Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

The copy of the kings letter for the aid of John Longland B. of Lincoln, against the servants of Christ, falsely then called heretics.

The bishop thus being armed no less with the authority of the kings letter then incited with his own fierceness, forslacked no time, but eftsoons to accomplish his moody violence upon the poor flock of Christ called before him sitting upon his tribunal seat, both these aforenamed persons, and all other in his diocese which were never so little noted or suspected to incline toward those opinions: of whō to such as had but newly been taken, and had not before abjured, he enjoined most straight & rigorous penance. The other in whō he could find any relapse, yea albeit they submitted themselves never so humbly to his favorable curtesy, and though also at his request, and for hope of pardō, they had shown thenselves great detecters of their brethrē being moreover of him feed and flattered thereunto, yet not withstanding, contrary to his fair words, & their expectation, he spared not, but read sentence of relapse against thē committing them to the secular arm to be burned.

And first as touching them who being brought to abjuration, were put to their penance, long it were to recite the names of all. Certain I thought to recite here in a catalogue, first reciting the persons, afterward the rigorous, penance to them enjoined.

The names of them which were abjured in the Dioces of Lincoln, the year of our Lord. 1521.
• William Colyns.
• John Colyns.
• Joan Colyns.
• Rob Colyns.
• John. Hackar.
• John. Brabant, the father.
• John. Brabant his son.
• John. Brabāt the younger son
• John Edmond's.
• Edward Pope.
• Henry Phip.
• John. Steuenton.
• Joan Steuenton.
• Rob Bartlet.
• Tho. Clerke.
• John. Clerke.
• Rich. Bartlet.
• William Phip.
• John. Phip.
• Tho. Couper.
• Will. Littlepage.
• John. Litlepage.
• Ione. Litlepage.
• John. Say.
• John. Frier.
• Rich. Vulford.
• Tho. Tredway.
• Will. Gudgame.
• Roger Heron.
• Francis Funge.
• Rob. Pope.
• Roger Dods.
• John Harris.
• Rob. Bruges.
• John Stampe.
• Ione Stampe.
• Rich. White.
• Bennet Ward.
• John Baker.
• Agnes Wellis.
• Marian Morden.
• Isabell Morwin.
• Io. Butler. Io. Butler y ^e yōger
• R. Carder.
• Rich. Bernard.
• Ione Bernerd.
• Io. Grace. Io. French.
• John. Edings.

The towns and villages and countries, where these foresaid persons did inhabit, are named chiefly to be these.
• Amersham.
• Chesham.
• Hychenden.
• Missenden the great.
• Missenden the less.
• Easthendred.
• Westhendred.
• Asthall.
• Bekensfield.
• Denham.
• Gyng.
• Betterton.
• Cherney.
• Stanlake.
• Claufield.
• Walton.
• Marlow.
• Dorney.
• Iuer.
• Burton.
• Vxbridge.
• Owburne.
• Henley.
• Wycame.
• Westwycame.
• Newbery.
• Burford.
• Wytney.
• Hungerford.
• Vpton.
• Wynsore.
• London.
• Colmonstreet in Lō.
• Chepeside in Londō.
• Shordich by London
• S. Giles in London.
• Essex.
• Suffolk.
• Norfolk.
• Norwich.

The books & opinions, which these were charged with all, & for the which they were abjured, partly are before expressed, partly here follow in a brief summary to be seen.

A brief sum of their opinions.

THe opinions of many of these persons were, that he or she never believed in the Sacrament of the altar, nor ever would, and that it was not as men did take it.

For that he was known of his neghbor, to be a good fellow, meaning that he was a known man.

For saying that he would give 40. pence, in cōditiō that such a one knew so much, as he did know.

Some for saying, y ^t they of Amershā, which had been abjured before by Bishop Smyth, were good men, & perfect Christians, & simple folk which could not answer for thenselves, & therefore were oppressed by power of the bishop.

Some for hiding other in their barns.

Some for reading the Scriptures or treatises of Scripture in English: some for hearing the same read.

Some for defending: some for marrying with thē which had been abjured.

Some for saying that matrimony was not a Sacrament.

Some for saying, that worshiping of Images was Mawmetrey: some for calling Images carpenters chips: some for calling them stocks and stones: some for calling them dead things.

Some for saying that money spent upon pilgrimage, served but to maintain thieves and harlots.

Some for calling the Image in the Rood loft block almighty.

Other for saying that nothing graven with man's hand was to be worshipped.

Some for calling them fools which came from master John Shorne in pilgrimage.

An other for calling his vicar a poll shorn priest.

An other for calling a certain blind chapel being in ruin, an old fair milckhouse.

An other for saying that he threshed God almighty out of the straw.

An other for saying that alms should not be given, before it did sweat in a man's hand.

Some for saying, that they which die, pass straight either to heaven or hell.

Isabell Bartlet was brought before the Bishop, and abjured, for lamēting her husband when the Bishops man came for him, and saying, that he was an undone man, and she a dead woman.

For saying that Christ departing from his disciples into heaven, said: that once he was in sinners hands, & would come there no more.

Robert Raue hearing a certain Bell in an uplandish steple, said: lo yonder is a fair bell, and it were to hang about any cows neck in this town: and therefore, as for other such like matters moe he was brought coram nobis.

Item for receiving the Sacrament at Easter, & doubting whether it was the very body, and did not confess their doubt to their ghostly father.

Some for saying that the pope had no authority to give pardon or to release man's soul from sin, and so from pain, and that it was nothing but blinding of the people, and to get their money.

The penance to these parties enjoined by this John Longland Bishop of Lincoln, was almost uniform and all after one condition, save only that they were severally committed and divided into several and diverse monasteryes, there to be kept and found of alms all their life, except they were otherwise dispensed with by the bishop: as for example I have here adjoined the Bishops letter for one of the said number, sent to the Abbey of Ensham, there to be kept in perpetual penance. By which one, an estimation may be taken of the rest, which were bestowed like wise sunderly into sundry Abbeys, as to Osney, to Frideswide, to Abingdon, to Tame, to Bessetor, to Dorchester, to Notley, to Ashrige, and diverse moe. The copy of the bishops letter sent to the Abbot of Ensham, here followeth under written.

The Bishops letter to the Abbot of Ensham.

As touching the residue of the penance and punishment inflicted to these men, they do little or nothing disagree, but had one order in them all. The manner and form whereof in the said Bishops Register doth proceed in condition as followeth.

Penaunce enjoined under pain of relapse by John Longland Bishop of Lincoln, the 19. day of December. an. 1521.

Inprimis, that everyone of them shall upon a market day, such as shall be limited unto them in the market time, go thrice about the market at Burford, and then to stand up upon the highest grece of the Cross there a quarter of an hour with a fagotte of wood everyone of them upon his shoulder, and everyone of them once to bear a fagotte of wood upon their shoulders, before their procession upon a Sunday, which shall be limited unto them at Burford, frō the quyre door going out, to the quyre door going in, and all the high Mass time to hold the same fagot upon their shoulders, kneeling upon the grece afore the high alter there, and every of them likewise to do likewise in their own parish Church, upon such a Sunday as shall be limited unto them: and once to bear a fagot at a general procession at Oxbridge, when they shall be assigned thereto: and once to bear a fagot at the burning of an heretic, when they shall be monished thereto.

Also everyone of them to fast bread and ale only every Friday during their life, and every even of Corpus Christi everyone of them to fast bread and water during their life unless sickness unfeigned let the same.

Also to say every of them every Sunday and every friday during their life, once our Lady Psalter, & if they forget it one day, to say as much another day for the same.

Also they nor none of them, shall not hide the mark upon their cheek, neither with hat, cap, hood kerchiefe, napkin, or none otherwise, nor shall not suffer their beardes to grow past 14. days, nor never to haunt again together with any suspect person or persons, unless it be in the open market, fair, church or common Inn or alehouse, where other people may see their conversation.

And all these injunctions they and every of them, to fulfill with their penance, and every part of the same, under pain of relapse.

And thus have you the names, with the causes and the penance of them which were at this present time abjured. By the which word abjured, is meant that they were constrained by their oath, swearing upon the Evangelists, & subscribing with their hand, and a cross to the same, that they did utterly and voluntarily renounce, detest, & forsake, and never should hold hereafter these, or any other like opinions, contrary to the determination of the holy mother church of Rome: and further, that they should detect unto their ordinary, whom so ever they should see, or suspect hereafter to teach, hold, or maintain the same.

Here follow the names of them, which were condemned for relapse, and committed unto the secular power.

AMong these aforenamed persons, which thus submitted themselves, and were put to penance, certain there were which because they had been abjured before, as is above mentioned, pag. 814. under bishop Smith, were now condemned for relapse, and had sentence read against them and so were committed to the secular arm, to be burned: Whose names here follow.

Martyrs.
• Thomas Bernard.
• James Morden.
• Robert Raue.
• John Scrivener.

Of these mention is made before, both touching their abjuration, and also their martyrdom, pag. 814. unto whō we may adjoin.

• Joan Norman.
• Thomas Holmes.

This Thomas Holmes, albeit he had disclosed and detected many of his brethrē, as in the table above is expressed, pag. 824. thinking thereby to please the Bishoppe & to save himself, & was thought to be a feed man of the bishop for the same: yet notwithstanding in the said bishops register appeareth the sentence of relapse, & condemnation written & drawn out against him: and most like that he was also adjudged and executed with the other.

As touching the burning of John. Scrivener, here is to be noted, that his children were compelled to set fire unto their father, in like manner as Joan Clerke also daughter of William Tilseworth, was constrained to give fire to the burning of her own natural father, as is above specified, pag. 774. The example of which cruelty, as it is contrary both to God and nature, so hath it not been seen nor heard of in the memory of the heathen.

Where moreover is to be noted, that at the burning of this John Scrivener, one Thomas Dorman, mentioned before, pag. 775. was present and bare a fagot at Amershā: Whose abjuration was afterward laid against him, at what time he should depose for recovery of certain lands from the school of Barchamsted. This Thomas Dorman (as I am credibly informed of certain about Amersham) was then uncle to this our Dorman, & found him to school at Barchamsted under M. R • ue, which now so uncharitably abused his pen in writing against the contrary doctrine, and rayleth so fiercely against the blood of Christ's slain servants, miscalling them to be a donghill of stinkin Martyrs.

Well, how soever the savor of these good Martyrs do sent in the nose of M. Dorman. I doubt not but they give a better odour and sweter smell in the presence of the Lord: Preciosa enim in conspectu Domini mors sanctorum eius. Precious is in the sight of the Lord the death of his Saints. And therefore howsoever it shall please M. Dorman with reproachful language to misterme the good martyrs of Christ's, or rather Christ in his Martyrs▪ his unseemly usage more cartlike then clerkelike, is not greatly to be weighed. For as the danger of his blasphemy hurteth not them which are gone: so the contumely an • reproach thereof, as well comprehendeth his own kindred, friends, and country, as any other else: and especially redoundeth to himself and woundeth his own soul and none else, unto the great provoking of God's wrath against him, unless he be bless • sed with better grace by time to repent.

Doctor Colet.

MUch about this time, or not past 2. years before, died D. John Colet, of whom mention was made in the table about pag. 801. To whose sermons these known men about Buckinghamshyre, had a great mind to resort. After he came from Italy and Paris, he first began to read the Epistles of S. Paul openly in Oxford, in stead of Scotus and Thomas. From thence he was called by the king and made Dean of Paul's: where he accustomed much to preach, not without great auditory, as well of the kings court, as of the citizens and other. His diet was frugal: his life upright: in discipline he was severe: In so much that his Canons because of their strayter rule, complained that they were made like monks. The honest and honorable state of matrimony he ever preferred before the unchaste singleness of priests. At his dinner commonly was read either some chapter of S. Paul, or of Solomon's Proverbs. He never used to sup. And although the blindness of that time carried him away after the common error of Popery: yet in ripeness of judgment he seemed something to incline frō y ^e vulgar trade of that age. The religious orders of monks and friers he fantised not. As neither he could greatly favor the barbarous divinity of the school Doctors, as of Scotus, but least of all, of Thomas Aquine: In so much that when Erasmus speaking in the praise of Thom. Aquine, did commond him that he had red many old authors, and had written many new works as Catena aurea, & such like, to prove and to know his judgment: Colet first supposing that Erasmus had spoken in jest, but after supposing that he meant good faith, brusteth our in great vehemency, saying: what tell you me (quoth he) of the commondation of that man, who except he had been of an arrogant and presumptuous spirit, would not define and discuss all things so boldly & rashly: and also except he had been rather worldly minded, then heavenly, would never have so polluted Christ's whole doctrine with man's profane doctrine, in such sort as he hath done.

The Bishop of London at that time was Fitziames, of age no less then 80. Who bearing long grudge and displeasure against Colet, with other 2. Bishops taking his parte, like to himself entered action of complaint against Colet to the Archb. of Cant. being then W. Warham. The matter of his complaint was divided into 3. Articles. The first was for speaking against worshipping of Images. The second was about hospitalitye, for that he entreating vpō the place of the gospel, pasce, pasce, pasce, feed, feed, feed: when he had expounded the 2. first, for feeding with example of life and with doctrine: in the third, which the scholemen do expound for feeding with hospitalitye, he left out the outward feeding of the belly, and applied it another way. The third crime wherewith they charged him, was for speaking against such as used to preach only by bosom Sermons, declaring nothing else to the people, but as they bring in their prayers with thē. Which because the Bishop of London used then much to do for his age, he took it as spoken against him, and therefore bare him this displeasure. The Archbishop more wisely weighing the matter, and being well acquainted with Colet, so took his part against his accusers, that he at that time was rid out of trouble.

William Tyndale in his book answering that M. More addeth moreover, and testifieth that the Bishop of London would have made the said Colet Dean of Paul's, an heretic for translating the Pater noster in English, had not the Bishop of Canterbury holpen the Dean.

But yet the malice of Fitziames the Bishop so ceased not: who being thus repulsed by the Archbishop, practiced by another trayne how to accuse him unto the king. The occasion thus fell. It happened the same time, that the king was in preparation of war against France. Whereupon the Bishop with his coadiutors taking occasion upon certain words of Colet, wherein he seemed to prefer peace before any kind of war, were it never so just, accused him therefore in their sermons, and also before the Kyng.

Furthermore it so befell the same time y ^t upon good friday D. Colet preaching before the king, entreated of the victory of Christ, exhorting all Christians to fight under y ^e standard of Christ, against the devil, adding moreover what an hard thing it was to fight under Christ's banner, and that all they which upon private hatred or ambition, took weapon against their enemy, one Christian to slay another such did not fight under the banner of Christ, but rather of Satan, & therefore concluding his matter, he exhorted that Christian men in their wars would follow Christ their Prince, & captayn, in fighting against their enemies rather then the example of Julius or Alexander &c. The king hearing Colet thus to speak, and fearing lest by his words the hearts of his soldiers might be withdrawn from his wars which he had then in hand, took him aside, and talked with him in secret conference in his garden walking. Bish. Fitziames, Bricot, and Stādish, who were his enemies, thought now none other, but that Collet must needs be committed to y ^e Tower, & waited for his coming out. But the king with great gentleness intertayning D. Colet, and bidding him familiarly to put on his cap, in long courteous talk had with him in the garden much commended him for his learning & integrity of life agreeing with him in all points, but that only he required him (for that the rude soldiers should not rashly mistake that which he had said) more plainly to explain his words and mind in that behalf, which after he did: and so after long communication and great promise • s, the king dismissed Colet with these words, saying: let every man have his Doctor as him liketh: this shall be my Doctor and so departed. Whereby none of his adversaries durst ever trouble him after that time.

Among many other memorable acts left behind him, he erected a worthy foundation of the school of Paul's (I pray God the fruits of the school may answer y ^e foundation) for the cherishing up of youth in good letters, providing a sufficient stipende as well for the master as for the Husher, whom he willed rather to be appointed out of the number of married men, then of single priests with their suspected chastity. The first moderator of this school was Guliel. Lilius, a man no less notable for his learning, then was Colet for his foundation. Ex. Epist. Erasm. ad Iodoc. Ionam. This Colet died the year of our Lord 1519.

Not long before the death of this Colet and Lily, lived Gulielmus Grocinus, and Gulielmus Latimerus, both English men also, and famously learned. This Grocinus as he began to read in his opē lecture in y ^e church of S. Paul the book of Dyonisius Areopagita, commonly called Hierarchia Ecclesiastica (for the reading of the holy scriptures in Paul's was not in ure) in the first entry of his preface, he cried out with great vehemency against them who soever they were, which either denied, or stood in doubt of the authority of that book: in the number of whom he noted Laurence Valla & diverse other of like approved judgment and learning. But afterward the same Grocine, when he had continued a few weeks in his reading thereof, and did consider further in him, he utterly altered, and recanted his former sentence, protesting openly, that the forenamed book to his judgment, was never written by that author whom we read in the acts of the Apostles to be called Dyonisius Areopagita. Ex. Eras. ad. Parisiens.

The tractation of these two couples above rehearsed, do occasion me to adjoin also the remembrance of another couple of like learned men: The names of whom not unworthy to be remembered, were Thomas Linacre, and Richard Pace: which two followed much upon the time of Colet, and of Will. Lily. But of Richard Pace, which was Dean next after the foresaid John Colet, more convenient place shall serve us hereafter to speak, coming to the story of Cardinal Wolsey.

Moreover to these two I thought it not out of season, to couple also some mention of Geoffrey Chaucer, and John Gower. Which although being much discrepant frō these in course of years, yet may seem not unworthy to be matched with these forenamed persons in commendation of their study and learning. Albeit concerning the full certainty of the time and death of these two, we cannot find: yet it appeareth in the prologe of Gowers work, entitled confessio Amantis, that he finished it in the 16. year of K. Rich. the second. And in the end of the viii. book of his said treatise he declareth, that he was both sick and old, when he wrote it, whereby it may appear, that he lived not long after. Notwithstanding, by certain verses of the said master Gower placed in y ^e latter end of Chaucers works both in Latin and English, it may seem that he was alive at the beginning of the reign of king Henry the iv. and also by a book which he wrote to the same K. Henry By his sepulture within a Chapel of the Church of S. Mary Oueries, which was then a monastery where he & his wife lie buried, it appeareth by his cheyn & his garlād of Laurell, that he was both a knight, and flourishing than in poetry. In the which place of his sepulture were made in his grauestone 3. books, the first bearing the title, Speculum meditantis, The second, Vox Clamantis, The third. Cōfessio amantis. Besides these, diverse Chronicles and other works moe he compiled.

Likewise as touching the time of Chaucer, by his own works in the end of his first book of Troylus and Cr • scide it is manifest, that he and Gower were both of one time, although it seemeth that Gower was a great deal his ancient: both notably learned, as the barbarous rudeness of that time did give, both great friends together and both in like kind of study together occupied, so endeavoring themselves, and employing their time, that they excelling many other in study and exercise o • good letters did pass forth their lives here right worshipfully & godly to the worthy fame and commendation of their name. Chaucers works be all printed in one volume, and therefore known to all men.

This I marvel to see the idle life of the priests and clergy men of that time, seeing these lay persons shown themselves in these kind of liberal studies so industrious & fruitfully occupied: but much more I marvel to consider this, how y ^t the bishops condemning and abolishing all manner of English books and treatises which might bring y ^e people to any light of knowledge, did yet authorise the works of Chaucer to remain still & to be occupied: Who (no doubt) saw in Religion as much almost as even we do now, & uttereth in his works no less, and seemeth to be a right Wicleuian, or else was never any, and that all his works almost, if they be thoroughly advised will testify (albeit it be done in mirth, & covertly) & especially y ^e latter end of his third book of y ^e Testament of love for there purely he toucheth the highest matter, that is the communion: Wherein, except a man be altogether blind, he may espy him at the full. Although in the same book (as in all other he useth to do) under shadows covertly, as under a visour, he suborneth truth, in such sort, as both priuilye she may profit the godly minded, and yet not be espied of the crafty adversary: And therefore the bishops belike, taking his works but for iestes and toys, in condemning other books, yet permitted his books to be read.

So it pleased God to blind then the eyes of them, for y ^e more commodity of his people, to the intent that through the reading of his treatises, some fruit might redound thereof to his Church, as no doubt it did to many: As also I am partly informed of certain which knew the parties, which to them reported, y ^t by reading of Chaucers works, they were brought to the true knowledge of religion. And not unlike to be true. For to omit other partes of his volume, whereof some are more fabulous then other, what tale can be more plainly told then the tale of the ploughman? or what finger can point out more directly the Pope with his prelates to be Antichrist, then doth the poor Pelican reasoning against the greedy Griffon? Under which Hypotyposis or Poesie, who is so blind that seeth not by the Pelican, the doctrine of Christ: and of the Lollards to be defended against the Church of Rome? Or who is so impudent y ^t can deny that to be true, which the Pellicā there affirmeth in describing the presumptuous pride of that pretensed Church? Agayne what egg can be more like, or fig unto another: then the words properties, and conditions of that ravening griphe resembleth the true Image, that s, the nature and qualities of that which we call y ^e church of Rome, in every point & degree? and therefore no great marvel, if that narratiō was exempted out of the copies of Chaucers works: which notwithstanding now is restored again, and is extant for every man to read that is disposed.

This Geoffrey Chaucer being borne (as is thought) in Oxfordshyre, and dwelling in Woodstock, lieth buried in the Church of the minster of S. Peter at Westminster, in an I will on the southside of the said Church, not far from the door leading to the Cloister, and upon his grave stone first were written these two old verses.

Afterward about the year of our Lord. 1556. one M. Brickham bestowing more cost upon his tomb, did add thereunto these verses following.

*Here beginneth the reformation of the church of Christ, in the time of Martin Luther.

ALthough it cannot be sufficiently expressed with tongue or pen of man, into what miserable ruin & desolation the church of Christ was brought in those latter days: yet partly by the reading of these stories aforepast, some intelligence may be given to them, which have judgment to mark or eyes to see: in what blindness and darkness the world was drowned during the space of these 400. years heretofore and more. By the viewing and considering of which times and histories, thou mayst understand (gentle reader) how the religion of Christ, which only consisteth in spirit and verity, was wholly turned into outward observations, ceremonies, and idolatry. So many Saints we had, so many gods, so many monasteries, so many pilgrimages. As many churches, as many relics forged & teyned we had. Agayne, so many relics, so many lyeng miracles we believed. In stead of the only living Lord▪ we worshipped dead stocks and stones. In place of Christ immortal, we adored mortal bread. Instead of his blood we worshipped the blood of duckes, How the people wer led, so that the priests were fed, no care was taken. Instead of God's word, man's word was set up. Instead of Christ's testament, the Popes testament, that is the Canon law: instead of Paul, the master of sentence took place, and almost full possession. The law of God was little read: the use and end thereof was less known. And as the ende of the law was unknown, so the difference between the Gospel and the law, was not understanded, y ^e benefit of Christ not considered, the effect of faith not expended. Through the ignorance whereof, it cannot be told what infinite errors, sects and religious crept into the church overwhelming the world, as with a flood of ignorance and seduction. And no marvel, for where the foundation is not well laid, what building can stand and prosper? The foundation of all our Christianity is only this: The promise of God, in the blood of Christ his son, giving and promising life unto all that believe in him: Geuing (saith the Scripture) unto us, and not bargaining or indenting with us: And that freely (saith the Scripture) for Christ's sake, and not condicionally for our merits sake.

Furthermore freely (saith the scripture) by grace that the promise might be firm and sure, and not by the works that we do, which are always doubtful. By grace (saith the scripture) through promise to all and upon all y ^t believe, and not by the law upon them that do deserve. For if it come by deserving, thē is it not of grace: If it be not of grace, thē is it not of promise. And contrariwise if it be of grace and promise, then is it not of works saith S. Paul. Upon this foundatiō of God's free promise and grace first built the Patriarckes, kings and prophets. Upon the same foundation also Christ the Lord built his church. Upon the which foundation the Apostles likewise built the Church Apostolical or Catholicall.

This Apostolical and Catholic foundation, so long as the Church did retayn, so long it continued sincere and sound: which endured a long seasō after the apostles time. But after, in process of years, through wealth and negligence crept into the Church, so soon as this foundation began to be lost, came in new builders, which would build upon a new foundation, a new Church more glorious, which we call now the Church of Rome. Who being not contented with the old foundation and the head corner stone, which the Lord by his word had laid, in place thereof, they laid the ground work upon the condition and strength or the law and works. Although it is not to be denied, but that the doctrine of gods holy law, and of good works according to the same, is a thing most necessary to be learned and followed of all men: yet is not that y ^e foundation, whereupon our salvation consisteth, neither is that foundation able to bear up the weight of the kingdom of heaven: but is rather the thing, which is built upon the foundatiō: which foundatiō is Jesus Christ, according as we are taught of Saint Paul, saying: No man can lay any other foundation, beside that which is laid, Christ Jesus. &c.

But this ancient foundation with the old ancient Church of Christ (as I said) hath been now of long time forsaken, & instead thereof a new Church, with a new foundation hath been erected and framed, not upon gods promise & his free grace in Christ Jesus, nor upon free justification by faith, but upon merits & deserts of men's working. And hereof have they planted all these their new devises, so infinite that they cannot well be numbered as masses, trecenares, diriges, obsequies, matins and hours singing service, vigiles, midnightrising, barefootgoing, fishtasting, lentfast, imberfast, stations, rogations, iubiles, aduocatiō of saints, praying to images, pilgrimage walking, works of supererogation, application of merits, orders rules, sects of religion, vows of chastity, willful poverty, pardons, relations, indulgences, penance and satisfaction, with auricular confession, sounding of Abbaies, building of Chapels, giving to Churches, And who is able to recite all their laborious buildings: falsely framed upon a wrong ground, and all for ignorance of the true foundation, which is the free justification by faith in Christ Jesus the son of God.

Moreover to note, that as this new found Church of Rome was thus deformed in doctrine: so no less was it corrupted in order of life & deep hypocrisy, doing all things only under pretenses and dissembled titles. So under y ^e pretence of Peters chair, they exercised a majesty above Emperors and kings. Under the visour of their vowed chastity, reigned adultery, under the cloke of professed poverty, they possessed the goods of the temporalty. Under the title of being dead unto the world, they not only reigned in y ^e world, but also ruled the world: under the color of y ^e keys of heavē to hang under their girdle, they brought all the states of the worlds under their girdle, & crept not only into the purses of men, but also into their consciences: they heard their confessions: they knew their secrets: they dispensed as they were disposed, & loosed what them listed: And finally when they had brought the whole world under their subjection, yet did their pride neither cease to ascend, neither could their avarice be ever satisfied. And if the example of Cardinal Wolsey and other Cardinals and popes cannot satisfy thee, I beseech the (gentle Reader) turn over the foresaid book of the ploughmans tale in Chaucer above mentioned, where thou shalt vnderderstād much more of their demeanour, then I have here described.

In these so blind and miserable corrupt days of darkness and ignorance, thou seest good Reader (I doubt not) howe necessary it was, and high time, that reformation of the Church should come, which now most happily & graciously began to work, through the merciful and no less needful providence of almighty God. Who although he suffered his Church to wander and start aside through the seduction of pride and prosperity a long time, yet at length it pleased his goodness to respect his people, and to reduce his church into the prestine foundation and frame again, from whence it was pitiously before decayed. Whereof I have now consequently to entreat, intending by the grace of Christ: to declare how and by what means, first this reformation of the church began, and howe it proceeded, increasing by little and little into this perfection which now we see, and more I trust shall see.

And herein we have first to behold the admirable work of God's wisdom. For as the first decay and ruin of the church, before began of rude ignorance, & lack of knowledge in teachers: so to restore y ^e church again by doctrine and learning, it pleased God to open to man y ^e art of printing, the time whereof was shortly after y ^e burning of Hus and Jerome. Printing being opened, incontinent ministered to the Church, the instruments and tools of learning & knowledge, which were good books and authors, which before lay hid and unknown. The science of Printing being found, immediately followed the grace of God: which stirred up good wits aptly to conceive the light of knowledge and of judgment: by which light, darkness began to be espied, and ignorance to be detected, truth from error, religion from superstition to be discerned as is above more largely discoursed, where was touched the inventing of printing. pag. 707.

Furthermore, after these wits stirred up of God, followed other more, increasing daily more and more in science, in tongues, and perfection of knowledge: who now were able, not only to discern in matters of judgment but also were so armed and furnished with y ^e help of good letters that they did encounter also with the adversary, sustaining the cause & defense of learning against barbaritie of verity, against error: of true religion, against superstition. In number of whom, amongst many other here unnamed were, Picus, and Franciscus Mirandula, Laur. Valla, Franc. Perarcha. Doct. Wesalianus, Reuelinus, Grocinus, Coletus Rhenamus, Erasmus. &c. And here began the first pushe and assault to be given against the ignorant & barbarous faction of the popes pretensed Church. Who after that by their learned writings and laborious travail, they had opened a window of light unto the world, and had made (as it were) a way more ready for other to come after: Immediately, according to God's gracious appointment, followed Martin Luther, with other after him, by whose ministry it pleased the Lord to work a more full reformation of his church, as by their acts and proceedings hereafter shall follow (Christ willing) more amply to be declared.

And now coming to the time and story of Martin Luther, whom the Lord did ordain and appoint to be the principal organe and minister under him, to reform religion and to subvert the sea of the pope, first before we enter into the tractation hereof, it shall not be impertinent to y ^e purpose, to infer such prophecies and forewarninges, as were sent before of God, by diverse and sundry good men, long before the time of Luther, which foretold and prophesied of this reformation of the Church to come.

*Prophecies going before Martin Luther.

And first, to begin with the prophecy of John Hus, and Jerome, it is both notable, and also before mentioned what the said John Hus at the time of his burning, prophesied unto his enemies, saying: that after an hundredth years come and gone, they should give account to God and to to him.

Where is to be noted, that counting from the year 1415. (in the which year John Hus was burned) or from the year 2416. when Jerome did suffer) unto the year, 1516, (when Martin Luther began first to write) we shall find the number of an hundereth years expyred.

Likewise, to this may be adjoined the prophetical vision or dream, which chanced to the said John Hus lying in the dungeon of the friers in Constance, a little before he was burned, His dream as he himself reporteth it in his Epistles writing to M. John Chlum, and as I have also before recorded the same pag. 630. so will I now repeat the same again in like effect of words, as he wrote it himself in Latin: the effect of which latin is this.

I pray you expound to me the dream which I had this night. I saw y ^t in my church at Betheleme (whereof I was person) they desired and labored to abolish all the images of Christ, and did abolish them. I the next day following, rose up & saw many other paynters, which painted both the same and many more images, and more fairer, which I was glad to behold: whereupon the painters with the great multitude of people said: Now let the Bishops and priests come, and put us out these images if they cā. Which thing done, much people rejoiced in Bethlehem, and I with them: & rising up I felt myself to laugh.

This dream master I. of Chlume first expounded. Then he in the next Epistle after expounded it himself to this effect. Stante mandato Dei. &c. That is: the Commaundemēt of God standing, that we must observe no dreams yet notwithstanding I trust that the life of Christ was painted in Bethlehem by me through his word in y ^e harts of men, the which preaching they went about in Bethlehē to destroy, first in commanding that no preaching should be neither in the church of Bethlehem, nor in the chapels thereby: Secondly that the Church of Bethlehem should be thrown down to the ground. The same life of Christ shall be painted up again by mo preachers much better then I, and after much more better sort, so that a great number of people shall rejoice thereat: all such as love the life of Christ: and also I shall rejoice myself: at what time I shall awake, that is, when I shall rise again from the dead.

Also in his 48. Epistle, he seemeth to have a like prophetical meaning, where he saith: That he trusted that those things which he spake then within the house, should afterward be preached above the house top. &c.

And because we are here in hand w ^t the prophecies of I. Hus, it is not to be omitted, what he writeth in a certain treatise, De sacerdotum & monachorum carnalium abominatione, thus prophesying of the reformation of the church, The Church, he saith, cannot be reduced to his former dignity and reformed, before all things first be made new, (the truth whereof appeareth by the temple of Solomon) as well the clergy and Priests, as also the people and laitye. Or else, except all such as now be addicted to avarice from the least to the most, be first converted and renewed, as well the people as the clerks, and priests things cannot be reformed. Albeit, as my mind now giveth me, I believe rather the first that is, that then shall rise a new people, formed after the new man, which is created after God. Of the which people, new clerks and priests shall come forth and be taken, which all shall hate covetousness, and glory of this life, laboring to an heavenly conversation. Notwithstanding all these things shall be done and wrought in continuance and order of time dispensed of God for the same purpose. And this God doth and will do of his own goodness and mercy, and for the riches of his patience and sufferance, giving time and space of repentance to them that have long layne in their sins, to amend & fly from the face of the Lord's fury: until at length all shall suffer together, and until both the carnal people, and priests, and Clerks in process and order of time, shall fall away and be consumed, as is cloth consumed and eaten of the moth. &c.

With this prophesy of John Hus above mentioned, speaking of the hundredth years, accordeth also the testimony of Jerome his fellow Martyr, in these words: And I recite you all (said he) to answer before the most high and just judge, after an hundredth years.

This Jerome was burnt an. 1416. and Luther began to write an. 1516. which was the just hundredth year after, according to the right accompt of Jerome's Prophecy.

Phillip Melancthon in his Apology, cap. De votis Monast. testifieth of one John Hilton a Monk in Thuring, who, for speaking against certain abuses of the place and order where he lived, was cast in prison, At length being weak and feable through imprisōmeant, he sent for y ^e Warden of the Convent, desiring and be • eching him, to have some respect of his woeful state, & pitiful case. The Warden rebuking and accusing him for that he had done & spoken: He answered again and said that he had spoken nothing which might be prejudicial or hurtful to their monkery, or against their Religion: But there should come one (and assigned the year, an. 1516.) Who should utterly subvert all monkery. and they should never be able to resist him &c.

Long it were to induce here all Prophecies that be read in histories. Certeine I mind briefly to touch & pass over. And first to omit the revelations of Brigit (whereunto I do not much attribute) who prophesying of the destruction of Rome in her 4. book, cap. 17. saith: That Rome shall be scoured and purged with three things, with sword, fire, and the plough: resembling moreover the said Church of Rome to a plant removed out of the old place into a new. Also to a body condemned by a judge, to have the skin flayne off the blood to be drawn from the flesh, the flesh to be cut out in pieces, and the bones thereof to be broken, and all the marrow to be squiesed out from the same, so that no part thereof remain whole and perfect. &c. But to these speculations of Brigit, I give no great respect, as neither I do to the predictions of Katherine De Senis.

And yet notwithstanding, Antoninus writing of the same Katherine in his 3. part. Tit. 23. cap. 14. reciteth her words thus, prophesying of the reformation of the church to Friar Reymund her ghostly father: By these tribulations (saith she) God after a secret manner unknown to man, shall purge his holy Church, and after those things shall follow such a reformation of the holy Church of God, and such a renovation of the holy pastors, that the only cogitation and remembrance thereof maketh my spirit to rejoice in the Lord: And, as I have oftentimes told you heretofore, the spouse which is now all deformed and ragged, shall be adourned and decked with most rich and precious ouches and brouches: and all the faithful shall be glad and rejoice to see themselves so bewtified with so holy pastors. Yea and also the infidels then allured by the sweet savor of Christ, shall return to the catholic fold, and be converted to the true bishop and shepherd of their souls. Geue thanks therefore to GOD, for after this storm, he will give a great calm. &c.

Of the authority of this prophetisse, I have not to affirm or judge, but rather to hear what the Catholic judge will say of this their own saint and Prophet. For if they do not credit her spirit of prophesy, why then do they authorise her, for a pure saint among y ^e Sisters of dear S. Dominick? If they war̄t her prophesy, let them say then when was this glorious reformation of the Church, ever true or like to be true, if it be not true now in this marvelous alteration of the Church, in these our latter days? Or when was there any such conversion of Christian people in all countries ever heard of, since the Apostles time, as hath been since the preaching of Martin Luther.

Of Hieronimus Sauonarola I wrote before, pag 000 showing that he prophesied: That one should pass over the Alps like to Cyrus, who should subvert and destroy all Italy. Which may well be applied to God's word, and the Gospel of Christ, spreading now in all places since Luther's time.

Theodoricus Bishop of Croacia, lived near about the time, when Hus and Jerome were martyred. Who in y ^e ende of his prophetical verses, which are extant in print, declareth: That the sea of Rome which is so horriblie polluted with Simony and avarice, shall fall, and no more shall oppress men with tyranny, as it hath done, and that it shall be subverted by his own subjects, and that the Church and true piety shall flourish again more then ever it did before.

Nouiomagus testifieth, that he in the year of our Lord, 1520. heard Ostendorpius, a Canon of Dauentrie, say: that when he was a young man Doctor Weselus a Phrysian, which was then an old man, told him, That he should live to see this new school divinity of Scotus, Aquinas, and Bonaventure to be utterly forsaken and exployded of all true Christians.

In a book of Carolus Bouillus, mention is made of a certain vision, which one Nicholas: an heretic of Heluetia, had, in which vision he saw the popes head crowned with 3. swords proceeding from his face: and 3. swords coming toward it. This vision is also imprinted in the books of Martin Luther, with his preface before it.

Nicholas Medlerus, being of late superintendent of Brūswyke, affirmed and testified: That he heard and knew a certain Priest in his country, which told the priests there, that they laid aside Paul under their deskes and pues: but the time would come, when as Paul should come abroad, and drive them under the deskes and dark stalls, where they should not appear. &c.

Matthias Flaccius, in the ende of his book entitled: De testibus veritatis, speaketh of one Michael Stifelius, which Michael being an old man, told him that he heard the Priests and Monks say many times, by old prophecies, that a violent reformation must needs come amongst them: and also that the said Michael heard Cōradus Stifelius his father, many times declare the same: who also for the great hatred he bare against this filthy sect of Monks and priests, told to one Peter Pi • er a friend and neighbor of his, that he should live and see the day, and therefore desired him, that when the day came, besides those Priests which he should kill for himself, he would kill one priest more for his sake Haec ex Flaccio.

This Stiteleus thought belike, that this reformation should be wrought by outward violence, and force of sword but he was thereing deceived. Although the adversary useth all forcible means, and violent tyranny, yet the proceeding of the Gospel always beginneth with peace, and quietness.

In the table of Amersham men I signified a little before pag. 000. how one Haggar of Londō, speaking of this reformation to come: declared: That the Priests should make battle, and have the upper hand a while, but shortly they should be vanquished, and overthrown forever.

In the time of pope Alexander the 6. and about the year of our Lord. 1500. as is before specified, pag. 000. the high angel which stood in the top of the popes church and castle of S. Angel, was thrown down with a terrible thunder, into the river of Tybris: whereby might seem to be declared the ruin and tall of the popedom.

To this may be adjoined, which in certain Chronicles, and in John Bale is recorded: which saith, that in y ^e year of our Lord. 1516. which was the same year when Martin Luther began, Pope Leo the x. did create 31. Cardinals: In the which year and day of their creation, there fell a tempest of thūder and lightning in Rome, which so strake the church where the Cardinals were made, that it removed the little Child Jesus out of the lap of his mother, and the keys out of Saint Peters hand. Which thing many then did interpret to signify and foreshow the subversion and alteration of the sea of Rome.

Hitherto pertaineth also a strange portente and a prodigious token from heaven, in the year of our Lord. 1505. In the which year, under the reign of Maximilian Emperor, there appeared in Germany, upon the vestures of men as well of Priests, as lay men, upon women's garments also, and upon their rocks as they were spynning, diverse printes and tokens of the nails, of the spunge, of the spayre, of the Lord's, coat, and of bloody Crosses. &c. All which were seen upon their cappes and gowns, as is most certainly testified and recorded by diverse, which both did see & also did write upon the same. Of whom first was Maximilian the Emperor, who both had and shown the same to Franciscus Mirandula, which wrote thereupon a book in Latin meter called Staurostichon : wherein for the more credit, these verses be contained.

Of this also writeth John Carion, Functius, Phil. Melanct. Flaccius, with diverse other moe. These marks and tokens, as they were very strange, so were they diversely expounded of many, some thinking that they pretended affliction and persecution of the church to draw near: some, that God by that token did admonish them or foreshowed unto them, the true doctrine of their justification, which only is to be sought in the Cross and passion of Christ, and no other thing. This I marvel, that Christianus Masseus, and other of that profession, do leave it out. Belike they saw some thing in it, that made not to their liking. For whether it signifieth persecution to come upon the Germayns they cannot be evil that suffer and bear the Cross with Christ: Or whether it signifieth the true doctrine of Christ coming to the Germaynes it cannot otherwise be, but that the doctrine of the Bishop of Rome must needs be wrong, which is contrary to this which God hath stirred up in Germany.

By this and such like prophecies it is evident to understand, the time not to be far of, when God of his determinate providence was disposed to reform & to restore his Church. And not only by these prophecies the same might well appear but also, and much rather by y ^e hearts of the people at that time, whose minds were so insenced and inflamed with hatred against the pomp and pride of Rome, both through all nations, and especially the people of Germany, that it was easy to perceive the time was near at hand, whē the pride of popish prelacy would have a fall. Such disdeyne there was, such contempt and derision began to rise on every side then against the pope and the Courte of Rome, that it might soon appear by the hearts of the people, that God was not disposed to have it long to stand. For neither were their detestable doings of secret that men did not see them: neither did any man be hold them, having any sparkle of godliness, that could abide them. And thereupon grew these proverbs to their derision, in every country: As in Germany it hath been Prouerb amongst them.

That is,

That is:

What should I speak of our English proverb which so vily esteemeth the filthy Friers, that it compareth them (saving thy reverence good Reader) to a fart?

In France, Gallus Senonensis writeth .400. years ago, that amongst them it was an old saying: Romae solui Satanam in perniciem totius Ecclesiae. That is: That Satan was let lose at Rome to destroy the whole Church.

Thomas Becket himself, in his time writing to the College of Cardinals, denieth it not, but to be a common word both through town and city, Quod non sit iustitia Romae. That is, That there is no right at Rome.

To these may be adjoined also the A. B. C. Which we find in the margent of a certain old register, to be attributed to William Thorp, whose story we have comprehended in the book before.

By these and such like sayings, which may be collected innumerable, it may soon be seen what harts & judgments the people had in those days of the Romish Clergy. Which thing, no doubt, was of God, as a secret prophecy, that shortly religion should be restored: according as it came to pass, about this present time whē Doct. Martin Luther first began to write, after that Picus Mirandula, and Laurentius Ualla, & last of all, Erasmus Roterodamus, had somewhat broken the way before & hadd shaken the monks houses, But Luther gave the stroke, & plucked down the foundation, & all by opening one vain long hid before, wherein lieth the touchstone of all truth & doctrine, as the only principal origin of our salvation which is our free justifying by faith only in christ y ^e son of God. The laborious travails, and the whole process & the constant preachings of this worthy mā, because they be sufficiently declared in the history of Johannes Sleidanus, I shall the less need to stand long thereupon, but only to run over some principal matter of his life & acts as they are briefly collected by Phillip Melanthon.

The history of D. Martin Luther with his life and doctrine described.

MArtine Luther, after he was grown in years, being borne at Isleben in Saxony, an. 1483. was set to the Uniuersity, first of Magdeburg, thē of Erford. In this University of Erforde, there was a certain aged man, in the Couēt of the Agustines (who is thought to be Weselus above mentioned) with whom Luther being then of the same order a fryer Augustine, had conference upon diverse things, especially touching the Article of remission of sins, the which Article the said aged father opened unto Luther after this sort, declaring that we must not generally believe only forgeunes of sins to be, or to belong to Peter, to Paul, to David, or such good men alone: but that God's express commandments is, that every man should believe particularly his sins to be forgiven him in Christ: and further said, that this interpretation was confirmed by the testimonies of S. Barnerd, and shown him the place, in the Sermon of the Annunciation, where it is thus set forth: But add thou that thou believest this, that by him thy sins are forgiven thee. This is the testimony that the holy Ghost giveth thee in thy heart, saying: Thy sins are forgiven thee. For this is the opinion of the Apostle, that man is freely justified by faith.

By these words Luther was not only strengthened, but was also instructed of the full meaning of S. Paul, who repeateth so many times this sentence: We are justified by faith. And having read the expositions of many upon this place, he then perceived as well by the purpose of the old man, as by the comfort he received in his spirit, the vanity of those interpretations, which he had read before, of the scholemen: And so reading by little and little, with cōferring the sayings and examples of the Prophets & Apostles, and continual invocation of God, and excitatiō of faith by force of prayer, he perceived y ^e doctrine more evidently. Then began he to read Saint Augustine's books, where he found many comfortable sentences among other in the exposition of the Psalms and specially in the book of the Spirit and Letter, which confirmed this doctrine of faith and consolation in his heart, not a little. And yet he laid not aside the Sentenciaries, as Gabriel and Cameracensis. Also he read the books of Occam, whose subtlety he preferred above Thomas Aquine, & Scotus. He read also and reuolued Gersō: but above all the rest, he perused all over S. Augustine's works with attentive cogitation. And thus continued he his study at Erford, y ^e space of 4. years in the Convent of the Augustine's.

About this time one Staupicius a famous mā, who ministering his help to further the erection of an University in Wittenburg, and endeavoring to have schools of Divinity founded in this new University: when he had considered the spirit & towardness of Luther, he called him from Erford, to place him in Wittenburg, in y ^e year .1508. and of his age xxvi. There his towardness appeared in y ^e ordinary exercise both of his disputations in the schools & preaching in churches, where as many wise and learned mē attentively heard Luther, namely D. Mellerstad.

This Mellerstad would oftentimes say, that Luther was of such a marvelous spirit, and so ingenious, that he gave apparent signifcation, that he would introduce a more compendious, easy, and familier manner of teaching and altar and abolish the order that then was used.

There first he expounded the Logic and Philosophy of Aristotle, & in the mean while, intermitted no whit his study in Theolagy. Three years after, he went to Rome, about certain contentions of the Monks, and returning the same year, he was a graded Doctor: at the expenses of Elector Frederick, Duke of Saxony, according to the solemn manner of schools: for he had heard him preach: well understanded the quickenes of his spirit: diligently considered the vehemency of his words, and had in singular admiration those profound matters, which in his Sermons he ripely and exactly explained. This degree Stanpicius, against his will enforced upon him, saying merely unto him, that God had many things to bring to pass in his Church by him. And though these words were spoken merely, yet it came so to pass anon after, as many predictions or presages prove true before a change.

After this he began to expound the Epistle to the Romayns, & consequently the Psalms: where he shown the difference betwixt the law and the Gospel. He also confounded the error that reigned then in schools and Sermons, teaching that men may merit remission of sins by their proper works, and that they be just before God by outward discipline, as the Pharisees taught. Luther diligently reduced the minds of men, to the son of God. As John the Baptist demonstrated the lamb of God that took away the sins of the world: even so Luther shining in the church of a bright star after a long cloudy and obscure skye, expressly shown that sins are freely remitted for the love of the son of God, and that we ought faithfully to embrace this bountiful gift.

These happy beginninges of so good matters, got him great authority, especially seeing his life also was correspondent to his profession. The consideration whereof allured to him marvelously the hearts of his auditors, and also many notable personages.

All this while Luther yet altered nothing in the ceremonies, but precisely observed his rule among his fellows he meddled in no doubtful opinions, but taught this only doctrine, as most principal of all other to all men, opening & declaring the doctrine of repentance, of remission of sins of faith, of true comfort in times of adversity. Every man received good taste of this sweet doctrine, and the learned conceived high pleasure to behold Jesus Christ, the Prophets & Apostles, to come forth into light out of darkness, whereby they began to understand the difference betwixt y ^e law and the Gospel: betwixt the promises of the law, and the promise of the Gospel: betwixt spiritual justice, & civil things: which certainly could not have been found in Thomas Aquine, Scotus, nor such like school clerks.

It happened moreover about this time, that many were provoked by Erasmus learned works, to study the Greek & Latin tongues, who perceiving a more gentle & ready order of teaching then before, began to have in contempt the Monks barbarous and sophistical doctrine: & specially such as were of liberal nature and good disposition. Luther began to study the Greek and Hebrew tongue to this end, that after he had learned the phrase and proprietic of the tongues, and drawn the doctrine of the very fountaynes, he might give more sound judgment.

As Luther was thus occupied in Germany, which was the year of our Lord 1516. Leo y ^e x. of that name succeeding after Julius. 2. was Pope of Rome. Who under pretence of war against the Turk, sent a Jubilee with his pardons, abroad through all Christian Realms & dominions: whereby he gathered together innumerable riches and treasure. The gatherers and collecters whereof persuaded the people, that whosoever would give x. shillings, should at his pleasure, deliver one soul from y ^e payns of Purgatory. For this they held as a general rule, that God would do, whatsoever they would have him, according to the saying: Quicquid solueritis super terram, erit solutum in coelis &c. Whatsoever you loose upon earth, the same shall be loosed in heaven. But if it were but one iotte less then x. shillinges, they preached that it would profit thē nothing. Ex Christia. Messeo lib. 20. Chro.

This filthy kind of the popes merchandise, as it spread through all quarters of Christian regions, so it came also to Germany, through the means of certain Dominic Friars named Tecellius, who most impudently caused y ^e Popes indulgences or pardons to be carried & sold about the country. Whereupon, Luther much moved with the blasphemous sermons of this shameless Friar, and having his heart earnestly bent with ardent desire to maintain true religion, published certain propositions concerning indulgences, which are to be read in the first Tome of his works, and set them openly on the temple that joineth to the Castle of Wittenburg, the morrow after the feasts of all Saints, the year .1517.

This beggarly Friar, hoping to obtain y ^e popes blessing, assembled certain Monks & sophistical divines of his convent, & fortwith commanded thē to write something against Luther. And whilst he would not himself seem to be dumb, he began not only to enuey in his sermons but to thunder against Luther, crying: Luther is an heretic, and worthy to be persecuted with fire: and besides this, he burned openly Luther's propositions, and the sermon which he wrote of indulgences. This rage and fumish fury of this Frier, enforced Luther to treat more amply of the cause, and to maintain his matter.

And thus rose the beginninges of this controversy, wherein Luther neither suspecting ne dreaming of any change that might happen in the ceremonies, did not utterly reject the indulgences, but required a moderation in them: and therefore they falsely accuse him, which blase that he began w ^t plausible matter, whereby he might get praise. to the end that in process of time, he might change the state of the common weal, and purchase authority, either for himself or other.

And certes, he was not suborned or stirred up by them of the court (as the Duke of Brumwike wrote: ) in so much that the Duke Frederick was sore offended that such contention and controversy should arise, having regard to the sequel thereof.

And as this good Duke Frederick was one of all y ^e princes of our time, that loved best quietness and common tranquility, neither was auaricious, but willingly bent to refer all his counsels to the common utility of all the world (as it is easy to be conjectured diverse ways:) so he neither encouraged nor supported Luther, but often represented semblaunce of heaviness and sorrow, which he bare in his heart, fearing greater dissensions: But being a wise prince and following the Counsaile of God's rule, and well deliberating thereupon, he thought with himself that the glory of God was to be preferred above all things. Neither was he ignorant what blasphemy it was, horribly condemned of God, obstinately to repugn y ^e truth. Wherefore he did as a godly Prince should do: he obeyed God, committing himself to his holy grace, and omnipotent protectiō. And although Maximilianus the Emperor, Carolus K. of Spain, & Pope Julius had given commmaundement to the said Duke Fridericke, that he should inhibit Luther from all place and liberty of preaching: yet the Duke considering with himself the preaching and & writing of Luther and weighing diligently the testimonies and places of the Scripture by him alleged, would not withstand the thing, which he judged sincere. And yet neither did he this, trusting to his own judgment, but was very anxious & inquisitive to hear y ^e judgments of other, which were both aged, & learned. In the number of whom was Erasmus, whō the Duke desired to declare to him his opinion touching y ^e matter of Martin Luther, saying & protesting that he would rather the ground should open and swallow him, then he would bear w ^t any opinions, which he knew to be contrary to manifest truth: & therefore he desired him to declare his judgment in y ^e matter, to him freely & friendly.

Erasmus thus being entreated of the Duke, began thus iestingly and merely to answer the Dukes request, saying: that in Luther were two great faults: first, that he would touch the bellies of monks: the second, y ^t he would touch the popes crown: which two matters in no case are to be dealt withal. Then opening his mind plainly to y ^e Duke, thus he said, that Luther did well in detecting errors, and that reformation was to be wished, and very necessary in the church: and added moreover, that the effect of his doctrine was true, but only that he wished in him, a more temperate moderation and manner of writing and handling. Wherupon Duke Friderick shortly after wrote to Luther seriously, exhorting him to temperate the vehemency of his style. This was at the City of Colen, shortly after the Coronation of the new Emperor, where also Huttenus, Aloisius, Marlianus, Ludouicus, viues, Halonius, with other learned men, were assembled together waiting upon the Emperor.

Furthermore the same Erasmus, the year next following that, wrote up to the Archbishop of Mainz a certain Epistle touching the cause of Luther. In which Epistle thus he signifieth to the Bishop: That many things were in the books of Luther condemned of monks and Divines, for heretical, which in the books of Bernard and Agustine are red for sound and godly.

Also, that the world is burdened with men's institutions, with school doctrines and opinions, and with the tyranny of begging Friers: which Friars when they are but the Popes servants and vnderlinges: yet they have so grown in power and multitude, that they are now terrible both to the pope himself, and to all princes. Who so long as the pope maketh with them, so long they make him more thē a God. But if he make anything against their purpose or commodity, then they wey his authority no more then a dream or fantasy.

Once (said he) it was counted an heresy, when a man repugned against the Gospel, or Articles of the faith. Now he that dissenteth from Thomas of Aquine, is an heretic, whatsoever doth not like them, whatsoever they understand not, that is heresy. To speak Greek, is heresy. Or to speak more finely then they do, that is with them heresy. And thus much by the way, concerning the judgment of Erasmus.

Now to return and to entreat something orderly of the acts and conflicts of Luther with his adversaries: after y ^e Tecelius the foresaid Friar, w ^t his fellow monks and Frierly fellows, had cried out w ^t open mouth against Luther, in maintaining the popes indulgences, and that Luther again in defense of his cause, had set up propositions against the open abuses of the same, marvel it was to see how soon these propositions, were sparckled abroad in sundry and far places, and howe greedely they were catched up in the hands of diverse, both far & near. And thus y ^e contentiō of this matter increasing between them, Luther was compelled to write thereof more largely & fully, thē other wise he thought: which was in y ^e year of our Lord. 1517.

Yet all this while, Luther never thought of any alteration to come of any ceremony, much less such a reformation of doctrine and ceremonies, as afterward did follow. But only hearing that he was accused to the Bishop of Rome, he did write humbly unto him: in the beginning of which writing, he declareth y ^e inordinate outrage of those his pardonmongers, which so excessively did pill & pole the simple people, to the great slander of the Church, and shame to his holiness: and so proceeding in the ende of the said his writing, thus he submitteth himself.

Wherefore (saith he) most holy father. I offer myself prostrate under the feet of your holiness, with all that I am, and that I have. Save me, kill me, call me, recall me, approve me, reprove me, as you shall please. Your voice, y ^e voice of Christ in you speaking, I will acknowledge. If I have deserved death, I shall be contented to die: For the earth is the Lord's, and all the fullness thereof, who is to be blessed forever. Amen. This was the year of our Lord. 1518.

After that Martin Luther, provoked thus by Tecelius, had declared his mind in writing lowly and humbly and had set up certain propositions to be disputed: not long after, among other monks and Friars, steppeth up one Sylvester de Priero a Dominic Frier who first began to publish abroad a certain impudent and railing Dialogue against him. Unto whom Luther answered again, first alleging the place of the Apostle. 1. Thes. v. That we must prove all things. Also the place. Gal. 2. That if an angel from heaven do bring another Gospel, then that we have received, he ought to be accursed.

Item, he alleged the place of Agustine unto Jerome, where the said Agustine saith: That he is wont to give this honor only to the book of Canonical Scripture, that who soever were the writers thereof, he believeth them verily not to have erred. But as touching all other men's writings, were they never so holy men or learned, he doth not believe them therefore, because they so say, but in that respect as they do agree with the Canonical Scripture, which cannot err.

Item, he alleged the place of the Canon law: Clem. de Poenit. & remis. C. Abusionibus. Wherein he proved, y ^t these pardonsellers, in their setting forth of the popes indulgenses, ought to go no further by the law, then is enjoined them within the letters of their commission.

And in the latter part of his answer, thus Luther writeth to the reader, Let opinions (saith he) remain opinions, so they be not yokes to the Christians. Let us not make men's opinions equal with the articles of faith, & to the decrees of Christ, and Paul. Moreover I am ashamed (quod he) to hear the common saying of this Divine school doctors, who holding one thing in the schools, and thinking otherwise in their own judgment, thus are wont, secretly among thenselves, and with their privy friends, talking together to say: Thus we do hold, and thus would I say, being in the schools, but yet (be it spoken here amongst us) it cannot be so proved by the holy Scriptures, &c. Ex. Paralip. Abb. Vrsperg.

Next after this Sylvester, stepped forth Eckius, and impugned the conclusions of Luther. Agaynst whom encountered D. Andraeas Bedenstein. Archdeacō of Wittenburg, making his Apology in defense of Luther.

Then was Martin Luther cited, the 7. of August. by one Hieronimus B. of Askelon, to appear at Rome. About which time Thomas Caietanus Cardinal, y ^e popes Legate, was then lieger at the City of Augusta, who before had been sent down in commission, with certain mandates from Pope Leo, unto that Citty: The university of Wittenburg understanding of Luther's citation, eftsoons directed up their letters, with their public seal to y ^e pope, in Luther's behalf. Also another letter they sent to Carolus Miltitius the popes chamberlayne being a Germayne borne. Furthermore good Fridericke ceased not for his part, to sollicitate the matter with his letters & earnest suit, with Cardinal Caietanus, that the cause of Luther might be freed from Rome, and removed to Augusta, in the hearing of the Cardinal. Caietanus at y ^e suyt of the Duke, wrote unto the Pope, from whom he received this answer again, the 23. of the foresaid month of August, that he had cited Luther, to appear personally before him at Rome, by Hieronimus Bishop of Askelon, Auditor of the chamber: which bishop diligently had done, that was commanded him, but Luther abusing and contemning the gentleness offered, did refuse not only to come, but also became more bold and stubborn, continuing or rather increasing in his former heresy, as by his writing did appear: Wherefore he would that the Cardinal should cite and call up the said Luther to appear at the city of Augusta before him, adjoining withal, the aid of the princes of Germany & of the Emperor, if need required so that when the said Luther should appear, he should lay hand upon him, & commit him to sat custody, and after he should be brought up to Rome: and if he perceived him to come to any knowledge or amendment of his fault, he should release him, and restore him to the church again, or else he should be interdict, with all other his adherents, abettors, & mayntainers, of whatsoever estate or condition they were, whether they were Dukes, Marqueses, Earls Barons. &c. Against all which persons and degrees, he willed him to extend the same curse and malediction (only the person of the Emperor excepted) interdicting by the censure of the church, all such lands, Lordships, Towns, tenements, villages, as should minister any harbor to the said Luther, & were not obedient unto the sea of Rome. Contrariwise to all such as shown themselves obedient, he should promise full remission of all their sins. Likewise the pope directeth other letters also the same time, to Duke Friderick, complaing with many grievous words, against Luther.

The Cardinal thus being charged with injunctions from Rome; according to his commission, sendeth with all speed, for Luther to appear at Augusta before him.

About the beginning of October Martin Luther yealding his obedience to the Church of Rome, came to Augusta, at the Cardinals sending (at the charges, of the noble Prince Electour) and also his letters of commendation, where he remained 3. days before he came to his speech: for so it was provided by his friends, that he should not enter talk with the Cardinal, before a sufficient warrant or safe conduct was obtained of the Emperor Maximilian. Which being obtained, eftsoons he entered, offering himself to the speech of the Cardinal, and was there received of the cardinal very gently: who according to y ^e popes commandment, propounded unto Martin Luther three things, or as Sleaden saith, but 2. to wit.

1. That he should repent and revoke his errors.

2. That he should promise from that time forward, to refrain from the same.

3. That he should refrain from all things that might by any means trouble the Church.

When Martin Luther required to be informed wherein he had erred, the Legate brought forth the extrauagants of Clement, which beginneth: Vnigenitus &c. because that he contrary to that Canon had held & taught in his 58. proposition, that the merits of Christ are not the treasure of indulgences or pardons. Secondly, the cardinal, contrary to the seventh proposition of Luther, affirmed that faith is not necessary to him that receiveth the sacrament.

Furthermore, another day in the presence of 4. of the Emperors Counsaile, having there a Notary and witnesses present, Luther protested for himself and personally in this manner following.

In primis, I Martin Luther, a Friar Augustine, protest that I do reverence and follow the Church of Rome in all my sayings and doings, present, past, and to come: And if anything have been or shall be said by me to the contrary, I count it, and will that it be counted and taken as though it had never been spoken. But because the Cardinal hath required at the commandment of the Pope three things of me to be observed:

1 That I should return again to the knowledge of myself.

2 That I should beware of falling into the same again here after.

3 That I should promise to abstain from all things which might disquiet the church of God:

I protest here this day, that whatsoever I have said, seemeth unto me to be sound, true and Catholic: Yet for the further proof thereof, I do offer myself personally either here or elsewhere, publicly to give a reason of my sayings. And if this please not the Legate, I am ready also in writing to answer his objections, if he have any against me: And touching these things, to hear the sentence and judgment of the Universities of the Empire. Basel, Friburge, and Leuven. Hereof when they had received an answer in writing, they departed.

After this Luther by and by prepareth an answer to the Legate, teaching that the merits of Christ are not committed unto men: that the popes voice is to be heard when he speaketh agreeably to the Scriptures: that y ^e pope may err: that he ought to be reprehended, Act. 15. Moreover he shown that in the matter of faith. not only y ^e general council, but also every faithful Christian is above the Pope, if he leave to better authority and reason: that the Extrauagant containeth untruths: that it is an infallible verity, that none is just: that it is necessary for him that cometh to the receiving of the sacrament, to believe: that faith in the absolution and remission of sins, is necessary that he ought not nor might not decline from the verity of the Scripture: that he sought nothing but the light of the truth. &c.

But the Cardinal would hear no scriptures: he disputed without scriptures, devised glosses and expositions of his own head, and by distinctions (wherewith the Divinity of the Thomistes is full) like a very Proteus, he avoided all things. After this, Luther being commanded to come no more in the presence of the Legate, except he would recant, notwithstanding abode there still & would not depart. Then the Cardinal sent for Johannes Stupitius, vicar of the Augustine's, & moved him earnestly to bring Luther to recant of his own accord. Luther tarried the next day also, and nothing was said unto him. The third day moreover he tarried and delivered up his mind in writing in which, first he thanked him for his courtesy and great kyndenes which he perceived by the words of Stupitius toward him, and therefore was the more ready to gratify him in whatsoever kind of office he could do him service: confessing moreover, that where he had been somewhat sharp and eger against the popes dignity, that was not so much of his own mind, as it was to be ascribed to the importunity of certain which gave him occasion. Notw ^t standing, as he acknowledged his excess therein, so he was ready to show more moderation in that behalf hereafter, & also promised to make amends for y ^e same unto the bish. & that in the pulpit, if he pleased. And as touching the matter of pardons, he promised also to proceed no further in any mention thereof, so y ^t his adversaries likewise were bound to keep silence. But where as he was pressed to retracte his sentence before defended, forasmuch as he had said nothing but with a good conscience, and which was agreeable to y ^e firm testimonies of the scripture: therefore he humbly desired the determination thereof, to be referred to the bishop of Rome, for nothing could be more grateful to him, then to hear the voice of the Church speaking &c.

Who doth not see by this so humble and honest submission of Luther, but that, if the Bishop of Rome would have been answered with any reason, or contented with sufficient mean, he had never been touched any further of Luther. But the secret purpose of GOD had a farther work herein to do: for the time now was come, when God thought good that pride should have a fall. Thus while the immeasurable desire of that B. sought more then enough, and like to Aesopes dog, coveting both to have y ^e flesh, and shadow, not only he missed that he gaped for, but also lost that which he had.

But to the purpose of our matter again: this writing Luther delivered to the Cardinal the third day after he was commanded out of his sight. Which letter or writing the Cardinal did little regard. When Luther saw that he would give no answer nor countenance to the letter, yet notw ^t standing he remained after that, the fourth day, and nothing was answered: the fifth day likewise was passed with like silence, and nothing done. At the length, by the counsel of his friends, and specially because the Cardinal had said before, that he had a commandment to imprison Luther and John Stupitius the vicar, after y ^t he had made and set up his appeal where it might be seen and read, he departed, thinking that he had shown such dangerous obedience long enough. Luther a beholder & a doer of these things, recordeth the same and showeth the cause why he submitted himself to the church of Rome: declaring also, that even those things, which are most truly spoken, yet ought to be maintained and defended, with humility and fear. Some things he suppresseth and conceileth, which he supposeth the reader to understand not without grief and sorrow. At length he protesteth that he reverenceth and followeth the church of Rome in all things, and that he setteth himself only against those, which under the name of the church of Rome, go about to set forth and commend Babylon unto us.

Thus you have heard how that Luther being rejected from the speech and sight of Caietanus the Cardinal, after six days waiting, departed by the advise of his friends & returned unto Wit̄berg, leaving a letter in writing to be given to the Cardinal, wherein he declared sufficiently, first his obedience in his coming, the reasons of his doctrine, his submission reasonable to the Sea of Rome, his long waiting after he was repelled from the Cardinals speech, the charges of the Duke, and finally, the cause of his departing. Besides this letter to the Cardinal, he left also an Appellation to the Bishop of Rome, from the Cardinal, which he caused openly to be affixed before his departure.

After that Luther was thus departed and returned again into his country, Caietanus writeth to Duke Fridericke, a sharp and a biting letter, in which first he signifieth to him his gentle intertaynment & good will shown to reduce Luther from his error. Secondly, he complaineth of y ^e sodayn departing of him, & of Stupicius. Thirdly, he declareth y ^e pernicious danger of Luther's doctrine against the Church of Rome. Fourthly, he exhorteth the Duke, that as he tendereth his own honor and safety, & regardeth the favor of the hye bishop, he will send him up to Rome, or expel him out of his dominiō, forsomuch as such a pestilence breeding, as that was, could not, neither ought by any means long so to be suffered.

To this letter of the Cardinal, the Duke answereth again at large, purging both Luther, and himself: Luther, in that he following his conscience grounded upon y ^e word of god, would not revoke that for an error, which could be proved no error: & himself he excuseth thus, that where is required of him to banish him his country, or to send him up to Rome, it would be little honesty for him so to do, and less conscience, unless he knew just cause, why he should so do: Which if the Cardinal would or could declare unto him, there should lack nothing in him, which were the part of a Christian Prince to do, and therefore he desireth him, to be a means unto the Bishop of Rome, that innocence and truth be not oppressed, before y ^e crime or error be lawfully convicted.

This done, the Duke sendeth the letter of the Cardinal, unto Martin Luther. Who answered again to the Prince, showing first how he came obediently unto Caietanus, with the Emperors warrant: & what talk there was between them: how Caietanus pressed him against his conscience and manifest truth, to revoke these errors. First that the merits of Christ's Passion, were not y ^e treasure of the popes pardons. Secondly that faith was necessary in receiving the Sacraments. Albeit in the first he was content to yield to the Cardinal. In the second, because it touched a great part of our salvation, he could not with a safe conscience relent, but desired to be taught by the Scripture: at least that the matter might be brought into open disputation in some free place of Germany, where y ^e truth might be discussed and judged of learned men. The Cardinal not pleased w ^t this, in great anger cast out of many manacing words, neither would admit him anymore to his presence or speech: whereas yet notwithstanding persisting in his obedience to the church of Rome, gave attendaunce, waiting upon the Cardinals pleasure a sufficient time.

At last, when no answer would come, after he had waited y ^e space of v. or .vi. days, to his great detriment, & greater danger, by the persuasion of his friends, he departed. Whereat if the Cardinal were displeased, he had most cause to blame himself. And now whereas the Cardinal threateneth me (saith he) not to let the action fall, but y ^t the process thereof shall be pursued at Rome unless I either come and present myself, or else be banished your dominions, I am not so much grieved for mine own cause, as y ^t you should sustain for my matter any danger or peril. And therefore seeing there is no place nor country, which can keep me frō the malice of mine adversaries, I am willing to depart hence and to forsake my country, whether soever it shall please the Lord to lead me: thanking God which hath counted me worthy to suffer thus much for the glory of Christ's name.

Here (no doubt) was the cause of Luther in great danger, being now brought to this strayte, that both Luther was ready to fly the country, and the Duke again was as much afraid to keep him, had not the marvelous providence of God (who had this matter in guiding) here provided a remedy, where the power of man did fail, by stirring up the whole university of Wittingberg, who seeing the cause of truth thus to declyne, with a full and a general consent, addressed their letters unto y ^e Prince, in defense of Luther & of his cause, making their humble suit unto him, y ^t he of his princely honor, would not suffer innocence and the simplicity of truth so clear as is the Scripture, to be foiled and oppressed by mere violence of certain malignant flatterers about the Pope: but that the error first may be shown and convicted, before the partye be pronounced gylty.

By the occasion of these letters the Duke began more seriously in his mind to consider the cause of Luther, and to read his works, and also to hearken to his Sermons. Whereby (through God's holy working) he grew to knowledge and strength, perceiving in Luther's quarrel more then he did before. This was about the beginning of December. an. 1518.

As this past on, Pope Leo playing the Lyon at Rome in the mean time in the month of November, to stablishe his seat against this defection, which he • eared to come, had sent forth new indulgences into Germany, & all quarters abroad, w ^t a new Edict, wherein he declared this to be the catholic doctrine of the holy mother church of Rome Prince of all other churches, that Bishops of Rome which are successors of Peter, and vicares of Christ, have this power and authority given to release, and dispense, also to grant indulgences auaylable both for the living and for the dead, lyeng in the pains of purgatory. And this dotrine he charged to be received of all faithful Christian men, under pain of the great curse, and utter separation from all holy Church.

This Popish decree and indulgence, as a new Marchandise, or Alestake to get money, being • et up in all quarters of Christendom for y ^e holy fathers advantage, came also to be received in Germany about the month of December. Luther in the mean time hearing how they were about in Rome, to proceed and pronounce against him, provideth a certain appeallation conceived in due form of law, wherein he appealeth from the pope to the general Council.

When Pope Leo percoaued that neither his pardons would prosper to his mind, nor that Luther could be brought to Rome, to assay how to come to his purpose by crafty allurementes, he sent his Chamberlayne Carolus Miltitius, above mentioned, which was a German, into Saxony to Duke Fridericke, with a golden rose, after y ^e usual ceremony accustomed every year to be presented to him, with secret letters also to certain Noble men of the Dukes counsel, to solicit y ^e popes cause, and to remove the Dukes mind, if it might be from Luther.

But before Miltitius approached into Germany, Maximilian the Emperor deceased in the month of January an. 1519. At what time two there were which stood for the election: to wit Francis the French king, and Charles king of Spain, which was also Duke of Austriche, and Duke of Burgundy. To make this matter short, through the means of Frederick, Prince Elector, (who having the offer of the preferment, refused the same) the election fell to Carolus, called Carolus the v. surnamed Prudence: which was about the end of August.

In the month of June before, there was a public disputation ordained at Lypsia. which is a City in Misnia, under the dominion of George Duke of Saxony, uncle to Duke Frederick. This disputation first began thorough the occasion of Johannes Eckius, a Friar, and Andraeas Carolostadius, Doctor of Wittenburg. This Eckius had impugned certain propsitions or conclusions of Martin Luther, which he had written the year before, touching y ^e popes pardons. Agaynst him Carolostadius wrote in defense of Luther. Eckius again to answer Carolostadius, set forth an Apology. Which Apology Carolostadius again confuted by writing. Upon this began the disputation, with safe conduct granted by Duke George, to all & singular, persons, that would resort to the same. To this disputation came also Martin Luther, with Philip Melancthō, who not past a year before was newly come to Wittenburg, Luther not thinking then to dispute in any matter, because of his appellation above mentioned, but only to hear what there was said and done.

First, before the entry into the disputation, it was agreed, that the Acts should be penned by Notaryes, and after to be diuulged abroad. But Eckius afterward went back from that, pretending that the penning of the Notaries should be an hinderance & a stay unto them, whereby the heat of them in their reasoning should the more languish and their vehemency rebayte. But Carolostadius without Notaryes would not dispute. The sum of their disputations was reduced to certain conclusions. Among which first came in question to dispute of free will, which the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . That is, whether a man have of himself, any election or purpose, to do that is good: or (to use the terms of the school) whether a man of congruence, may deserve grace, doing y ^t which in him doth lie? Herein when y ^e questiō was to be discussed, what y ^e will of mā may do of it self, without grace: they through heat of contention (as the manner is) fell into other by matters and ambages, little or nothing appertaining to that which Carolostadius proposed. Eckius affirmed, that the pure strength to do good, is not in man's will, but is givē of God to man to take interest & increase of man again, which first he seemed to deny. Then being asked of Carolostadius whether y ^e whole & full good work that is in mā proceedeth of god: to this he answered; y ^e whole good work but not wholly: granting that the will is moved of God: but to consent, to be in man's power. Agaynst this reasons Carolostadius, alleging certain places of Agustine, & namely of S. Paul, which saith, that God worketh in us both to will and to perform. And this sentence of Carolostadius seemed to overcome. Eckius for his assertion, in erred certain escriptes out of Bernard, which seemed little to the purpose. And thus was a whole week lost about this cōtentious and sophistical alteration between Eckius, and Carolostadius.

Luther (as was said) came, not thinking at all to dispute, but having free liberty granted by the Duke, & under the popes authority, was provoked, & forced against his will to dispute with Eckius. The matter of their controversy was about y ^e authority, of the Bishop of Rome. Here is first to be admonished, that Luther before had set forth in writing this doctrine: y ^t they which do attribute y ^e preeminence to the church of Rome, have no foundation for them, but out of the Popes decrees, set forth not much past 400. years heretofore: which decrees he affirmed to be contrary to all ancient histories, above a thousand years past, contrary also to the holy scriptures, and unto Nicene Council.

Agaynst this assertion Eckius set up a contrary conclusion saying,