Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1
Agaynst this assertion Eckius set up a contrary conclusion saying, that they which hold that the supremacy and preeminence of the Church of Rome above all other Churches, was not before the time o • Pope Sylvester the first, do err, for as much as they which succeeded in the see and faith of Peter, were always received for the successors of Peter, and vicars of Christ in earth.
This being the last of all the other Themes of Eckius yet thought he chiefly to begin with this against Luther, to bring him into more displeasure with the B. of Rome, wherein Luther himself much refused to dispute, alleging that matter to be more odious then necessary, for that present time, and that also for the B. of Rome's sake, he had much rather keep silence in the same. Wherunto if he must needs be urged, he would the fault should be understanded of all men to be where it was, namely in his adversary which provoked him thereunto, & not in himself. Eckius again clearing himself, translateth all the fault unto Luther, which first in his treatise, De indulgentijs Papae, defended that before pope Siluesters time the church of Rome had no place of maioritie, or preeminence above other churches, & also before y e Cardinal Caietanus affirmed y e Pope Pelagianus wrested many places of the Scripture out of their sense, unto his own affection and purpose. Wherefore the fault hereof (said he) to him rather is to be imputed, which ministered the first occasion.
Thus Luther being egged and strayned to dispute, whether he would or no, the question began to be propounded touching the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome: which supremacy Eckius did contend to be founded & grounded upon God's law. M. Luther on the other side, denied not the supremacy of the Byshoppe of Rome above other churches, neither denied the same moreover to be universal over all churches: but only he affirmed it not to be instituted by God's law. Upon this questiō the disputation did continue the space of 5. days. During all which season. Eckius very dishonestly & vncurteously demeaned himself, studying by all means how to bring his adversary into y e hatred of the auditors, & into danger of the P. The reasons of Eckius were these. For so much as y e church being a civil body, cannot be without an head, therefore as it standeth w t God's law, that other civil regimēts should not be destitute of their head▪ so is it by God's law requisite that the pope should be the head of the universal Church of Christ. To this M. Luther answered, that he confesseth & granteth y e Church not to be headles, so long as Christ is alive, who is the only head of y e Church, neither doth the Church require any other head beside him, for so much as it is a spiritual kingdom, not earthly: and he alleged for him the place of Collos. 1. Eckius again produced certain places out of Jerome and Cyprian, which made very little to prove the primacy of the P. to hold by gods law. As touching y e testimony of Bernard neither was y e authority of y e author of any great force in this case, neither was the place alleged so greatly to y e purpose.
Then came he to the place of S. Math. 16. Tues Petrus &c. Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church &c. To this was answered, that this was a confession of faith, and that Peter there representeth the person of the whole universal Church, as Agustine doth expound it. Also that Christ in that place meaneth himself to be the Rock, as is manifest to collecte, both by his words and order of the sentence, and many other conjectures. Likewise to the place of S. John. Pasce oues meas: Feede my sheep. Which words Eckius alleged properly and peculiarly to be spoken to Peter alone. Martin answered, that after these words spoken, equal authority was given to all the Apostles, where Christ saith unto them, Receive ye the holy Ghost: whose sins soever ye remit, they are remitted. &c. By these words (saith he) Christ assigning to them their office, doeth teache what is to feed, and what he ought to be that feedeth. After this Eckius came to the authority of the Council of Constance, alleging this amongst other articles, De necessitate salutis est, credere Rom. pontificem Occumenicum esse, That is, that it standeth upon necessity of our salvation to believe the Bishop of Rome to be supreme head of the Church: alleging moreover, that in the same Council was debated and discussed, that the general Council could not err. Whereunto Martin Luther again did answer discreetly, saying that all the articles which John Hus did hold in that Council, were not condemned for heretical: with much other matter more. Again, of what authority that Council of Constance is to be esteemed, that he left to other men's judgments. This is most certain (said he) that no Council hath such authority to make new articles of faith. Here M. Luther began to be cried out of by Eckius and his complices, for diminishing y e authority of general Councils. Although in deed he mean nothing less, but ever labored to confirm the authority of the same: yet was he called heretic & schismatic, and one of the Bohemes faction, with many other terms moe of reproachful contumely. Eckius then granted the authority of the Apostles to be equal: & yet not to follow thereby, the authority of all Bishops therefore to be equal: For between Apostleship and ministry (said he) there is great difference.
To conclude, Eckius in no case could abide that any creature should decline from any word or sentence of the Popes decrees, or the constitutions of the forefathers. To this again Luther answered, grounding him self upon the place ad Gal. 2. where S. Paul speaking of the principal Apostles, saith: And of them which seemed to be great, what they were before, it maketh no matter to me, for God accepteth no man's person: nevertheless, they that were of some reputation, did avail nothing at all, &c. Eckius to this said, that as touching the authority of the Apostles, they were all chosen of Christ, but were ordained Bishops of Saint Peter. And whereas Luther brought in the constitution of the decree, which saith, Ne Romanus pontifex vniuersalis Episcopus nominetur, &c. Yea let not the Bishop also of Rome be called universal Bishop, &c. To this Eckius answered on this sort, that the Bishop of Rome ought not to be called universal Bishop: yet he may be called (said he) Bishop of the universal church. And thus much touching the question of the Popes supremacy.
From this matter, they entered next to Purgatory wherein Eckius kept no order. For whē they should have disputed, what power the Pope hath in Purgatory, Eckius turneth the scope of the question, and proveth that there is Purgatory, & allegeth for him the place of Machab. Luther leaning upon the judgment of Jerome, affirmeth the book of Maccabees not to be Canonical. Eckius again replieth the book of Maccabees to be of no less authority then the Gospels. Also he alleged the place 1. Corinth. 3. He shall be saved▪ yet so as it were by fire. Moreover he inferred the place of Math. 5. Agree thou with thine adversary while thou art in the way with him, least he commit thee into prison, from whence thou shalt not escape, till thou hast paid the uttermost farthing. &c. To this he added also the place of the Psalms: We have passed through the fire and water. &c. Howe these places be wrasted to purgatory, let the reader discern and judge.
Then was inferred the question of indulgences, whereof Eckius seemed to make but a toy & a matter of nothing, and so passed it over.
At last they came to the question of penance, touching which matter, the reasons of Eckius digressed much from the purpose, which went about to prove that there be some manner of pains of satisfaction: which thing Luther did never deny. But that for every particular offense, such particular penance is exacted of God's justice upon the reap̄taunt sinner, as is in man's power to remit or l • lease, as pleaseth him: such penance neither Luther, nor any other true Christian did admit. And thus have ye the chief effect of this disputation between Luther and Eckius at Lypsia. Which was in the month of July. an. 151 • .
About the beginning of the same year .151 • . Uldericke Zwingli came first to Zurich, and there began to teach. Who in the 16. article, in his book of articles, recordeth, that Luther and both at one time, one not knowing nor hearing of another, began to write against the popes pardons and indulgences. Albeit if the time be rightly counted, I suppose we shall find that Luther began a year or two before Zwingli. Notwithstanding this doth Sledan testify, that in this present year, when Sampson a Franciscan, came with the popes pardons to Zurich, Uldericke Zwingli did withstand him, and declared his chaffer and pardons to be but a vain seducing of the people, to inueagle away their money. Ex Sled Lib. 1.
The next year ensuing, which was 1250. the Friars and Doctors of Leuven, and also of Colen, condemned y e books of Luther as heretical. Agaynst whom Luther again effectuously defended himself, and charged them with obstinate violence, and malicious impiety. After this within few days flasheth out from Rome the thunderbolt of pope Leo against the said Luther notwithstanding he so humbly and obediently before had reverenced both the person of the pope, and agnised the authority of his see and also had dedicated unto him, and books entitled De Christiana libertate: that is, of Christian liberty: In which book these two points principally he discusseth and proveth.
1 That a Christian man is free and Lord of all things, and subject to none.
2 That a Christian man is a diligent underling and servant of all men, and to every man subject.
Moreover, in the same year he set out a defense of all his articles, which the popes Bull had before condemned.
An other book also he wrote to the nobility of Germany, in the which book he impugneth and shaketh y e three principal walls of the papists: the first whereof is this.
1 Whereas y e papists say, that no temporal or profane magistrate hath any power upon the spiritualty: but they have power over the other.
2 Where any place of Scripture being in controversy is to be decided, they say, No man may expound y e scripture, or be judged thereof, but only the Pope.
3 When any Council is brought against them, they say, that no man hath authority to call a Council, but only the Pope.
Moreover, in the foresaid book diverse other matters he handleth and discourseth: That y e Pope can stop no free Council. Also what things ought to be handled in Councils. That the pride of the pope is not to be suffered. What money goeth out of Germany yearly to the pope, mounting to the sum of 3000000. Florences. The true meaning of this verse he expoundeth: Tu supplex ora: tu protege, tu{que} labora. Wherein the three estates with their offices and duties are described: to wit, the minister the magistrate, & the subjects. Furthermore in the said book he proveth and discusseth, that the Emperor is not under the Pope but contrariwise: that the donation of Constantine is not true, but forged: that priests may have wives: that y e voices of the people ought not to be separate from the election of ecclesiastical persons: that interdicting and suspending of matrimony at certain times, is brought in of avarice: what is the right use of excommunicatiō: that there ought to be fewer holy days: that liberty ought not to be restrained in meats: that willful poverty and begging ought to be abolished, what damage and inconvenience have grown by the Council of Constance: and what misfortunes Sigismund the Emperor sustained, for not keeping faith and promise with John Hus and Jerome: that heretics should be convinced, not by fire and fagot, but by evidence of Scripture and God's word, how schools and universities ought to be reformed: what is to be said and judged of the popes Decretals, that y e first teaching of children ought to begin with the Gospel. Item, he writeth in the same book against excessive apparel among the Germans. Also against their excess in spyces. &c.
In this year moreover followed not long after, the coronation of the new Emperor Carolus quintus : which was in the month of Octob. at Aquisgraue.
After which coronation being solemnised about the month of nouemb. Pope Leo sent again to Duke Fridericke two Cardinals, his Legates: of whom the one was Hieronymus Aleander, who after a few words of high commendation first premised to the Duke touching his noble progeny, and other his famous virtues, they made two requests unto him in the Popes name: First that he would cause all books of Luther to be burned. Secondly, that he would either see the said Luther there to be executed, or else would make him sure, and send him up to Rome unto the popes presence.
These two requests seemed very strange unto y e duke who answering again to the Cardinals said, that he being long absent from thence, about other public affairs, could not tell what there was done, neither did he communicate with the doings of Luther. Notwithstandyng this he heard y e •• kius was a great perturber not only of Luther, but of other diverse learned and good men of his university. As for himself he was always ready to do his duty, first in sending Luther to Ch •• etanus the Cardinal, at the city of Auguste, and afterward at y e Popes commandment would have sent him away out of his dominion, had not Meltituis the popes own Chamberlayne given contrary shown 〈◊〉 him still in his own country, fearing least y t in other countries he might do more harm, where he was less known: and so now also was as ready to do his duty, where soever right & 〈◊〉 did so require. But for so much a • 〈◊〉 this cause, he seeth much hatred and violence 〈…〉 the one part▪ and no error ye convicted on the other 〈◊〉 , but that it had rather the approbation of diverse we • learned & found men of judgment: and for so much as also the cause of Luther was not yet heard before the Emperor therefore he desired the said Leg • tes to be a mean to the Popes holiness, that certain learned persons of gravity and upright judgment, might be assigned to have the hearing and determination of this matter, & that his errrour first might be known, before he were made an heretic, or his books burned. Which being done, when he should see his error by manifest and sound testimonies of scriptures re ••• ced, Luther should find no favor at his hands. Otherwise he trusted that y e popes holiness would exact no such thing of him, which he might not with equity and honor of his place and estate, reasonably perform. &c.
Then the cardinals, declaring to the duke again, that they could no otherwise do, but according to the form of their prescript commission, they must proceed: took the books of Luther, and shortly after set fire upon them, and openly burnt them. Luther hearing this, in like manner called all the multitude of students and learned men in Wittenburg, and there taking the popes decrees, and the Bull lately sent down against him, openly and solemnly accompanied with a great number of people following him, set them likewise on fire, and burnt them, which was the tenth of December.
A little before these things thus passed between the Pope and M. Luther, the Emperor had commanded & ordained a sitting or assemble of the states of all y e Empire to be holden at the City of Wormes, against the sixth day of January next ensuing. In the which assemble, through y e means of Duke Frederick, the Emperor gave forth that he would have the cause of Luther there brought before him, and so it was. For at what time the assemble was commenced in the city of Wormes, the day and month aforesaid, which was the 6. of January, afterward upon y e sixth day of march following, the Emperor through the instigation of Duke Frederick, directed his letters unto Luther, signifying, that for so much as he had set abroad certain books, he therefore by the advise of his pieres & princes about him, had ordained to have y e cause brought before him in his own hearing, and therefore he granted him license to come and return home again. And that he might safely and quietly so do, and be thereof assured he promised unto him by public faith and credit, in the name of the whole Empire, his Passport and safeconduite as by the instrument which he sent unto him, he might more fully be ascertayned. Wherefore without all doubt or distrust, he willed him eftsoons to make his repair unto him, and to be there present the 21. day after the receipt thereof: and because he should not misdoubt any fraud or injury herein, he assured to him his warrant and promise.
M. Luther being thus provided for his safeconduict by the Emperor, after he had been first accursed at Rome upon Maundy Thursday, by the popes censure, shortly after Easter speedeth his journey toward the Emperor, at Wormes. Where the said Luther appearing before the Emperor and all the states of Germany, how constantly he stoocke to the truth, and defended himself, and answered his adversaries, and what adversaries he had, here followeth in full history with the acts and doings as there happened, according as in our former edition partly was before described.
The acts and doings of Martin Luther, before the Emperor, at the Citty of Wormes.
IN the year of our salvation .1521. about seuentene days after Easter, Martin Luther entered into Wormes, being sent for by the Emperor Charles the 5. of y e name, &c. who the first year of his Empire, made an assemble of princes in the foresaid City. And whereas M. Luther had published three years before, certain propositions to be disputed in the town of Wittenburg in Saxony, against the tyranny of the pope (which notwithstanding were torn in pieces, condemned and burned by y e papists, and yet by no manifest Scriptures, nor probable reason convinced) the matter began to grow to a tumult & uproar, & yet Luther maintained all this while openly his cause against y e clergy. Wherupon it seemed good to certain y t Luther should be called, assigning unto him an Heraulde of arms, with a letter of safe conduict, by the Emperor and Princes. Being sent for, he came, and was brought to the Knightes of the Rhodes place, where he was lodged, well entertained, and visited of many Erles Barons, knights of the order, Gentlemen Priests and the comminaltie, who frequented his lodging til night.
To conclude, he came contrary to the expectatiō of many, as well adversaries, as other. For albeit he was sent for by the Emperors messenger, and had letters of safeconduct: yet for that a few days before his access, his books were condemned by public proclamations, it was much doubted of by many y t he would not come: and the rather, for that his friends deliberated together in a village nye hand, called Oppenhime (where Luther was first advertised of these occurrentes) & many persuaded him not to adventure him self to such a present danger, considering howe these begynninges answered not to the faith of promise made▪ Who whē he had heard their whole perswasiō & advise, he answered in this wise: As touching me, since I am sent for, I am resolved & certainly determined to enter Wormes, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, yea although I knew there were so many devils to resist me, as there are tyles to cover the houses in Wormes.
The fourth day after his repair, a Gentleman, named Ulricke of Pappenhim, Lieutenaunt general of the men at arms of the empire, was commanded by the emperor before dynner, to repair to Luther, and enjoin him at four of the clock in the after noon, to appear before the Emperial majesty, the Princes Electors, Dukes, and other estates of the Empire, to understand the cause of his sending for: Wherunto he willingly agreed, as his duty was.
And after iv. a clock Ulricke Pappenhim: and Casper Sturm the Emperors Heraulde (who conducted M. Luther from Wittenburg to Wormes (came for Luther, and accompanied him through the garden of the knights of the Rhodes place, to the Earl Palatines palace: and least the people should molest him, that thrōged in, he was led by secrete stairs to the place where he was appointed to have audience. Yet many, who perceived the pretence, violently rushed in, and were resisted, albeit in vaint many ascended the galleries, because they desired to behold Luther.
Thus standing before the Emperor, the Electors, Dukes, Earls, and all the estates of the Empire, assembled there, he was first advertised by Ulricke of Pappenhim, to keep silence until such time as he was required to speak. Then John Eckius above mentioned, who then was the Bishop of Triers general official, with a loud and intelligible voice, first in Latin, then in Dutche, according to the Emperors commandment, said & proponed this sentence in manner as ensueth, or like in effect.
Martyn Luther, the sacred and invincible Imperial majesty hath enioyntd by the consent of all the estates of the holy Empire, that thou shouldest be appealed before the throne of his majesty, to the ende I might demand of thee these two points.
First, whether thou confessest these books here (for he shown a heap of Luther's books written in the Latin and Dutch tongues) and which are in all places dispersed, entitled with thy name, be thine, and thou doest affirm them to be thine, or not Secondly, whether thou wilt recant and revoke them, and all that is contained in them, or rather meanest to stand to that thou hast written?
Then before Luther, prepared to answer, Mayster Jerome Scurffus, a Lawyer of Wittenburg, required that the titles of the books should be read. Forthwith the foresaid Eckius named certain of the books, and those principally which were imprinted at Basel, among the which he nominated his Comentaries upon the Psaltar his book of good works, his Commentary upon y e Lord's prayer, and diverse other, which were not contentions.
After this Luther answered thus in Latin & in dutch, Two things are proponed unto me by the Emperial majesty. First, whether I will auouche for mine, all those books y t bear my name: Secondly, whether I will maintain or revoke anything that hitherto I have devised & published. Whereunto I will answer as briefly as I can,
In the first, I can do none other then recognise those books to be mine, which lastly were named, & certaynely I will never recant any clause thereof. In the second to declare whether I will wholly defend, or call back anything cōprised in them: forasmuch as there be questions of faith & y e salvation of the soul (& this concerneth y e word of God, which is the greatest & most excellent matter that can be in heaven or earth, & the which we ought duly evermore to reverence:) this might be accounted in me a rashness of judgment, & even a most dangerous attempt, I • I would pronounce anything before I wer better advised, considering I might recite something less then the matter importeth, and more then the truth requireth, if I did not premeditate y e which I would speak. The which two things well considered doth set before mine eyes this sentence of our Lord Jesus Christ, wherein it is said: Whosoever shall deny me before mē, I will deny him before my father. I require then for this cause and humbly beseech the Imperial majesty, to grant me liberty and leisure to deliberate, so that I may satisfy the interrogatiō made unto me, without prejudice of y e word of God, and peril of mine own soul.
Wherupon the princes began to deliberate. This done Eckius the prolocutor pronounced what was their resolution, saying: Albeit M. Luther, thou hast sufficiently understanded by the Emperors commandment, y e cause of thy appearance here, & therefore doest not deserve to have any further respite given thee to determine: yet the Emperous majesty of his mere clemency, granteth thee one day to meditate for thine answer, so that tomorrow at this instant hour thou shalt repair to exhibit thine opinion, not in writing, but to pronounce the same with lively voice.
This done, Luther was led to his lodging by the herald. But herein I may not be obliuious, that in the way going to the Emperor & when he was in the assemble of princes, he was exhorted of other to be courageous, & manlie to demean himself, and not to fear them that kill the body, but not the soul: but rather to dread him that is able to send both body and soul to everlasting fire.
Furthermore he was encouraged with this sentence: When thou art before kings, think not what thou shalt speak: for it shall be given thee in that hour.
The next day after four a clock, the Herald came & brought Luther from his lodging to the emperors court, where he abode till six a clock, for that the princes were occupied in grave consultations, abiding there and being environed with a great number of people, and almost smothered for the press that was there. Then after when the Princes were set, and Luther entered, Eckius the Officiall began to speak in this manner.
Yesterday at this hour, the Emperors majesty assigned thee to be here M. Luther, for that thou didst affirm those books y t we named yesterday to be thine. Further, to y e interrogation by us made, whether thou wouldest approve all y t is contained in thē, or abolish and make void any part thereof, y u didst require time of deliberation, which was granted, & is now expyred. Albeit thou oughtest not to have opportunity granted to deliberate, considering it was not unknown to thee wherefore we cited thee. And as concerning the matter of faith, every man ought to be so prepared, that at all times whensoever he shall be required, he may give certain & constant reason thereof, & thou especial being counted a man of such learning, and so long time exercised in Theology. Then go to, answer even now to the Emperors demand, whose bountye y u hast proved in giving thee leisure to deliberate. Wilt thou now maintayn all thy books which thou hast acknowledged, or revoke any part of them, and submit thyself. The Officiall made this interrogation in Latin and in Dutche. Martin Luther answered in Latin and in Dutch in this wise, modestly and lowly, and yet not without some stoutness of stomach and Christian constancy, so as his adversaries would gladly have had his courage more humbled and abased, but yet more earnestly desired his recantation, whereof they were in some good hope, whē they heard him desire respite of time to make his answer.
His answer was this.
MOst magnificent Emperor, and you most noble princes and my most gentle Lord's, I appear before you here at the hour prescribed unto me yesterday: yielding the obedience that I owe, humbly beseeching for God's mercy, your most renowned majesty, and your graces & honors, that ye will minister unto me this curtesy, to attend this cause beningly, which is the cause (as I trust) of Justice and verity. And if by Ignoraunce I have not given unto everyone of you your just titles, or if I have not observed the ceremonies and countenance of the Court, offending against them: it may please you to pardon me of your benignities, as one that only hath frequented cloisters, and not courtly ciuylities. And first, as touching myself, I can affirm or promise no other thing, but only this, that I have taught hitherto in symplycytye of mind, that which I have thought to tend to God's glory, & to the salvation of men's souls.
Now as concerning the two articles objected by your most excellent majesty, whether I would acknowledge those books which were named, and be published in my name, or whether I would maintain & not revoke thē: I have givē resolute answer to the first, in the which I persist & shall persevere for evermore, y t these books be mine, and published by me in my name, unless it hath sith happened that by some fraudulent misdealing of mine enemies there be any thing foisted in them, or corruptly corrected? For I will acknowledge nothing, but that I have written, and that which I have written, I will not deny.
Now to answer to the second article, I beseech your most excellent majesty, and your graces, to vouchsafe to give ear. Al my books are not of one sort. There be some, in which I have so simply and soundly declared & opened the religion of Christian faith and of good works, that my very enemies are compelled to confess them to be profitable and worthy to be read of all Chrystyans. And truly the Popes Bull (how cruel and tyrannous so ever it be) judgeth certain of my books inculpable, albeyt the same with severe sentence, thundereth against me, and with monstrous cruelty condemneth my books, which books if I should revoke. I might worthily be thought to neglect and transgress the office of a true Christian, and to be one alone, that repugneth the public confession of all people There is another sort of my books, which contain invectives against the Papacie, and other of the popes retinue, as have with their pestiferous doctrine, and pernicious examples, corrupted the whole state of our Christianity. Neither can any deny or dissemble this, whereunto universal experience, and common complaint of all bear witnesses that the consciences of all faithful men be most miserably entrapped, vexed, and cruelly tormented by the Popes laws and doctrines of men. Also that the goods and substance of Christian people are devoured, especially in this noble and famous country of Germany, and yet without order, and in most detestable manner, are suffered still to be devoured, without all measure, by incredible tyranny: notwithstanding that they themselves have ordained to the contrary in their own proper laws, as in the Distinct. 9. & .25. q. i. & .2. where they themselves have decreed that all such laws of popes which be repugnant to y e doctrine of the Gospel, and the opinions of the ancient Fathers, are to be judged erroneous, and reproved.
If then I shall revoke these, I can do none other, but add more force to their tyranny, and open not only windows, but wide gates to their impiety, which is like to extend more wide, and more licenciously then ever it durst heretofore: And by the testimony of this my retractation, their insolent kingdom shall be made more licentious, and less subject to punishment, intolerable to the common people, and also more confirmed and established, especially if this be bruited, that I. Luther have done this by the authority of your most excellent majesty, and the sacred Romaine empyre. Oh Lord, what a cover or shadow shall I be then to cloke their naughtiness and tyranny?
The rest, or third sort of my books are such as I have written against certain private and singular persons, to wit, against such as with tooth and nail labor to maintain the Romish tyranny, and to deface the true doctrine and religion, which I have taught and professed. As touching these, I plainly confess I have been more vehement, then my religion and professeion required. For I make myself no Saint, and I dispute not of my life, but of the doctrine of Christ.
And these I cannot without prejudice cal back. For by this recantacion it will come to pass, that tyranny and impiety shall reign, supported by my means, and so shall they exercise cruelty against people, more violently and ragyngly then before.
Neuertheles, for that I am a man, and not God, I can none otherwise enterprise to defend my books, then did my very Lord Jesus Christ defend his doctrine. Who being examined of his learning before Annas, and having received a buffet of the minister, said, If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil.
If the Lord (who was perfect, and could not err) refused not to have testimony givē against his doctrine, yea of a most vile servant: howe much the more then I, that am but vile corruptiō, and can of myself do nothing, but err, ought earnestly to see and require, if any will bear witness against my doctrine?
Therefore I require, for God's mercy, your most excellent majesty, your graces and right honorable Lordshyps, or what so ever he be of high or low degree, here to lay in his testimony, convict my errors, and confute me by the Scriptures, either out of the Prophets or the Apostles, and I will be most ready (if I be so instructed) to revoke any manner of error: yea and will be the first that shall cōsum mine own books and burn them.
I suppose hereby it may appear, that I have perpended, and well weighed before, the perils and dangers, the divisions and dissensions which have risē throughout the whole world, by reason of my doctrine, whereof I was vehemently and sharply yesterday admonished. Concerning which divisions of men's minds, what other mē do judge, I know not, as touching myself, I conceive no greater delectation in anything, then when I behold discords and dissensions stirred up for the word of God, For such is the course and proceeding of the Gospel. Jesus Christ saith: I came not to send peace but a sword. I came to set a man at varyance with his father.
And further, we must think, that our God is marvelous and terrible in his Councils, least perhaps that which we endeavor with earnest study to achieve and bring to pass (if we begin first with condemning of his word) the same rebound again to an huge sea of evil: and least the new reign of this young and bounteous Prince Charles (in whom next after GOD, we all conceive singular hope) be lamentable, unfortunate, and miserably begun.
I could examplify this with authorityes of the Scriptures more effectually, as by Pharaoh, the King of Babylon, and the Kings of Israel, who then most obscured the bright sun of their glory, and procured their own ruin, when by sage councils they attempted to pacify and establish their Gouernementes and Realms, and not by God's Counselles: for it is he that intrappeth the wilye in their wylynesse, and subuerteth mountains before they be ware. Wherefore it is good, and God's work, to dread the Lord.
I speak not this, supposing that so politique and prudent heads have need of my doctrine or admonition, but because I would not omit to profit my country, and offer my duty or service that may tend to the advancement of the same. And thus I humbly commend me to your most excellent majesty, and your honorable Lordships, beseching you that I may not incur your displeasures, neither be contemned of you, through the pursuit of my adversaries. I have spoken.
These words pronounced, then Eckius the Emperors Prolocutor, with a stern countenance began, and said, that Luther had not answered to any purpose, neither it behooved him to call in question, things in time past concluded and defined by general Councils: and therefore they required of him a plain and direct answer, whether he would revoke or no.
Then Luther: considering (said he) your sovereign majesty, and your honors require a plain answer: this I say and profess as resolutely as I may, without doubling or sophistication, that if I be not convinced by testimonies of the Scriptures, & by probale reasons (for I believe not the Pope, neither his general Councils, which have erred many times, and have been contrary to themselves) my conscience is so bound and captived in these scriptures and word of God which I have alleged, that I will not, nor may not revoke any manner of thing, considering it is not godly or lawful to do anything against conscience. Herevpon I stand and rest. I have not what else to say. GOD have mercy upon me.
The princes consulted together upon this answer given by Luther: and whē they had diligently examined the same, the prolocutor began to repel him thus.
Martin (said he) thou hast more immodestly answered, then beseemed thy person, and also little to the purpose. Thou deuidest thy books into three sorts, in such order as all that thou hast said, maketh nothing to the interrogation proponed: and therefore if thou haddest revoked those, wherein the greatest parte of thine errors is contained, the Emperors Majesty, and the noble clemency of other would have suffered the rest that be sound, to susteyn no injury. But thou doest revive and bringest to light again, all that the general Council of Constance hath condemned▪ the which was assembled of all the nation of Germany, & now doest require to be convinced with scriptures, wherein thou errest greatly. For what availeth it to renew disputation of things so long time past condemned by y e church and Councils, unless it should be necessary to give a reason to every man of everything that is concluded? Now were it so, that this should be permitted to everyone that gaynestandeth the determination of the Church and councils, that he may once get his advantage, to be convinced by the Scriptures, we shall have nothing certain and established in Christendom.
And this is the cause wherefore the Emperors majesty requireth of thee a simple answer, either negative or affirmitiue, whether thou mindest to defend all thy works as Christian or no?
Then Luther turning to the Emperor, and the nobles, besought them, not to compel him to yield against his conscience confirmed with the holy Scriptures, without manifest arguments alleged to the contrary by his adversaries. I have declared and rendered (said he) mine answer simply and directly: neither have I anymore to say, unless mine adversaries with true and sufficient probations grounded upon the Scripture, can reduce and resolve my mind, and refelle mine errors, which they lay to my charge. I am tied (as I said) by the Scriptures, neither may I, or can with a safe conscience assent unto them. For as touching general Councils, with whose authority only they press me, I am able to prove, that they have both erred, and have defined many times things contrary to themselves: and therefore the authority of them, he said not to be sufficient, for the which he should call back those things, the verity whereof standeth so firm and manifest in the holy Scripture: that neither of him it ought to be required, neither could he so do without impiety.
Wherunto the Official again answered, denying that any man could prove the Councils to have erred. But Luther alleged that he could, and promised to prove it, and now night approaching, the Lord's rose and departed. And after Luther had taken his leave of the Emperor, diverse Spaniards scorned and scoffed the good man in the way going toward his lodging, halowing and whoping after him a long while.
Upon the friday following, when the Princes electors, Dukes, and other estates were assembled, the Emperor sent to the whole body of the council, a certain letter containing in effect as followeth.
The acts and doings of Martin Luther, before the Emperor, at the Citty of Wormes.
IN the year of our salvation .1521. about seuentene days after Easter, Martin Luther entered into Wormes, being sent for by the Emperor Charles the 5. of y e name, &c. who the first year of his Empire, made an assemble of princes in the foresaid City. And whereas M. Luther had published three years before, certain propositions to be disputed in the town of Wittenburg in Saxony, against the tyranny of the pope (which notwithstanding were torn in pieces, condemned and burned by y e papists, and yet by no manifest Scriptures, nor probable reason convinced) the matter began to grow to a tumult & uproar, & yet Luther maintained all this while openly his cause against y e clergy. Wherupon it seemed good to certain y t Luther should be called, assigning unto him an Heraulde of arms, with a letter of safe conduict, by the Emperor and Princes. Being sent for, he came, and was brought to the Knightes of the Rhodes place, where he was lodged, well entertained, and visited of many Erles Barons, knights of the order, Gentlemen Priests and the comminaltie, who frequented his lodging til night.
To conclude, he came contrary to the expectatiō of many, as well adversaries, as other. For albeit he was sent for by the Emperors messenger, and had letters of safeconduct: yet for that a few days before his access, his books were condemned by public proclamations, it was much doubted of by many y t he would not come: and the rather, for that his friends deliberated together in a village nye hand, called Oppenhime (where Luther was first advertised of these occurrentes) & many persuaded him not to adventure him self to such a present danger, considering howe these begynninges answered not to the faith of promise made▪ Who whē he had heard their whole perswasiō & advise, he answered in this wise: As touching me, since I am sent for, I am resolved & certainly determined to enter Wormes, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, yea although I knew there were so many devils to resist me, as there are tyles to cover the houses in Wormes.
The fourth day after his repair, a Gentleman, named Ulricke of Pappenhim, Lieutenaunt general of the men at arms of the empire, was commanded by the emperor before dynner, to repair to Luther, and enjoin him at four of the clock in the after noon, to appear before the Emperial majesty, the Princes Electors, Dukes, and other estates of the Empire, to understand the cause of his sending for: Wherunto he willingly agreed, as his duty was.
And after iv. a clock Ulricke Pappenhim: and Casper Sturm the Emperors Heraulde (who conducted M. Luther from Wittenburg to Wormes (came for Luther, and accompanied him through the garden of the knights of the Rhodes place, to the Earl Palatines palace: and least the people should molest him, that thrōged in, he was led by secrete stairs to the place where he was appointed to have audience. Yet many, who perceived the pretence, violently rushed in, and were resisted, albeit in vaint many ascended the galleries, because they desired to behold Luther.
Thus standing before the Emperor, the Electors, Dukes, Earls, and all the estates of the Empire, assembled there, he was first advertised by Ulricke of Pappenhim, to keep silence until such time as he was required to speak. Then John Eckius above mentioned, who then was the Bishop of Triers general official, with a loud and intelligible voice, first in Latin, then in Dutche, according to the Emperors commandment, said & proponed this sentence in manner as ensueth, or like in effect.
Martyn Luther, the sacred and invincible Imperial majesty hath enioyntd by the consent of all the estates of the holy Empire, that thou shouldest be appealed before the throne of his majesty, to the ende I might demand of thee these two points.
First, whether thou confessest these books here (for he shown a heap of Luther's books written in the Latin and Dutch tongues) and which are in all places dispersed, entitled with thy name, be thine, and thou doest affirm them to be thine, or not Secondly, whether thou wilt recant and revoke them, and all that is contained in them, or rather meanest to stand to that thou hast written?
Then before Luther, prepared to answer, Mayster Jerome Scurffus, a Lawyer of Wittenburg, required that the titles of the books should be read. Forthwith the foresaid Eckius named certain of the books, and those principally which were imprinted at Basel, among the which he nominated his Comentaries upon the Psaltar his book of good works, his Commentary upon y e Lord's prayer, and diverse other, which were not contentions.
After this Luther answered thus in Latin & in dutch, Two things are proponed unto me by the Emperial majesty. First, whether I will auouche for mine, all those books y t bear my name: Secondly, whether I will maintain or revoke anything that hitherto I have devised & published. Whereunto I will answer as briefly as I can,
In the first, I can do none other then recognise those books to be mine, which lastly were named, & certaynely I will never recant any clause thereof. In the second to declare whether I will wholly defend, or call back anything cōprised in them: forasmuch as there be questions of faith & y e salvation of the soul (& this concerneth y e word of God, which is the greatest & most excellent matter that can be in heaven or earth, & the which we ought duly evermore to reverence:) this might be accounted in me a rashness of judgment, & even a most dangerous attempt, I • I would pronounce anything before I wer better advised, considering I might recite something less then the matter importeth, and more then the truth requireth, if I did not premeditate y e which I would speak. The which two things well considered doth set before mine eyes this sentence of our Lord Jesus Christ, wherein it is said: Whosoever shall deny me before mē, I will deny him before my father. I require then for this cause and humbly beseech the Imperial majesty, to grant me liberty and leisure to deliberate, so that I may satisfy the interrogatiō made unto me, without prejudice of y e word of God, and peril of mine own soul.
Wherupon the princes began to deliberate. This done Eckius the prolocutor pronounced what was their resolution, saying: Albeit M. Luther, thou hast sufficiently understanded by the Emperors commandment, y e cause of thy appearance here, & therefore doest not deserve to have any further respite given thee to determine: yet the Emperous majesty of his mere clemency, granteth thee one day to meditate for thine answer, so that tomorrow at this instant hour thou shalt repair to exhibit thine opinion, not in writing, but to pronounce the same with lively voice.
This done, Luther was led to his lodging by the herald. But herein I may not be obliuious, that in the way going to the Emperor & when he was in the assemble of princes, he was exhorted of other to be courageous, & manlie to demean himself, and not to fear them that kill the body, but not the soul: but rather to dread him that is able to send both body and soul to everlasting fire.
Furthermore he was encouraged with this sentence: When thou art before kings, think not what thou shalt speak: for it shall be given thee in that hour.
The next day after four a clock, the Herald came & brought Luther from his lodging to the emperors court, where he abode till six a clock, for that the princes were occupied in grave consultations, abiding there and being environed with a great number of people, and almost smothered for the press that was there. Then after when the Princes were set, and Luther entered, Eckius the Officiall began to speak in this manner.
Yesterday at this hour, the Emperors majesty assigned thee to be here M. Luther, for that thou didst affirm those books y t we named yesterday to be thine. Further, to y e interrogation by us made, whether thou wouldest approve all y t is contained in thē, or abolish and make void any part thereof, y u didst require time of deliberation, which was granted, & is now expyred. Albeit thou oughtest not to have opportunity granted to deliberate, considering it was not unknown to thee wherefore we cited thee. And as concerning the matter of faith, every man ought to be so prepared, that at all times whensoever he shall be required, he may give certain & constant reason thereof, & thou especial being counted a man of such learning, and so long time exercised in Theology. Then go to, answer even now to the Emperors demand, whose bountye y u hast proved in giving thee leisure to deliberate. Wilt thou now maintayn all thy books which thou hast acknowledged, or revoke any part of them, and submit thyself. The Officiall made this interrogation in Latin and in Dutche. Martin Luther answered in Latin and in Dutch in this wise, modestly and lowly, and yet not without some stoutness of stomach and Christian constancy, so as his adversaries would gladly have had his courage more humbled and abased, but yet more earnestly desired his recantation, whereof they were in some good hope, whē they heard him desire respite of time to make his answer.
His answer was this.
MOst magnificent Emperor, and you most noble princes and my most gentle Lord's, I appear before you here at the hour prescribed unto me yesterday: yielding the obedience that I owe, humbly beseeching for God's mercy, your most renowned majesty, and your graces & honors, that ye will minister unto me this curtesy, to attend this cause beningly, which is the cause (as I trust) of Justice and verity. And if by Ignoraunce I have not given unto everyone of you your just titles, or if I have not observed the ceremonies and countenance of the Court, offending against them: it may please you to pardon me of your benignities, as one that only hath frequented cloisters, and not courtly ciuylities. And first, as touching myself, I can affirm or promise no other thing, but only this, that I have taught hitherto in symplycytye of mind, that which I have thought to tend to God's glory, & to the salvation of men's souls.
Now as concerning the two articles objected by your most excellent majesty, whether I would acknowledge those books which were named, and be published in my name, or whether I would maintain & not revoke thē: I have givē resolute answer to the first, in the which I persist & shall persevere for evermore, y t these books be mine, and published by me in my name, unless it hath sith happened that by some fraudulent misdealing of mine enemies there be any thing foisted in them, or corruptly corrected? For I will acknowledge nothing, but that I have written, and that which I have written, I will not deny.
Now to answer to the second article, I beseech your most excellent majesty, and your graces, to vouchsafe to give ear. Al my books are not of one sort. There be some, in which I have so simply and soundly declared & opened the religion of Christian faith and of good works, that my very enemies are compelled to confess them to be profitable and worthy to be read of all Chrystyans. And truly the Popes Bull (how cruel and tyrannous so ever it be) judgeth certain of my books inculpable, albeyt the same with severe sentence, thundereth against me, and with monstrous cruelty condemneth my books, which books if I should revoke. I might worthily be thought to neglect and transgress the office of a true Christian, and to be one alone, that repugneth the public confession of all people There is another sort of my books, which contain invectives against the Papacie, and other of the popes retinue, as have with their pestiferous doctrine, and pernicious examples, corrupted the whole state of our Christianity. Neither can any deny or dissemble this, whereunto universal experience, and common complaint of all bear witnesses that the consciences of all faithful men be most miserably entrapped, vexed, and cruelly tormented by the Popes laws and doctrines of men. Also that the goods and substance of Christian people are devoured, especially in this noble and famous country of Germany, and yet without order, and in most detestable manner, are suffered still to be devoured, without all measure, by incredible tyranny: notwithstanding that they themselves have ordained to the contrary in their own proper laws, as in the Distinct. 9. & .25. q. i. & .2. where they themselves have decreed that all such laws of popes which be repugnant to y e doctrine of the Gospel, and the opinions of the ancient Fathers, are to be judged erroneous, and reproved.
If then I shall revoke these, I can do none other, but add more force to their tyranny, and open not only windows, but wide gates to their impiety, which is like to extend more wide, and more licenciously then ever it durst heretofore: And by the testimony of this my retractation, their insolent kingdom shall be made more licentious, and less subject to punishment, intolerable to the common people, and also more confirmed and established, especially if this be bruited, that I. Luther have done this by the authority of your most excellent majesty, and the sacred Romaine empyre. Oh Lord, what a cover or shadow shall I be then to cloke their naughtiness and tyranny?
The rest, or third sort of my books are such as I have written against certain private and singular persons, to wit, against such as with tooth and nail labor to maintain the Romish tyranny, and to deface the true doctrine and religion, which I have taught and professed. As touching these, I plainly confess I have been more vehement, then my religion and professeion required. For I make myself no Saint, and I dispute not of my life, but of the doctrine of Christ.
And these I cannot without prejudice cal back. For by this recantacion it will come to pass, that tyranny and impiety shall reign, supported by my means, and so shall they exercise cruelty against people, more violently and ragyngly then before.
Neuertheles, for that I am a man, and not God, I can none otherwise enterprise to defend my books, then did my very Lord Jesus Christ defend his doctrine. Who being examined of his learning before Annas, and having received a buffet of the minister, said, If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil.
If the Lord (who was perfect, and could not err) refused not to have testimony givē against his doctrine, yea of a most vile servant: howe much the more then I, that am but vile corruptiō, and can of myself do nothing, but err, ought earnestly to see and require, if any will bear witness against my doctrine?
Therefore I require, for God's mercy, your most excellent majesty, your graces and right honorable Lordshyps, or what so ever he be of high or low degree, here to lay in his testimony, convict my errors, and confute me by the Scriptures, either out of the Prophets or the Apostles, and I will be most ready (if I be so instructed) to revoke any manner of error: yea and will be the first that shall cōsum mine own books and burn them.
I suppose hereby it may appear, that I have perpended, and well weighed before, the perils and dangers, the divisions and dissensions which have risē throughout the whole world, by reason of my doctrine, whereof I was vehemently and sharply yesterday admonished. Concerning which divisions of men's minds, what other mē do judge, I know not, as touching myself, I conceive no greater delectation in anything, then when I behold discords and dissensions stirred up for the word of God, For such is the course and proceeding of the Gospel. Jesus Christ saith: I came not to send peace but a sword. I came to set a man at varyance with his father.
And further, we must think, that our God is marvelous and terrible in his Councils, least perhaps that which we endeavor with earnest study to achieve and bring to pass (if we begin first with condemning of his word) the same rebound again to an huge sea of evil: and least the new reign of this young and bounteous Prince Charles (in whom next after GOD, we all conceive singular hope) be lamentable, unfortunate, and miserably begun.
I could examplify this with authorityes of the Scriptures more effectually, as by Pharaoh, the King of Babylon, and the Kings of Israel, who then most obscured the bright sun of their glory, and procured their own ruin, when by sage councils they attempted to pacify and establish their Gouernementes and Realms, and not by God's Counselles: for it is he that intrappeth the wilye in their wylynesse, and subuerteth mountains before they be ware. Wherefore it is good, and God's work, to dread the Lord.
I speak not this, supposing that so politique and prudent heads have need of my doctrine or admonition, but because I would not omit to profit my country, and offer my duty or service that may tend to the advancement of the same. And thus I humbly commend me to your most excellent majesty, and your honorable Lordships, beseching you that I may not incur your displeasures, neither be contemned of you, through the pursuit of my adversaries. I have spoken.
These words pronounced, then Eckius the Emperors Prolocutor, with a stern countenance began, and said, that Luther had not answered to any purpose, neither it behooved him to call in question, things in time past concluded and defined by general Councils: and therefore they required of him a plain and direct answer, whether he would revoke or no.
Then Luther: considering (said he) your sovereign majesty, and your honors require a plain answer: this I say and profess as resolutely as I may, without doubling or sophistication, that if I be not convinced by testimonies of the Scriptures, & by probale reasons (for I believe not the Pope, neither his general Councils, which have erred many times, and have been contrary to themselves) my conscience is so bound and captived in these scriptures and word of God which I have alleged, that I will not, nor may not revoke any manner of thing, considering it is not godly or lawful to do anything against conscience. Herevpon I stand and rest. I have not what else to say. GOD have mercy upon me.
The princes consulted together upon this answer given by Luther: and whē they had diligently examined the same, the prolocutor began to repel him thus.
Martin (said he) thou hast more immodestly answered, then beseemed thy person, and also little to the purpose. Thou deuidest thy books into three sorts, in such order as all that thou hast said, maketh nothing to the interrogation proponed: and therefore if thou haddest revoked those, wherein the greatest parte of thine errors is contained, the Emperors Majesty, and the noble clemency of other would have suffered the rest that be sound, to susteyn no injury. But thou doest revive and bringest to light again, all that the general Council of Constance hath condemned▪ the which was assembled of all the nation of Germany, & now doest require to be convinced with scriptures, wherein thou errest greatly. For what availeth it to renew disputation of things so long time past condemned by y e church and Councils, unless it should be necessary to give a reason to every man of everything that is concluded? Now were it so, that this should be permitted to everyone that gaynestandeth the determination of the Church and councils, that he may once get his advantage, to be convinced by the Scriptures, we shall have nothing certain and established in Christendom.
And this is the cause wherefore the Emperors majesty requireth of thee a simple answer, either negative or affirmitiue, whether thou mindest to defend all thy works as Christian or no?
Then Luther turning to the Emperor, and the nobles, besought them, not to compel him to yield against his conscience confirmed with the holy Scriptures, without manifest arguments alleged to the contrary by his adversaries. I have declared and rendered (said he) mine answer simply and directly: neither have I anymore to say, unless mine adversaries with true and sufficient probations grounded upon the Scripture, can reduce and resolve my mind, and refelle mine errors, which they lay to my charge. I am tied (as I said) by the Scriptures, neither may I, or can with a safe conscience assent unto them. For as touching general Councils, with whose authority only they press me, I am able to prove, that they have both erred, and have defined many times things contrary to themselves: and therefore the authority of them, he said not to be sufficient, for the which he should call back those things, the verity whereof standeth so firm and manifest in the holy Scripture: that neither of him it ought to be required, neither could he so do without impiety.
Wherunto the Official again answered, denying that any man could prove the Councils to have erred. But Luther alleged that he could, and promised to prove it, and now night approaching, the Lord's rose and departed. And after Luther had taken his leave of the Emperor, diverse Spaniards scorned and scoffed the good man in the way going toward his lodging, halowing and whoping after him a long while.
Upon the friday following, when the Princes electors, Dukes, and other estates were assembled, the Emperor sent to the whole body of the council, a certain letter containing in effect as followeth.
The Emperors letter.
Our predecessors, who truly were Christian princes, were obedient to the Romish Church, which Martin Luther presently impugneth. And therefore in as much as he is not determined to call back his errors in any one point, we cannot without great infamy and stayn of honor, degenerate from the examples of our elders, but will maintain the ancient faith, and give aid to the see of Rome. And further, we be resolved to pursue Martin Luther and his adherents, by excommunications and by other means that may be devised, to extinguish his doctrine. Nevertheless we will not violate our faith, which we have promised him, but mean to give order for safe return to the place whence he came.
THe Princes electors, Dukes, and other estates of the Empire, sat and consulted upon this sentence, on fryday all the after noon, and saterday the whole day, so that Luther yet had no answer of the Emperor.
During this time, diverse Princes, Earls, Barons, Knightes of the Order, Gentlemen, Priests, Monks, with other the laity and common sort, visited him. Al these were present at all hours in the Emperors Courte, and could not be satisfied with the sight of him. Also there were bylles set up, some against Luther, and some, as it seemed, with him. Notwithstanding many supposed, and especially such as well conceived the matter, that this was subtly done by his enemies, that thereby occasion might be offered to infringe the safe conduct given him, the which the Roman Ambassadors with all diligence endeavored to bring to pass.
The Monday following, before supper, the Archebyshoppe of Triers advertised Luther, that on Wednesdaye next he should appear before him, at nine of the clock before dynner, and assigned him the place▪ On Sainte Georges day a certain Chapleine of the Archebishop of Triers, about supper time came to Luther, by the commandment of the Bishop, signifying that at that hour and place prescribed, he must the morrow after have access to his master.
The morrow after saint Georges day, Luther obeying the Archbishops commandment, entered his palace, being accompanied thither with his said chaplain and one of the Emperors Heraldes, and such as came in his company out of Saxony to Wormes, with other his chief friends: where as Doctor Voeus, the Marques of Bades chaplein began to declare and protest in the presence of the Archbishop of Triors, Ioachime Marques of Brandeburge, George Duke of Saxonye, the bishops of Ausburge and Brandeburge, the Earl George, John Bo • ke of Strasburge, Uerdcheymer and Peutinger Doctors, that Luther was not called to be conferred with, or to disputation, but only that the princes had procured license of the Emperors majesty, through Christian charity, to have liberty granted unto them, to exhort Luther beningly & brotherly.
He said further, that albeit the Councils had ordained diverse things, yet they had not determined contrary matters. And albeit they had greatly erred, yet their authority was not therefore abased or at the least, not so erred, that it was lawful for every man to impugn their opinions: inferring moreover many things of Zacchaeus and the Centurion: Also of the constitutions and traditions and, of Ceremonies ordained of men, affirming that all these were established to repress vices, according to the qualitye of times: and that the Church could not be destitute of human constitutions. It is true (said he) that by the fruits the tree may be known, yet of these laws and decrees of men, many good fruits have proceeded: and saint Martin, saint Nicholas, and many other Saints have been present at the Councils.
Moreover, that Luther's books would breed a great tumult and incredible troubles, and that he abused the common sort wich his book of Christian liberty, encouraging them to shake of their yoke, and to confirm in them a disobedience: that the world now was at another stay, then when the believers were all of one heart and soul, and therefore it was requisite and behooveful to have laws. It was to be considered (said he) albeit he had writ̄ many good things, and (no doubt) of a good mind, as De Triplice iustitia, and other matters, yet howe the devil now by crafty means goeth about to bring to pass, that all his works forever should be condemned: for by these books which he wrote last, men (said he) would judge and esteem him, as the tree is known, not by the blosome, but by the fruit.
Here he added something of the noon devil, and of the spirit coming in the dark, and of the flying arrow. All his oration was exhortatory, full of Rhetorical places of honesty, of utility, of laws, of the dangers of conscience, and of the common particular wealth, repeating ofre this sentence in the proheme, middle, and epilogue of his oratiō: that this admonition was given him of a singular good will, and great clemency. In the shutting up of his oration, he added manacinges, saying: that if he would abide in his purposed intent, the Emperor would proceed further, and banish him from the Empire, persuading him deliberately to ponder, and to advise these and other things.
Martin Luther answered, Most noble Princes, and my most gracious Lord's, I render most humble thanks for your benignityes and singular good wills, whence proceedeth this admonition: For I know myself to be so base, as by no means I can deserve to be admonished of so mighty estates.
Then he franckely pronounced, that he had not reproved all Councils, but only the council of Constance, and for this principal cause, for that the same had condemned the word of GOD, which appeared in the condemnation of this article proponed by John Hus: The Church of Christ is the Communion of the predestinate. It is evident (said he) that the Council of Constance abolished this Article, and consequently the Article of our faith: I believe the holy church universal: and said that he was ready to spend life and blood, so he were not compelled to revoke the manifest word of God, for in defense thereof we ought rather to obey God then men: And that in this he could not avoid the scandal, or offense of faith, for there be two manner of offenses, to wit, of charity, and of faith. The slander of charity consisteth in manners and in life. The offenses of faith or doctrine rest in the word of God: and as touching this last, he could escape it no manner of ways, for it lay not in his power to make Christ not to be a stone of offense. If Christ's sheep were fed with pure pasture of the gospel, if the faith of Christ were sincerely preached, and if there were good Ecclesiastical magistrates who duly would execute their office: we should not need (saith he) to charge the Church with men's traditions. Further, that he knew well we ought to obey the Magistrates and higher powers, how unjustly and perversely so ever they lived. We ought also to be obedient to their laws and judgments: all which he had taught (said he) in all his works, adding further that he was ready to obey them in all points, so that they enforced him not to deny the word of God.
These words finished, Luther was bid stand aside, & the Princes consulted what answer they might give him. This done, they called him into a parlor, whereas the foresaid Doctor Voeus repeated his former matters, admonishing Luther to submit his writings to the Emperor, & to the Princes judgment.
Luther answered humbly and modestly, that he could not, neither would permit that men should say he would shun the judgment of the Emperor, Princes, and superior powers of the Empire. So far was it off, that he would refuse to stand to their trial, that he was contented to suffer his writings to be discussed, considered and judged of the simplest, so that it were done with y e authority of the word of God, and the holy Scripture: and that the word of God made so much for him, and was so manifest unto him, that he could not give place, unless they could confound his doctrine by the word of God. This lesson (said he) he learned of S. Austē, who writeth, that he gave his honor only to those books which are called Canonical, that he believed the same only to be true. As touching other Doctors, albeit in holiness and excellency of learning the passed, yet he would not credit them further then they agreed with the touchstone of God's word. Further (said he) S. Paul giveth us a lesson, writing to the Thessalonians: Prove all things, follow that is good. And to the Galatians: Though an Angel should descend from heaven, if he preach any other doctrine, let him be accursed, and therefore not to be believed.
Finally he meekly besought them, not to urge his conscience captived in the bands of the word of God and holy scripture, to deny the same excellent word. And thus he commended his cause and himself to them, and specially to y e Emperors majesty, requyring they favor, y t he might not be compelled to do any thing, in this matter against his conscience: in all other causes he would submit himself with all kind of obedience and due subjection.
As Luther had thus ended his talk, Ioachimus Elector, Marques of Brandeburge, demanded if his meaning was thus, that he would not yield, unless he were convinced by the Scripture? Yea truly right Noble Lord (quoth Luther) or else by ancient and evident reasons. And so the assemble brake, and the Princes repaired to the Emperors Court.
After their departure, the Archbishop of Triers, accompanied with a few his familiars, namely John Eckius his Officiall, and Cochleus, commanded Luther to repair into his parlor. With Luther was Hieronimus Scurffius, and Nicholas Ambsdorff, for his assistance. Then the Officiall began to frame an argument like a a Sophist and Canonist, defending the Popes cause: that for the most part at all times holy Scriptures have engendered errors, as the error of Heluidius the heretic, out of that place in the Gospel, where is expressed: Iosephe knew not his wife till she was delivered of her first child. Further, he went about to overthrow this proposition, that the Catholic Church is the Communion of Saints.
Martin Luther and Jerome Scurffe reproved (but modestly) these follies, and other vain and ridiculous matters, which Eckius brought forth as things not seruinge to the purpose. Sometime Cochleus would come in with his five eggs, and labored to persuade Luther to desiste from his purpose, & utterly to refrain thenceforth to write or teach, and so they departed.
About evening the Archbishopp of Triers advertised Luther by Ambsdorff, that the Emperors promise made unto him, was prolonged two days, and in the mean season he would confer with him the next day, and for that cause he would send Peutinger, and the Doctor of Bade which was Voeus, the morrow after to him, and he himself would also talk with him.
The friday after, which was S. Markes day, Peutinger, and the Doctor of Bade traveled in the forenoon to persuade Luther simply and absolutely to submit the judgment of his writings to the Emperor and Empire. He answered he would do it, and submit anything they would have him, so they grounded with authority of holy Scripture: otherwise he would not consent to do anything. For God said by his Prophet (saith he) Trust ye not in Princes, nor in the childrē of men, in whom there is no health. Also, Cursed be he that trusteth in man. And seeing that they did urge him more vehemently, he answered: We ought to yield no more to y e judgment of men, thē the word of God doth suffer. So they departed, and prayed him to advise for better answer, and said, they would return after dinner.
After dinner they returned, exhorting him as before, but in vain. They prayed him, that at the least he would submit his writing to the judgment of the next general Council. Luther agreed thereunto, but with this conditiō, that they themselves should present the Articles collected out of his books to be submitted to the Council in such sort, as notwithstanding the sentence awarded by the council, should be authorised by the Scripture, and confirmed with the testimonies of the same.
They then leaving Luther, departed, and reported to the Archbishop of Triers, that he had promised to submit his writings in certain articles to the next Council, & in the mean space he would keep silence, which Luther never thought: who neither with admonitions, ne yet manaces could be induced to deny or submit his books to the judgments of men (he had so fortified his cause with clear and manifest authorityes of the Scripture) unless they could prove by sacred scripture, and apparent reasons to the contrary.
It chanced then by the special grace of God, that the Archbishop of Triers sent for Luther, thinking presently to hear him. And when he perceived otherwise then Peutinger, and the Doctor of Bade had told him, he said, that he would for no good, but that he had heard himself speak: for else he was even now going to the Emperor, to declare what the Doctors had reported.
Then the Archbishop entreated Luther, and conferred with him very gently, first removing such as were present, as well of the one side as of the other. In this conference Luther concealed nothing from the Archbishop, affirming that it was dangerous to submit a matter of so great importance to them, who after they had called him under safeconduct, attempting him with new commandments, had condemned his opinion, and approved the Popes Bull.
Moreover, the Archbishop bidding a friend of his draw nigh required Luther to declare what remedy might be ministered to help this. Luther answered: there was no better remedy then such as Gamaliel alleged in the fyfte chapter of the Apostles, as witnesseth S. Luke, saying: If this Council or this work proceed of men, it shall come to naught, but if it be of God, ye cannot destroy it. And so he desired that the Emperor might be advertised to write the same to the Pope, that he knew certaynely if this his enterprise proceeded not of God, it would be abolished within three, yea within two years.
The Archbishop inquired of him what he would do, if certain articles were taken out of his books, to be submitted to the general council. Luther answered, so that they be not those, which the counsel of Constance condemned. The Archbyshoppe said, I fear they will be the very same: but what then? Luther replied, I will not, nor I cannot hold my peace of such, for I am sure by their decrees the word of God was condemned: therefore I will rather loose head and life, then abandon the manifest word of my Lord God.
Then the Archbishop seeing Luther would in no wise give over the word of God, to the judgment of men, gently bade Luther farewell, who at that instaunt prayed the Archbishop to entreat the Emperors majesty to grant him gracious leave to depart. He answered, he would take order for him, and speedily advertise him of the Emperors pleasure.
Within a small while after, John Eckius the Archbishops official, in the presence of the Emperors Secretary, who had been Maximilians Chancellor, said unto Luther in his lodging, by the commandment of the Emperor: that since he had been admonished diversely of the Imperial majesty, the Electors, Princes and estates of the Empire, and that notwithstanding he would not return to unity and concord, there remained that the Emperor as advocate of the Catholic faith should proceed further: and that it was the Emperors ordinance that he should within 21. days, return boldly under safe conduct, and be safely guarded to the place whence he came, so that in the mean while he stirred no commotion among the people in his journey, either in conference, or by preaching·
Luther hearing this, answered very modestly, & christianly: even as it hath pleased God, so is it come to pass, the name of the Lord be blessed. He said further, he thanked most humbly the Emperors majesty, and all the Princes and estates of the Empire, that they had given to him benign and gracious audience, and granted safe conduct to come and return. Finally he said, he desired none other of them, then a reformation, according to the sacred word of God, and consonancy of holy Scriptures, which effectually in his heart he desired: Otherwise he was pressed to suffer all chaūces for the Imperial majesty, as life and death, goods, fame, and reproach, reserving nothing to himself, but the only word of God, which he would constantly confess, to the latter end, humbly recommending him to the Emperors majesty, and to all the Princes and other estates of the sacred Empire.
The morrow after, which was the 26. day of April, after he had taken his leave of such as supported him, and other his beneuolent friends, that often times visited him, and had broken his fast, at ten of the clock he departed from Wormes, accompanied with such as repaired thither with him, having space of time limited unto him, (as is said) for 21. days, and no more. The Emperors Heralde Casper Sturine, followed and overtook him at Oppenhime, being commanded by the Emperor to conduct him safely home.
The usual prayer of Martin Luther.
COnfirme (O God) in us that thou hast wrought, and perfect the work that thou hast begun in us, to thy glory. So be it. Ex histor. Phil. Melancth. Ex Sledano. Ex Parali. Abb. Vrsperge. & ex Casp. Peucero.
MArtin Luther thus being dismissed of the Emperor, according to the promise of his safeconduct made (as you have heard) departed from Wormes toward his country the 26: of April, acompanied with the Emperors Heraulde, and the rest of his company, having only xxi. days to him granted for his return, and no more. In the which mean space of his return, he writeth to the Emperor, and to other nobles of the Empire repeating briefly to them the whole action and order of things there done, desiring of them, their lawful good will and favor, which as he hath always stand need of, so now he moste earnestly craveth, especially in this, that his cause which is not his but the cause of the whole church universal, may be heard with indifferency and equitye, and may be decised by the rule and authority of holy Scripture: signifying moreover, that when so ever they shall please to send for him, he shall be ready at their commandment, at any time or place, upon their promise of safety, to appear. &c.
During the time of these doings, the Doctors and Schoolmen of Paris, were not behind with their partes, but to show their cunning, condemned the books of Luther, extracting out of the same, especially out of his book De Captiuitate Babilonica, certain Articles as touching the Sacraments, laws and decrees of the Church equalitye of works, vows, contrition, absolution, satisfaction, Purgatory, free will, privileges of holy Church, coūcelles, punishment of heretics, Philosophye, Schole divinity, with other more. Unto whom Philip Melanchthon maketh answer, and also Luther himself, albeit pleasantly and iestingly.
It was not long after this, but Charles the new Emperor, to purchase favor with the Pope (because he was not yet confirmed in his Empire) provideth and directeth out a solemn writ of outlawry against Luther, & all them that take his part, commanding the said Luther, where so ever he might be gotten, to be apprehended, and his books burned. By which decree proclaimed against Luther, the Emperor procured no small thank with the Pope: in so much that the Pope ceasing to take part with the French king, joined himself whollye to the Emperor. In the mean time Duke Fridericke, to give some place for the time to the Emperors Proclamation, conveyed Luther a little out of sight secretly, by the help of certain noble men, whom he well know to be faithful and trusty unto him in that behalf. There Luther being close and out of company, wrote diverse Epistles, and certain books also unto his friends among which he dedicated one to his company of Augustine Friars, entitled, De abroganda Missa, Which Friers the same time being encouraged by him, began first to lay down their private Masses. Duke Fridericke fearing least that would breed some great stir or tumult, caused the censure and judgments of the whole Uniuersity of Wittenburg, to be asked in the matter, committing the doing thereof to four, Iustus, Jonah, Philip Melancthō. Nic. Ambsdorssius, John. Dulcius.
The minds of the whole Uniuersity being searched it was shown to the Duke, that he should do well and Godly, by the whole advise of the learned there, to command the use of Mass to be abrogate through his dominion: and though it could not be done without tumult, yet that was no let, why the course of true doctrine should be stayed, for the multitude, which commonly overcometh the better part. Neither ought such disturbance to be imputed to the doctrine taught, but to the adversaries, which willingly and wickedly kick against the truth: whereof Christ also giveth us forewarning before. For fear of such tumults therefore we ought not to surcease frō that which we know is to be done, but constantly must go forward in defense of God's truth, how so ever the world doth esteem us, or rage against it. Thus shown they their judgment to Duke Fridericke.
It happened moreover about the same year and time, that king Henry also pretending an occasion to impugn the book De Captiuitate Babylonica, wrote against Luther. In which book:
1. He reproveth Luther's opinion about the Popes pardons.
2. He defendeth the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome.
3. He laboreth to refell all his doctrine of the Sacraments of the Church.
This book, albeit it carried the kings name in the title, yet it was another that ministered the motion, another that framed the style. But who so ever had the labor of this book, the king had the thank, and also the reward. For consequently upon the same, the bishop of Rome gave to the said king Henry for the style against Luther, y e style and title of Defender of the Christian faith, and to his successors forever.
Shortly after this, within the compass of the same yere, Pope Leo after he had warred against the French men, and had gotten from them, through the Emperors aid, the Cities of Parma, Placentia, and Millen. &c. he sitting at supper, & rejoicing at three great gifts that God had bestowed vpō him. 1. That he being banished out of his country, was restored to Florence again with glory. 2. That he had deserved to be called Apostolic. 3. That he had drivē the Frenchmen out of Italy: after he had spokē these words, he was stricken with a sudden fever, and died shortly after, being of the age of 47. years: albeit some suspect that he died of poison. Successor to whom was Pope Adrian the vi. scholemayster sometime to Charles the Emperor: who lived not much above one year and a half, in his Papacy. During whose small time, these three especial things were incident: A great pestilence in Rome, wherein above an hundredth thousand people were consumed. The loss of Rhodes by the Turk. And thyrdly the capital war, which the said Pope Adrian, with the emperor, and the Uenetians, and the king of England, did hold against Francis the French king.
This pope Adrian was a Germane borne, brought up at Leuven, and as in learning he exceded the common sort of Popes: so in moderatiō of life and manners he seemed not all together so intēperate as some other Popes have been, and yet like a right Pope, nothing degenerating from his Sea, he was a mortal enemy against Martin Luther and his partakers. In his time, shortly after the Council of Wormes was broken up, another meeting or assemble was appointed by the Emperor at Norenberge of y e princes, nobles and states of Germany. an. 1522.
Unto this assemble the said Adrian sent his letters in manner of a brief, with an instruction also unto his Legate Cheregatus, to inform him how to procceede, and what causes to allege against Luther, before the Princes there assembled. His letter with the instruction sent, because they are so hypocritically shadowed over with a fair show and color of painted zeal and Religion, and beareth resemblance of great truth and care of the Church, able to deceive the outward ears of them, which are not inwardly in true Religion instructed: I thought therefore to give to the Reader a sight thereof to the intent that by the experience of them, he may learn hereafter in cases like, to be prudent & circumspect in not believing over rashly the smoth talk, or pretensed persuasions of men, especially in Church matters, unless they carry with them the simplicity of plain truth, going not upon terms, but grounded upon y e word and revealed will of God, with particular demonstrations, proving that by the Scripture, which they pretend to persuade. First the letter of this Pope conceived & directed against Luther, proceedeth in this effect.
*Adrian Pope vi. to the renowned Princes of Germany, and to the Piers of the Roman Empire, greeting, and Apostolic benediction.
RIght honorable brethren, and dear children, greeting and Apostolic benediction. After that we were first promoted (through God's divine providence) to the office of the see Apostolic, he which hath so advanced us, is our witness, how we both day and night reuoluing in our minds, did cogitate nothing more, then how to satisfy the partes of a good Pastor, in attending the health and cure of the flock, both universally & singularlye committed unto us: so that there is no one particular sheep through the whole universal flock, so infected, so sick, or so far gone astray, whom our desire is not to recover, to seek out, and to reduce into the Lord's fold again. And chiefly, from the first beginning of our pastoral function, our care hath always been, as well by our messengers, as our daily letters, howe to reclayme the minds of Christian Princes from the intestine wars and dissensions among themselves, to peace and concord, or at least, if they would needs fight, that they would convert their strength and armor against the cōmō enemies of our faith. And to declare this not only in word, but rather in deed, God doth know with what charges and expenses we have burdened our selves, to extend our subsidy and relief, to the soldiers of Rhodes for defense of themselves and of the Christian faith, against the Turkish tyranny, by whom they were besieged.
And now to bend our care from these forreyne matters, and to consider our inward troubles at home, we hear, to the great grief of our heart, that M. Luther a new rayser up of old and damnable heresies: first after the fatherly aduertisemētes of the See Apostolic, then after the sentence also of condemnation awarded against him, and that by the assent and consent of the best learned, and of sundy Vniuersityes also: and lastly after the Imperial decree of our well beloved son Charles, elect Emperor of the Romans, and Catholic king of Spain, being diuulged through the whole nation of Germany, yet hath neither been by order restrained, nor of himself hath refrayned from his madness begun, but daily more and more forgetting and contemning all Christian Charity and Godliness, ceaseth not to disturb and replenish the world with new books, fraught full of errors, heresies, contumelyes, and sedition (whether upon his own head, or by the help of other) and to infect the country of Germany, and other Regions about, with this pestilence, and endevoreth still to corrupt simple souls, and manners of men, with the poison of his pestiferous tongue: and (which is worst of all) hath for his fautours and supporters, not of the vulgare sort only, but also diverse personages of the Nobility: in so much that they have begun also to invade the goods of priests (which perhaps is the chief ground of this stir begun) contrary to their obedience which they owe to ecclesiastical and temporal persons, and now also at last have grown unto civil war and dissention among themselves, which thing how vnfortunately it falleth out now, at this present season, especially amongst us Christians, you may soon repute with yourselves and consider. For although the Apostle hath told us before, that heresies must needs be, that they which be tried, may be made manifest. &c. yet was there never time, either so inconvenient to raise up heresies, or so necessary for the repressing thereof, when any such are raised, as now. For whereas the Devil, the perpetual enemy of mankind, roaring in the shape of a Lyon, by the power of the Turks, doth continually invade the flock of Christ, how can we then resist the violent inuations of him, oppressing us without, so long as we nourish at home the same Devil, under the color of a wily Dragon, sowing such heresies, discordes, and seditions among our selves: And albeit it were in our power easily to vanquish these foreign adversaries, yet were that but labor lost, serving to no profit, to subdue our enemies without, and at home with heresies and schisms to be divided.
We remember, before the time of our Papacy, when we were in Spain, many things we heard then of Luther, and of his perverse doctrine. Which rumors and tidings, although of thē selves they were grievous to be heard, yet more gireuous they were for this, because they proceeded out of that country, where we our self, after the flesh, took our first beginning: but yet this comfort we had, supposing that either for the iniquity, or else for the foolishness thereof being so manifest, this doctrine would not long hold: reputing thus with our self, that such pestiferous plants translated from other countries into Germany, would never grow up to any proof in that ground, which was ever wont to be a weeder out of all heresies and infidelity. But now, since this evil tree (whether by God's judgment correcting the sins of the people, or by the negligence of such as first should have resisted such beginninges) hath so enlarged and spread his branches so far: you therefore, both Princes, and people of Germany, must this consider and provide, lease you, which at the first springing up of this evil, might peradventure be excused as no doers thereof, now through this your overmuch sufferance, might be found inexcusable, and seem to consent to that which you do not resist.
Here we omit and pass over, what enormity, and more the enormity, that is, that such a great, and so devout a nation, should by one fryer (who relinquishing the Catholic faith and Christian religion, which he before professed playeth the Apostate, & hath lied to God) be now seduced from that way, which first Christ our redeemer & his blessed apostles have opened unto us, which so many Martyrs, so many holy Fathers, so many great learned men, & also your own foreelders and old auncitours have always hitherto walked in, as though only Luther had all wit and cunning, as though he only now first had received the holy ghost (as the heretic Montanus used to boast of himself) or as though the Church (frō which Christ our savior promised himself never to depart) hath erred hitherto always in dark shadows of ignorance and perdition, till now it should be illuminate with new r • splendent beams of Luther. Al which things, there is no doubt, but to such as have judgment, will seem ridiculous, but yet may be pernicious to simple and ignorant minds: and to the other which being weary of all good order, do gape still for new changes, may breed matter and occasion of such mischiefs, as partly yourselves have experienced already. And therefore do you not consider (O princes and people of Germany) that these be but prefaces & preambles to those evils and mischiefs, which Luther with the sect of his Lutherianes, do intend & purpose here after? Do you not see plainly & perceive with your eyes, that this defending of the verity of the Gospel first begun by the Lutherians to be pretended, is now manifest to be but an inuentiō to spoil your goods which they have long intended? Or do you think that these sons of iniquity do tend to any other thing, then under the name of liberty, to supplant obedience, and so to open a general license to every man, to do what him listeth? And suppose you, that they will anything regard your commaūdementes, or esteem your laws, which so contemptuously vilipend the holy Canons, and decrees of the fathers, yea and the most holy Councils also (to whose authority the Emperors laws have always given room and place) & not only vilipēd them, but also with a diabolical audacitye have not feared to rent them in pieces, and set them on a light fire? They which refuse to render due obedience to priests, to bishops, yea to the high bishop of all, & which daily before your own faces make their bootyes of Church goods, and of things consecrated to God: think ye that they will refrain their sacrilegious hands frō the spoil of lay men's goods? yea that they will not pluck from you whatsoever they can rap or reaue? Finally to conclude, how can you hope that they will more spare you, or hold their murthering hands from your throats, which have been so bold to vex, to kill, to slay the Lord's annointed, which are not to be toucbed? Nay think you not contrary, but this miserable calamity will at length redound upon you, your goods, your houses, wives, children, dominio • s, possessions, & these your temples, which you hallow & reverence, except you provide some speedy remedy against the same.
Wherefore we exhort your fraternities, nobilities, & devotions of all and singular in the Lord, and beseech you for Christian charity & religion (for which religion your forefathers oft times have given their blood, to uphold and increase the same) and notwithstanding require you also in virtue of that obedience, which all Christians owe to God & blessed S, Peter, and to his Vicar here in earth, that setting aside all other quarrels and dissensions among our selves, you confer your helping hands every man to quench this public fire, and endeavor and study the best way ye can, howe to reduce the said M. Luther and all other fautours of these tumults and errors, to better conformitye and trade both of life and faith. And if they which be infected, shall refuse to hear your admonitions, yet proved that the other part, which yet remaineth sound, by the same contagion be not corrupted. He to whom all secretes of men are open, doth know how we both for our nature, and also for our pastoral office, whereto we are called, are much more prone to remit, then to revenge. But when this pestiferous canker cannot with supple and gentle medecines be cured, more sharper salves must be proved, and fiery searinges: the putrefied members must be cut of from the body, least the sound partes also be infected. So God did cast down into hell the schismatical brethren Dathan and Abiron. And him that would not obey the authority of the priest, God commanded to be punished with death. So Peter prince of the Apostles, denounced sodeine death to Ananias, and Sapphira, which lied unto God. So the old and godly Emperors commanded Iouinianus and Priscillianus, as heretics, to be beheaded. So S▪ Jerome wisheth Vigilantius as an heretic, to be given to the destructiō of the flesh, that the spirit might be saved in the day of the Lord. So also did our predecessors in the Council of Constance condemn to death John Hus & his fellow Jerome, which now appeareth to revive again in Luther. The worthy acts and examples of which forefathers, if you in this doings (seeing otherwise ye cannot) shall imitate: we do not doubt, but God's merciful clemency shall eftsoons releue his Church, which being now sore vexed of infidels, hath her eyes chiefly and principally directed vpō you, as being the most puisaunt and most populous nation that we have in Christendom.
Wherefore upon the blessing of almighty God and of blessed S. Peter, which here we send unto you, take courage unto you, as well against the false Dragon, as the strong Lion, that both these: that is, as well the inward heresies, as the foreign enemies by you being overcome, you may purchase to your honors an immortal victory, both here and in the world to come. This we give you to understand, that whatsoever the Lord hath given us to aid you withal, either in money or authority, we will not fail to support you herein, yea and to bestow our life also in this holy quarrel, and for the health of our sheep to us committed. Other things as touching the matter of Luther, we have committed to this Cheregatus our Legate, whom we have directed purposelye for the same, unto your assemble, whom we wish you to Credite, as being our trusty Legate.
Datum Rom. apud S. Petrum sub anulo piscatoris die .25. Nouemb. ann. 1522.
pontificatus nostri anno primo.By this letter above prefixed, thou hast (gentle reader) to note and understand, what either wily persuasions, or strength of authority could devise against Luther, here not to have lacked. If plausible terms or glosyng sentences, or outward facyng and bracyng could have served, where no ground of scripture is brought, this might seem apparently a pithy Epistle. But if a man should require the particulars or y e specialties of this doctrine which he here reprehendeth, to be examined and tried by God's word, there is no substance in it, but only words of office, which may seem well to serve for waste paper. And yet I thought to exhibit the said letter unto thee, to the intent, that the more thou seest man's strength with all his policy bent against Luther, the more thou mayst consider the almighty power of God, in defending the cause of this poor man, against so mighty enemies.
Now hear further what instructions the said Pope Adrian sent to his Legate Cheregatus, how and by what reasons to move and inflame the princes of Germany to the destruction of Luther, and his cause, and yet was not able to bring it to pass.
Instructions given by Pope Adrian to Cheregatus his Legate, touching his proceedings in the diete of Norenberg, how and by what persuasions to incense the Princes against Luther.
IN primis, you shall declare to them the great grief of our heart for the prospering of Luther's sect, to see the innumerable souls redeemed with Christ's blood, and committed to our pastoral government, to be turned away from the true faith and religion, into perdition by this occasion: & that especially in the nation of Germany, being our native country, which hath been ever heretofore, til these few years past, most faithful and devour in religion: & therefore our desire to be the greater, that this pestilence should be stopped by time, least the same happen to that country of Germany, which happened of late to Bohemia. And as for our part, there shall be no lack to help forward what we may: As likewise we desire them, to • ndeuoure them selves to the uttermost of their power, whom these causes ought to move, which here we direct unto you, to be declared unto them.
First the honor of God, which before all other things ought to be preferred: whose honor by these heresies is greatly defaced and his worship not only diminished, but rather whollye corrupted. Also the charity toward our neighbor, by which charity every man is bound to reduce his neighbor out of error: otherwise God will require at their hands all such as by their negligence do perish.
The second cause to move them against Luther, is the infamy of their nation, which being counted before time always most Christian, now by these sectaries of Luther, is evil spoken of in all other quartes.
The third cause is the respect of their own honor, which notoriously will be disteined, if they which most excel in nobility and authority among the Germans, shall not bend all their power to expel these heresies: First for that they shall appear to degenerate from their progenitors, who being present at the condemnatiō of John Hus, & of other heretics, are said some of thē with their own hands to have led John Hus to the fire: Secondly, for that they or the greater part of thē approving with their authority the emperiall edict set forth of late in cōdemnatiō of M. Luther, now except they shall follow the execution of y e same, shall be noted inconstant, or may be thought to favor the same, seeing it is manifest that they may easily exterminate him, if they were disposed.
The fourth cause is the injury wrought by Luther to them their parents, and progenitors, for as much as their fathers, progenitors, and themselves also have always holden the same faith, which the catholic church of Rome hath appointed: contrary to which faith, Luther with his sectaryes now doeth hold, saying that many things are not to be believed, which their foresaid aunceters have holden to be of faith: it is manifest therefore that they be condemned of Luther for infidels and heretics, and so consequently by Luther's doctrine, all their foreelders & progenitors which have deceased in this our faith be in hell: for error in faith importeth damnation.
The fifth cause to move them is, that they should well advise & consider the end, whereunto all these Lutherians do tēd: which is, that under the shadow of Evangelical liberty, they may abolish all superiority and power▪ For although at the first beginning they pretended only to adnul and repress our power ecclesiastical, as being falsely & tyrannously usurped against the Gospel: yet for as much as liberty is all their foundation and pretence, by the which liberty the secular power and magistrates cannot bind men by any commandments (be they never so just, or so reasonable) to obey thē under pain of mortal sin: it is manifest that their scope is to enfeeble and infringe as much or more, the secular state also, although covertly they pretend to salve it: to the end, that when the secular Princes shall believe this their working not to be directed against them, but only against the usurped domination of the church and churchmē, then the laity (which commonly hath been always against men of the Church) holding with them, shall suffer the Churchmen to be devoured: Which done, no doubt, but they will afterward practice the like upon the secular Princes and potestates, which now they attempt against our ecclesiastical jurisdiction.
The sixte cause to move and persuade them against Luther is this, for them to consider the fruits which follow of that sect: as slanders, offenses, disturbance, robberyes, murders, seditions, dissensions, which this sect hath and daily doth stir up through whole Germany: Also blasphemies. slanderous words, scoffing iestes and bitter taunts which are ever in their mouths. Agaynst which, unless that they shall find a present remedy, it is to be feared, least the desolation of God's wrath will fall upon Germany, being so divided: or rather vpō the Princes of Germany, who having the sword given of God into their hands for the suppression of malefactors, suffer such enormities amongst their subjects. Cursed is he (saith the Prophet) which doth the work of the Lord negligently: and holdeth back his sword from the blood of wicked doers.
The seventh reason is, that the princes should consider how Luther useth the same way of seducing the people of Christ, as hath the venomous vyper Muhammad practiced in deceiving so many thousands of souls, in permitting to them the liberty of those things which flesh desireth, and afterward in exempting them from such things as be more sharp in the law, but that Luther a little more temperately handleth the matter, whereby he may deceive more effectually: For Muhammad giveth license to have many wives, and to divorce and mary other at their pleasure. This Luther, to draw unto him the favor of nunnes, monks, and priests, such as be lascivious in flesh, preacheth that vows of perpetual continencye be unlawful, much less to be obligatory: and therefore permitteth unto thē that they may mary, forgetting by the way what the Apostle writeth of young widows, saying: That when they wax wanton against Christ then will they marry, having condemnation, because they have made void their first faith.
These & other such like reasons, being opened & laid before thē, you shall thē in our name exhort y e foresaid princes, prelates, & people to awake, and employ their diligence how to gainestand: First the injury of these Lutherians toward God, & toward his holy religiō: Secondly their villainy toward the whole nation of the Germans & their princes, & especially the shameful contumely toward their fathers & elders, whō in effect they condemn to hell. In consideratiō whereof you shall cal vpō thē to remember thenselves, & to proceed effectually to the executiō of y e apostolical sentence, & of the Emperors edict, giving pardon to thē that will amend & acknowledge their fault: the other which obstinately persist in their error, punishing with the rod of district severity according to the decrees of the Canons and laws of the Church, that by their example, such as stand, may remain in faith, and they which are fallen may be reduced.
And if any shall object again, y e Luther was condemned by the apostolicke see before he was heard, & y t his cause ought first to have been heard & judged, before he was convinced: you shall answer, that those things which pertain to faith, are to be believed for their own authority, & not to be proved. Take away (saith Ambrose) arguments, where faith is sought, there the fishers, not the Philosophers must be trusted. Truth it is, & we grant no less, but the lawful defense & hearing ought not to be denied in such cases, where the question is of the fact, whether it were done or not, as whether he spake, preached, writ, or not? But where the matter is of God's law, or in cause of the sacraments, there must we always stand to the authority of holy fathers & of the Church. Now all things almost wherein Luther dissenteth from other, are reproved before by diverse Councils. Neither ought those things to be called into questiō, which have been defined before by general councils, & y e universal-Church, but ought to be received by faith: For else he doth injury to the Synod of the church, who so bringeth again into controversy things once rightly discussed & settled. Otherwise what certainty can there be amongst mē, or what end shall there be of contēding & disputing, if it shall be lawful for every lewd & presumptuous person, to decline from the things which have been received and ratified by the consent, not of one, nor of few, but of so many ages, so many wise heads, & of the Catholic church, which God never permitteth to err in matters unto faith appertaining? And how can it otherwise be chosen, but that all must be full of disturbance, offenses, and confusion, unless the things which have been once, yea many times by ripe judgment cōstituted, be observed of all mē as inviolable? Wherefore, seeing Luther and his fellows do condemn the Councils of holy fathers, do burn the holy canons, do confound all things at their pleasure, & do disquiet the whole world, what remaineth, but that they are to be rejected & exploded, as enemies and perturbers of public peace?
Further this you shall say unto them, y t we confess our selves, & deny not, but that God suffereth this persecutiō to be inflicted upon his church, for the sins of men, especially of priests and prelates of the clergy. For certain it is, that the hand of the Lord is not shortened, that he cannot save: but our sins have divided between God and us: and therefore he hideth his face from us, that he will not hear us. The scripture testifieth, that the sins of the people do issue out from the sins of the priests. And therefore saith Chrysostom,) Christ going about to cure the sick city of Hierusalē, first entered into the temple, to correct the sins of the priests, like a good phisitiō, which first beginneth to cure the disease from the very rote. We know that in this holy see there have been many abhominable things of long time wrought & practiced: as abuses in matters spiritual, and also excesses in life and manners, and all things turned clean contrary. And no marvel if the sickness first beginning at the head, that is, at the high Bishops, have descended afterward to inferior prelates. Al we (that is, prelates of the church) have declined everyone after his own way. Neither hath there ben one that hath don good, no not one. Wherefore need it is y t all we give glory to God, and that we humble our souls to him, considering everyone of us, from whence he hath fallen, and that everyone do judge himself, before he be judged of God in the rod of his fury. For the redress whereof you shall insinuate unto them, and promise in our behalf, that in us shall be lacking no diligence of a better reformation, first beginning w t our own court, that like as this contagion first from thence descended into all the inferior partes: so reformation & amendment of all that is amiss from the same place again, shall take his beginning. Wherunto they shall find us so much the more ready, for that we see y e whole world so desirous of the same. We our selves (as you know) never sought this dignity, but rather coveted, if we otherwise might, to lead a private life, and in a quiet state to serve God. And also would utterly have refused the same, had not the fear of God, and the manner of our election, and misdoubting of some schism to follow after, have urged us to take it. And thus took we the burden upon us, not for any ambition of dignity, or to enrich our friends, and kinsfolks, but only to be obedient to the will of God, and for reformation of the catholic church, and for relief of the pore, and especially for the advancement of learning & learned men, with such other things moe, as appertaineth to the charge of a good Bishop & lawful heir of S. Peter. And though all errors, corruptions, and abuses, be not straight ways amended by us, men ought not thereat to marvel. The sore is great and far grown, and is not single, but of manifold maladies together compacted, & therefore to the curing thereof we must proceed by little and little, first beginning to cure the greater and the most dangerous, least while we intend to amend all, we destroy all. All sudden mutations (saith Aristotle) in a common wealth, are perilous. And he that wringeth too hard, straineth out blood. Prov. 30
And whereas in your last letters you write, that the Princes complain, howe this See hath been and is prejudicial to their ordinances and agreements: hereunto you shall thus answer: That such excesses which have been done before our time, ought not to be imputed to us, who always have misliked these derogations, and therefore bid them so assure them selves, that though they had required no such matter, we of our own accord, would have refrained the same, partly for that it is good, right, & reason, that everyone have that which is due unto him: and partly also that the said noble natiō of Germany shall have by us no hindrance, but furtherance rather, so much as in us shall lie to do for them.
And as touching the processes, which they desire to have removed away a Rota, and to be referred down to the parties, you shall signify unto them that we will gratify them herein as much as honestly we may. But because our auditors are now presently absent from the city by reason of the Plague, we cannot be infourmed as yet, touching the quality of those processes. As soon as they shall return (which we hope will be shortly) we shall do in the Princes favor, what reasonably we may.
Further, whereas we understand, that there be many fresh flourishing wits in Germany, and many well learned men, which are not seen unto, but be rejected and unlooked to, while in the mean time, through the Apostolical provisions, dignities, and promotions are bestowed upon tapsters, and daunsers, and unfit persons: we will therefore that you inquire out what those learned men are, and what be their names, to the intent that when any such vacation of benefices in Germany do fall, we of our voluntary motiō, may provide for them accordingly. For why, we consider howe much it is against God's glory, and against the health and the edification of souls, that benefices and dignities of the church, have now so long time been bestowed upon unworthy and unable persons.
As touching the subsidy for the Hungarians, we send no other information to you, but that which we gave you at your departure, save only that we will you to extend your diligence therein, as we also will do the like, in soliciting the matter with the princes and cities of Italy, that everyone may help after his ability. Ex Orth. Gratio.
These popish suggestions and instructions of the Pope himself against Luther, I thought (Christian reader) to set before thine eyes, to the intent thou mayest see here (as in a pattern, and go no further) all the crimes, objections, exclamations, suspicions, accusations, slāders, offensions, contumelies, rebukes, untruths, cavillations, railings, whatsoever they have devised, or can devise, invent, articulate, denounce, infer, or surmise against Luth. and his teaching. They cry, heresy, heresy: but they prove no heresy. They cry, Councils, Councils: and yet none trāsgresseth Councils more then themselves. If Councils go always with Scripture, then Luther. goethe with them. If Councils do jar sometime from the Scripture, what heresy is in Luth. in standing with Scripture against those councils? And yet neither hath he hitherto spoken against any councils, save only the Council of Constance. They inflame kings and princes against Luth▪ and yet they have no just cause wherefore. They accuse him for teaching liberty. If they mean the liberty of flesh, they accuse him falsely: if they mean the liberty of spirit, they teach wickedly, which teach contrary: and yet when they have all said, none live so licentiously as themselves. They pretēde the zeal of the Church, but under that church lieth their own private welfare, and belly cheare. They charge Luth. with disobedience, and none are so disobedient to Magistrates and civil laws, as they. They lay to his charge, oppression and spoiling of lay men's goods: and who spoileth the lay mens livings, so much as the Pope? For probation whereof, let the Popes accounts be cast, what he raketh out of every Christian realm. Briefly, turn only the names of the persons, and in steed of Luther's name, place the name of the Pope, and the effect of this letter above prefixed, shall agree upon none more aptly, then upon the Pope him self, and his own sectaries. Now to proceed further in the process of this foresaid matter, let us see what the Princes again for their partes answer to these foresaid suggestions and instructions of Pope Adrian, sent unto them in their diete of Norenberg, in the cause of Luther: the answer of whom here followeth under written.
The answer of the noble and reverend princes and states of the sacred Roman Empire, exhibited to the Popes ambassador.
THe noble & renowned Prince Lord Ferdinandus, Lieutenant to the Emperors majesty, with other reverend pieres in Christ, and mighty princes Electors, and other states and orders of this present assemble of the Roman Empire in Norenberge convented, have gratefully received, and diligently perused the letters sent in form of a Brief, with the instructions also of that most holy father in Christ, and L.L. Adrian, the hie Bishop of the holy and universal Church of Rome, presented unto them in the cause of Luther's faction.
By the which foresaid letters and writings, first where as they understand his holiness to have been borne, and to have had his native origin and parentage out of this noble nation of Germany, they do not a little rejoice. Of whose egregious virtues and ornaments both of mind and body, they have heard great fame and commendation, even from his tender years: by reason whereof they are so much the more joyous of his advancement and preferment, by such consent of election, to the hie tippe of the Apostolical dignity, and yield to God most hearty thanks for the same: praying also from the bottom of their hearts, for his excellent clemency, and perpetual glory of his name, and for health of souls, and incolumitie of the universal Church, that GOD will give his holiness long continuance of felicity. Having no misdout, but that by such a full & consenting election of such a pastor of the universal catholic church, great profit and commodity will ensue. Which thing to hope and look for, his holiness openeth to them an evident declaration in his own letters, testifying and protesting what a care it is to him both day & night, how to discharge his pastoral function, in studying for the health of the flock to him committed: and especially in conuertinge the minds of Christian princes, from war to peace: declaring moreover what subsidy and relief his holiness hath sent to the soldiers of Rhodes. &c. All which things they perpēding with them selves, conceive exceeding hope and comfort in their minds, thus reputing and trusting that this concord of Christian princes, will be a g • eat help and stay to the better quieting of things now out of frame: without which neither the state of the common wealth, nor of Christian religion can be rightly redressed, and much less the tyranny of the barbarous Turk repressed.
Wherefore, the excellent prince, Lord Lieutenant to the Emperors majesty, with the other princes Electors, and orders of this present assemble, most heartily do pray that his holiness will persist in this his purpose & diligence, as he hath virtuously begun, leaving no stone vnremoued, how the disagreeing hearts of Christ̄ princes may be reduced to quiet and peace: or if that will not be, yet at least some truce and intermission of domestical dissensions may be obtained for the necessity of the time now present, whereby all Christians may join their power together, with the help of God, to go against the Turk, & to deliver the people of Christ from his barbarous tyranny and bondage: Whereunto both the noble prince Lord Lieutenant, and other princes of Germany, will put to their helping hands, to the best of their ability.
And whereas by the letters of his holiness, with his instruction also exhibited unto them by his Legate, they understand, that his holiness is afflicted with great sorrow, for the prospering of Luther's sect, whereby innumerable souls committed to his charge, are in danger of perdition, & therefore his holiness vehemently desireth some speedy remedy against the same to be provided, with an explication of certain necessary reasons & causes, whereby to move the Germane princes thereunto, and that they will tender the execution of the Apostolic sentence, and also of the Emperors edict, set forth touching the suppression of Luther: to these the L. Lieutenant and other princes and states do answer, that it is to them no less grief and sorrow, then to his holiness, and also do lament as much for these impieties and perils of souls, and inconveniences which grow in the religion of Christ, either by the sect of Luther, or any otherwise. Further, what help or counsel shall lie in them, for the extirping of errors, & decay of souls health, what their moderation can do, they are willing and ready to perform, considering how they stand bound & subject, as well to the Popes holiness, as also to the Emperors majesty.
But why the sentence of the Apostolic see, & the Emperors edict against Luther, hath not ben put in execution hitherto, there have been (said they) causes great and urgent, which have led thē thereto: as first in weighing and considering with them selves, that great evils & inconvenience would thereupon ensue. For the greatest part of the people of Germany have always had this persuasion, & now by reading of Luther's books, are more therein confirmed, that great greeuances and inconveniences have come to this nation of Germany, by the court of Rome: and therefore if they should have proceeded with any rigor in executing the Popes sentence, & the emperors edict, the multitude would conceive & suspect in their minds, this to be done for subuerting the verity of the gospel, & for supporting & confirming the former abuses & grievances, whereupon great wars & tumults (no doubt) would have ensued: which thing unto the princes & states there, hath ben well perceived by many arguments. For the avoiding whereof, they thought to use more gentle remedies, serving more oportunely for the time.
Again, whereas the reverend L. Legate (said they) in the name of the Popes holiness hath ben instructed, to declare unto thē, that God suffereth this persecution to rise in the Church for the sins of men, & that his holiness doth promise, therefore to begin the reformation with his own court, that as the corruption first sprāg from thence to the inferior parts, so the redress of all again should first begin with the same: Also, whereas his holiness, of a good & fatherly heart, doth testify in his letters, that he himself did always mislike that the Court of Rome should intermeddle so much, and derogate from the cōcordates of the princes, and that his holiness doeth fully purpose in that behalf, during his papacy, never to practice the like, but so to endeavor, that everyone, and especially the nation of the Germans may have their proper due and right, granting especially to the said nation, his peculiar favor: who setteth not by these premisses, but that this moste holy B. omitteth nothing, which a good father or a devout pastor may or ought to do to his sheep? Or who will not be moved hereby to a loving reverence, and to amendment of his defaultes, namely seeing his holiness so intendeth to accomplish the same in deed, which in word he promiseth, according as he hath begun.
And thus undoubtedly both the noble L. Lieutenant, & all other princes & states of the empire, well hope that he will, and pray most heartily that he may do, to the glory of our eternal God, to the health of souls, & to the tranquility of the public state. For unless such abuses and grievances, with certain other articles also, which the seculare princes (assigned purposely for the same) shall draw out in writing, shall be faithfully reformed, there is no true peace & concord between the ecclesiastical & secular estates, nor any true extirpation of this tumult, & errors in Germany that cā be hoped. For partly by long wars, partly by reason of other grievances & hindrances this nation of Germany hath been so wasted and consumed in money, that vnneth it is able to sustain it self in private affairs, and necessary upholding of justice within it self: much less then to minister aid and succor to the kingdom of Hungary, & to the Croatians, against the Turk. And whereas all the states of the sacred Roman Empire do not doubt, but the Popes holiness doth right well understand how the Germane princes did grant & condescend for the money of Annates to be leaued to the see of Rome for term of certain years, upon condition that the said money should be converted to maintain war against the turkish infidels, and for defense of the catholic faith: & whereas the term of these years is now expired long since, when as the said Annates should be gathered, and yet that money hath not ben so bestowed to that use, whereto it was first granted: therefore if any such necessity should now come, that any public helps or contributions against the Turk, should be demanded of the Germane people, they would answer again, why is not that money of Annates reserved many years before to that use, now to be bestowed and applied, and so would they refuse to receive any more such burdens for that cause to be laid upon them.
Wherefore the said Lord Lieutenant, and other Princes & degrees of the Empire make earnest petition, that the Popes holiness will with a fatherly consideration expend the premisses, and surcease hereafter to require such Annates, which are accustomed after the death of bishops and other prelates, or ecclesiastical persons, to be paid to the court of Rome, and suffer them to remain to the chamber of the Empire, whereby justice & peace may be more cōmodiously administered, the tranquility of the public state of Germany maintained, and also by the same, due helps may be ordained and disposed to other Christian potentates in Germany, against the Turk, which otherwise without the same, is not to be hoped for.
Item, whereas the Popes holiness desireth to be informed what way were best to take, in resisting these errors of the Lutherians: to this the Lord Lieutenant, with other Princes add nobles do answer, that whatsoever help or counsel they can devise, with willing harts they will be ready thereunto. Seeing therefore the state, as well ecclesiastical, as temporal, is far out of frame, and have so much corrupted their ways, and seeing not only of Luther's part, and of his sect, but also by diverse other occasions besides, so many errors, abuses, & corruptions, have crept in: much requisite and necessary it is, that some effectual remedy be provided, as well for redress of the church, as also for repressing of the Turks tyranny. Now what more present or effectual remedy can be had, the Lord Lieutenant, with other estates and princes do not see, then this, that the Popes holiness, by the consent of the Emperors majesty, do summon a free Christian Council in some convenient place of Germany, as at Strasbourg, or at Mainz, or at Colen, or at Metz, and that with as much speed as conveniently may be, so that the congregating of the said Council be not deferred above one yere: in the which Council it may be lawful for every person that there shall have interest, either temporal or ecclesiastical, freely to speak & consult, to the glory of God, and health of souls, and the public wealth of Christendom, without impeachment or restraynt, whatsoever oth, or other bond to the contrary notwithstanding: yea and it shall be every good man's part there to speak, not only freely, but to speak that which is true, to the purpose, and to edifying, & not to pleasing or flattering, but simply and uprightly to declare his iudgemsnt, without all fraud or guile.
And as touching by what ways these errors & tumults of the Germane people may best be staid and pacified in the mean time, until the council be set: the foresaid L. Lieutenant, with the other princes, thereupon have consulted & deliberated, that for as much as Luth. and certain of his fellows be within the territorye and dominion of the noble duke Friderike, the said L. Lieutenant and other states of the Empire shall so labor the matter with the aforenamed Prince duke of Saxony, that Luther and his followers shall not write, set forth, or print anything during the said mean space, neither do they doubt but that the said noble prince of Saxony, for his Christian piety, and obedience to the Roman Empire, as becometh a Prince of such excellent virtue, will effectually condescend to the same.
Item, the said L. Lieutenant and princes shall labor so with the preachers of Germany, that they shall not in their sermons teach or blow into the people's ears, such matters, whereby the multitude may be moved to rebelliō or vpror, or be induced into error: and that they shall preach & teach nothing, but the true, pure, sincere, & holy gospel, & aproued scripture, godly, mildly, & christianly, according to the doctrine and exposition of the Scripture, being approved and received of Christ's Church, abstaining from all such things, which are better unknown, then learned of the people, and which to be subtly searched, or deeply discussed, it is not expedient. Also that they shall move no contention of disputation among the vulgare sort, but what so ever hangeth in controversy, the same they shall reserve to the determination of the Council to come.
Item, the Archbishops, Bishops, and other prelates within their diocese shall assign godly and learned men, having good judgment in the scripture, which shall diligently and faithfully attend upon such preachers: and if they shall perceive the said preachers either to have erred, or to have uttered anything vnconueniently, they shall godly, mildly, and modestly advertise, and inform them thereof, in such sort as no man shall justly complain the truth of the Gospel to be impeached. But if the preachers continuing still in their stubbornness shall refuse to be admonished, and will not desist from their lewdness, then shall they be restrained and punished by the Ordinaries of the place, with punishment for the same convenient.
Furthermore, the said Princes and nobles shall provide and undertake, so much as shall be possible, that from henceforth during the foresaid time, no new book shall be imprinted, especially none of these famous libels, neither shall they privily or apertly be sold. Also order shall be taken amongst all potestates, that if any shall set out, sell, or imprint any new work, it shall first be seen and perused of certain godly learned, and discrete men appointed for the same: so that if it be not admitted and approved by them, it shall not be permitted to be published in print, or to come abroad. Thus by these means, they hope well, that the tumults, errors, and offensions among the people, shall cease, especially if the Popes holiness himself shall begin with an orderly & due reformation, in the foresaid grievances above mentioned, and will procure such a free and Christian Council as hath been said, and so shall the people be well contented and satisfied. Or if the tumult shall not so fully be calmed, as they desire, yet the greater parte thus will be quieted, for all such as be honest and good men, no doubt, will be in great expectation of that general Council, so shortly and now ready at hand to come.
Finally, as concerning priests which contract matrimony, & religious men leaving their cloisters, whereof intimation was also made by the Apostolical Legate, the foresaid princes do consider, that forsomuch as in the civil law there is no penalty for them ordained, they shall be referred to the Canonical constitutions, to be punished thereafter accordingly: that is, by the loss of their benefices, and privileges, or other condign censures: and that the said Ordinaries shall in no case be stopped or inhibited by the secular powers, from the correction of such: but that they shall add their help and favor to the maintenance of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and shall direct out their public edicts and precepts, that none shall impeach or prohibit the said ordinaries in their ecclesiastical castigation, upon such transgressors to be administered.
To conclude, the redoubted prince L. Lieutenaunt and other princes, estates, & orders of the public Empire, vehemently and most heartily do pray and beseech, that the Popes holiness, & the reverend Lord his legate will accept and take all the premisses to be no otherwise spoken and meant, then of a good, free, sincere, & a Christian mind. Neither is there anything, that all the aforesaid princes, estates, and nobles do more wish and desire, then the furtherance and prosperous estate of the holy Catholic church of Rome, and of his holiness. To whose wishes, desires, & obedience they offer and commend themselves most ready, and obsequious, as faithful children. Ex Orth. Grat.
Thus hast thou (loving reader) the full discourse both of the popes letter, and of his Legates instructions, with the answer also of the states of Germany to the said letter and instructions, to them exhibited in the diete of Norenberge. In the which diet, what was concluded, and what order and consultation was taken, first touching the greeuances of Germany, which they exhibited to the Pope, then concerning a general council to be called in Germany, also for printing and preaching, & for priests marriage, hath been likewise declared. &c.
The occasion of this matter moved against priests marriage, came first by the ministers of Strasbourg, which about this time began to take wives, and therefore were cited by the bishop of Strasbourg to appear before him at a certain day, as violaters of the laws of holy Church, the holy fathers, the Bishops of Rome, and of the Emperors majesty, to the prejudice both of their own order of priesthood, and majesty of almighty God: But they referred their cause to the hearing of the magistrates of the same city, who being suitors for them unto the Bishops, labored to have the matter either released, or at least to be delayed for a time.
Long it were to recite all the circumstances following upon this diete or assemble of Norenberge, howe their decree was received of some, of some neglected, of diverse diversely wrasted and expounded. Luther writing his letters upon the same decree, to the Princes, thus made his exposition of the meaning thereof, that where as the preachers were commanded to preach the pure Gospel, after the doctrine of the church received, he expounded the meaning thereof to be, not after the doctrine of Tho. Aquine, or Scotus or such other late school writers, but after the doctrine of Hilary, Cyprian, & Agustine, and other ancient doctors, and yet the doctrine of the said aunciters no farther to be received, but as they should agree with the Scripture.
Secondly, as concerning new books not to be sold nor prin • ed, he expounded the meaning thereof to extend no farther, but y e text of the Bible and books of the holy Scripture might be Printed notwithstanding, and published to all men.
And as for the prohibition of Priests marriage, he writeth to the Princes, and desireth them to bear with the weakness of men, declaring that branch of their decree to be very hard, which though it stand with the Popes law, yet it accordeth not with the Gospel, neither conduceth to good manners, nor to honesty of life. &c.
Furthermore, where as in the same session of Norenberge, mention was made before of certain grievances collected to the number of an hundredth, and exhibited to the Bishop of Rome, it were tedious likewise to inserte them all: yet to give some tas • of a few, I judge it not unprofitable: to the entēt, that the world may see and judge, not only what abuses and corruptions moste monstrous and incredible, lay hid under the glorious title of the holy church of Rome: but also may understand, with what hypocrisy & impudēcie the pope taketh upon him so grievously to complain upon M. Luther, and other: when in all the universal Church of Christ, there is none so much to be blamed all manner of ways, as he himself, according as by these heinous complaints of the Germain princes, here following against the popes intolerable oppressions & grievances may right well appear. Which grievances▪ being collected by the Princes of Germany at Norenberge, to the number of an hundredth, I wish might be fully and at large setfoorth to the studious Reader, whereby might appear the subtle sleights and intolerable frauds of that pretensed Church. But for so much as it were to long to comprehend the whole, I have thought good to exhibit some part thereof for example, as giving only a certain taste, whereby thou mayest more easily conceive, what to think and esteem of all the residue, which both to me would be tedious to write, and perhaps more grievous to thee, to hear.
*Certain grievances or oppressions of Germany, against the court of Rome, collected and exhibited by the Princes, at the council of Norenberge, to the number of an C. whereof certain specialties here follow.
AMongest other burdens & grievances, this is not least to be regarded: y t many things are prohibited by men's constitutions, & many things exacted, which are not prohibited or commanded by any precept of God: as the innumerable obstacles of matrimony invented and brought in, whereby mē were forbid to mary in cases of kindred, which stand upon diverse degrees: as upon affinity, public honesty, spiritual kindred, kindred by law, & kindred in blood. &c. and likewise in forbidding y e use of meats, which God hath created for man's necessity, and taught by the Apostle indifferently to be received with thanks giving. By these and many other such human constitutions, men are yoked in bondage, until by money they obtained some dispensation of those laws, at their hands which made them: so y t money shall make that lawful for rich men, which is clearly prohibited unto the poor. By these snares of men's laws & constitutions, not only great sums of money are gathered out of Germany, & carried over the Alps, but also great iniquity is sprong up amongst Christians: many offenses and privy hatreds do rise, by reason that poor men do see themselves entangled with these snares, for no other cause, but for that they do not possess the thorns of the Gospel, for so Christ doth often call riches.
Times forbidden.
THe like practice also is to be seen in the times restrained from Marriage, by the heads of the Church of Rome, from the Septuagesima Sunday, somewhat before Lent: when as notwithstanding both the Clergye and the seculars in the mean time will live licentiously, and that openly in the face of all the world. But this interdict proceedeth to this effect: if a man shall presume so to do upon his own liberty, without compounding. But otherwise if there be any hope of money, then that which was before unlawful, is now made lawful for every man to do freely. And this is also another drawing net, whereby great sums of money are dragged out of the Germans purses. Wherupon also hangeth another greeuance as great as this, that ensuing out a dispensation, the state of the poor and of the rich is not indifferently weighed: For where the rich escapeth many times for little or naught, & goeth clear away, the poor man shall be sure to pay for the shot.
A complaint for selling remission of sins for money.
BUt especially the burden and greuaunce of the Popes Indulgences and Pardons be most importable: when as the Bishops of Rome, under pretēse of building some church in Rome, or to war against the Turk, do make out their indulgences with their bulls: persuading and promising to the simple people, strange & wonderful be • i • es of remission a Poena & culpa, that is, from all their sins, and punishment due for the same, and that not in this life only, but also after this life, to them that be dead burning in the fire of purgatory. Through the hope and occasion whereof, true piety is almost extinct in all Germany, while every evil disposed person promiseth to himself for a little money, license and impunity to do what him lusteth: Wherupon followeth fornication, incest, adultery, perjury, homicide, robbing and spoiling, rapine, vsurye, with a whole flood of all mischiefs. &c.
A complaint against the Immunities of Clergy men.
ITem, whosoever he be that hath received any Ecclesiastical orders, great or small, thereby he doth contend to be freed from all punishment of the secular magistrate, how great offense soever he do: neither doth he unadvisedly presume thereupon, but is maintained in that liberty to sin, by the principal estates of the clergy. For it hath often ben seen, that whereas by the canonical laws, priests are forbidden to marry, afterward they diligently labor and go about day and night to attempt and try the chastity of matrones, virgins, and of the wives, daughters and sisters of the lay men: and through their continual instance and labor, partly with gifts and rewards, and flattering words, partly by their secrete confessions (as they cal thē) as it hath been found by experience, they bring to pass that many virgins and matrones, which otherwise would be honest, have been overcome and moved to sin and wickedness: and it happeneth oftentimes, that they do detain and keep away the wives, and daughters frō their husbands and fathers, threatening them with fire & sword that do require them again. Thus through their raging lust, they heap & gather together innumerable mischieues and offenses. It is to be marvelled at, howe licentiously without punishment they dailye offend in robberyes, murder, accusing of innocents, burning, rapine, theft, and counterfeiting of falls coin, beside a thousand other kinds of mischieues, contrary and against all laws both of God and man, not without great offense of others, trusting only upon the freedom and liberty of sin, which they usurp unto themselves by the privilege of their canons. For when as they once perceive that it is lawful for them to do what they lust without controlment, then they do not only contemn the civil Magistrates, but also their Bishops and superiors, whatsoever they either command or forbid them to do.
And moreover, to y e intent they may be the more maynteined in their mischief & wickedness, contrary to all reason and equity, it is partly forbid̄ the Archbishops and Bishops, to condemn these malefactors openly, except they be first disgraded, which must be done with sumptuousnes and pomp: whereby it happeneth very seldom, that those annointed naughty packes, do receive condign punishment. Besides that, the bishops are so bound by their chapters, that they dare not punish any person which hath taken orders by the Canonical laws, be the punishment never so light or small. By reason whereof the matter so falleth out, that through this unequal partiality between the laity and the Clergy, great hatred, discord, and dissention is sprong and risen. It is also not a little to be feared, that if the Clergy which are the cause of this greuance, and of other mischiefs, (which daily they do proceed to perpetrate) have not like laws, equal judges, and like punishment, their offensive life will move & stir up some great tumults and sedition amongst the common people, not only against the Clergy themselves, but also against the superiors and magistrates, for that they leave so notorious offenses unpunished.
Wherefore necessity & justice doth require, that the said prejudicial privileges of the Clergy should be abrogate and taken away, and in their place be provided, ordained and decreed, that the Clergy, of what order or degree soever they be, shall have like laws, like judgment, and punishment as the laity have: so that they shall pretend no prerogative or freedom in like offense, more then the lay mā, but that everyone of the Clergy offending under the judge, where the offense is committed, shall be punished for his fact, according to the measure and equality of his offense, in such like manner as other malefactors are, with the punishment appointed by the common laws of the Empire: which thing (without doubt) will please the true ministers of the church, such as are honest and learned, that they will not think their power and authority thereby in any case diminished. By this means it shall be brought to pass, that such as are of the Clergy only by name, and otherwise, naughty wicked men, through the obedience due unto their magistrates, shall be compelled to live more honestly: and all sedition and privy hatred between them and the laity shall be put away, and finally thereby the laity shall be the more moved and stirred to love and reverence such of the Clergy as be of a sound life.
Complaint of excommunication abused.
ITem, at Rome and in other places many Christians are excommunicate by the Archbishops, Bishops, or by their Ecclesiastical judges, for profane causes, through the desire and covetousness of money, & lucre. The consciences of men which are weak in faith, thereby are burdened and brought unto desperation: and finally, for money & luker, a matter of no importaūce is made to tend to the destruction both of body & soul, contrary both to the law of God and mā, for so much as no mā ought to be excommunicate but only for heresy, or for some heinous fact perpetrate, nor to be counted as separate frō the Christian Catholic Church, as the Scriptures do witness: Therefore the princes, nobles, states, & layty of the Sacred Empire, desire & require the Popes holiness, that as a faithful Christian & loving father, he will remove the said burden of excommunication used both in the sea of Rome, & also in the seas of all other Archbishops and Ecclesiastical Judges: and finally, decree that no man shall hereafter be excommunicate, but only for a manifest convict crime of heresy. For it is to wicked a thing, that faithful Christians for every light offense, touching any temporal goods or gain, or for any other worldly matter, but only for obstinacy of heresy or some great enormity, should be excluded from almighty God, and the Catholic congregation.
The Church burdened with number of holy days.
MOreouer, the common people are not a little oppressed with the great mumber of holy days, for that there are now so many holy days, that the husbādmē have scarcely time to gather y e fruits of y e earth which they have brought forth with so great labor & travail, being often in danger of hail, rain, and other storms: which fruits notwithstanding, if they were not letted with so many holy days, they would gather & bring home without any loss. Besides that, upon those holy days, innumerable offenses are committed & done, rather then God honored or worshipped. Which thing is so manifest, that it needeth no witness. For that cause the estates of the sacred Empire think it best & most profitable for the Christian common wealth, that this great mumber of holy days, should be diminished, which ought rather to be celebrate in spirit & verity, then with the external worship, and be better kept with abstinence from sin.
Suspending and halowing of Churchyardes gainful to the Pope, and chargeable to the people.
FUrthermore, if it hap̄ that 2. or more do fight without any weapon in a Churchyard, only with their fists, or by the hear, that there be never so little blood shed, by & by y e clergy have recourse to enterdiment, & do not suffer anymore Christian burials there to be done, before that all the citizens with great pomp & expenses do cause it to be consecrated & hallowed again with no less charge, then when at the first, of a profane place, it was hallowed for burial: all which things do redound to the charges & costs of the laity. And though the churches or chapels be never so little which are so hallowed: yet the suffragans do burden and oppress the simple poor households, be they never so bare or needy, with superfluous expenses, and require moreover gifts of the people, which is not for their ease to give.
Also the suffragans have invented that no other, but only themselves may baptize belles for the lay people. Whereby the simple people, vpō the affirmation of the suffragans do believe, that such belles so baptized, will drive away evil spirits and tempests: whereupon a great number of godfathers are appointed, especially such as are riche: which at the time of the baptising, holding the rope wherwithal the bel is tied, the suffragan speaking before them, as is accustomed in the baptising of young children, they altogether do answer, & give the name to the bell. The bell having a new garment put upon it, as is accustomed to be don unto the Christians, after this they go unto sumptuous bākets, whereunto also the gossips are bid̄, that thereby they might give the greater reward, and the suffragans with their chaplaines and other ministers, are sumptuously fed. Yet doth not this suffice, but that the suffragane also must have a reward which they do call a small gift or present: whereby it happeneth oftentimes, that even in small villages, a 100. florens are consumed and spent in such christnings: which is not only superstitious, but also contrary unto Christian religiō, a seducing of the simple people, and mere extortion. Notwithstanding the Bishops, for to enriche their Suffragans, do suffer these things and other far worse: wherefore such wicked and unlawful things ought to be abolished.
Complaint against Officials and other Ecclesiastical judges.
THe Officials also of Archbishops for the most part, are unlearned & unable men, besides that, men of evil conditions, taking thought for nothing but only for money. Also, howe corruptly they live and continue in notorious crimes & transgressions, it is daily seen. Whereby the laity, whom they ought to correct and punish for their offenses, & instruct in Christian godliness, are not in any point, by them amended, but rather by them encouraged and confirmed in their offenses. Besides this, the laity are miserably robbed & spoiled of their goods, by these light & vile officials. In whose conscience there is no spark of Christian pity and godliness, but only a wicked desire, & covetousness. Which thing the archbishops and bishops, if they were in deed such as they are called, that is to say, the pastors and shepherds of Christ, without doubt, they would no longer suffer, or commit Christ's flock, to such wicked and offensive pastors to be fed and nourished.
Howe the Ecclesiastical judges do annex certain special causes, being lay matters unto their own jurisdiction, and will by no means, release the same.
WHensoeuer any causes are pleaded in judgment before an Ecclesiastical judge, either for rauishyng of virgins, or for children unlawfully borne out of wedlock, or for servants wages, or any other matters touching widows, the Ecclesiastical judges being called upon by the superiors of the laity which do contend, they will neither defer that judgment, or by any means will be entreated to remit them to their ordinary jurisdiction.
The gain that riseth to the Clergy, by false sclaunders and rumors.
IT happeneth oftentimes, that men and women, through sinister and false reports & sclanders, are brought before the Official or Ecclesiastical judge, as men gilty, and shall not be declared innocent, before they have cleared thenselves by an oath. Whych purgation so made, they are restored again to their former estimation. And albeit that the damages & costs ought to be repaide again, unto such as be so falsely accused, yet notwithstanding the innocents thenselves, are forced to pay two gildernes and a quarter, for their letters of absolution. And this is the cause, why that the Officials & other Ecclesiastical judges, do so greedely follow the action of such unlawful, false, & slanderous accusations, challenging the hearing thereof only unto them selves: which thing (no doubt) redoundeth to the great and most singular hurt and detriment of all men: For oftentimes it happeneth that women falling together in contention thorough anger, hatred, or some other affection, do speak evil or slander one another, and outrage so much, that the one oftentimes accuseth the other, either of adoultry or witchery. Which thing being brought before the Officiall, she which through her anger had so slandered the other, is forced by an oath to excuse and purge her self, that whatsoever injurious or slanderous word she had spoken, came not of any deliberate purpose or intent, but through wrath and displeasure. In like manner the other which is accused either of adoultrie or sorcery, is commanded by an oath to declare her innocence, that she is not guilty of those facts, so that it is evident unto all men, that in such cases, whether they be guilty or not guilty, they must swear, if they will keep their good name and fame. Whereby not only the unlawful luker of gain and money is sought, but also willful perjury forced, and the seculare power and judges letted from the punishment thereof, so that contrary to all reason, offenses do remain unpunished.
Complaint against spiritual judges, taking Seculare causes from the Ciuile Magistrate.
ALl be it there be many causes so indifferent to both jurisdictions, that they may be pleaded and punished as well by the civil Magistrate, as ecclesiastical judge: notw t standing it happeneth oftentimes, that when as the civil Magistrates would exercise their office and jurisdiction in this behalf, they are forbidden and letted by the Ecclesiastical judges under pain of excommunication. Which thing if it should long continue, and be suffered, the Ecclesiastical judges would shortly take away all manner of causes from the civil Magistrate & his jurisdiction, which is intolerable and derogatory both unto the Emperors majesty, and other states of the Empire. And albeit that by the common laws, manifest perjuries, adulteries, withcrafts and such other like, may indifferently be punished by Ecclesiastical, or civil judges for the time being, so that prevention in this behalf taketh place: notw t standing the Ecclesiastical judges go about to usurp unto themselves and their jurisdiction, all such manner of causes: which burden and greuance the civil jurisdiction and power ought not to suffer.
A complaint against Ecclesiastical judges, intermeddling with cases of the secular Court: but will not suffer their cases once to be touched of the other.
MOreouer, the Ecclesiastical judges say, that in such case it is lawful for them to take profane matters in to their hands, if the civil magistrate be found negligent in executing of justice: but contrariwise they will not suffer y t the like order should be kept with them, neither will they permit that in Ecclesiastical matters, any man may complain unto the civil Magistrate, for lack of justice, and require the administration of justice at his hand. Albeit, they do define all laws generally common, & determine howe the Canon laws may help and assist the civil, and contrariwise the civil laws, the Canon.
Complaint against certain misorders of the Cathedral Churches, for using double punishment for one offense, against the law.
FOrsomuch as it is forbidden both by gods law & man's, y t no man should be beaten with 2. rods, that is to say, be punished with 2. kinds of torments: worthily therefore do all wise men detest & abhor the odious statutes of diverse cathedral churches, whereby murderers, both men & women, & other, as well light as grievous offenders, have ben hitherto vexed & tormented: for hitherto it hath been accustomed y t such as wer gilty of murder & such other crimes (which they cal cases reserved unto the bishops) after they had made their auricular confession, were compelled (to their great ignominy & shame) to do penance in the sight of all the people: which penance were not so much to be disallowed, hearing some semblance of the institution of the primative church, if so be it these busy officials, being content through t , would not extort more, and greater sums of money, then were right and lawful, and so punish those offenders with double punishment: wherew t all it is to be marveled, how many be offended and grieved. Howe wicked a thing this is, and howe far it differeth from Christ's instititution, we will refer it to every good conscience to judge.
Complaint of Officials for maintaining unlawful usuries.
FUrthermore, the Officials being allured thorough the greedy and insatiable desire of money, do not only not forbid unlawful usuries and gains of money, but also suffer and maintain the same. Moreover, they taking a yearly stipend and pension, do suffer the Clergy and other religious persons unlawfully to dwell with their concubines and harlots, and to beget children by them. Bothe which things, howe great pearil, offense and detriment they do bring both unto body and soul, every man may plainly see (so that it need not to be rehearsed) except he will make himself as blind as a mole.
Complaint of Officials permitting unlawful cohabitation with other, when the husband or wife are long absent.
FUurthermore, where it so happeneth (as it doeth oftentimes) that either the good man or the good wife, by means of war or some other vow, hath taken in hand some long journey, and so tarrieth longer then serveth the appetite of the other, the Officiall taking a reward of the other, giveth license to the party to dwell with any other person, not having first regard or making inquisitiō whether the husband or wife being absent, be in health or dead: and because these their doings should not be evil spoken of, they name it a toleration or sufferance, not without great offense unto all men, and to the great contempt of holy matrimony.
Complaint of Canons in Cathedral Churches, which have their B. sworn unto them, before he be chosen.
THis is also unlawful and plainly wicked, that though Canons of Cathedral Churches, in whose hand the principal part of Ecclesiastical judgments, Sinodes, and censures do consist, and the Canons of other collegiate churches, which have power and authority to choose their Superior and Bishop, will choose none to their Bishop, except he bind himself first with an oth, and plainly swear, yet and oftentimes is bound by bond and instruments sealed with their seals to them and their Ecclesiastical judges, y t in no matter, be it never so grievous, intolerable, or dishonest, he shall not be against them: and if it happen at any time that they do offend, they may do it also without punishment for him.
*Complaint against incorporations or improperations and other pilling of the people, by Churchmen.
MAny parish churches are subject unto monasteries, & to the persons of other churches, by means of incorporations (as they call them) or otherwise, which they are bound also, according to the canon laws, to foresee & look unto, by themselves, when as they do put them forth unto others to be governed, reserving for the moste parte unto themselves, the whole stipende of the benefices and tithes: and moreover, aggravate & charge the same with so great pensions, that the hireling priests and other ministers of the Church, cannot have thereupon a decent or competent living: whereby it cometh to pass, that these hirelynge priests (for that they must needs have whereupon to live) do with unlawful exactions, miserably spoil and devour the poor sheep committed unto them, & consume all their substance. For when as the Sacraments of the altar and of Baptism are to be administered, or when the first, the seventh, the thirty, and year day must be kept, when auricular confession cometh to be heard, the dead to be buried, or any other ceremony whatsoever, about the funeral is to be done: they will not do it freely, but extort and exact so much money, as the miserable communalty is scarce able to disbourse, and daily they do increase and augment these their exactions, driving the simple poverty to the payment thereof, by threatening them with excommunication, or by other ways, cōpelling them to be at charge: which otherwise through poverty, are not able to maintain obsequies, yere minds, and such other like ceremonies, as to the funerals of the dead be appertaining.
*Bying and selling of burials complained of.
IT is ordained by the Popes Canons, that burial in the Church should be denied only unto them, which being known to be manifest & notorious offenders, have departed this life w t out receiving of the sacrament. But the clergy not regarding those decrees, will not suffer such as by chance are drowned, killed, slain with falls, or fire, or otherwise by chance have ended their lives, (albeit it be not evident, that they were in deadly sin) to be buried in the churches, until such time, as the wives, children or friends of those men so dead, do with great sums of money purchase and buy the burial of them in the Churchyard.
*Chaste and continent priests compelled to pay tribute for concubines.
ALso in many places, the bishops & their Officials do not only suffer Priests to have concubines, so that they pay certain sums of money, but also compel continent and chaste Priests, which live without concubines, to pay tribute for concubines, affirming that the B. hath need of money, which being paid, it shall be lawful for them, either to live chaste or keep concubines. Howe wicked a thing this is, every man doeth well understand and know.
These with many other burdens and grievances mo to the number of an hundredth, the secular states of Germany delivered to the Popes legate, having (as they said) many mo, and more grievous grievances besides these, which had likewise much need of redress: but because they would not exceed the limites of reasonable brevity, they would content themselves (said they) with these aforesaid hundredth, reserving the rest to a more apt and more convenient oportunitye, steadfastly trusting & hoping, that when those hundredth grievances, already by them declared, should be abolished, the other would also decay, & fall with them. Of the which foresaid grievances and complaints here is moreover to be noted, that a great part was offered up before, to y e Emperor, at the council of worms: but because no redress thereof did follow, therefore the seculare states of Germany thought good to exhibiie the same now again, with diverse moe annexed thereunto, to Cheregatus the Popes Legate, in this present assēble of Norenberge, desiring him to present the same to Pope Adrian. This was about the yere of our Lord 1523. Which being done, the assemble of Norenberge brake up for a time, and was proroged to the next year following.
In this mean time Pope Adrian died. After him succeeded pope Clement 7. Who the next yere following, which was An. 1524. sent down his Legate Cardinal Campeius, unto the Council of the Germane Princes assembled again at Norenberge, about the month of March, with letters also to duke Friderick, full of many fair petitions, and sharp complaints. &c. But as touching the grievances above mentioned, no word nor message at all was sent, neither by Campeius, nor by any other. Thus, where any thing was to be complained of against Luther, either for suppression of the liberty of the Gospel, or for upholding of the Popes dignity, the Pope was ever ready with all diligence, to cal vpō the Princes: but where any redress was to be required, for the public wealth of Christian people, or touching the necessary reformation of the church, herein the Pope neither giveth ear, nor answer.
And thus having discoursed such matters occur̄t between the Pope & Princes of Germany, at the Synod of Norenberge, let us now proceed, returning again to the story of Luther: of whō ye heard before, howe he was kept secret & solitary for a time, by the advise and conveyance of certain nobles in Saxony, because of the Emperors Edict, above mentioned. In the mean time, while Luther had thus absented himself out of Wyttenberge, Andraeas Carolostadius proceeding more roughly and eagerly in causes of Religion, had stirred up the people, to throw down Images in the temples, beside other things moe. For the which cause, Luther returning again into the city, greatly misliked the order of their doings, and reproved the rashness of Carolostadius, declaring, that their proceedynges herein were not orderly: but that pictures & images ought first to be thrown out of the harts and consciences of men & that the people ought first to be taught: that we are saved before God, and please him only by faith, and that Images serve to no purpose: this done, and the people well instructed, there was no danger in Images, but they would fall of their own accord. Not that he repugned to the contrary (he said) as though he would maintain Images to stand or to be suffered: but that this ought to be done by the magistrate, and not by force, upon every private man's head, without order and authority. Ex John. Sled. lib. 3.
Furthermore, Luther writing of Carolostadius, affirmeth that he also joined with the sentence of them, which began then to spread about certain parts of Saxony, saying that they were taught of God, that all wickedness being utterly suppressed, and all the wicked doers slain, a new full perfection of all things must be set up, and the innocent only to enjoy all things. &c.
The cause why Luther so stood against that violente throwing down of Images, and against Carolostadius, seemeth partly to rise of this, by reason that Pope Adrian in his letters sent to the Princes and states of Germany, doth grievously complain, and charge the sect of Luther, for sedition and tumults, and rebellion against Magistrates, as subuerters and destroyers of all order and obedience, as appeareth by the words of the Popes letter before expressed, pag. 854. therefore M. Luther, to stop the mouth of such slanderers, and to prevent such sinister suspicions, was enforced to take this way, as he did: that is, to proceed, as much as he might, by order and authority.
Wherein are to be noted by y e way two special points, touching the doctrine and doings of M. Luther especially for all such who in these our days, now abusing the name & authority of Luther, think themselves to be good Lutherians, if they suffer Images still to remain in temples, and admit such things in the Church▪ which themselves do wish to be away. The first is the manner how and after what sort Luther did suffer such Images to stand. For although he assented not that the vulgare and private multitude tumultuously by violence should rap them down: yet that is no argument now for the Magistrate, to let them stand. And though he allowed not the Ministers to stir up the people, by forceable means to promote Religion: yet that argueth not, those magistrates to be good Lutherians, which may and should remove them, and will not.
The second point to be noted is, to consider the cause why that Luther did so stand with standing of Images, which cause was time, and not his own judgment. For albeit in judgment he wished them away, yet time so served not thereunto then, as it serveth now. For then the doctrine of Luther first beginning to spring, and being but in the blade, was not yet known whereto it tended, nor to what it would grow: but rather was suspected to tend to disobedience & sedition: and therefore the Pope hearing of the doings of Carolostadius in Wittenburg, and of other like, took his ground thereby to charge the sect of Luther with sedition, uproars, and dissolute liberty of life. And this was the cause, why Luther compelled then by necessity of time, to save his doctrine from slander of sedition and tumulte, being laid to him by the Pope (as ye have heard) was so much offended with Carolostadius and other, for their violence used against Images. For otherwise, had it not been for the Popes accusations, there is no doubt, but Luther would have been as well contented with abolishing of Images and other monuments of Popery, as he was at the same time, contented to write to the Friers Augustine's for abrogating of private Masses. And therefore as Luther in this doing is to be excused, the circumstances considered: so the like excuse perhaps will not serve the overmuch curious imitation of certain Lutherians in this present age now: which considering only the fact of Luther, do not mark the purpose of Luther, neither do expend the circumstances and time of his doings: being not much unlike to the ridiculous imitatours of King Alexander the great, which thought it not sufficient to follow him in his virtues, but they would also counterfeit him in his stouping and all other gestures besides: but to these living now in the Church, in another age then Luther did, it may seem (after my mind) sufficient to follow the same way after Luther, or to walk with Luther, to the kingdom of Christ, though they jump not also in every foot step of his, and keep even the same pase, and turnings in all points, as he did.
And contrariwise of the other sort, much less are they to be commended, which running as much on the contrary string, are so precise, that because of one small blemish, or for a little stouping of Luther in the Sacrament, therefore they give clean over the reading of Luther, and fall almost in utter contempt of his books. Whereby is declared not so much the nicenes and curiousnes of these our days, as y e hindrance that cometh thereby to the Church, is greatly to be lamented. For albeit the Church of Christ (praised be the Lord) is not unprovided of sufficient plenty of worthy and learned writers, able to instruct in matters of doctrine: yet in the chief points of our consolation, where the glory of Christ, and the power of his passion & strength of faith is to be opened to our conscience, & where the soul wrasteling for death and life, standeth in need of serious consolation, the same may be said of Martin Luther, amongst all this other variety of writers, that S. Cyprian was wont to say of Tertullian Da magistrum, give me my master. And albeit that Luther went a little awry, and dissented frō Zwingli in this one matter of the Sacrament: yet in all other states of doctrine they did accord, as appeared in the Synod hold̄ at Marpurge, by prince Philip Lautgraue of Hesse, which was in the year of our Lord. 1529. where both Luther, and Zwingli were present, and conferryng together, agreed in these Articles:
1. On the unity, and Trinity of God. 2. In the Incarnation of the word. 3. In the passiō and resurrection of Christ. 4. In the Article of Original sin. 5. In the Article of Faith in Christ Jesus. 6 That this faith cometh not of merits, but by the gift of Cod 7. That this faith is our righteousness. 8. Touchyng the extreme word. 9. Likewise they agreed in the Arricles of Baptism. 10. Of good works. 11. Of confession. 12 Of Magistrates. 13. Of men's traditions. 14. Of Baptism of infantes▪ 15. Lastly concerning the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, this they did believe and hold, first that both the kinds thereof are to be ministered to the people according to Christ's institution and that the Mass is no such work for the which a mā may obtain grace both for the quick, and the dead. Item, that the Sacrament (which they call of the altar) is a true Sacrament of the body and blood of the Lord. Item, that the spiritual manducation of his body and blood is necessary for every Christian man. And furthermore, that the use of the Sacrament tendeth to the same effect, as doth the word, givē and ordained of the almighty God, that thereby infirm consciences may be stirred to belief, by the holy Ghost. &c. Ex Paral. Abbot. Vrsp.
In all these sums of doctrine above recited. Luther and Zwingli did consent and agree. Neither were their opinions so different in the matter of the Lord's Supper, but that in the principal pointes they accorded. For if the question be asked of them both, what is the material substance of the Sacrament, which our outward senses do behold and feel: they will both confess bread, and not the accidents only of bread. Further if the question be asked whether Christ be there present: they will both confess his true presence to be there, only in the manner of presence they differ. Again, ask whether the material substance laid before our eyes in the Sacrament, is to be worshipped: they will both deny it, and judge it Idolatry. And likewise for transubstantiation, and for the sacrifice of the Mass, they both do abhor, and do deny the same: As also the Communiō to be in both kinds administered, they do both assent and grant.
Only their difference is in this, concerning the sense and meaning of the words of Christ: Hoc est corpus meum: This is my body: &c. Which words Luther expoundeth to be taken nakedly and simply, as the letter standeth, without trope or figure, and therefore holdeth the body and blood of Christ truly to be in the bread, and wine, and so also to be received with the mouth. Uldricus Zwingli, with Johannes Oecolampadius and other moe, do interpret these words otherwise, as to be taken not literally, but to have a spiritual meaning, & to be expounded by a trope or figure, so that the sense of these words: This is my body, is thus to be expounded: this signifieth my body and blood. Ex John. Sled. Lib. 5. With Luther cōscented the Saxōs. With the other side of Zwingli, went the Heluetians. And as time did grow, so the division of these opinions increased in sides, & spread in farther Realms and countries: the one part being called of Luther Lutheriās: the other having y e name of Sacramentaries. Notwithstādyng in this one unity of opinion, both the Lutherians, & Sacramentaries do accord & agree, that the bread & wine there present is not trāsubstantiate into the body & blood of Christ (as is said) but is a true Sacrament of the body & blood.
But hereof sufficient, touching this division between the Lutherans and Zwinglians. In which diuisiō, if there have been any defect in Martin Luther: yet is that no cause why either the Papists may greatly triumph, or why the Protestants should despise Luther. For neither is the doctrine of Luther touching the Sacrament, so gross that it maketh much with the Papists: nor yet so discrepaunt frō us, that therefore he ought to be exploded. And though a full reconciliation of this difference cā not well be made (as some have gone about to do) yet let us give to Luther a moderate interpretation, & if we will not make things better, yet let us not make them worse thē they be, & let us bear, if not with the manner, yet at least with the time of his teaching: and finally let it not be noted in us, that we should seem to differ in Charity more (as Bucer said) then we do in doctrine. But of this hereafter more (Christ willing) when we come to the history of John Frith.
They which write the life of Saints, use to describe and to extol their holy life & godly virtues, and also to set forth such miracles as be wrought in them by God: Wherof there lacketh no plenty in Martin Luther, but rather time lacketh to us and opportunity to tarry upon them, having such hast to other things. Otherwise what a miracle might this seem to be, for one man, & a poor Frier, creepyng out of a blind cloister, to be set up against the Pope, the universal Bishop and God's mighty Vicar in earth: to withstand all his Cardinals: yea and to sustain the malice and hatred almost of the whole world, being set against him: and to work that against the said Pope, Cardinals and Church of Rome, which no King nor Emperor could ever do, yea durst never attempt, nor all the learned men before him, could ever compass. Which miraculous work of God, I recount nothing inferior to the miracle of David overthrowing great Goliath. Wherefore if miracles do make a Saint (after the Popes definition) what lacketh in Martin Luther but age and time only to make him a Saint? who standing openly against the Pope, Cardinals, and prelates of the Church, in number so many, in power so terrible, in practice so crafty, having Emperors, and all the Kings of the earth against him, who teaching and preaching Christ the space of nine and twenty years, could without touch of all his enemies so quietly in his own country, where he was borne, die and sleep in peace. In the which Martin Luther, first to stand against the Pope, was a great miracle: to prevail against the Pope, a greater: so to die untouched, may seme greatest of all, especially having so many enemies as he had. Again, neither is it anything less miraculous, to consider what manifold dangers he escaped besides, as when a certain Jew was appointed to come to destroy him by poison, yet was it so the will of God, that Luther had warning thereof before, and the face of the Jew sent to him by picture, whereby he knew him, and avoided the peril.
Another time as he was sitting in a certain place upon his stool, a great stone there was in the vault, over his head where he did sit, which being stayed miraculously, so long as he was sitting, as soon as he was up, immediately fell upon the place where he sat, able to have crushed him all in pieces if it had light upon him.
And what should I speak of his prayers, which were so ardent unto Christ, that (as Melancthon writeth) they which stood under his window, where he stood prayeng, might see his tears falling and dropping down. Again, with such power he prayed, that he (as himself confesseth) had obtained of the Lord, that so long as he lived, the Pope should not prevail in his country: after his death (said he) let them pray who could.
And as touching the marvelous works of the Lord, wrought here by men, if it be true which is credibly reported by the learned, what miracle can be more miraculous, then that which is declared of a young man about Wittenburg, who being kept bare and needy by his father, was tempted by way of sorcery, to bargain with the Devil, or a familiare (as they call him) to yield himself body and soul into the Devils power, upon condition to have his wish satisfied with money: So that upon the same, an obligation was made by the young man, written with his own blood, and given to the Devil. This case you see, how horrible it was, and how damnable: now hear what followed. Upon the sodeine wealth and alteration of this young man, the matter first being noted, began afterward more & more, to be suspected, and at length, after long and great admiration, was brought unto Martin Luther, to be examined. The young man, whether for shame or fear, long denied to confess, and would be known of nothing. Yet God so wrought, being stronger then the Devil, that he uttered unto Luther the whole substance of the case, as well touching the money, as the obligation. Luther understanding the matter, and pitiing the lamentable state of the man, willed the whole congregation to pray: and he himself ceased not with his prayers to labor, so that the Devil was compelled at the last to throw in his obligation at the window, and bade him take it again unto him. Which narration, if it be so true as certeinely it is of him reported, I see not the contrary, but that this may well seem comparable with the greatest miracle in Christ's Church, that was since the Apostles time.
Furthermore, as he was mighty in his prayers: so in his Sermons God gave him such a grace, that when he preached, they which heard him, thought everyone his own temptations severally to be noted and touched. Whereof, when signification was given unto him by his friends, and he demanded how that could be: mine own manifold temptations (said he) and experiences are the cause thereof. For this thou must understand (good reader) that Luther, from his tender years, was much beaten and exercised with spiritual conflicts, as Melancthon in describing of his life, doth testify. Also Hieronymus Wellerus, scholar and disciple of the said Martin Luther, recordeth, that he oftentimes heard Luther his master thus report of himself: that he had been assaulted and vexed with all kinds of temptations, saving only one, which was, with covetousness. With this vice he was never (said he) in all his life troubled, nor once tempted. And hitherto concerning the life of Martin Luther: who lived to the year of his age 63. He continued writing and preaching, about 29. years. As touching the order of his death, the words of Melancthon be these.
In the year of our Lord 1546. and the 17. of February, Doctor Martin Luther sickened a little before supper, of his accustomed malady, to wit, of the oppression of humors in the orifice or opening of his stomach, whereof I remember I have seen him oft diseasid in this place. This sickness took him after supper, with the which he vehemently contending, required secesse into a bye chamber, and there he rested on his bed two hours, all which time his pains increased. And as Doctor Jonah was lieng in his chamber, Luther awaked, and prayed him to rise, and to call up Ambrose his children's schoolmaster, to make fire in another chamber. Into the which, when he was newly entered, Albert Earl of Mansfield, with his wife and diverse other (whose names in these letters for haste, were not expressed) at that instant came into his chamber. Finally, feeling his fatal hour to approach, before nine of the clock in y e morning, the xviij. of February, he commended himself to God, with this devour prayer.
AMongest other burdens & grievances, this is not least to be regarded: y t many things are prohibited by men's constitutions, & many things exacted, which are not prohibited or commanded by any precept of God: as the innumerable obstacles of matrimony invented and brought in, whereby mē were forbid to mary in cases of kindred, which stand upon diverse degrees: as upon affinity, public honesty, spiritual kindred, kindred by law, & kindred in blood. &c. and likewise in forbidding y e use of meats, which God hath created for man's necessity, and taught by the Apostle indifferently to be received with thanks giving. By these and many other such human constitutions, men are yoked in bondage, until by money they obtained some dispensation of those laws, at their hands which made them: so y t money shall make that lawful for rich men, which is clearly prohibited unto the poor. By these snares of men's laws & constitutions, not only great sums of money are gathered out of Germany, & carried over the Alps, but also great iniquity is sprong up amongst Christians: many offenses and privy hatreds do rise, by reason that poor men do see themselves entangled with these snares, for no other cause, but for that they do not possess the thorns of the Gospel, for so Christ doth often call riches.
Times forbidden.
THe like practice also is to be seen in the times restrained from Marriage, by the heads of the Church of Rome, from the Septuagesima Sunday, somewhat before Lent: when as notwithstanding both the Clergye and the seculars in the mean time will live licentiously, and that openly in the face of all the world. But this interdict proceedeth to this effect: if a man shall presume so to do upon his own liberty, without compounding. But otherwise if there be any hope of money, then that which was before unlawful, is now made lawful for every man to do freely. And this is also another drawing net, whereby great sums of money are dragged out of the Germans purses. Wherupon also hangeth another greeuance as great as this, that ensuing out a dispensation, the state of the poor and of the rich is not indifferently weighed: For where the rich escapeth many times for little or naught, & goeth clear away, the poor man shall be sure to pay for the shot.
A complaint for selling remission of sins for money.
BUt especially the burden and greuaunce of the Popes Indulgences and Pardons be most importable: when as the Bishops of Rome, under pretēse of building some church in Rome, or to war against the Turk, do make out their indulgences with their bulls: persuading and promising to the simple people, strange & wonderful be • i • es of remission a Poena & culpa, that is, from all their sins, and punishment due for the same, and that not in this life only, but also after this life, to them that be dead burning in the fire of purgatory. Through the hope and occasion whereof, true piety is almost extinct in all Germany, while every evil disposed person promiseth to himself for a little money, license and impunity to do what him lusteth: Wherupon followeth fornication, incest, adultery, perjury, homicide, robbing and spoiling, rapine, vsurye, with a whole flood of all mischiefs. &c.
A complaint against the Immunities of Clergy men.
ITem, whosoever he be that hath received any Ecclesiastical orders, great or small, thereby he doth contend to be freed from all punishment of the secular magistrate, how great offense soever he do: neither doth he unadvisedly presume thereupon, but is maintained in that liberty to sin, by the principal estates of the clergy. For it hath often ben seen, that whereas by the canonical laws, priests are forbidden to marry, afterward they diligently labor and go about day and night to attempt and try the chastity of matrones, virgins, and of the wives, daughters and sisters of the lay men: and through their continual instance and labor, partly with gifts and rewards, and flattering words, partly by their secrete confessions (as they cal thē) as it hath been found by experience, they bring to pass that many virgins and matrones, which otherwise would be honest, have been overcome and moved to sin and wickedness: and it happeneth oftentimes, that they do detain and keep away the wives, and daughters frō their husbands and fathers, threatening them with fire & sword that do require them again. Thus through their raging lust, they heap & gather together innumerable mischieues and offenses. It is to be marvelled at, howe licentiously without punishment they dailye offend in robberyes, murder, accusing of innocents, burning, rapine, theft, and counterfeiting of falls coin, beside a thousand other kinds of mischieues, contrary and against all laws both of God and man, not without great offense of others, trusting only upon the freedom and liberty of sin, which they usurp unto themselves by the privilege of their canons. For when as they once perceive that it is lawful for them to do what they lust without controlment, then they do not only contemn the civil Magistrates, but also their Bishops and superiors, whatsoever they either command or forbid them to do.
And moreover, to y e intent they may be the more maynteined in their mischief & wickedness, contrary to all reason and equity, it is partly forbid̄ the Archbishops and Bishops, to condemn these malefactors openly, except they be first disgraded, which must be done with sumptuousnes and pomp: whereby it happeneth very seldom, that those annointed naughty packes, do receive condign punishment. Besides that, the bishops are so bound by their chapters, that they dare not punish any person which hath taken orders by the Canonical laws, be the punishment never so light or small. By reason whereof the matter so falleth out, that through this unequal partiality between the laity and the Clergy, great hatred, discord, and dissention is sprong and risen. It is also not a little to be feared, that if the Clergy which are the cause of this greuance, and of other mischiefs, (which daily they do proceed to perpetrate) have not like laws, equal judges, and like punishment, their offensive life will move & stir up some great tumults and sedition amongst the common people, not only against the Clergy themselves, but also against the superiors and magistrates, for that they leave so notorious offenses unpunished.
Wherefore necessity & justice doth require, that the said prejudicial privileges of the Clergy should be abrogate and taken away, and in their place be provided, ordained and decreed, that the Clergy, of what order or degree soever they be, shall have like laws, like judgment, and punishment as the laity have: so that they shall pretend no prerogative or freedom in like offense, more then the lay mā, but that everyone of the Clergy offending under the judge, where the offense is committed, shall be punished for his fact, according to the measure and equality of his offense, in such like manner as other malefactors are, with the punishment appointed by the common laws of the Empire: which thing (without doubt) will please the true ministers of the church, such as are honest and learned, that they will not think their power and authority thereby in any case diminished. By this means it shall be brought to pass, that such as are of the Clergy only by name, and otherwise, naughty wicked men, through the obedience due unto their magistrates, shall be compelled to live more honestly: and all sedition and privy hatred between them and the laity shall be put away, and finally thereby the laity shall be the more moved and stirred to love and reverence such of the Clergy as be of a sound life.
Complaint of excommunication abused.
ITem, at Rome and in other places many Christians are excommunicate by the Archbishops, Bishops, or by their Ecclesiastical judges, for profane causes, through the desire and covetousness of money, & lucre. The consciences of men which are weak in faith, thereby are burdened and brought unto desperation: and finally, for money & luker, a matter of no importaūce is made to tend to the destruction both of body & soul, contrary both to the law of God and mā, for so much as no mā ought to be excommunicate but only for heresy, or for some heinous fact perpetrate, nor to be counted as separate frō the Christian Catholic Church, as the Scriptures do witness: Therefore the princes, nobles, states, & layty of the Sacred Empire, desire & require the Popes holiness, that as a faithful Christian & loving father, he will remove the said burden of excommunication used both in the sea of Rome, & also in the seas of all other Archbishops and Ecclesiastical Judges: and finally, decree that no man shall hereafter be excommunicate, but only for a manifest convict crime of heresy. For it is to wicked a thing, that faithful Christians for every light offense, touching any temporal goods or gain, or for any other worldly matter, but only for obstinacy of heresy or some great enormity, should be excluded from almighty God, and the Catholic congregation.
The Church burdened with number of holy days.
MOreouer, the common people are not a little oppressed with the great mumber of holy days, for that there are now so many holy days, that the husbādmē have scarcely time to gather y e fruits of y e earth which they have brought forth with so great labor & travail, being often in danger of hail, rain, and other storms: which fruits notwithstanding, if they were not letted with so many holy days, they would gather & bring home without any loss. Besides that, upon those holy days, innumerable offenses are committed & done, rather then God honored or worshipped. Which thing is so manifest, that it needeth no witness. For that cause the estates of the sacred Empire think it best & most profitable for the Christian common wealth, that this great mumber of holy days, should be diminished, which ought rather to be celebrate in spirit & verity, then with the external worship, and be better kept with abstinence from sin.
Suspending and halowing of Churchyardes gainful to the Pope, and chargeable to the people.
FUrthermore, if it hap̄ that 2. or more do fight without any weapon in a Churchyard, only with their fists, or by the hear, that there be never so little blood shed, by & by y e clergy have recourse to enterdiment, & do not suffer anymore Christian burials there to be done, before that all the citizens with great pomp & expenses do cause it to be consecrated & hallowed again with no less charge, then when at the first, of a profane place, it was hallowed for burial: all which things do redound to the charges & costs of the laity. And though the churches or chapels be never so little which are so hallowed: yet the suffragans do burden and oppress the simple poor households, be they never so bare or needy, with superfluous expenses, and require moreover gifts of the people, which is not for their ease to give.
Also the suffragans have invented that no other, but only themselves may baptize belles for the lay people. Whereby the simple people, vpō the affirmation of the suffragans do believe, that such belles so baptized, will drive away evil spirits and tempests: whereupon a great number of godfathers are appointed, especially such as are riche: which at the time of the baptising, holding the rope wherwithal the bel is tied, the suffragan speaking before them, as is accustomed in the baptising of young children, they altogether do answer, & give the name to the bell. The bell having a new garment put upon it, as is accustomed to be don unto the Christians, after this they go unto sumptuous bākets, whereunto also the gossips are bid̄, that thereby they might give the greater reward, and the suffragans with their chaplaines and other ministers, are sumptuously fed. Yet doth not this suffice, but that the suffragane also must have a reward which they do call a small gift or present: whereby it happeneth oftentimes, that even in small villages, a 100. florens are consumed and spent in such christnings: which is not only superstitious, but also contrary unto Christian religiō, a seducing of the simple people, and mere extortion. Notwithstanding the Bishops, for to enriche their Suffragans, do suffer these things and other far worse: wherefore such wicked and unlawful things ought to be abolished.
Complaint against Officials and other Ecclesiastical judges.
THe Officials also of Archbishops for the most part, are unlearned & unable men, besides that, men of evil conditions, taking thought for nothing but only for money. Also, howe corruptly they live and continue in notorious crimes & transgressions, it is daily seen. Whereby the laity, whom they ought to correct and punish for their offenses, & instruct in Christian godliness, are not in any point, by them amended, but rather by them encouraged and confirmed in their offenses. Besides this, the laity are miserably robbed & spoiled of their goods, by these light & vile officials. In whose conscience there is no spark of Christian pity and godliness, but only a wicked desire, & covetousness. Which thing the archbishops and bishops, if they were in deed such as they are called, that is to say, the pastors and shepherds of Christ, without doubt, they would no longer suffer, or commit Christ's flock, to such wicked and offensive pastors to be fed and nourished.
Howe the Ecclesiastical judges do annex certain special causes, being lay matters unto their own jurisdiction, and will by no means, release the same.
WHensoeuer any causes are pleaded in judgment before an Ecclesiastical judge, either for rauishyng of virgins, or for children unlawfully borne out of wedlock, or for servants wages, or any other matters touching widows, the Ecclesiastical judges being called upon by the superiors of the laity which do contend, they will neither defer that judgment, or by any means will be entreated to remit them to their ordinary jurisdiction.
The gain that riseth to the Clergy, by false sclaunders and rumors.
IT happeneth oftentimes, that men and women, through sinister and false reports & sclanders, are brought before the Official or Ecclesiastical judge, as men gilty, and shall not be declared innocent, before they have cleared thenselves by an oath. Whych purgation so made, they are restored again to their former estimation. And albeit that the damages & costs ought to be repaide again, unto such as be so falsely accused, yet notwithstanding the innocents thenselves, are forced to pay two gildernes and a quarter, for their letters of absolution. And this is the cause, why that the Officials & other Ecclesiastical judges, do so greedely follow the action of such unlawful, false, & slanderous accusations, challenging the hearing thereof only unto them selves: which thing (no doubt) redoundeth to the great and most singular hurt and detriment of all men: For oftentimes it happeneth that women falling together in contention thorough anger, hatred, or some other affection, do speak evil or slander one another, and outrage so much, that the one oftentimes accuseth the other, either of adoultry or witchery. Which thing being brought before the Officiall, she which through her anger had so slandered the other, is forced by an oath to excuse and purge her self, that whatsoever injurious or slanderous word she had spoken, came not of any deliberate purpose or intent, but through wrath and displeasure. In like manner the other which is accused either of adoultrie or sorcery, is commanded by an oath to declare her innocence, that she is not guilty of those facts, so that it is evident unto all men, that in such cases, whether they be guilty or not guilty, they must swear, if they will keep their good name and fame. Whereby not only the unlawful luker of gain and money is sought, but also willful perjury forced, and the seculare power and judges letted from the punishment thereof, so that contrary to all reason, offenses do remain unpunished.
Complaint against spiritual judges, taking Seculare causes from the Ciuile Magistrate.
ALl be it there be many causes so indifferent to both jurisdictions, that they may be pleaded and punished as well by the civil Magistrate, as ecclesiastical judge: notw t standing it happeneth oftentimes, that when as the civil Magistrates would exercise their office and jurisdiction in this behalf, they are forbidden and letted by the Ecclesiastical judges under pain of excommunication. Which thing if it should long continue, and be suffered, the Ecclesiastical judges would shortly take away all manner of causes from the civil Magistrate & his jurisdiction, which is intolerable and derogatory both unto the Emperors majesty, and other states of the Empire. And albeit that by the common laws, manifest perjuries, adulteries, withcrafts and such other like, may indifferently be punished by Ecclesiastical, or civil judges for the time being, so that prevention in this behalf taketh place: notw t standing the Ecclesiastical judges go about to usurp unto themselves and their jurisdiction, all such manner of causes: which burden and greuance the civil jurisdiction and power ought not to suffer.
A complaint against Ecclesiastical judges, intermeddling with cases of the secular Court: but will not suffer their cases once to be touched of the other.
MOreouer, the Ecclesiastical judges say, that in such case it is lawful for them to take profane matters in to their hands, if the civil magistrate be found negligent in executing of justice: but contrariwise they will not suffer y t the like order should be kept with them, neither will they permit that in Ecclesiastical matters, any man may complain unto the civil Magistrate, for lack of justice, and require the administration of justice at his hand. Albeit, they do define all laws generally common, & determine howe the Canon laws may help and assist the civil, and contrariwise the civil laws, the Canon.
Complaint against certain misorders of the Cathedral Churches, for using double punishment for one offense, against the law.
FOrsomuch as it is forbidden both by gods law & man's, y t no man should be beaten with 2. rods, that is to say, be punished with 2. kinds of torments: worthily therefore do all wise men detest & abhor the odious statutes of diverse cathedral churches, whereby murderers, both men & women, & other, as well light as grievous offenders, have ben hitherto vexed & tormented: for hitherto it hath been accustomed y t such as wer gilty of murder & such other crimes (which they cal cases reserved unto the bishops) after they had made their auricular confession, were compelled (to their great ignominy & shame) to do penance in the sight of all the people: which penance were not so much to be disallowed, hearing some semblance of the institution of the primative church, if so be it these busy officials, being content through t , would not extort more, and greater sums of money, then were right and lawful, and so punish those offenders with double punishment: wherew t all it is to be marveled, how many be offended and grieved. Howe wicked a thing this is, and howe far it differeth from Christ's instititution, we will refer it to every good conscience to judge.
Complaint of Officials for maintaining unlawful usuries.
FUrthermore, the Officials being allured thorough the greedy and insatiable desire of money, do not only not forbid unlawful usuries and gains of money, but also suffer and maintain the same. Moreover, they taking a yearly stipend and pension, do suffer the Clergy and other religious persons unlawfully to dwell with their concubines and harlots, and to beget children by them. Bothe which things, howe great pearil, offense and detriment they do bring both unto body and soul, every man may plainly see (so that it need not to be rehearsed) except he will make himself as blind as a mole.
Complaint of Officials permitting unlawful cohabitation with other, when the husband or wife are long absent.
FUurthermore, where it so happeneth (as it doeth oftentimes) that either the good man or the good wife, by means of war or some other vow, hath taken in hand some long journey, and so tarrieth longer then serveth the appetite of the other, the Officiall taking a reward of the other, giveth license to the party to dwell with any other person, not having first regard or making inquisitiō whether the husband or wife being absent, be in health or dead: and because these their doings should not be evil spoken of, they name it a toleration or sufferance, not without great offense unto all men, and to the great contempt of holy matrimony.
Complaint of Canons in Cathedral Churches, which have their B. sworn unto them, before he be chosen.
THis is also unlawful and plainly wicked, that though Canons of Cathedral Churches, in whose hand the principal part of Ecclesiastical judgments, Sinodes, and censures do consist, and the Canons of other collegiate churches, which have power and authority to choose their Superior and Bishop, will choose none to their Bishop, except he bind himself first with an oth, and plainly swear, yet and oftentimes is bound by bond and instruments sealed with their seals to them and their Ecclesiastical judges, y t in no matter, be it never so grievous, intolerable, or dishonest, he shall not be against them: and if it happen at any time that they do offend, they may do it also without punishment for him.
*Complaint against incorporations or improperations and other pilling of the people, by Churchmen.
MAny parish churches are subject unto monasteries, & to the persons of other churches, by means of incorporations (as they call them) or otherwise, which they are bound also, according to the canon laws, to foresee & look unto, by themselves, when as they do put them forth unto others to be governed, reserving for the moste parte unto themselves, the whole stipende of the benefices and tithes: and moreover, aggravate & charge the same with so great pensions, that the hireling priests and other ministers of the Church, cannot have thereupon a decent or competent living: whereby it cometh to pass, that these hirelynge priests (for that they must needs have whereupon to live) do with unlawful exactions, miserably spoil and devour the poor sheep committed unto them, & consume all their substance. For when as the Sacraments of the altar and of Baptism are to be administered, or when the first, the seventh, the thirty, and year day must be kept, when auricular confession cometh to be heard, the dead to be buried, or any other ceremony whatsoever, about the funeral is to be done: they will not do it freely, but extort and exact so much money, as the miserable communalty is scarce able to disbourse, and daily they do increase and augment these their exactions, driving the simple poverty to the payment thereof, by threatening them with excommunication, or by other ways, cōpelling them to be at charge: which otherwise through poverty, are not able to maintain obsequies, yere minds, and such other like ceremonies, as to the funerals of the dead be appertaining.
*Bying and selling of burials complained of.
IT is ordained by the Popes Canons, that burial in the Church should be denied only unto them, which being known to be manifest & notorious offenders, have departed this life w t out receiving of the sacrament. But the clergy not regarding those decrees, will not suffer such as by chance are drowned, killed, slain with falls, or fire, or otherwise by chance have ended their lives, (albeit it be not evident, that they were in deadly sin) to be buried in the churches, until such time, as the wives, children or friends of those men so dead, do with great sums of money purchase and buy the burial of them in the Churchyard.
*Chaste and continent priests compelled to pay tribute for concubines.
ALso in many places, the bishops & their Officials do not only suffer Priests to have concubines, so that they pay certain sums of money, but also compel continent and chaste Priests, which live without concubines, to pay tribute for concubines, affirming that the B. hath need of money, which being paid, it shall be lawful for them, either to live chaste or keep concubines. Howe wicked a thing this is, every man doeth well understand and know.
These with many other burdens and grievances mo to the number of an hundredth, the secular states of Germany delivered to the Popes legate, having (as they said) many mo, and more grievous grievances besides these, which had likewise much need of redress: but because they would not exceed the limites of reasonable brevity, they would content themselves (said they) with these aforesaid hundredth, reserving the rest to a more apt and more convenient oportunitye, steadfastly trusting & hoping, that when those hundredth grievances, already by them declared, should be abolished, the other would also decay, & fall with them. Of the which foresaid grievances and complaints here is moreover to be noted, that a great part was offered up before, to y e Emperor, at the council of worms: but because no redress thereof did follow, therefore the seculare states of Germany thought good to exhibiie the same now again, with diverse moe annexed thereunto, to Cheregatus the Popes Legate, in this present assēble of Norenberge, desiring him to present the same to Pope Adrian. This was about the yere of our Lord 1523. Which being done, the assemble of Norenberge brake up for a time, and was proroged to the next year following.
In this mean time Pope Adrian died. After him succeeded pope Clement 7. Who the next yere following, which was An. 1524. sent down his Legate Cardinal Campeius, unto the Council of the Germane Princes assembled again at Norenberge, about the month of March, with letters also to duke Friderick, full of many fair petitions, and sharp complaints. &c. But as touching the grievances above mentioned, no word nor message at all was sent, neither by Campeius, nor by any other. Thus, where any thing was to be complained of against Luther, either for suppression of the liberty of the Gospel, or for upholding of the Popes dignity, the Pope was ever ready with all diligence, to cal vpō the Princes: but where any redress was to be required, for the public wealth of Christian people, or touching the necessary reformation of the church, herein the Pope neither giveth ear, nor answer.
And thus having discoursed such matters occur̄t between the Pope & Princes of Germany, at the Synod of Norenberge, let us now proceed, returning again to the story of Luther: of whō ye heard before, howe he was kept secret & solitary for a time, by the advise and conveyance of certain nobles in Saxony, because of the Emperors Edict, above mentioned. In the mean time, while Luther had thus absented himself out of Wyttenberge, Andraeas Carolostadius proceeding more roughly and eagerly in causes of Religion, had stirred up the people, to throw down Images in the temples, beside other things moe. For the which cause, Luther returning again into the city, greatly misliked the order of their doings, and reproved the rashness of Carolostadius, declaring, that their proceedynges herein were not orderly: but that pictures & images ought first to be thrown out of the harts and consciences of men & that the people ought first to be taught: that we are saved before God, and please him only by faith, and that Images serve to no purpose: this done, and the people well instructed, there was no danger in Images, but they would fall of their own accord. Not that he repugned to the contrary (he said) as though he would maintain Images to stand or to be suffered: but that this ought to be done by the magistrate, and not by force, upon every private man's head, without order and authority. Ex John. Sled. lib. 3.
Furthermore, Luther writing of Carolostadius, affirmeth that he also joined with the sentence of them, which began then to spread about certain parts of Saxony, saying that they were taught of God, that all wickedness being utterly suppressed, and all the wicked doers slain, a new full perfection of all things must be set up, and the innocent only to enjoy all things. &c.
The cause why Luther so stood against that violente throwing down of Images, and against Carolostadius, seemeth partly to rise of this, by reason that Pope Adrian in his letters sent to the Princes and states of Germany, doth grievously complain, and charge the sect of Luther, for sedition and tumults, and rebellion against Magistrates, as subuerters and destroyers of all order and obedience, as appeareth by the words of the Popes letter before expressed, pag. 854. therefore M. Luther, to stop the mouth of such slanderers, and to prevent such sinister suspicions, was enforced to take this way, as he did: that is, to proceed, as much as he might, by order and authority.
Wherein are to be noted by y e way two special points, touching the doctrine and doings of M. Luther especially for all such who in these our days, now abusing the name & authority of Luther, think themselves to be good Lutherians, if they suffer Images still to remain in temples, and admit such things in the Church▪ which themselves do wish to be away. The first is the manner how and after what sort Luther did suffer such Images to stand. For although he assented not that the vulgare and private multitude tumultuously by violence should rap them down: yet that is no argument now for the Magistrate, to let them stand. And though he allowed not the Ministers to stir up the people, by forceable means to promote Religion: yet that argueth not, those magistrates to be good Lutherians, which may and should remove them, and will not.
The second point to be noted is, to consider the cause why that Luther did so stand with standing of Images, which cause was time, and not his own judgment. For albeit in judgment he wished them away, yet time so served not thereunto then, as it serveth now. For then the doctrine of Luther first beginning to spring, and being but in the blade, was not yet known whereto it tended, nor to what it would grow: but rather was suspected to tend to disobedience & sedition: and therefore the Pope hearing of the doings of Carolostadius in Wittenburg, and of other like, took his ground thereby to charge the sect of Luther with sedition, uproars, and dissolute liberty of life. And this was the cause, why Luther compelled then by necessity of time, to save his doctrine from slander of sedition and tumulte, being laid to him by the Pope (as ye have heard) was so much offended with Carolostadius and other, for their violence used against Images. For otherwise, had it not been for the Popes accusations, there is no doubt, but Luther would have been as well contented with abolishing of Images and other monuments of Popery, as he was at the same time, contented to write to the Friers Augustine's for abrogating of private Masses. And therefore as Luther in this doing is to be excused, the circumstances considered: so the like excuse perhaps will not serve the overmuch curious imitation of certain Lutherians in this present age now: which considering only the fact of Luther, do not mark the purpose of Luther, neither do expend the circumstances and time of his doings: being not much unlike to the ridiculous imitatours of King Alexander the great, which thought it not sufficient to follow him in his virtues, but they would also counterfeit him in his stouping and all other gestures besides: but to these living now in the Church, in another age then Luther did, it may seem (after my mind) sufficient to follow the same way after Luther, or to walk with Luther, to the kingdom of Christ, though they jump not also in every foot step of his, and keep even the same pase, and turnings in all points, as he did.
And contrariwise of the other sort, much less are they to be commended, which running as much on the contrary string, are so precise, that because of one small blemish, or for a little stouping of Luther in the Sacrament, therefore they give clean over the reading of Luther, and fall almost in utter contempt of his books. Whereby is declared not so much the nicenes and curiousnes of these our days, as y e hindrance that cometh thereby to the Church, is greatly to be lamented. For albeit the Church of Christ (praised be the Lord) is not unprovided of sufficient plenty of worthy and learned writers, able to instruct in matters of doctrine: yet in the chief points of our consolation, where the glory of Christ, and the power of his passion & strength of faith is to be opened to our conscience, & where the soul wrasteling for death and life, standeth in need of serious consolation, the same may be said of Martin Luther, amongst all this other variety of writers, that S. Cyprian was wont to say of Tertullian Da magistrum, give me my master. And albeit that Luther went a little awry, and dissented frō Zwingli in this one matter of the Sacrament: yet in all other states of doctrine they did accord, as appeared in the Synod hold̄ at Marpurge, by prince Philip Lautgraue of Hesse, which was in the year of our Lord. 1529. where both Luther, and Zwingli were present, and conferryng together, agreed in these Articles:
1. On the unity, and Trinity of God. 2. In the Incarnation of the word. 3. In the passiō and resurrection of Christ. 4. In the Article of Original sin. 5. In the Article of Faith in Christ Jesus. 6 That this faith cometh not of merits, but by the gift of Cod 7. That this faith is our righteousness. 8. Touchyng the extreme word. 9. Likewise they agreed in the Arricles of Baptism. 10. Of good works. 11. Of confession. 12 Of Magistrates. 13. Of men's traditions. 14. Of Baptism of infantes▪ 15. Lastly concerning the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, this they did believe and hold, first that both the kinds thereof are to be ministered to the people according to Christ's institution and that the Mass is no such work for the which a mā may obtain grace both for the quick, and the dead. Item, that the Sacrament (which they call of the altar) is a true Sacrament of the body and blood of the Lord. Item, that the spiritual manducation of his body and blood is necessary for every Christian man. And furthermore, that the use of the Sacrament tendeth to the same effect, as doth the word, givē and ordained of the almighty God, that thereby infirm consciences may be stirred to belief, by the holy Ghost. &c. Ex Paral. Abbot. Vrsp.
In all these sums of doctrine above recited. Luther and Zwingli did consent and agree. Neither were their opinions so different in the matter of the Lord's Supper, but that in the principal pointes they accorded. For if the question be asked of them both, what is the material substance of the Sacrament, which our outward senses do behold and feel: they will both confess bread, and not the accidents only of bread. Further if the question be asked whether Christ be there present: they will both confess his true presence to be there, only in the manner of presence they differ. Again, ask whether the material substance laid before our eyes in the Sacrament, is to be worshipped: they will both deny it, and judge it Idolatry. And likewise for transubstantiation, and for the sacrifice of the Mass, they both do abhor, and do deny the same: As also the Communiō to be in both kinds administered, they do both assent and grant.
Only their difference is in this, concerning the sense and meaning of the words of Christ: Hoc est corpus meum: This is my body: &c. Which words Luther expoundeth to be taken nakedly and simply, as the letter standeth, without trope or figure, and therefore holdeth the body and blood of Christ truly to be in the bread, and wine, and so also to be received with the mouth. Uldricus Zwingli, with Johannes Oecolampadius and other moe, do interpret these words otherwise, as to be taken not literally, but to have a spiritual meaning, & to be expounded by a trope or figure, so that the sense of these words: This is my body, is thus to be expounded: this signifieth my body and blood. Ex John. Sled. Lib. 5. With Luther cōscented the Saxōs. With the other side of Zwingli, went the Heluetians. And as time did grow, so the division of these opinions increased in sides, & spread in farther Realms and countries: the one part being called of Luther Lutheriās: the other having y e name of Sacramentaries. Notwithstādyng in this one unity of opinion, both the Lutherians, & Sacramentaries do accord & agree, that the bread & wine there present is not trāsubstantiate into the body & blood of Christ (as is said) but is a true Sacrament of the body & blood.
But hereof sufficient, touching this division between the Lutherans and Zwinglians. In which diuisiō, if there have been any defect in Martin Luther: yet is that no cause why either the Papists may greatly triumph, or why the Protestants should despise Luther. For neither is the doctrine of Luther touching the Sacrament, so gross that it maketh much with the Papists: nor yet so discrepaunt frō us, that therefore he ought to be exploded. And though a full reconciliation of this difference cā not well be made (as some have gone about to do) yet let us give to Luther a moderate interpretation, & if we will not make things better, yet let us not make them worse thē they be, & let us bear, if not with the manner, yet at least with the time of his teaching: and finally let it not be noted in us, that we should seem to differ in Charity more (as Bucer said) then we do in doctrine. But of this hereafter more (Christ willing) when we come to the history of John Frith.
They which write the life of Saints, use to describe and to extol their holy life & godly virtues, and also to set forth such miracles as be wrought in them by God: Wherof there lacketh no plenty in Martin Luther, but rather time lacketh to us and opportunity to tarry upon them, having such hast to other things. Otherwise what a miracle might this seem to be, for one man, & a poor Frier, creepyng out of a blind cloister, to be set up against the Pope, the universal Bishop and God's mighty Vicar in earth: to withstand all his Cardinals: yea and to sustain the malice and hatred almost of the whole world, being set against him: and to work that against the said Pope, Cardinals and Church of Rome, which no King nor Emperor could ever do, yea durst never attempt, nor all the learned men before him, could ever compass. Which miraculous work of God, I recount nothing inferior to the miracle of David overthrowing great Goliath. Wherefore if miracles do make a Saint (after the Popes definition) what lacketh in Martin Luther but age and time only to make him a Saint? who standing openly against the Pope, Cardinals, and prelates of the Church, in number so many, in power so terrible, in practice so crafty, having Emperors, and all the Kings of the earth against him, who teaching and preaching Christ the space of nine and twenty years, could without touch of all his enemies so quietly in his own country, where he was borne, die and sleep in peace. In the which Martin Luther, first to stand against the Pope, was a great miracle: to prevail against the Pope, a greater: so to die untouched, may seme greatest of all, especially having so many enemies as he had. Again, neither is it anything less miraculous, to consider what manifold dangers he escaped besides, as when a certain Jew was appointed to come to destroy him by poison, yet was it so the will of God, that Luther had warning thereof before, and the face of the Jew sent to him by picture, whereby he knew him, and avoided the peril.
Another time as he was sitting in a certain place upon his stool, a great stone there was in the vault, over his head where he did sit, which being stayed miraculously, so long as he was sitting, as soon as he was up, immediately fell upon the place where he sat, able to have crushed him all in pieces if it had light upon him.
And what should I speak of his prayers, which were so ardent unto Christ, that (as Melancthon writeth) they which stood under his window, where he stood prayeng, might see his tears falling and dropping down. Again, with such power he prayed, that he (as himself confesseth) had obtained of the Lord, that so long as he lived, the Pope should not prevail in his country: after his death (said he) let them pray who could.
And as touching the marvelous works of the Lord, wrought here by men, if it be true which is credibly reported by the learned, what miracle can be more miraculous, then that which is declared of a young man about Wittenburg, who being kept bare and needy by his father, was tempted by way of sorcery, to bargain with the Devil, or a familiare (as they call him) to yield himself body and soul into the Devils power, upon condition to have his wish satisfied with money: So that upon the same, an obligation was made by the young man, written with his own blood, and given to the Devil. This case you see, how horrible it was, and how damnable: now hear what followed. Upon the sodeine wealth and alteration of this young man, the matter first being noted, began afterward more & more, to be suspected, and at length, after long and great admiration, was brought unto Martin Luther, to be examined. The young man, whether for shame or fear, long denied to confess, and would be known of nothing. Yet God so wrought, being stronger then the Devil, that he uttered unto Luther the whole substance of the case, as well touching the money, as the obligation. Luther understanding the matter, and pitiing the lamentable state of the man, willed the whole congregation to pray: and he himself ceased not with his prayers to labor, so that the Devil was compelled at the last to throw in his obligation at the window, and bade him take it again unto him. Which narration, if it be so true as certeinely it is of him reported, I see not the contrary, but that this may well seem comparable with the greatest miracle in Christ's Church, that was since the Apostles time.
Furthermore, as he was mighty in his prayers: so in his Sermons God gave him such a grace, that when he preached, they which heard him, thought everyone his own temptations severally to be noted and touched. Whereof, when signification was given unto him by his friends, and he demanded how that could be: mine own manifold temptations (said he) and experiences are the cause thereof. For this thou must understand (good reader) that Luther, from his tender years, was much beaten and exercised with spiritual conflicts, as Melancthon in describing of his life, doth testify. Also Hieronymus Wellerus, scholar and disciple of the said Martin Luther, recordeth, that he oftentimes heard Luther his master thus report of himself: that he had been assaulted and vexed with all kinds of temptations, saving only one, which was, with covetousness. With this vice he was never (said he) in all his life troubled, nor once tempted. And hitherto concerning the life of Martin Luther: who lived to the year of his age 63. He continued writing and preaching, about 29. years. As touching the order of his death, the words of Melancthon be these.
In the year of our Lord 1546. and the 17. of February, Doctor Martin Luther sickened a little before supper, of his accustomed malady, to wit, of the oppression of humors in the orifice or opening of his stomach, whereof I remember I have seen him oft diseasid in this place. This sickness took him after supper, with the which he vehemently contending, required secesse into a bye chamber, and there he rested on his bed two hours, all which time his pains increased. And as Doctor Jonah was lieng in his chamber, Luther awaked, and prayed him to rise, and to call up Ambrose his children's schoolmaster, to make fire in another chamber. Into the which, when he was newly entered, Albert Earl of Mansfield, with his wife and diverse other (whose names in these letters for haste, were not expressed) at that instant came into his chamber. Finally, feeling his fatal hour to approach, before nine of the clock in y e morning, the xviij. of February, he commended himself to God, with this devour prayer.
The Prayer of Luther at his death.
MY heavenly father, eternal and merciful God, thou hast manifested unto me thy dear son, our Lord Jesus Christ. I have taught him, I have known him, I love him as my life, my health, and my redemption▪ whom the wicked have persecuted, maligned, and with injury afflicted. Draw my soul to thee. After this, he said as ensueth, thryse.
I commend my spirit into thy hands, thou hast redeemed me, O God of truth. GOD so loved the world, that he gave his only son, that all those that believe in him, should have life everlasting. John. iii▪
Having repeated oftentimes his prayers, he was called to God, unto whom so faithfully he commended his spirit, to enjoy, no doubt, the blessed society of the Patriarchs, Prophets, and Apostles in the kingdom of God the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost. Let us now love the memory of this man, and the doctrine that he hath taught. Let us learn to be modest and meek. Let us consider the wretched calamities, and marvelous changes that shall follow this mishap and doleful chance. I beseech thee, O son of God, crucified for us, and resuscitated Immanuel, govern, cōserve and defend thy Church. Haec Melancthon.
Fridericus Prince Electour died long before Luther, in the year of our Lord 1525. leaving no issue behind him, for that he lived a single life, and was never married: wherefor after him succeeded John Fridericke, D. of Saxony.
Mention was made a little before, page 859. of the Ministers of Strasbourg, which because of their Marriage, were in trouble and cited by the Bishop, to appear before him, and thereto be judged without the precinct of the City of Strasbourg: whereas there had been a contrary order taken before between the Bishop, and the City, that the Bishop should execute no judgment upon any, but under some of the Magistrates of the said City of Strasbourg. Whereupon the Senate and Citizens taking into their hands the cause of these married Ministers, in defense of their own right and liberties, wrote (as is said) to their Bishop of Strasbourg, and caused the judgment thereof a while to be stayed. By reason whereof the matter was brought at length, before Cardinal Campeius Legate, sent by Pope Clement to the assemble of Norenberge, an. 1524.
The chief doer in this matter was one Thomas Murnerus, a Franciscane Frier, who had commenced a grievous complaint against the Senate and City of Strasbourg, before the foresaid Cardinal Campeius. Wherefore the Senate, to purge themselves, sent their Ambassadors, thus clearing their cause, and answering to their accusation: That they neither had been, nor would be any let to the Bishop, but had signified to him before by their letters, that whatsoever he could lay against those married Priests, consonant to the law of God, they would be no stay, but rather a furtherance unto him, to proceed in his action. But the Senate herein was not a little grieved, that the Bishop, contrary to the order and compact, which was taken between him and them, did call the said Ministers out of the liberties of their City: For so it was between them agreed, that no Ecclesiastical person should be adjudged, but under some judge of their own City. But now contrary to the said agreement, the Bishop called those Ministers out of their liberties, and so the Ministers claiming the right and privilege of the City, were condemned, their cause being neither heard nor known. And now if the Senate should show themselves anything more sharp or rigorous unto those Ministers, in claiming the right of the City, the people; no doubt, would not take it well, but happily would rise up in some commotion against them, in the quarrel and defense of their fraunchises and liberties.
And where it is objected, that they receive Priests and men of the Clergy, into the freedom and protection of their City, to this they answered, that they did nothing herein, but which was correspondent to the ancient usage and manner of the City before: and moreover, that it was the Bishops own request & desire, made unto them so to do.
To this the Cardinal again advising well the letters of the Bishop, & the whole order of the matter, which was sent unto him, declared that he right well understood by the letters sent, that the Ministers in deed (as the Ambassadors said) were called out from the freedom, & liberties of the City, and yet no order of law was broken therein: for as much as the Bishop (said he) had there no less power and authority, then if he were his own Vicar delegate, and therefore he desired them, that they would assist the Bishop in punishing the foresaid Ministers, &c.
After much other talk and reasoning on both partes, wherein the Ambassadors argued in defense of their freedom, that the judgment should not be transferred out of the City: among other communication, they inferred moreover and declared, how in the City of Strasbourg were many, yea the most part of the Clergy, which lived viciously and wickedly with their strumpets & harlots, whom they kept in their houses, to the great offense of the people, shame to Christ's Church, and pernicious example of other: and yet the Bishop would never once stir to see any punishing or correction thereof. Wherefore if the Senate (said the Ambassadors) should permit the Bishop to extend his cruelty and extremity against these married Ministers, for not observing the Bishop of Roomes law, and leave the other notorious whoremaisters, which brake the law of God, to escape unpunished, doubtless it would redound to their great danger and peril, not only before God, but also among the commons of their City, ready to rise upon them.
To this Campeius answered, what composition or bargain was betwixt the Bishop and thē, he knew not: but surely the Acte of the one was manifest, and needed no great trial in law of proving and confessing, and therefore they were sequestered and abandoned from the communion of the Church, ipso facto. As for the other sort of them, which keep harlots and concubines although (said he) it be not well done: yet doth it not excuse the enormity of their Marriage. Neither was he ignorant, but that it was the manner of the Bishops of Germany, for money to wink at Priests lemans, and the same also was evil done in deed: and farther, that the time should come, when they shall be called to an accompt for the same: but yet nevertheless it is not sufferable that Priests therefore should have wives. And if comparison should be made (said he) much greater offense it were, a Priest to have a wife, then to have and keep at home many harlots. His reason was this: For they that keep harlots (said he) as it is naught that they do, so do they acknowledge their sin: the other persuade themselves to do well, and so continue still without repentance, or conscience of their fact. All men (said he) cannot be chaste, as John the Baptist was: yet can it not be proved by any example, to be lawful for Priests professing chastity, to leave their single life, and to marry: no not the Greeks themselves, which in rites be differing from us, do give this liberty to their own Priests to marry: wherefore he prayed them to give their aid to the Bishop in this behalf.
Whereunto the Ambassadors replied again, saying, that if he would first punish the whoremasters, then might the Senate assist him the better in correcting the other. But the Cardinal was still instaunt upon them, that first they should assist their Bishop, and then if the Bishop would not punish whoredom, he would come thither himself, and see them punished accordingly.
This Cardinal Campeius, how he was sent by Pope Clement the sixth, to the second assemble or diet of Norenberge, ann. 1524. and what was there done by the said Cardinal, is before signified, page 862. After this Council of Norenberge, immediately followed another sitting at Ratisbone, where were present Ferdinandus, Campeius, the Cardinal of Salisburge, the two Dukes of Bavaria, the Bishops of Trent and Ratisbone: also the Legates of the Bishops, Bamberge, Spires, Strasbourg, Ausburgh, Constance, Basel, Frising, Passame, and Brixine. By whom in the said assemble was concluded: That for so much as the Emperor, at the request of Pope Leo, had condemned by his public Edict set forth at Wormes, the doctrine of Luther, for erroneous and wicked, and also it was agreed upon in both the assembles of Noremberge, that the said Edict should be obeyed of all men: they likewise at the request of Cardinal Campeius, do will, and command the foresaid Edict to be observed through all their fines and precinctes: That the Gospel, and all other holy Scriptures in Churches should be taught according to the interpretation of the ancient forefathers: That all they which revive any old heresies before condemned, or teach any new thing contumelious, either against Christ, his blessed mother, and holy Saints, or which may breed any occasion of sedition, the same to be punished according to the tenor of the Edict above said: That none be admitted to preach without the license of his ordinary: That they which be already admitted, shall be examined how, and what they preach: that the laws which Campeius is about to set forth for reformation of manners, shall be observed: That in the Sacraments, in the Mass, and all other things, there shall be no innovation, but all things to stand, as in foretyme they did: That all they which approach to the Lord's Supper without confession and absolution, or do eat flesh on days forbidden, or which do run out of their order: also Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons, that be married, shall be punished: That nothing shall be Printed without consent of the Magistrate: That no book of Luther, or any Lutherian shall be Printed or sold: That they of their iurisdictiō which study in the University of Wit̄berge, shall everyone repair home within three months after the publishyng hereof, or else turn to some other place free frō the infectiō of Luther, under pain of cōfiscating all their goods, and loosing their inheritance: That no benefice, nor other office of teaching, be givē to any student of that University. Item, that certain Inquisitors fit for the same, be appointed to inquire and examine the premisses: Item, least it may be said that this faction of Luther taketh his origin of the corrupt life of Priests, the said Campeius, with other his assisters in the said convocation of Ratisbone, chargeth and commandeth, that Priests live honestly, go in decent apparel, play not the merchants, haunt not the taverns, be not covetous, nor take money for their ministration: Such as keep concubines to be removed: The mumber also of holy days to be diminished. &c.
These things would Campeius have had enacted in a full Council & with the cōsentes of all the Empire: but when he could not bring that to pass, by reason that the minds of diverse were gone frō the Pope, he was fain therefore to get the same ratified in this particular conuenticle, with the assentes of these Bishops above rehearsed.
These things thus hitherto discoursed, which fully may be seen in the Cōmentaries of John. Sledan, it remaineth next after the story of Martin Luther, somewhat to adjoin likewise touching the history of Zwingli & of the Heluetiās. But before I come to the explicatiō of this story it shall not be incōueniēt, first to give some little touch of the towns called pages, of these Heluetians, & of their league and confederation first begun amongst them.
The history of the Heluetians or Suitzers, how first they recovered their liberty, and after were joined in league together.
THe Heluetiās, whom otherwise we call Suitzers, are divided principally into xiii. pages. The names of whō are, Tigurini, Bernates, Lucernates, Urani, Suicenses, Unterualdij, Tugiani, Glareanti, Basiliēses, Solodurij, Friburgij, Scafusiani, Apecellēses. Furthermore, to these be added vii. other Pages, albeit not with such a full bond, as the other, be together conjoined: which be these, Rheti, Lepontij, Seduni, Ueragri, Sangalli, Mullusiani, Rotulenses. Of these xiii. confederate Pages above recited, these three were the first, to wit, Urania, Suicenses, and Siluanij (or as some call them Unterualdij) which joined themselves together.
If credit should be given to old narrations, these iii. pages or valleys first suffered great servitude & thralldom under cruel rulers or governors: In so much that the governor of Siluania required of one of the inhabitaūtes, a yoke of his Oxen: which when the towns man denied to give him, the ruler sent his servant by force to take his Oxen frō him. This whē the servant was about to do, cometh the poor man's son, & cutteth of one of his fingers, & vpō the same avoided. The governor hearing this, taketh the poor man, and putteth out his eyes.
Another time in the said Syluania, as the good man of the house was absent abroad, the governor which had then the rule of the town, entering into the house, commandeth the wife to prepare for him a bath, and to let him have his pleasure of her. Wherunto she being unwilling, deferred the bathe as long as she might, till the return of her husband. To whom then she making her complaint, so moved his mind, that he with his axe or hatchet which he had in his hand, flew vpō the adulterous ruler & slue him.
Another example of like violence is reported of the ruler of Suicia, and Siluania, who surprised with like pride and disdain against the poor underlings, caused his cap to be hanged up upon a pole, charging and commanding by his servant, all that passed by, to do obeisance to the cap. Which, when one, named William Tell, refused to do, the tiraunt caused his son to be tied, with an apple set upon his head, and the father with a crossebow, or a like instrument, to shoot at the apple. After long refusing, whē the woeful father could not otherwise choose, by force constrained, but must leauill at the apple, as God would, he mist the child, and stroke the mark. This Tell, being thus compelled by the tirant to shoot at his son, had brought with him two shaftes, thinking that if he had stroke the child with the one, the other he would have let drive at the tyrant. Which being understand, he was apprehended, and led to the rulers house: but by the way escaping out of the boat, between Urania and Brun, and passing thorough the mountains with as much speed as he might, he lay in the way secretly as the ruler should pass, where he discharged his arow at the tyrant, and slue him.
And thus were these cruel governors utterly expelled out of these three valleys or pages aforesaid, and after that, such order was taken by the Emperor Henricus 7. and also by the Emperors Ludouicus duke of Bavaria, that henceforth no judge should be set over them, but only of their own company, and town dwellers. Ex Seb. Munst. Cosmog. lib. 3.
It followed after this, in the year of our Lord 1315. that great contention and war fell between Fridericke Duke of Austria, and Ludouicke Duke of Bavaria, striving and fighting the space of eight years together about the Empire. With Ludouicus held the three pages aforesaid: who had diverse conflicts with Lupoldus, brother to the forenamed Fridericke Duke of Austria, fighting in his brothers quarrel. As Lupoldus had reared a mighty army of twenty thousand footmen and horsemen, and was come to Egree, so to pass over the mountains to subdue the pages: he began to take advise of his counsel, by what way or passage best he might direct his journey toward the Suitzers. Whereupon, as they were busy in consulting, there stood a fool by (named Kune de Stocken ) which hearing their advise, thought also to shoot his bolt withal, and told them that their counsel did not like him. For all you (quoth he) consult how we should enter into yonder country: but none of you giveth any counsel how to come out again, after we be entered. And in conclusion, as the fool said, so they found it true. For when Lupoldus, with his host had entered into the straits and valleys between the rocks and mountains, the Suitzers with their neighbors of Urania, and Siluania, lieng in privy wait, had thē at such advantage, & with tumbling down stones from the rocks, and sodeine coming upon their backs in blind lanes, did so encumber them, that neither they had convenient standing to fight, nor room almost to fly away. By reason whereof, a great part of Lupoldus army there being enclosed about y e place called Morgartē, lost their lives, & many in the flight were slain. Lupoldus with thē that remained, retired and escaped to Thurgoia. This battle was fought, anno. 1315. November 16.
After this, the burgers of these three villages, being continually vexed by Fridericke Duke of Austria, for that they would not knowledge him for Emperor, assembled them selves in the town of Urania, an. 1316. and there entered a mutual league and bond of perpetual society and conjunction, joining and swearing themselves, as in one body of a common wealth, and public administration, together. After that came to them Lucernates, then Tugiani, after them the Tigurines, next to them followed Bernates, the last almost of all, were the Basilians, then followed after, the other seven pages above recited.
And thus have ye the names, the freedom, and confederatiō of these Suitz • rs, or Cantons or pages of Heluetia, with the occasions & circumstances thereof briefly expressed. Now to the purpose of our story intended, which is to declare the success of Christ's Gospel and true Religion received among these Heluetians: also touching the life & doctrine of Zwingli, & order of his death, as here ensueth.
The acts and life of Zwingli, and of receiving the Gospel in Zuitzerland.
IN the tractation of Luther's story, mention was made before of Uldricus Zwingli,