwelling not far from Basel, which was a good man and a sincere favorer of the Gospel. This drunken priest sitting at supper, was so drunk that he could not tell what he did, or else feigned himself so drunk of purpose, the better to accomplish his intended mischief. So it followed that this wretch, after his first sleep, rose out of his bed and brake all the glass windows in his chamber, threw down the stone, and rent all his hosts books that he found. The host awaking with y e noise thereof, came to him, asking howe he did: whether there were any thieves or enemies that he was in fear of, desiring him to show what he ailed. But as soon as the good host had opened his chamber door, the wicked cutthroate, ran at him with his sword and slew him. The host after the wound received, fell down and died. Upon this a clamour was made through all the street, and the neighbors came in, the murderer was taken and bound: and yet all the friends and kinsfolks that the good priest had, could not make that miserable caitiff that was the murderer, to be executed: the superior power did so take his part, saying that he should be sent to his bishop. The towns men did grievously cry out and complain, at the boulstering out of so manifest vilany. So did also the noble man that was the Lord of the Page, saying that so many good men and married priests were drowned and beheaded for such small trifles, without any regard had to the Bishop but a murderer might escape unpunished. It was answered to them again, that what the superior powers would do, thei had nothing to do withal. The time was otherwise now, then it was in the commotion of the rusticall people. The superior power had authority to govern as they would, said they: it was their parts only to obey: And so was he sent bound to the bishop, and shortly after dismissed, having also a greater benefice given him for his worthy acre: for he so auaunted him self, that he had slain a Lutheran Priest. Ex tom. 2. Conuiualium Sermonum John. Gastij. & ex. Pantal.
Charles the Emperors Procurator. Doctor Anchusanus, Inquisitor. Latomus. At Leuven. An. 1543.	XXviij. Christ̄ men and women of Leuven Paul a priest. Two aged women. Antonia. Two men. At Leuven. 1543.	When certain of the City of Leuven were suspected of Lutheranism, the Emperors Procurator came from Bruselles thither to make Inquisition. After which Inquisition made, certain bands of armed men came & beset their houses in the night where many were taken in their beds, plucked frō their wives and children, and divided into divers prysons. Through the terror whereof, many citizens revolted from y e doctrine of the gospel, and returned again to Idolatry. But 28. there were which remained constant in y e persecutiō. Unto whō the Doctors of Louan Anchusanus especially the Inquisitor, & Latomus sometimes, w t other, came and disputed, thinking no less but either to confound them or to convert thē. But so strongly y e spirit of y e Lord wrought with his Saints, that the other went rather confounded away thē selves. When no disputation could serve that which lacked in cunning, they supplied w t torments, by enforcing and afflicting thē severally, everyone by him self. Among the rest, there was one Paulus a Priest, upon the age of 60. years, whom the Rectors of the University, with their Collegues, accompanied with a great number of bills and gleues, brought out of prison to y e Agustine Friers, where after many foul words of the Rector, he was degraded. But at length for fear of death he began to stagger in some points of his confession, and so was had out of Leuven, and condemned to perpetual prison which was a dark and stinking dongeon, where he was suffered neither to read nor write, or any man to come at him, commanded only to be fed with bread and water. After that, other two there were, which because they had revoked before, were put to the fire and burnt, constantly taking their martyrdom.
Then was there an old man, and 2. aged women brought forth: of whom the one was called Antonia, borne of an ancient stock in that City. These also were condemned, the man to be headed, the 2. women to be buried quick, which death they received likewise very cheerfully. Certain of the other prisoners, which were not codemned to death, were deprived of their goods, commanded in a white sheet to come to the church, and there kneeling with a Taper in their hand, to ask forgiveness: and they which refused so to do, and to abjure the doctrine of Luther, were put to the fire, Ex Francis. Encenate.
The name of the persecutor appeareth not in the story.	M. Perseuall. At Leuven. An. 1544.	Not long after this, was one M. Perseual in the same University of Leuven, singularly well learned. Who for reprehending certain popish superstitions, and something speaking in commendation of the Gospel, was thrown into prison. Then being accused of Lutheranism, because he stood to y e same, and would not condesende to the popes erroneous faction, he was adjudged to perpetual prison, there to be fed only with bread and water, which punishment he took pacyentlye for Christ's sake. Nevertheless certain Citizens taking compassiō of him sent him wyne and bear. But his keepers being charged under a great penalty, durst let nothing come unto him. At last what became of him, no man could learn nor understand. Some judge that he was either famished for hunger, or else that he was secretly drowned. Et Franc. Encenate.
Dorsardus • a Potestate in that country, and a great persecutor.	Justice Imbsberger. At Brusels. An. 1544.	Iustus: a skinner of Leuven, being suspected of Lutheranism, was found in his house to have the new testament and certain sermons of Luther: For the which he was committed, and his Jailor commanded, that he should speak with none. There were the same time, in the lower prison under them, Egidius, and Franciscus Encenas a Spaniard, who secretly having the doors left open, came to him and confirmed him in the cause of righteousness. Thus is the providence of the Lord never lacking to his Saints, in time of necessity. Shortly after came the Doctors and masters of Leuven, to examine him of certain Articles touching religion as of y e popes supremacy, Sacrifice of y e mass Purgatory, and of the sacrament. Whereunto when he had answered plainly and boldly, after the Scriptures, and would in no wise be removed, he was condemned to the fire: but through y e intercessiō made to the Queen, his burning was pardoned, and he only beheaded. Ex Franc. Encenate.
The person of Brusels.	Giles of Brusels. An. 1544.	This Giles was borne in Brusels, of honest parents. By his occupatiō he was brought up from his youth to be a Cutler: In the which occupation he was so expert and cunning, that he waxed thereby riche & wealthy. Comming to the years of 30. he began to receive the light of the Gospel, thorough the reading of the holy Scripture, and increased therein exceedingly. And as in zeal he was fervent, so was he of nature human, mild, and pittyfull, passing all other in those partes. Whatsoever he had, that necessity could spare, he gave it away to the poor, and only lived by his science. Some he refreshed with his meat, some with clothing to some he gave his shoes: some he helped with household stuff: to other some he ministered wholesome exhortatiō of good doctrine. One poor woman there was brought to bed, and had no bed to lie in, to whom he brought his own bed, himself contented to lie in the straw.
The said Egidius being detected by a Priest or person of Brusels, was taken at Leuven for that religion, which the Pope doth call heresy. Where his adversaries extended great care and diligence to reduce him to their doctrine; and to make him abjure. But as he was a man well reasoned: and singularly witted, they went away many times with shame. Thus being detained 8. months in prison, he was sent to Brusels to be judged: where he comforted divers which were there in prison (among whom was also Fraunciscus Encenas) exhorting them to constancy of the truth unto the crown which was prepared for them. At the table he ministered to them all, being contented himself with the few scrappes which they left. In this his prayers he was so ardent, kneeling by himself, in some secret place, that he seemed to forget him self. Beyng called many times to meat, he neither heard: nor saw them that stood by him, till he was lift up by the arms, & then gently he would speak unto them, as one waked out of a sweet sleep. Certain of the Gray Friers sometimes were sent unto him by two and two, to reduce him, but he would always desire them to depart frō him, for he was at a point, & when the Friars at any time did miscall him, he ever held his peace, at such private injuries: in so much that those blasphemers would say abroad, that he had a dum devil in him. But when they talked of any religion, there he spared not, but answered them fully by evidences of the Scripture in such sort, that diverse times they would depart maruelyng. At sundry times he might have escaped, the doors being let open, but he would not for bringing his keeper in peril. At length about the month of January, he was brought to another prison, to be constrained with torments to confess Purgatory, and to utter mo of his fellows. But no forcement would serve. Wherefore upon the 22. of January he was condemned to the fire, but privily, contrary to the use of y e Country, for openly they durst not condemn him for fear of the people: so well was he beloved. When tidings of the sentence came unto him, he gave hearty thanks to GOD, that the hour was come, when he might glorify the Lord. [illustration] As he was brought to the place of burning, where he saw a great heap of wood pyled, he required the greater part thereof to be taken away, and given to y e poor: a little (said he) would suffice him. Also seeing a poor man coming by, as he went, that lacked shoes he gave his shoes unto him. Better said he: so to do then to have his shoes burnt, and the poor to perish for cold. Standing at the stake the hangman was ready to strangle him before, but he would not saying, that there was no such need that his pain should be mittigated, for I fear not (said he) the fire, do therefore as thou art commanded. And thus the blessed Martyr, lifting up his eyes to heaven, in the middle of the flame, was extincted, to the great lamentation of all that stood by. After that time, when the friers of that City would go about for their alms the people would say, it was not meet for them to receive alms with bloody hands. This history you shall find more copiously described, in Franc. Encenas. Ex Franc. Encen.
Friers and priests of Flaunders.	Great persecution in Gaunt & other partes of Flaunders. At Gaunt. An. 1543. 1544.	As Charles the Emperor did lie in Gaūt the Friars and Doctors there obtained that the Edicte made against the Lutherās might be read openly twice a year. Which being obtained, great persecution followed, so that there was no Citty nor town in all Flaunders, wherein some either were not expulsed, or headed, or condemned to perpetual prison, or had not their goods confiscate neither was there any respect of age or sex. At Gaunt especially, many there wer of the head men, which for religion sake were burned. Afterward the Emperor coming to Brusels, there was terrible slaughter, and persecution of God's people, namely in Brabant, Hennegow and Artoys, the horror and cruelty whereof is almost incredible: In so much that at one time as good as ii. hundredth men and women together, were brought out of the country about, into the Citty, of whom some were drowned, some buried quick, some pryuely made away, others sent to perpetual prison: whereby all prisons and towers there about were replenished with prisoners and captives, and the hands of the hangmen tired with slaying and killing, to the great sorrow of all them, which knew the Gospel, being now compelled either to deny the same, or to confirm it with their blood. The story hereof is at large set forth by Francis. Encenas, a notable learned man, who also himself was prisoner y e same time at Bruzels: whose book written in Latin, I myself have seen and read, remaining in the hands of John Oporine at Basel.
Franciscan Friars of Gaunt.	Martynus Hoeurbloc, Fishmōger. At Gaunt. An. 1545.	This Martin ever almost to his latter age, was a man much given to all wickedness and fleshly life so long as he continued a follower of the popes superstitiō and Idolatry. Afterwarde (as God hath always his calling) thorough the occasion of a Sermō of his parish priest beginning to taste some working of grace, and repentance of his former life, went out of Gaunt for the space of iii. months, seeking the company of godly Christians, such as he heard to use the reading of the scriptures: by whom he being more groundly instructed, returned again to the City of Gaunt, where all his neighbors first began to marvel at the sudden change of this man. The Franciscans, which knew him before so beneficial unto them, now seeing him so alterrd from their ways and superstition, and seeing him to visit the captives in prison, to comfort thē in persecution, and to confirm them in the word of God which went to the fire, conspired against him: whereby he was detected and laid in bands. After that, with sharp and grievous torments they would have constrained him to utter other of the same Religion. To whom thus he answered, that if they could prove by the scripture, that his detecting and accusing of his brethren, whō they would afflict with the like torments, were not against y e second Table of God's law, then he would not refuse to prefer the honor of God before y e safeguard of his brethren. Then the friers examined him in the sacrament, asking him why he was so earnest, to have it in both kinds, seeing (said they) it is but a naked sacrament as you say, to whom he answered that the elements thereof were naked, but the Sacrament was not naked, for so much as the said elements of bread and wine, being received after the institution of Christ, do now make a Sacrament and a mystical representation of the Lord's body, communicating him self with our souls. And as touching the receiving in both kinds, because it is the institution of the Lord, who is he (said Martyne) that dare alter the same? Then was he brought before the counsel of Flanders. The causes laid against him, were the Sacrament, Purgatory, and praying for the dead: for the which he was condemned and burned at Gaunt, in Uerle place, all his goods being confiscate. As he stood at the stake, a Franciscan Frier said to him (Martin unless thou doest turn, thou shalt go from this fire, to everlasting fire. It is not in you, said Martin again, to judge. For this the Friers after were so hated, y t many bills and rimes were set forth in diverse places against them. Ex Pantal.
The counsel of Flaunders.	Nicholas Vanpole. John de Brucke & his wife. At Gaunt. An. 1545.	The next day after the burning of Martin aforesaid, which was the 9. of Maye, these three also were burned for the same causes likewise, for the which y e other was condemned & burned the day before, but only y t the woman was burned alive. All which took their Martyrdom joyfully & with much cheerfulness.
	Vrsula. Maria, Uirgines of noble stock. At Delden. An 1545.	Delden is a town in lower Germany, 3. miles from Dauentry, where these two virgins of noble parentage were burned. Who after diligent frequenting of Churches and Sermons being instructed in the word of the Lord, defended, that seeing the benefit of our salvation cometh only by our faith in Christ, all the other marchaundise of the pope, which he useth to sel to y e peole for money, was needles. First Mary being the younger, was put to the fire, where she prayed ardently for her enemies, commonding her soul to God. At whose constancy the Judges did greatly marvel.
Then they exhorted Ursula to turn, or if she would not, at least that she should require to be headed. To whom she said, that she was guilty of no error, nor defended anything, but which was consonant to the scripture, in which she trusted to persevere unto the end. And as touching the kind of punishment, she said, she feared not y e fire, but rather would follow the example of her dear sister, that went before. This was marvelous, that the executioners could in no wise consume their bodies with fire, but left them whole lying vpō the ground white: which certain good Christians privily took up in y e night and buried. Thus God many times, showeth his power in the midst of tribulations. Ex. Lud. Rab. Pantal. &c.
The person of S. Catherines. Doctor Tapertus. William Clericken ruler of Mechlin.	Andreas Thiessen. Catherina, his wife. Nicholas Thiessen. Francis Thiessen. brethren. At Mechlin. An. 1545.	Andrew Thiessen Citizen of Mechlin, of his wife Catherine, had three sons and a daughter, whom he instructed diligently in the doctrine of the gospel, and despised the doings of Poperye. Wherefore, being hated and persecuted of the Friars and Priests there, he went into England and there died. Francis and Nicholas his two sons went to Germany to study. Returning again to their mother and sister and younger brother, by diligent instruction, brought thē to the right knowledge of God's Gospel which being not unknown to the Person there of S. Catherine he called to him Doctor Rupert, Tapert, & other Masters and Friars, who taking counsel together, with William Clericken the head Magistrate of the town of Mechlen, agreed that the mother with her four Children should be sent to prison, separated one from another: where great labor was employed to reclayme them home unto their Church, that is, from light to darkness again. The ii. younger, to wit, the daughter with the younger brother, being yet not settled, neither in years nor doctrine, something inclined to them, and were delivered. The mother which would not consent, was condemned to perpetual prison. The other 2. Frances and Nicholas, standing firmly to their confession, defended that the Catholic Church was not y e Church of Rome: that the Sacrament was to be ministered in both kynds: that auricular confession was to no purpose: that Invocation of Saints was to be left: that there was no Purgatory. The Friars they called hypocrites, and contemned their threatenings. The Magistrates after disputations, fell to torments, to know of them who was their master and what fellows they had. Theyr master (they said) was Christ, which bare his cross before. Felowes (they said) they had innumerable, dispersed in all places. At last they were brought to the Judges: their Articles were read, and they condemned to be burned. Comming to the place of execution, as they began to exhort the people, gagges or balls of wood were thrust in their mouths, which they through vehemencye of speaking thrust out again, desiring for y e Lord sake, that they might have leave to speak. And so singing with a loud voice, Credo in vnum Deum. &c. they went, and were fastened to the stake, praying for their persecutors, and exhorting the one the other, they did abide the fire patiently. The one feeling the flame to come to his beard: Ah (said he) what a small pain is this, to be compared to the glory to come? Thus the patient martyrs committyng their spirit to the hands of God, to the great admiration of the lookers on, through constancy, achieved the crown of martyrdom. Ex. Phil Melanct.
The names of their accusers appear not in the Authors.	Marion wife of Adrian Taylor. At Dornic. An. 1545.	In the same persecution against Brulius and his company in Dornic, was apprehended also one Adrian and Marion his wife. The cause of their trouble, as also of the others, was the Emperors decree made in the Council of Wormes against y e Lutherians, mentioned before, pag. 841. Adrian not so strong as a man, for fear gave back from y e truth and was but only beheaded. The wife stronger thē a woman did withstand their threats, and abide the uttermost, and being enclosed in an iron grate formed in shape of a pastie, was laid in the earth and buried quick, after the usual punishment of that country, for women. When the adversaries first told her, that her husband had relented, she believed them not: and therefore as she went to her death, passing by the Tower where he was, she called to him to take her leave, but he was gone before. Et Pant. lib. 4.
The Magistrates of Dornic. or Tornay.	M. Peter Bruly Preacher. At Dornic. An. 1545.	M. Peter Bruly was preacher in the French Church at Strasbourg. Who at the earnest request of faithful brethren came down to visit the lower countries about Artoys and Dornic in Flanders, where he most dilligētly preached the word of God unto the people in houses, the doors standing open. Wherupon, whē y e magistrates of Dornic had shut the gates of the town, and had made search for him three days, he was priuelye let down the wall in the night by a basket: and as he was let down to the ditch ready to take his way one of them which let him down leaning over the wall, to bid him fare well, caused (unawares) a stone to slip out of y e wall, which falling upon him, brake his leg, by reason whereof he was heard of the watchmen complaing of his wound, and so was taken, giving thanks to God by whose providence he was there stayed, to serve the Lord in that place. So long as he remained in prison, he ceased not to supply the part of a diligent preacher, teaching and confirming all them that came to him in y e word of grace. Beyng in prison he wrote his own confession and examination, & sent it to the brethren. He wrote also another Epistle to them that were in persecution: another also to all the faithful: also another letter to his wife, the same day that he was burned. He remained in prison 4. months. His sentence was given by the Emperors Commissioners at Brussels, that he should be burneh to ashes, and his ashes to be thrown into the river. Although the fryers and priests made the fire but small, to multiply his pain, yet he the more cheerfully and constantly took his martyrdom and suffered it. The letters of Duke Frederick, and of the Lantgraue came to entreat for him, but he was burned a little before the letters came. Ex Lud. Rab. Lib. 6.
The Senate of Dornic. Doctor Hasardus, a Gray Friar.	Peter Miocius. Bergiban. At Dornic. An. 1545.	The coming of M. Peter Bruly into the country of Flaunders, did exceeding much good among the brethren, as appeared by diverse other good men, and namely by this Peter Mioce, which was by his occupation a silk weauer. This Peter, before he was called to y e Gospel, led a wicked life, given to much vngraciousnes, & almost to all kinds of vice. But after the taste of the Gospel began to work in him, so clean it altered him from that former man, that he excelled all other in godly zeal and virtue. In his first examination he was asked whether he was one of the scholars of Peter Bruly. He said he was, and that he had received much fruit by his doctrine. Wilt thou then defend his doctrine, said they? Yea said he, for that it is consonant both to the Old Testament and to the new, and for this he was let down unto a deep dongeon under y e castle ditch, full of toads and filthy vermin. Shortly after the Senate with certain Friers, came again to examine him, to see whether they could convert him. To whom he answered and said that when he before had lived such an ungodly life, they never spake word against him: but now for savoring and fauoring the word of God, they were so infeste against him that they sought his blood. Among whō was one Doctor Hasardus, which asked him if he did not seem to himself more wicked now, then ever he was before: but he setting the Friar at light, bad him auaunt Friar, saying: that he had to talk with the Senate, and not with him. The Senate then began to examine him of certain Articles of Religion. To whom as be was about to answer boldly and expressly to every point, they interrupting him bad him say in two words, either, yea or nay. Then said he, if ye will not suffer me to answer for myself in matters of such importance, then send me to my prison again among my todes and frogs, which will not interrupt me, while I talk with my Lord my God. The boldness of whose spirit and courage, as it made some to gnash their teeth, so some it made to wonder, and ministered to some great confirmation.
There was also one Bergiban the same time in prison, who had been a foreward man, & a great doer in the Gospel, before the coming down of Brulius. Who being also sought for at the taking of Brulius, and being then not found at home, either by chance, not knowing, or else because he conveyed himself out of the way for fear, conceived thereof such sorrow in his mind, y e afterward neither his wife nor children, nor any friend else, could stay him but he would needs offer himself to the Judges, saying to the ruler, being asked why he came? The Magistrates came to seek me (said he) and now I am come to know, what they would. Wherupon the ruler being sory of his coming, yet notwithstanding committed him to prison, where he remained constant a certain while. But after the Commissioners had threatened him with cruel torments and horror of death, he began by little and little to waver & shrink from the truth. At the fair words of the false Friers and Priests, to have his punishment changed, and to be beheaded, he was fain to grant unto their biddinges and requests. Whereupon the adversaries taking their advantage, came to Miocius, and told him of Bergibans retractation, wylling him to do the like. But he stoutly persisting in the truth, endured to the fire, where he having powder put to his breast was so put to death, and dispatched. The Friars hearing the crack of y e powder upon his breast, told the people, that the devil came out of him and carried away his soul. Ex Rabo. & alijs.
A certain Prince in Germany, about Hungary or the partes of Pannonia.	A priest of Germany.	Johannes. Gastius Conuiual. Serm. lib. 2. writeth of a certain Prince, but doth not name him, which put out y e eyes of a certain Priest in Germany, for no other cause, but for that he said y e mass to be no sacrifice, in y t sense, as many priests do take it. Neither did the cruel prince immediately put him to death but first kept him in prison a long time, afflicting him with diverse torments. Then he was brought forth to be degraded, after a barbarous and tyrannous manner. First they shaved the crown of his head, then rubbed it hard with salt, that y e blood came running down his shoulders. After that they rased and pared the tops of his fingers with cruel pain, that no savor of the holy oil might remain. At last the patient and godly martyr, four days after, yielded up his life and spirit. Ex. John. Gastio. lib. 2.
Alphonsus Diazius, a Spaniard. Petrus de Maluenda the popes prolocutor at Ratisbone a Spaniard. The Emperors confessor, a black Friar a Spaniard. Marquina.	Johannes Diazius, a Spaniard martyr, killed of his own brother at Neoberg in Germany. An. 1546.	Of this John Diazius the full process and history is set forth in Latin wherein the whole circustaunce is debated at large, where of brief sum is this. John Diazius a Spanyarde borne, first being at Paris 13. years, from thence removed to Geneva: then to Basel, & after to Strasbourg: from whence he was sent Ambassador with Bucer and other, to the Council of Ratisbone: where he talking with Peter Meluenda his countreyman, the Popes factor, so declared his Relygyon unto him that Maluenda wrote to the Friar, which was the Emperors confessor touching the said John Diazius: at the opening and reading of which letters, one Marquina another Spanyarde was present. Upon this it followed, whether by this confessor, or by Marquina, that Alphonsus Diasius, brother to John Diazius: which was one of the Popes Lawyers in Rome, had knowledge given him, of his brother John.
When the communication of Ratisbone was dissolved & broken up. John Diazius, from Ratisbone went to the City of Neoberg, within the Dominion of Otto Henry Pallatine, about the expedition of Bucer's book there to be printed. As John Diazius was there occupied, it was not long, but Alphonsus his brother was come frō Rome to Ratisbōe, where Maluenda was: bringing with him a pestilent cutthroate, a notorious ruffian or homicide belonging to y e City of Rome, Maluenda & Alphonsus consulting together about y e dispatch of their devilish purpose, first labored to hūt out by y e friends of Diazius where Diazius was, Wherof Alphon. & the homicide having knowledge by certain of his secret friends, pretending great matters of importance, came to Neoberg, where Diazius was printing of Bucer's book: where after long debating of matters of religion between the two brethren. Alphonsus seeing the heart of his brother John to be so constantly planted on the sure rock of God's truth, that by no wise he could either be removed from his opinion, or persuaded to ride in his company (being otherwise coūsailed by Bucer and his friends) feigned him self friendly to take his leave of his brother and to depart but shortly after, secretly with his ruffenly murderer he returned again, and by the way they bought a certain hatchet of a carpenter. This done, Alphonsus sendeth his man being disguised, with letters unto his brother, he himself following after. As John Diazius in the morning was risen out of his bed, to read the letters, y e wretched hangman, with the hatchet cloue his head unto the brains, leaving the hatchet in his head, and so he with Alphonsus took them to their horse, which stood without the City gate, with as much speed as they might. They of Neoberge, hearing of the horrible act, sent out certain horsemen, making great journeys after them. Who coming to Augusta, and hearing y e murderers to be past before, were out of hope to overtake them, and so returned. One in the company more zealous then the rest, would not return, but pursued them still, and in the City of Oeniponte, caused them to be stayed, and put in prison. Otto Palatine hearing of their taking writeth to the Magistrates of Oeniponte for judgment. Which Magistrates at first seemed very willing there to: but in conclusion, through the practice of papists, and crafty lawyers, the sentence judicial was so delayed from day today, thē from hour to hour, that the Emperors letters came in posthaste requiring the matter to be stayed, and reserved to his hearing. And thus the terrible murder of Cain and his fellow was bolstered out by the Papists. The like whereof from the memory of men was never heard of, since the first example of Cain, which for religion slue his own brother Abel. But although true judgment in this world be perverted, yet such bloody Cain's w t their willful murder, shall not escape y e hands of him, who shall judge truly both the committers, and the bolsterers also of all mischievous wickedness. Ex Claudio Senarcleo. An. 1546, Charles the Emperor held an armed Council at Augusta after his victory gotten in Germany. Where Julius Pflug, Michael Sidonius and John Islebius going about to concord together the Gospel of Christ, with the traditions of the Pope, that is, to make a hodgebotch of them both, drew and framed out a new form of Religion called Interim. Whereupon began a new matter of persecution in Germany. For the Emperor proceeded straightly against all them, which would not receive his Interim, intending thereby to have wrought some great mastry against the Gospellers, but the Lord disapoynted his purpose. Among them which withstood this Spanish Interim, besides other, were also the Citizens of Cōstantia. For the which three thousand Spaniards priuilye by night came against the Town of Constance, where they killed three of the watchmen of the Town, which watching in the suburbs, went forth to view the noise which they heard in the woods. The devise of the spanyardes was in the morning when the cittizens were at the Sermon, sodeinly to set upon the Citty and take it, so (no doubt) intent̄ding to have gone further. But as the Lord would something began to be suspected in the night by the watchmē in the suburbs, on the other side the water, whereby the Consul and Citizens had intelligence to be in readiness. When the morning came, y e Spaniards were ready at y e gate to break into the City. But being driven from thence and their Captain Alphonsus slain, they went to the bridge which goeth over the Rhene. But being beaten also from thence, with shot and great pieces from the walls, and a great number of them drowned in the river, the Spaniards breaking down the hynder part of the bridge, because the Citizens should not pursue them, they recoyled back into the suburbs, and burned thē with the dead bodies also that were slain, so that the number of the Spaniards that there were killed, could not be known: Only a hundred of honest Citizens of Constance were missing Ex. John. Sled. lib. 21. At the same time, many godly Ministers of the Churches in Germany were in great danger, especially such as refused to receive the Interim: of whom some were cast into prison. In which number of prisoners was Mart. Frectius Superintendēt of Ulmes, with four other preachers moe: also his brother George, for coming but to his house to comfort him. For the which cause Musculus the same time, with other preachers moe, went from Ausburge, Brenz from Hala, Blaurerus from Constance, Bucer from Strasbourg.
A Bishop in Hungary	A godly priest in Hungary.	In Hungary a certain godly priest preached, that the eating of flesh is not prohibited in the Scripture: for the which the cruel bishop, after he had imprisoned him certain weeks, caused him to be brought out, & his body to be tied over with Hares, Geese, and Hennes, hanging round about him: and so y e beastly Bish. made dogs to be set vppō him, which cruelly rent and tore whatsoever they could catch. And thus the good minister of Christ, being driven about the City with the barking of dogs died, and was martyred. The sight whereof, as it was lamentable to the godly, so it seemed ridiculous to the wicked. But within few days after, the impious bishop by the stroke of God's just hand, fell sick and became horn mad, and so raving without sense or wit, miserably died. Ex tomo. 2. Conuiualium Sermo. John Gastij.
	John Fridericke of Saxony Elector. An. 1547.	Among these godly and constant Saints of Christ, may well be recounted John Fridericke Duke of Saxony. Who whē he had recovered again all his dominions (which Duke Maurice had taken from him before, being in Sueuia with his army) and at last was taken prisoner of the Emperor at Albis, 24. of April. ann. 1547. yet could never be induced to yield to the Emperor in revoking his faith and doctrine of the Gospel wherein he stood: For the which he was detained from his wife and children, and bereaved of all his goods, and carried about with the Emperor, the space of five years. This admirable constancye of that duke was a wonder to all his adversaries. At last, in the year of our Lord. 1552. through the benefit of almighty God, he was set again at liberty & returning home to his wife & childrē continued in his religion till the hour of his death. Ex Sled lib. 19.
Much like was the case also of Philip Lantgraue of Hesse,