Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

The history of diverse good men and women, persecuted for religion in the City and Dioces of the Bishop of London, briefly extracted out of the Registers of Richard Fitziames.

AMongest and besides the great number of the faithful martyrs and professors of Christ, that constantly in the strength of the holy Ghost, gave their lives for the testimony of his truth, I find recorded in the Register of London, between the years of our Lord. 1509. and 1527. the names of diverse other persons both men and women: who in the fullness of that dark and mystie times of ignorance, had also some portion of God's good spirit which induced them to the knowledge of his truth and Gospel, and were diversely troubled, persecuted, and imprisoned for the same: notwithstanding by the proud, cruel and bloody rage of the Catholic seat, and through the weakness and frailty of their own nature (not then fully strengthened in God) it was again in them, for the time, suppressed and kept under, as appeareth by their several abjurations made before Richard Fitziames then bishop of London (in his time a most cruel persecutor of Christ's church) or else before his vicar general deputed for y ^e same. And for as much as many of the adversaries of God's truth, have of late days disdainefully and braggingly cried out, and made demands in their public assemblies and yet do, asking where this our church and religion was within these 50. or 60. years: I have thought it not altogether vain, somewhat to stop such lying crakers, both by mentioning their names, and likewise opening some of the chief and principal matters, for which they wer so unmercifully afflicted and molested, thereby to give to understand, as well the continuance and consent of the true church of Christ in that age, touching the chief points of our faith, though not in like perfection of knowledge and constancy in all: as also by the way, something to touch what fond and frivolous matters the ignorant Prelates shamed not in that time of blindness to object against the poor & simple people, accounting them as heinous and great offenses, yea, such as deserved death both of body and soul. But least I shauld seem too prolixe and tedious herein, I will now briefly proceed with the story, and first begin with their names, which are these.

Anno. 1510.
• Ioanne Baker.
• William Pottyer.
• John Forge.
• Thomas Goodred.
• Thomas Walker, alias Talbot.
• Thomas Forge.
• Alyce Forge.
• John Forge, their son.
• William Couper.
• Louis John.
• Ioanne John.
• John Webbe, alias Baker.
• John Household.
• Robert Rascal▪
• Elizabeth Stanford.
• George Brown.
• John Wykes.
• Richard Butler.

Anno. 1511.
• John Caluerton.
• John Woodrofe.
• Richard Woolman.
• Roger Hyllyar.
• Alyce Couper.
• Thomas Austye.
• Ioanne Austye.
• Thomas Grant.
• John Garter.
• Christofer Rauins.
• Dionise Rauins.
• Thomas Vincent.
• Richard Butler.
• John Samme.
• William Kyng.
• Robert Durdant.
• Henry Woolman.
• Edmond Spilman.
• John Higges, alias Noke, alias Iohnsonne.
• Henry Chambers.
• John Hynggyns.
• Thomas Egleston.

Here followeth the particular examination of all these here above named.

To these were diverse and sundry particular Articles, (besides the common and general sort accustomably used in such cases) privately objected, even such as they were then accused of either by their curate, or other their neighbors. And because I think it somewhat superfluous to make any large recital of all and every part of their several process: I mind therefore briefly only to touch so many of their articles as may be sufficient to induce the Christian Reader to judge the sooner of the rest: being (I assure you) of no greater importance, then these that follow: Except that sometime they were charged most slanderously with horrible and blasphemous lies, against the majesty and truth of God, which as they utterly denied, so do I now for this present keep secret in silence, as well for brevities sake, as also somewhat to color & hide the shameless practices of that lieng generation. But to our purpose.

THe chiefest objection against Ioanne Baker, was, that she would not only her self not reverence y ^e Crucifix: but had also persuaded a friend of hers lieng at the point of death, not to put any trust or cōfidēce in the Crucifix, but in God which is in heaven, who only worketh all the miracles that be done, and not the dead Images, that be but stocks and stones: and therefore she was sory, that ever she had gone so often on Pilgrimage to S. Savior and other Idols. Also, that she did hold opinion that the Pope had no power to give pardons, & that Lady Yong (who was not long before that time burned, died a true martyr of God, and therefore she wished of God, that she her self might do no worse then the said Lady Yong had done.

VNto William Pottyer, besides diverse other false and slanderous articles (as that he should deny the benefit and effect of Christ's passion) it was also alleged that he should affirm, that there were six God's. The first three was the holy Trinity, the father, the son, and the holy Ghost. The fourth was a priests concubine being kept in his chamber. The fifth was the Devil. And the sixth that thing that a man setteth his mind most upon.

The first part of this Article he utterly denied, confessing most firmly and truly the blessed Trinity to be only one God in one unity of Deity: as to the other three he answered, that a Priest delighting in his concubine, made her as his God Likewise a wicked person persisting in his sin without repentance, made the Devil his God. And lastly he granted, that he once hearing of certain men, which by the singing and chattering of birds, would seek to know what things were to come, either to themselves or others, said that those men esteemed their birds as God's: and otherwise he spake not.

AMongst the manifold and several articles objected against Thomas Goodred, Thomas Walker, Thomas Forge, Alyce Forge his wife, John Forge their son, John Caluerton, John Woodrofe, Richard Woolman, and Roger Hilliar (As that they should speak against Pilgrimages, praieng unto Saints, and such like, this principally was propounded, that they all denied the carnal and corporal presence of Christ's body and blood in the Sacrament of the altar: and further, had concealed, and consented unto their teachers and instructors of that doctrine, and had not according unto y ^e laws of the Church, accused and presented them unto the Bishop or Ordinary. Also great and heinous displeasure was conceived against Richard Wolman, for that he termed the Church of Paul's, a house of thieves: affirming that Priests, and other Ecclesiastical persons there, were not liberal givers unto the poor (as they ought) but rather takers away from them, what they could get.

Likewise, as Thomas Austye, Ioanne Austye his wife, Thomas Grant, John Garters, Christofer Rauins, Dionise Rauins his sister, Thomas Uincent, Louis John, John John his wife, & John Webbe, were of one fellowship and profession of faith, with diverse of y ^e last before recited: so were they also almost all apprehended about one time, & chiefly burdened with one opinion of the Sacrament. Which declareth evidently, that notwithstanding the dark ignorance of those corrupted times, yet God did ever in mercy opē the eyes of some, to behold the manifest truth, even in those things, whereof the Papists make now greatest vaunt and brag of longest continuance. Furthermore many of them were charged to have spoken against Pilgrimages: & to have read and use certain English books, repugnyng the faith of the Romish Church: as the four Evangelists, Wickleffes Wicket, a book of the x. commandments of almighty God, the Revelation of S. John, the Epistles of Paul & James, with other like, which those holy ones could never abide, & good cause why: for as darkness could never agree with light, no more cā ignorance, the mainteiner of that kingdom, with the true knowledge of Christ and his Gospel.

It was further particularly objected against Ioanne John, the wife of Louis John, that (besides the premisses) she learned and maintained, that God commanded no holy days to be kept, but only the Sabbath day, and therefore she would keep none but it, nor no fasting days affirming, that to fast from sin was the true fast. Moreover, that she had despised the Pope, his Pardons, and Pilgrimages: In so much that when any poor body asked his alms of her in the worship of the Lady of Walsingham, she would straight answer in contempt of the Pilgrimage: the Lady of Walsingham help thee. And if she gave any thing unto him, she would then say: Take this in the worship of our Lady in heaven, and let the other go. Which declareth that for lack of better instructiō and knowledge, she yet ignorauntly attributed too much honor to the true Saints of God departed: though otherwise she did abhor the idolatrous worshiping of the dead Images. By which example, as also by many others (for shortness sake, at this present omitted) I have just occasion to condemn the willful subtlety of those, that in this bright shinyng light of God's truth, would yet under color of godly remembrance, still maintain the having of Images in the Church, craftily excusing their idolatrous kneeling and praying unto them, by affirming that they never worshipped the dead Images, but the things that the Images did represent. But if that were their only doctrine and cause of having of them, why thē would their predecessors so cruelly compel these poor simple people thus openly in their recantations to abjure and renoke their speaking against the gross adoration of the outward Images only, and not against the thing represented? which many of them, (as appeareth partly by this example) in their ignorant implicitie, confessed might be worshipped. Howbeit, God be thanked (whoever in his mercy continue it) their coulourable and hypocritical excuses cannot now take such place in the hearts of the elect of God, as they have done heretofore, especially seeing the word of God doth so manifestly forbid as well the worshipping of them, as also the making or having of them, for order of Religion.

IT was alleged against Williā Couper and Alice Couper his wife, that they had spoken against Pilgrimages, & worshipping of Images: but chiefly the woman, who having her child on a time hurt by falling into a pyt or ditche, and earnestly persuaded by some of her ignorant neighbors, to go on Pilgrimage to S. Laurēce for help for her child, said that neither S. Laurence, nor any other S. could help her child, & therefore none ought to go on Pilgrimage to any Image made with mans hand, but oneto unto almighty God: for Pilgrimages were nothing worth, saving to make the Priests rich. Vid. plura inferius.

VNto John Household, Robert Rascall, and Elizabeth Stamford, as well the Article against the Sacrament of the altar was objected, as also that they had spoken against praying to Saints, & had despised the authority of the Bishop of Rome, and others of his Clergy. But especially John Household was charged to have called thē Antichrists and whooremongers, and the Pope him self a strong strumpet, and a common bande unto the world, who with his Pardōs had drowned in blindness all Christian Realms, and that for money.

ALso among diverse other ordinary Articles propounded against George Brown, these were counted very heinous & heretical: First, that he had said, that he knew no cause why the Cross should be worshipped, seeing that the same was an hurt & pain unto our Savior Christ in the time of his Passion, and not any ease or pleasure, alleging for example, that if he had had a friend hanged or drowned, he would ever after have loved that gallows, or water, (by the which his friend died) rather worse for that, thē better. An other objection was, that he had erroneously, obstinately, and maliciously said (for so are their words) that the Church was too rich. This matter, I may tell you, touched somewhat the quick, and therefore no marvel though they counted it erroneous and malicious: for take away their gain, and farewell their religion. They also charged him to have refused holy water to be cast about his chamber, and likewise to have spoken against priests, with other vain matters.

THe greatest matter wherewith they burdened John Wikes, was that he had often and of long time kept company with diverse persons suspected of heresy (as they termed them) and had received them into his house, and there did suffer and hear them sundry times read erroneous and heretical books, contrary to the faith of the Romish Church, and did also himself consent unto their doctrine: and had many times secretly conveyed them from the taking of such as were appointed to apprehend them.

LIke as the greatest number of those before mentioned: so were also John Southake, Richard Butler, John Samme, William King, Robert Durdant, and Henry Woolmā, especially charged with speaking words against the real presence of Christ's body in the Sacrament of the Altar, and also against Images, and the rest of the seven Sacraments. Howbeit, they burdened the last v. persons with the reading of certain English heretical books, accounting most blasphemously the Gospel of Jesus Christ, writ̄ by the 4. Evangelists, to be of that number, as appeareth evidently by the 8. article objected by Tho. Benet Doctor of law, and Chancellor and vicar general unto Rich. Fitziames then Bish. of London, against the said Rich. Butler. The very words of which article (for a more declaration of truth) I have thought good here to infert: which are these. Also we object to you, that diverse times, and especially upon a certain night, about the space of three years last past, in Robert Durdantes house of Yuercourt near unto Stanes, you erroneously and damnably read in a great book of heresy of the said Robert Durdants, all that same night, certain chapters of the Evangelists in English, containing in them diverse erroneous and damnable opinions and conclusions of heresy, in the presence of the said Robert Durdant, John Butler, Robert Carder, Ienkin Butler, William King, and diverse other suspect persons of heresy then being present, and hearing your said erroneous lectours and opinions. To the same effect and purpose tended the tenor of some of the Articles propounded against the other four. Whereby (as also by others like before specified) we may easily judge what reverence they which yet will be counted the true and only Church of Christ, did bear to the word and Gospel of Christ: who shamed not to blaspheme the same with most horrible titles of erroneous and damnable opinions, and conclusions of heresy. But why should we marvel thereat, seeing the holy Ghost in sundry places of the Scripture doth declare, that in the latter days there should come such proud and cursed speakers, which shall speak lies through hypocrisy, and have their consciences marked with an hot iron? Let us therefore now thank our heavenly father for revealing them unto us, and let us also pray him, that of his free mercies in his son Christ Jesus, he would (if it be to his glory) either turn and mollify all such harts, or else (for the peace and quietness of his Church) he would in his righteous judgment take them from us.

About this time Richard Fitziames ended his life. After whose death, Cutbert Tunstall (afterwards Bishop of Durham) succeeded in the Sea and Bishoprike of London: who soon upon his first entry into the room, minding to follow rightly the footsteps of his predecessor, caused Edmund Spilman priest, Henry Chambers, John Higgins, and Thomas Eglestone, to be apprehended, and so to be examined upon sundry like Articles, as before are expressed, and in the end, either for fear of his cruelty, and the rigor of death, or else through hope of his flattering promises (such was their weakness) he compelled them to abjure and renounce their true professed faith touching the holy Sacrament of Christ's body and blood: which was, that Christ's corpall body was not in the sacrament, but in heaven, and that the Sacrament was a figure of his body, and not the body it self.

MOreouer, about the same time there were certain articles objected against John Hig, alias Noke, alias Johnson, by the said Bishops vicar general. Amongst which were these: First, that he had affirmed, that it was as lawful for a temporal mā to have two wives at once, as for a priest to have two benefices. Also that he had in his custody a book of the four Evangelists in English, and did often read therein: and that he favored the doctrines & opinions of Martin Luther, openly pronouncing that Luther had more learning in his little finger, then all y ^e doctors in England in their whole bodies: and that all the Priests in the Church were blind, and had led the people the wrong way. Likewise it was alleged against him, that he had denied Purgatory, and had said, that while he were alive he would do as much for him self as he could, for after his death he thought that prayer & alms deeds could little help him.

These and such like matters were they, wherewith these poor and simple men and women were chiefly charged, and as heinous heretics excommunicated, emprisoned, and at last compelled to recant: and some of them in utter shame and reproach (besides the ordinary bearing of fagots before the Cross in processiō, or else at a Sermon) were enjoined for penance (as they termed it) as well to appear once every year before their ordinary, as also to wear the sign of a fagot painted upon their sleeves or other part of their outward garment; and that during their lives, or so often and long as it pleased their ordinary to appoint. By which long rigorous and open punishing of them, they meant (as it should seem) utterly to terrify and keep back all others from the true knowledge of Jesus Christ and his Gospel. But the Lord be evermore praised, what effect their wicked purposes therein have takē, these our most lightsome days of God's glorious Gospel do most joyfully declare.

THere were also troubled beside these, certain others more simple and ignorant: who having but a very small smake or taste of the truth, did yet at the first (as it may seem) gladly consent unto the same: but being apprehended, they quickly again yielded, and therefore had only assigned them for their penance, the bearing of a little candle before the Cross, without any further opē abiuryng or recantyng. Amongest which I find two especially: the one, a woman called Elene Heyer, to whom it was objected that she had neither confessed her self unto the Priest, nor yet received the Sacrament of the altar by the space of 4. years, and notwithstanding had yearly eaten flesh at Easter, and after, as well as others that had received the same, contrary to the usual manner and conversation of all other Christian people.

The other was a mā named Robert Berkeway who (besides most wicked blasphemies against God, which he utterly denied) was charged to have spoken heinous words against the Popes holy and blessed Martyr Thomas Becket, calling him micher and thief, for that he wrought by crafts and imaginations.

Thus have I (as briefly as I could) summarely collected the principal Articles objected against these weak, infirm, and earthy vessels. Not minding hereby to excuse or condemn them in these their fearful falls and dangerous defections: but leaving them unto the immeasurable rich mercies of the Lord, I thought only to make manifest the vnsaciable bloody cruelty of y ^e Popes kingdom, against the Gospel and true Church of Christ, nothing mitigatyng their envious rage, no not against the very simple idiotes, and that sometime in most frivolous and irreligious cases. But now leaving to say any further herein, I will (by God's grace) go forthward with other somewhat serious matters.

The death and Martyrdom of William Swetyng, and John Brewster.

IN searchyng and perusing of the Register, for the collection of the names & Articles before recited, I find that within the compass of the same years, there were also some others, who after they had once shown themselves as frail & vnconstaūt as the rest (being either therewith pricked in conscience, or otherwise zealously overcome with the manifest truth of God's most sacred word) became yet again as earnest professors of Christ, as ever they were before, and for the same profession were the second time apprehended, examined, condemned, and in the end were most cruelly burned. Of the which number were, Williā Swetyng, and John Brewster, who were both burned together in Smithfield, the xviij. day of October in the year of our Lord. 1511. the chiefest case of religion alleged against them in their Articles, was their faith concerning the Sacrament of Christ's body and blood. Which because it differed from the absurd, gross, and Caparniticall opiniō of the new Scholemē, was counted as most heinous heresy. There were other things besides objected against them: as the reading of certain forbidden books, and accompanying with such persons as were suspected of heresy. But one great and heinous offense counted amongst the rest, was their putting & leaving of the paintyng fagots, which they were at their first abiuryng, enjoined to wear, as badges, during their lives, or so long as it should please their Ordinary to appoint, and not to leave them off, vpō pain of relapse, until they were dispensed withal for the same. The breach of this injunction was esteemed to be of no small weight, and yet the matter well & thoroughly considered, it seemeth by their confessions, they were both thereunto by necessity enforced. For the one, named Sweting, being for fear of the Bishops cruelty constrained to wander the countries to get his poor living, came at length unto Colchester, where by the parson of the parish of Mary Magdalene, he was provoked to be y ^e holy water clarke, and in that consideration had that infamous badge first taken away from him. The other (which was Brewster) left off his, at the commandment of the Controller of the Earl of Oxfordes house: who hiring the poor man to labor in the Earls household business, would not suffer him, working there, to wear that counterfeit cognisaunce any longer: so that (as I said) necessity of living seemeth to compel both of them at the first to break that injunction: and therefore if charity had borne as great sway in y ^e harts of the Popes Clergy, as did cruelty, this trifle would not have been so heinously taken, as to be brought against thē for an article and cause of condemnation to death. But where tyranny once taketh place, as well all godly love, as also all human reason & duties are quite forgotten. Well, to be short, what for y ^e causes before recited, as also for that they had once already abjured, and yet (as they term it) fell again into relapse, they were both (as you have heard) in the ende burned together in Smithfielde: although the same parties (as the Register recordeth) did again before their death, fearfully forsake their former revived constancy, and submitting themselves unto the discipline of the Romish Church, craved absolution from their excommunication. Howbeit, because many of the Registers notes & records in such cases may rightly be doubted of, and so called into questiō, I refer the certain knowledge hereof unto the Lord (who is the trier of all truths) and the external judgment unto the godly and discrete reader: Not forgetting yet by the way (if that the report should be true) upon so just an occasion to charge that catholic clergy & their wicked laws, with a more shameless tyranny & uncharitable cruelty thē before. For if they nothing stay their bloody malice towards such as so willingly submit themselves unto their mercies: what favor may the faithful and constant professors of Christ look for at their hands? I might here also ask of them how they follow the pitiful and loving admonitiō, (or rather precept) of our Savior Christ (whose true and only Church they so stoutly brag to be) who in the 17. chapt. of S. Luke, saith: Though thy brother sin against thee seven times in a day, and seven times in a day turn to thee, saying, It repenteth me: thou shalt forgive him. But what go I about to allure them unto the following of the rule and counsel of him, unto whose word and Gospel they seem most open and utter enemies? Wherefore, not purposing to stay any longer thereupon, I will leave thē unto the righteous reuengemēt of the Lord, whereunto let us now here adioine the story of one John Brown, a good Martyr of the Lord burnt at Ashford, about this fourth year of King Henry the eight, whose story heereunder followeth.

John Brown father to Richard Brown, which Richard was in prison in Canterbury, and should have been burned with two more besides himself, the next day after the death of Queen Mary, but by the proclaiming of Queen Elizabeth, they escaped.

THe occasion of the first trouble of this John Brown, was by a priest sitting in Grauesend barge. I. Brown being y ^e same time in the barge, came & sat hard by him, whereupon after certain cōmunicatiō, the Priest asked him, doest thou know (said he) who I am, thou sitst too near me, thou sitst on my clothes. No sir (said he) I know not what you are. I tell thee I am a Priest. What sir, are ye a Person or Uicar, or a Ladies Chaplen. No (quoth he) again, I am a soul priest, I sing for a soul, saith he. Do ye so sir quoth the other, that is well done. I pray you sir, (quoth he) where find you y ^e soul when you go to Mass. I cannot tell thee, said the Priest. I pray you where do you leave it sir whē the Mass is done. I cannot tell thee said the Priest. Neither can you tell where you find it when you go to Mass, nor where you leave it when the Mass is done, how can you then have the soul said he. Go thy ways said y ^e Priest, thou art an heretic, and I will be even with thee. So at the landing, the Priest taking w ^t him Water More, and William More, two Gentlemen brethren, rode straightwaies to the Archb. Warham, wheruppon the said John Brown within three days after, his wife being churched the same day, & he bringing in a mess of pottage to the board to his guests, was sent for, and his feet bound under his own horse, & so brought up to Cant. neither his wife, nor he, nor any of his, knowing whether he went, nor whether he should. And there continuing frō Lowsonday to y ^e friday before Whitsonday, not knowing to his wife all this while where he was. He was set in the stocks over night, and on the morrow went to death, and was burned at Ashford, an. 1517. The same night as he was in the stocks at Ashford, where he & his w •• e dwelt, his wife then hearing of him, came & sat by him all y ^e night before he should be burned, to whom he declaring y ^e whole story how he was handled, shown & told how y ^t he could not set his feet to the ground, for they were burned to the bones, and told her how by the two Bishops, Warham, & Fisher, his feet were heat upon the hot coals, & burnt to the bones, to make me said he to deny my Lord, which I will never do, for if I should deny my Lord in this world, he would hereafter deny me. I pray thee, said he, therefore good Elizabeth, continue as thou hast begun, and bring up thy childrē virtuously & in the fear of God, & so y ^e next day on Whitsonday evē, this godly Martyr was burned. Stāding at y ^e stake this prayer he made holding up his hands,

Ex testimonio Aliciae Brown eius filiae, cuius mariti nomen dicebatur strat. in pa • rochia S. Pulchri.

At the fire, the said Chilten the Bayly Arrant, bade cast in his children also, for they would spring (said he) of his ashes.

This blessed Martyr John Brown had borne a fagot seven years before in the days of King Henry the 7.

As it is the property of Sathā ever to malice the prosperous estate of the Saints of God, & true professors of Christ: so ceaseth he not continually to stir up his wicked menbers to the effectual accomplishyng of that which his envious nature so greedily desireth: if not always openly by color of tyrannical laws, yet (at the leastwise) by some subtle practice of secret murder. Which thing doth most plainly appear not only in a great number of the blessed Martyrs of Christ's Church, mentioned in this book, but also, and especially in the discourse of this lamentable history that now I have in hand, concerning the secrete & cruel murderyng of Richard Hunne, whose story here consequently ensueth, decerped and collected partly out of the Registers of London, partly out of a Bill exhibited and denounced in the Parliament house.

The story of Richard Hunne.

THere was in the year of our Lord. 1514. one Richard Hunne marchaūt Taylor, dwelling within the City of London, & freeman of the same, who was esteemed during his life, & worthily reputed and taken, not only for a man of true dealing, and good substance, but also for a good Catholic mā. This Richard Hunne had a child at nourse in Middlesex in the Parish of S. Mary Matsilon, which died: by the occasion whereof one Thomas Drifield Clerke, being Parson of the said Parish, sued y ^e said Richard Hunne in the spiritual Court for a bearing sheet, which the said Thom. Drifield claimed unjustly to have of the said Hunne for a mortuary for Steuē Hunne, son of the said Richard Hunne: which Steuē being at nourse in the said Parish, died being of the age of .v. weeks and not above. Hunne answered him again, that for as much as the child had no propriety in the sheet, he therefore neither would pay it, nor the other ought to have it. Whereupō the Priest moved with a covetous desire, & loath to lose his pretended right, ascited him to appear in the spiritual Court, there to aūswear the matter. Whereupon the said Rich. Hunne being troubled in the spiritual Court, was forced to seek counsel of the learned in the law of this land, & pursued a writ of Premunire against the said Thomas Drifield, and other his aiders, counselors, proctors, and adherents, as by the process thereof is yet to be seen. Which whē the rest of the Priestly order heard of, greatly disdaynyng that any lay man should so boldly enterprise such a matter against any of thē, & fearing also, that if they should now suffer this Priest to be condemned at the suit of Hunne, there would be thereby ever after, a liberty opened unto all others of the laity to do the like with the rest of the Clergy in such like cases: they straightways, both to stop this matter, and also to be revenged of him, for that he had already done, sought all means they possibly could, how to entrap and bring him within the danger of their own cruel laws: and thereupon making secret and diligent inquisition, & seeking all corners they could against him, at length they found a means how to accuse him of heresy unto Richard Fitziames then Bishop of London, and so did: Who (desirious to satisfy the revenging and bloody affection of his chaplaynes) caused thereupon him to be apprehended, and committed unto prison within the Lolards Tower at Paul's, so that none of his friends might be suffered to come to him. Thus Richard Hunne being clapt in the Lolards Tower, shortly after, at the earnest instigation of one Doctor Horsey the Bishops Chancelor (a man more ready to prefer the Clergies cruel tyranny, then the truth of Christ's Gospel) was brought before the Bishop at his manour of Fulham, the second day of December, in the year before mentioned: where within his Chapel he examined him upon these Articles following, collected against him by the said Horsey and his complices.

First, that he had read, taught, preached, published, and obstinately defended, against the laws of almighty God: that tithes, or payeng of tithes was never ordained to be due, saving only by the covetousness of priests.

2 Item, that he had read, taught, preached, published, and obstinately defended: that Bishops and Priests be the Scribes and Pharisees that did crucify Christ, and damned him to death.

3 Item, that he had read, taught, preached, &c. that Bishops and Priests be teachers and preachers, but no doers, neither fulfillers of the law of God, but catching, ravening, and all things taking, and nothing ministering, neither giving.

4 Item, where and when one Ioanne Baker was detected and abjured of many great heresies (as it appeareth by her abjuration) the said Richard Hunne said, published, taught, preached, and obstinately took upon him, saying, that he would defend her and her opinions, if it cost him five hundred marks.

5 Item, afterwards (where and when the said Ioanne Baker after her abjuration, was enjoined open penance according to her demerits) the said Richard Hunne said, published, taught, and obstinately did defend her, saying: the Bishop of London and his officers have done open wrong to the said Ioanne Baker, in punishing her for heresy: for her sayengs and opinions be according to the laws of God: Wherefore the Bishop and his officers are more worthy to be punished for heresy, then she is.

6 Item, that the said Richard Hunne hath in his keeping diverse English books, prohibited and damned by the law: as the Apocalypse in English, Epistles and Gospels in English, Wycliffe's damnable works, and other books containing infinite errors, in the which he hath been long time accustomed to read, teach, and study daily.

Particular answer unto these several objections, in the Register I find none, saving that next under them, there is written in his name with a contrary hand, these words following: As touching these Articles, I have not spoken them as they be here laid: Howbeit; unadvisedly I have spoken words somewhat sounding to the same: for the which I am sory, and ask God mercy, and submit me unto my Lord's charitable and favorable correction. Which they affirm to be written with Huns own hand: but how likely to truth that is, let the discrete wisdom of the reader indifferently judge by the whole sequel of this process. And further, if it were his own act, what occasion then had they so cruelly to murder him as they did? seeing he had already so willingly confessed his fault, and submitted himself unto the charitable and favorable correction of the Bishop (for the which even by their own law, in cases of most heinous heresy, he ought to be again received and pardoned, (except perhaps they will account horrible murder, to be but the Bishops favorable correction. Again it seemeth they had very few credible witnesses to prove certainly that this was his answer and handwriting: for the Register, or some other for him (appointed to record the same) hath certified it, as of hearsay from others, and not of his own proper sight and knowledge, as the words noted in the margent of the book, adioining to the foresaid answer, plainly do declare, which are these: Hoc fuit scriptum manu propria Richardi Hunne, vt dicitur. Now if he had had any sure ground to stablish this certificate, I doubt not, but he would (in steed of, vt dicitur ) have registered the names of the assistants at the time of his examination, (which he confesseth to be many) as generally they do in all their acts, especially in cases of heresy, as they term it. But how scrupulous those good fellows that spared not so shamelessly to murder him, would be to make a lie of him that was already dead, let (as I said) the indifferent judgment of the godly wise discern.

This examination ended, the Bishop sent him back again the same day, unto the Lolardes tower: and then by the appointment of Doctor Horsey his Chancelor, he was colourably committed from the custody of Charles Joseph the Sumner, unto John Spalding the belringer, a man, by whose simplenes in wit (though otherwise wicked) the subtle Chancelor thought to bring his devilish pretended homicide the easlier to pass: which most cruelly he did by his ministers suborned, within two nights then next following accomplish: as is plainly proved hereafter by the diligent inquiry and final verdict of y ^e Crowner of

London, and his inquest, made by order of the laws in that behalf limited. But when this usual practice of the Papists was once accomplished, there wanted then no secret shifts, nor worldly wyles for the crafty colouring of this mischief: and therefore the next morning after they had in the night committed this murder, John Spalding (I doubt not but by the counsel of his master Chancelor) gat himself out of the way, into the City, and leaving the keys of the prison with one of his fellows, willed him to deliver them unto the Sumners boy, which accustomably did use to carry Hunne his meat, and other necessaries that he needed: thinking that the boy, first finding the prisoner dead, and hanged in such sort as they left him, they might (by his relation) be thought free from any suspicion of this matter. Which thing happened in the beginning almost as they wished. For the boy the same morning (being the fourth day of December) having the keys delivered him, accompanied with two other of the Bishops Sumners, went about x. of the clock into the prison, to serve the prisoner, as he was wont to do, and when they came up, they found him hanged with his face towards the wall. Wherupon they (astonished at this sight) gave knowledge thereof immediately unto the Chancelor, being then in the Church, and watching, I suppose, of purpose, for such news: who forthwith gat unto him certain of his colleagues, and went with them into the prison, to see that which his own wicked conscience knew full well before, as was afterwards plainly proved, although then he made a fair face to the contrary, blasing abroad among the people, by their officers and servants, that Hunne had desperately hanged himself. Howbeit, the people having good experience as well of the honest life and godly conversation of the man, as also of the devilish malice of his adversaries the Priests, judged rather that by their procurement he was secretly murdered. Wherof arose great contention: for the Bishop of London on the one side, taking his clergies part, affirmed stoutely that Hunne had hanged himself. The Citizens again on the other side, vehemently suspecting some secret murder, caused the Crowner of London (according to law) to choose an inquest, and to take good view of the dead body, and so to try out the truth of the matter. Whereby the Bishop and his chapleines were then drivē to y ^e extremity of shifts: & therefore minding by some subtle show of justice, to stop the mouths of the people, they determined that in the mean while as the inquest was occupied about their charge, the Bishop should for his part, proceed Ex officio, in case of heresy, against the dead person: supposing (most like) that if the party were once condemned of heresy, the inquest durst not then but find him guilty of his own death, and so clearly acquit them from all the former suspicion of privy murder. This determinatiō of theirs they did immediately put in practice in order as followeth.

First, besides the Articles before mentioned (which they affirm were objected against him in his life time) D. Hed did now also after his death, collect certain others out of the prologue of his English Bible, remaining then in the Bishops hands: which he diligently perused, not to learn any good thing therein, but to get thereout such matter, as he thought might best serve their cursed purpose: as appeareth by the tenure of the Articles, which are these.

1 First the said book damneth all holy Canons, calling them ceremonies and statutes of sinful men and vncunning, and calleth the Pope Sathanas and Antichrist.

2 Item, it damneth the Popes Pardons, saying, they be but leasings.

3 Item, the said book of Hunne saith, that Kings and Lord's called Christian in name, and heathen in conditions, defoyle the Sanctuary of God, bringing clerks full of covetise, heresy, and malice, to stop God's law that it cannot be known, kept, and freely preached.

4 Item, the said book saith, that Lord's and Prelates pursue full cruelly them that would teach truly and freely the law of God: and cherish them that preach sinful men's traditions and statutes, by the which he meaneth the holy Canons of Christ's Church.

5 Item, that poor men and idiotes have the truth of the holy Scriptures, more then a thousand Prelates and religious men, and clerks of the school.

6 Item, that Christian Kings and Lord's set Idols in God's house, and excite the people to Idolatry.

7 Item, that Princes, Lord's, and Prelates so doing, be worse then Herod that pursued Christ, and worse then Jews and heathen men that crucified Christ.

8 Item, that every man swearing by our Lady, or any other Saint or creature, giveth more honor to the saints, then to the holy Trinity, and so he saith they be idolaters.

9. Item, he saith that Saints ought not to be honored.

10. Item, he damnethe adoratiō, prayer, kneeling, & offering to Images, which he calleth stocks and stones.

11. Item, he saith, that the very body of the Lord is not contained in the Sacrament of the alter, but that men receiving it, shall thereby keep in mind that Christ's flesh was wounded and crucified for us.

12. Item, he dāneth the University of Oxford, with all degrees and faculties in it, as Art, Ciuile, Canō, and Divinity, saying, that they let the true way to come to the knowledge of the laws of God, and holy Scripture.

13. Item, he defendeth the translation of the Bible and holy Scripture into the English tongue, which is prohibited by the laws of our mother holy Church.

These Articles thus collected, as also the others before specified, they caused for a more show of their pretended justice and innocence, to be openlie read the next Sunday following by the Preacher at Paul's Cross, with this Protestation made before.

Masters and friends, for certain causes and considerations, I have in commandment to rehearse, show, & publish here unto you, the Articles of heresy, vpō which Richard Hunne was detected and examined: and also other great Articles and damnable points and opinions of heresy contained in some of his books be common to light and knowledge, here ready to be shown.

And therewith he read the Articles openly unto the people, concludyng with these words:

And masters, if there be any man desirous to see the specialty of these Articles, or doubt whether they be contained in this book or not, for satisfying of his mind, let him come to my Lord of London, and he shall see it with good will. Moreover, here I counsel and admonish, that if there be any persons, that of their simplenes have been familiar and acquainted with the said Richard Hunne in these Articles, or have heard him read upon this book, or any other soūdyng to heresy, or have any like books their selves, let them come unto my Lord of London betwixt this and Candlemasse next, and knowledge their fault, & they shall be charitably entreated and dealt withal, so that both their goods and honesty shall be saved: & if they will not come of their own offer, but abide the process of the law, then at their own peril be it, if the rigor of the law be executed against them.

After which open publication & admonition, the Bishop at sundry times examined diverse of his Priests, and other lay persons upon the contents of both these Articles. Among which examinates, there was a man servant and a maid of the said Huns, who although they had of long dwelt with him, were not able to charge him with any great thing worthy reprehēsion: no, not in such points as the Bishop chiefly objected, against him. But yet the Priests (through whose procurement this mischief was first begun) spared no whit stoutly and maliciously to accuse him: some in the contents of the first Articles, & some in the second. Wherefore having now (as they thought) sufficient matter against him, they purposed speedily to proceed to his condemnation. And because they would seem to do all things formally, and by prescript order, they first drew out certain short and summary rules, by the which the Bishop should be directed in this solemn Session: which are these.

1. First, let the Bishop sit in his tribunal seat, in our Ladies Chapel.

2. Secondly, let him recite the cause of his coming, and take Notaryes to him, to enact that shall be there done.

3. Thirdly, let him declare, how upon Sunday last, at Paul's Cross, he caused to be published a general monition, or denunciation, that all fautours and mainteyners of Richard Hunne, should come in, as by this day, & submit themselves: and let him signify withal, how certain have come in, and have appeared already.

4. Fourthly, let him protest & say, that if there remain any yet behind which have not appeared according to the former monition and denunciation: yet if they will come, and appear, and submit themselves, they shall be heard & received with grace and favor.

5. Fifthly, let the Bishop or some other at his appointment, recite the Articles objected against Richard Hunne, in the time of his life: and thē the other Articles likewise, which were out of his great book of the Bible extracted.

6. Sixthly, let the answers and confessions of the said Richard Hunne, summarely be recited, with the Attestatiōs made to the same Articles. Also let his books be exhibited, and thē Thomas Brooke his servant be called for.

7. Seuently, let it be openly cried at the Quere door, that if there be any which will defend the articles, opinions, books, or the memory of the said Richard Hunne, let them come and appear, and they shall be heard, as the law in that behalf shall require.

8 Eighthly, let it be openly cried, as in manner before, for such as be receivers, favorers, defenders, or believers of the said Richard Hunne, that all such do appear and submit themselves to the Bishop, or else he intendeth to proceed to the excommunication of them in general, according to the exigence of the law in that behalf.

9 Ninthly, then the Bishop speaking to the standers by, and to them which sat with him upon the bench, of the Clergy, demanding of them, what their judgment and opinion is, touching y ^e premisses, and whether they think it convenient and agreeable for him to proceed to the sentence against the said Richard Hunne, in this parte to be awarded.

10 Tenthly, after their consent and counsel given, let the Bishop read out the sentence.

11 Finally, after the sentence read, let the Bishop appoint the publication and denunciation of the foresaid sentence, to be read at Paul's Cross or elsewhere, as to him shall seem expedient, with a Citation likewise generally against all them that be receivers, favorers, and believers of the said Hunne, to give to understand why he ought not farther to proceed against them, &c.

Now according to the tenure of these prescriptes and rules, the Bishop of London accompanied with the Bishops of Durham and Lincoln, sat in judgment the xvj. day of December, then next following, within the place by the same appointed: adioining also unto them as witnesses of their proceedings, six public Notaries, his own Register, and about xxv. Doctors, Abbots, Priours and Priests of name, with a great rabble of other common annointed Catholics. Where after a solemn proclamatiō made, that if there were any that would defend the opinion • and books of Rich. Hunne, they should presently appear, and be heard according to law, he commanded all the Articles and objections against Hunne, openly to be read before the assembly: and then perceyuing that none durst appear in his defense, by the advise of his assistants, he pronounced the sentence definitive against the dead carcass, condemning it of heresy, and therewith committed the same unto the secular power, to be by them burned accordingly. Which ridiculous decree was as fondly accomplished in Smithfield the xx. day of the same month of December (being full xvj. days after they had thus horribly murdered him) to the great grief and disdain of all the people. And because the Bishop in his sentence definitive useth a more formal and ample order of words, then accustomably is used in others: and also pretendeth full hypocritically in the beginning (as it were by way of induction) diverse causes that moved him to proceed against the dead carcass: I thought therefore good, here to insert the same, as a final conclusion of their crafty coloured tragedy: the tenure whereof is this.

IN Dei nomine, Amen. Cum nuper (pendente sacra synodo & generali prelatorum & cleri prouinciae Cantuariensis conuocatione, in ecclesia nostra Cathedrali sancti Pauli London, per prelatos & clerum prouinciae Cantuariensis actualiter ibidem exercita) contigisset quod quidam Richardus Hune de parochia sanctae Margaretae in Brigestrete Lond. de & super crimine hereticae prauitatis notatus & diffamatus extitisset: Reuerendiss. in Christo pater & dominus dominus Wilhelmus miseratione diuina Cantuariensis Arciepiscopus, totius Angliae primas, & Apostolicae sedis Legatus, ipsius venerabilis caetus & conuocationis caput & praesidens, ex vehemētibus & violentis (quas contra eundem Richardum Hune super heretica prauitate tūc habebat) presumptionibus contra eundē Richardum, debitam facere inquisitionem cupiens, vt (si ration heresis huiusmodi menbrum fuisset a corpore Christi mistico precisum) ipsum ad caput & corpus (id est Christum, sanctae{que} matris ecclesie vnitatē) per salutaria monita & condignam poenitentiam reuocaret & reduceret: ne idem Richardus inter simplices & deuotas Christi fidelium & catholicorum animas coerrando, & zizania heretica seminando, fidelium mentes macularet & inficeret, & sinistris ac peruersis assertionibus & opinionibus, a veritatis semita & vera fide Christiana aberrare faceret: ad effectum citandi eum ad comparendum coram dicto reuerendissimo patre & domino Archiepiscopo, suis{que} coepiscopis & suffraganeis ceteris{que} illius concionis sieve sacrae Synodi praelatis super praemissis responsurum perquiri fecit & mandauit. Verum idem Richardus apprehendi non potuit. Vnde dictus reuerendissimus pater suum tam pium, tam sanctum & laudabile propositum ad effectum perducere nō potuit. Quod cum nos Richardus permissione diuina Londinensis Episcopus, dicti Richardi ordinarius (cui etiam tanquam de heresi suspectus idē Richardus a multis retroactis temporibus delatus & detectus extiterat) intellexerimus, non volentes nec audentes praedicta facinora silentio & conniuentibus oculis pertransire & pretermittere, ne ob nostram negligentiam & torporem sanguis eius in districto examine, sieve Dei iudicio, de manibus nostris requiratur) volentes cerciorari & informari an ea quae de ipso & contra eum nobis delata & dicta fuerant, veritate aliqua fulcitentur, & an in luce vel in tenebris ambularet, ne fortasse ouis morbida existens, innocuas animas gregis dominici pestifera heresi corrumperet & inficeret, ad informandum animum nostrum, ipsum coram nobis vocandū, & super praemissis diligenter interrogandum & examinandum, omnia{que} faciendū quae secundū canonicas sanctiones erant facienda (eius animā pio & paterno zelantes affectu) descendimus & properauimus: contra quem, obiectis iudicialiter, & propositis publice in iudicio articulis, de & super quibus nobis (vt praefertur) delatus, detectus & notatus fuerat. Quos per venerabilem virum magistrū Iohannem Downam hic publice iam lectos, pro hic lectis & insertis habemus & habeti volumus: habitis{que} & receptis ad eosdē articulos responsionibus & cōfessionibus suis. Deinde testes fide dignos de & super eisdem articulis & alijs contra dictum Richardū in debita iuris forma recepimus, admisimus, & diligenter examinari fecimus: proposito{que} nuper per nos verbo Dei ad crucē diui pauli, eius detestabiles hereses & errores, in articulis & libris suis, quibus vsus est, comprehensas, in eius & ipsorū detestationē & damnationē publicantes, atque publice recitantes, populo in magna multitudine ibidē tunc congregato, notificauimus & intimauimus. Quod isto die contra eundē Richardum, tanquam contra haereticum, ad ipsius{que} condemnationē & excōmunicationē in specie, ad alia{que} in hac parte requisita, necnon ad excōmunicationem receptato • ū, defensorū, fautorum, & credentiū ipsius in genere, iuxta canonicas sanctiones, sanctorum patrum decreta, & omnem iuris vigorem & dispositionē, deo duce, procedere intendebamus monitionem{que} sieve denuntiationem quandam generalē dedimus & fecimus tunc ibidem, videl. quod si qui fuerint eius receptatores, defensores, fautores, & credentes, quod citra hunc diem ad nos & sanctae matris ecclesiae gremium redirent, & se submitterent: quod si facerent (de misericordia omnipotentis Dei confisi) polliciti sumus quod ipsos de erroribus & reatibus suis huiusmodi poenitentes cum gratia, benignitate, misericordia, & fauore, ad animarum suarum solatiū & salutem reciperimus, quodque honestatem eorum pro posse seruaremus in hac parte. Alioquin si sic sponte venire non curarent, sed iuris ordinarium processum expectarent: scirent nos hoc admissum aduersus eos seuerius executuros, in quantū iura permitterent. Adueniente ita{que} iam die isto, ad premissa & infra scripta facienda (sic vt prefertur) per nos prefixo, nos Richardus episcopus antedictus, in negotio inquisitionis haereticae prauitatis predictae legitime procedentes, volentes{que} huiusmodi negotiū sine debito terminare, solenne consiliū tam in sacra theologica facultate, quam iure canonico & ciuili doctorum, & hunc venerabilem coetum cleri & populi coram nobis fecimus congregari: & visis, auditis, intellectis, rimatis, ac diligēter & matura deliberatione discussis meritis & circumstantijs negotij memorati, actis{que} & actitatis in eodem productis & deductis praedictorū, digesto & maturo cōsilio (cum nullus appareat contradictor seu defensor, qui dicti Richardi opiniones, articulos, & memoriam defendere velit) solū Deū oculis nostris proponentes, ad sententiam nostram contra eum, eius opiniones & libros, receptatores{que}, fautores, defensores, & creed̄tes, se nobis iuxta tenorem & formam monitionis & denuntiationis nostrarū praedictarū minime submittentes, nec ad gremium sanctae matris ecclesiae redire curantes, licet quidam saluationis pij filij citra monitionem & denuntiationem nostras predictas ad nos venerunt, & se submiserunt, quos cum gratia & fauore recepimus, in hac parte ferendam, sic duximus procedendū & procedimus in hūc qui sequitur modum. Quia per acta actitata, inquisita, deducta, confess • ata & probata, necnon per vehementes & vrgentes praesumptiones, & iudicia perspicua conperimus luculenter, & inuenimus dictū Richardum Hune crimine haereticae prauitatis multipliciter irretitum, at{que} haereticum fuisse & esse, nonnullas{que} opiniones & assertiones detestabiles & heresies damnatas, dum in humanis agebat & vitales caperet auras, affirmasse, proposuisse & recitasse, libris{que} suspectis & de iure damnatis, & nonnullas heresies pestiferas in se continentibus vsum fuisse, receptis{que}, admissis & examinatis testibus per commissarios ad hoc deputatos de & super impoenitentia finali, partinacia, & obitu dicti Richardi Hune: Idcirco nos Richardus Episcopus antedictus, seruatis seruandis (prout in tali negotio postulat ordo iuris) dicti Richardi Hune impoenitentia ac finali obstinatia & pertinacia, per euidentia signa testibus legitimis vehemētissimis & violentis praesumptionibus cōprobatis, prout iam corā nobis legitime extitit facta fides, edicto apud crucem diui Pauli, die dominico vltimo praeterito, ad audiendū & per nos ferendū sent̄tiam, ad hunc diem per nos publice facto & proposito. paopterea de huius venerabilis coetus (videlicet reuerendorum patrū, dominorū Thomae Dunelmensis, & Willihelmi Lincolniensis, ac Johannes Calipolensis Episcoporū, necnon in sacra theologia, decretorū, & legum doctorū, & cleri, at{que} proborum & venerabilium virorū dodomini Maioris, Aldermanorū, & Vicecomitum ciuitatis London. & populi hic congregato • um, & nobis in hac parte assidentium & assistentium, consensu, assensu, & consilio, eundem Richardum Hunne diuersarum haeresium libris dum vixit vsum fuisse, ac notorium & pertinacem impoenitentem haereticum fuisse, ac in heresy decessisse, atque consciencia criminis & metu futurae sētentiae animo pertinaci & impoenitenti, cord indurato obijsse & decessisse, praemissorum{que} praetextu de iure excommunicatum fuisse & esse, at{que} in excommunicatione huiusmodi decessisse, ipsius{que} rec • ptatores, fautores, defensores, & credentes etiam in genere de iure excommunicatos, at{que} sententia maioris excommunicationis innodatos & inuolutos fuisse & esse pronuntiamus decernimus, & declaramus: ipsum Richardum Hunne & libros suos haereticos de iure damnatos, suam{que} ac librorum ipsorum memoriā in detestationem & damnationem sceleris & criminis huiusmodi condemnamus: dictum{que} Richardum Hunne (ob premissa) ecclesiastica carere debere sepultura sententiamus, etiam pronunciamus, decernimus, & declaramus, & in foro ecclesiastico tanquam membrum putridum proijcimus, corpus{que} suum & ossa brachio & potestati seculari relinquimus & committimus: iuxta & secundum canonicas & legitimas sanctiones, consuetudines{que} laudabiles in regno Angliae ab antiquo vsitatas & obseruatas, in opprobrium sempiternum & detestationem criminis nephandissimi predicti, ad eternam{que} huius rei memoriam, caeterorum{que} Christi fidelium metum at{que} terrorem, per hanc nostram sententiam sieve finale decretum, quam sieve quod ferimus & promulgamus in his scriptis.

Notwithstanding, after all this tragical & cruel handling of the dead body, with their • air and colorable show of justice, yet the inquest no whit stayed their diligent searching out of the true cause and means of his death. In so much that when they had been diverse times called both before the kings privy counsel (his majesty himself being sometime present) & also before the chief Judges and Justices of this realm, & that the matter being by thē thoroughly examined & perceived to much bolstered & borne withal by the clergy, was again wholly remitted unto their determination and ending: they found by good proof and sufficient evidence, that Doctor Horsey the Chancellor, Charles Joseph the Sumner, and John Spalding the Belringer had privily & maliciously committed this murder, and therefore indicted them all three as willful murderers. Howbeit, through the earnest suit of the Bishop of London, unto Cardinal Woolsey (as appeareth by his letters hereafter mentioned) means was found, that at the next Sessions of Gayle delivery, the kings Attorney pronounced the indicement against D. Horsey to be false & untrue: and him not to be guilty of the murder. Who being then thereby delivered in body, having yet in himself a guilty conscience, gat him unto Exeter, and durst never after for shame come again unto London. But now that 〈◊〉 truth of all this matter may seem more manifest and plain unto all men's eyes, here shall follow word by word, the whole inquiry and verdict of the inquest, exhibited by them unto the Crowner of Londō, so given up and signed with his own hand.

The Verdict of the inquest.

THe fifth and the sixte day of December, in the sixte year of the reign of our sovereign Lord king Henry the eight, William Barnewel Crowner of London, the day and year abovesaid, with in the ward of Castelbaynard of London assembled a quest, whose names afterward do appear, and hath sworn them truly to inquire of the death of one Richard Hunne, which lately was found dead in the Lollards Tower within Paul's Church of London: whereupon all we of the inquest together went up into the said Tower, where we found the body of the said Hunne hanging upon a staple of iron in a gyrdle of silk, with fair countenance, his head fair kemmed, and his bonet right sitting upon his head, with his eyne and mouth fair closed, without any staring, gaping, or frowning, also without any driueling or spurging in any place of his body, whereupon by one assent all we agreed to take down the dead body of the said Hunne, and as soon as we began to heave the body, it was loose, whereby by good advisement we perceived that the gyrdle had no knot about the staple, but it was double cast, and the linckes of an iron chain which did hang on the same staple, were laid upon the same gyrdle whereby he did hang: Also the knot of the gyrdle that went about his neck, stood under his left ear, which caused his head to lean towards his right shoulder. Notwithstanding there came out of his nostrils two small streams of blood, to the quantitye of four drops. Save only these four drops of blood, the face, lips, chin, doublet, collar, and shyrt of the said Hunne, was clean from any blood. Also we find that the skin both of his neck and throat beneath the gyrdle of silk, was frette and faled away, with that thing which the murderers had broken his neck withal. Also the hands of the said Hunne were wrong in the wristes, whereby we perceived that his hands had been bo • d. Moreover we find that within the said prison was no mean whereby a man might hang himself, but only a stool, which stool stood upon a bolster of a bed, so tickle, that any man or beast might not touch it so little, but it was ready to fall. Whereby we perceived that it was not possible that Hunne might hang himself, the stool so standing. Also all the gyrdle from the staple to his neck, as well as the part which went about his neck, was too little for his head to come out thereat. Also it was not possible that the soft silken gyrdle should break his neck or skin beneathe the gyrdle. Also we find in a corner somewhat beyond the place where he did hange, a great parcel of blood. Also we find upon the left side of Huns Iacket frō the breast downward, two great streams of blood. Also within the flap of the left side of his Iacket, we find a great cluster of blood, and the Iacket folden down thereupon: which thing the said Hunne could never fold nor do after he was hanged. Whereby it appeareth plainly to us all, that the neck of Hunne was broken, and the great plenty of blood was shed before he was hanged. Wherefore all we find by God and all our consciences, that Richard Hunne was murdered. Also we acquit the said Richard Hunne of his own death.

Also there was an end of a wax candle, which as John Belringer saith, he left in the prison burning with Hunne that same Sunday at night that Hunne was murdered, which wax candle we found sucking upon the stocks fair put out, about seven or eight foot from the place where Hunne was hanged, which candle after our opinion was never put out by him, for many likelyhoods which we have perceived. Also at the going up of master Chancellor into the Lollards tower: we have good proof that there lay on the stocks a gown either of Murrey or Crimosin in grayne furred with shanks. Whose gown it was we could never prove, neither who bare it away. All we find that Mayster William Horsey Chancellor to my Lord of London, hath had at his commandment both the rule and guiding of the said prisoner. Moreover, all we find that the said master Horsey Chancellor hath put Charles Joseph out of his office, as the said Charles hath confessed, because he would not deal and use the said prisoner so cruelly, and do to him as the Chancellor would have had him to do. Notwithstanding the deliverance of the keys to the Chancellor by Charles on the Saturday at night before Huns death, and Charles riding out of the town on that Sunday in the morning ensuing, was but a conuention made betwixt Charles and the Chancellor for to color the murder. For the same Sunday that Charles rode forth, he came again to the town at night, and killed Richard Hunne, as in the depositions of Julian Littel, Thomas Chicheley, Thomas Simondes, and Peter Turner do appear.

After colouring of the murder betwixt Charles and the Chancellor conspired, the Chancellor called to him one John Spalding Belringer of Paul's, and delivered to the same Belringer the keys of the Lollards tower, giving to the said Belringer a great charge, saying: I charge thee to keep Hunne more straitly then he hath been kept, and let him have but one meal a day. Moreover I charge thee, let nobody come to him without my license, neither to bring him shirt, cap, kirchiefe, or any other thing, but that I see it before it come to him. Also before Hunne was carried to Fulham, the Chancellor commanded to be put upon Huns neck a great collar of iron with a great chain, which is too heavy for any man or beast to wear, & long to endure.

Moreover, it is well proved, that before Huns death, the said Chancellor came up into the said Lollards tower, and kneeled down before Hunne, holding up his hands to him, praying him of forgiveness of all that he had done to him, and must do to him. And on Sunday following the Chancellor commanded the Penitensary of Paul's to go up to him, and say a Gospel, and make for him holy water and holy bread, and give it to him, which so did: and also the Chancellor commanded that Hunne should have his dinner. And the same dinner time Charles boy was shut in prison with Hunne, which was never so before: and after dynner when the Belringer fet out the boy, the Belringer said to the same boy, come no more hither with meat for him, until tomorow at noon, for my master Chancellor hath commanded that he shall have but one meal a day: and the same night following Richard Hunne was murdered: which murder could not have been done without consent and license of the Chancellor, and also by the writing and knowledge of John Spalding Belringer: for there could no man come into the prison, but by the keys being in John Belringers keeping. Also as by my Lord of Londons book doth appear, John Belringer is a poor innocent man. Wherefore all we do perceive that this murder could not be done, but by the commandment of the Chancellor, and by the witting and knowing of John Belringer.

Charles Joseph within the tower of Lond. of his own free will & vnconstrayned said, that master Chancellor devised & wrote with his own hand, all such heresies as were laid to Huns charge, record John God, John True, John Pasmere, Richard Gibson, with many other. Also Charles Joseph saith, that when Richard Hunne was slain, John Belringer bare up the steyre into Lollards tower a wax candle, having the keys of the door hanging on his arm, and I Charles went next to him, and master Chancellor came up last: and when all we came up, we found Hunne lying on his bed: and then master Chancellor said, lay hands on the thief, and so all we murdered Hunne: & then I Charles put the gyrdle about Huns neck, and then John Belringer and I Charles did heue up Hunne, and Mayster Chancellor pulled the gyrdle over the staple and so Hunne was hanged.

The Deposition of Julian Littel late servant to Charles Joseph by her free will vnconstrayned, the 6. yere of our sovereign Lord king Henry the eight, within the Chapel of our Lady of Bethlehem, shown to the Inquest.

FFrst Julian saith, that the wednesday at night after the death of Richard Hunne, Charles Joseph her Mayster came home to his supper: then Julian said to him, Mayster, it was told me that ye were in prison. Charles answered. It is merry to turn the penny: and after supper Charles trussed up a parcel of his goods, and with help of Julian bare them into Master Porters house to keep: and that done, Charles said to Julian: Julian, if thou wilt be sworn to keep my counsel, I will show thee my mind. Julian answered, yea, if it be neither felony nor treason: Then Charles took a book out of his purse, and Julian sware to him thereupon: then said Charles to Julian, I have destroyed Richard Hunne. Alas master, said Julian, how? he was called an honest man. Charles answered, I put a wyer in his nose. Alas said Julian, now be ye cast away and undone. Then said Charles, Julian, I trust in thee that thou wilt keep my counsel: and Julian answered, yea, but for God's sake Mayster shyft for yourself: and then Charles said, I had leuer then a hundred pound it were not done: but that is done, cannot be undone. Moreover, Charles said then to Julian. Upon Sunday when I rode to my cosin Baringtons house, I tarried there and made good cheare all day til it was night, and yet before it was midnight, I was in London, and had killed Hunne, and upon the next day I rode thither aagayne, and was there at dinner, and sent for neighbors, and made good cheare. Then Julian asked Charles, where set you your horse that night you came to town, and wherefore came ye not home? Charles answered, I came not home for fear of bewraying: and then Julian asked Charles, who was with you at the killing of Hunne? Charles answered, I will not tell thee: and Julian saith, that upon the Thursday following, Charles tarried all day, in his house with great fear: and upon Friday following early in the morning before day, Charles went forth (as he said) to Paul's, and at his coming in again he was in a great fear saying hastily, get me my horse & with great fear and haste made him ready to ride, and bade May •• er Porters lad lead his horse into the field by the backside: and then Charles put into his sleeve his Mase or Masor, with other plate borrowed of master Porter, both gold & silver, but howe much I am not sure: and Charles went into the field after his horse, and Julian brought his bouget after him. Also upon friday in Christmas week following, Charles came home late in the night, and brought with him three Bakers and a Smyth of Stratforde, and the same night they carried out of Charles house all his goods by the fields side to the Bell in Shordich, and early in the morning conveyed it with Cartes to Stratford.

Moreover Julian saith, that the Saturday at night before the death of Hunne, Charles came home, and brought with him a gurnard, saying, it was for Hunne, & Charles boy called to Julian, that there was also ordained a piece of fresh Salmon, which John Belringer had.

Also Charles said to the said Julian, were not this ungracious trouble, I could bring my Lord of Londō to the doors of heretics in London both of men and women, that been worth a thousand pound: But I am afraid that the ungracious midwife shall bewray us all.

Also Charles said unto maistres Porter in likewise & more larger, saying, of the best in London, whereto maistres Porter answered, the best in London is my Lord Major: then Charles said, I will not scuse him quite, for that he taketh this matter hot.

Whereas Charles Joseph saith, he lay at Neckehyll with a harlot a man's wife in Baringtons house the same night, and there abode until the morrow at eleven of the clock, that Richard Hunne was murdered, whereupon he brought before the kings Counsel for his purgation the foresaid Baude Baringtons wife, and also the foresaid Harlot: which purgation we have proved all untrue, as right largely may appear, as well by the deposition of Julian Littel, Thomas Chichesley Taylor, Tho. Symondes Stationer, of Rober Iohnsonne and his wife, of John Spalding Belringer: Also of Peter Turner son in law of the foresaid Charles Joseph: who said before to an honest woman, a wax chaundelers Wyfe, that before this day seventh night Hunne should have a mischievous death. &c. Also of John Enderbye Baker, to whom John Spalding himself declared these words: That there was ordained for Hunne so grievous penance, that when men hear of it, they shall have great marvel thereof. &c. Besides the deposition moreover of Alen Creswel wax chaūdelor, and Richard Horsenayle Bailiff of the Sanctuary town called Godsture in Essex. Which testimonies & depositions hereafter follow.

*The Deposition of Alen Creswell waxechaundeler.

THe said Alen saith, that John Graunger servant with my Lord of London in my L. of London's kitchen at such time as the said Alen was serving of Huns coffē, that Graūdger told to him, that he was present with John. belringer the same Sunday at night that Rich. Hunne was found dead in the morrow when the keepers set him in the stocks. in so much the said Hunne desired to borrow the kepers knife, & the keeper asked him, what he would do with his knife, & he answered I had leuer kill myself, then to be thus entreated. This deposition the said Alen will prove as far forth as any Christian man may, saying that Graūdger shown to him these words of his own free will and mind without any question or Inquyry to him made by the said Alen: Moreover the said Alen saith, that all that evening Graundger was in great fear.

The Deposition of Richard Horsnayle. Bailiff of the Sanctuary Town called Goodesture in Essex.

THe said Richard saith, that friday before Christmas day last past that one Charles Joseph Somner to my Lord of London, became a Sanctuary man, and the aforesaid Friday he registered his name, the said Charles saying, it was for the sauegard of his body, for there be certain men in London so extreme against him for the death of Richard Hunne, that he dare not abide in London. Howbeit the said Charles saith he knowledgeth himself guiltless of Huns death, for he delivered the keys to the Chancellor by Huns life, also the said Bailiff saith, that Charles paid the duty of the said Regestring both to him and syr John Studley Uicar.

The Copy of Richard Fitziames Letter then Bishop of London, sent to Cardinal Woolsey.

Lastly now remaineth to infer the sentence of the questmen, which followeth in like sort to be seen and expēded, after I have first declared the words of the Bishop spoken in the Parliament house.

The words that the B. of London spake before the Lord's in the Parliament house.

MEmorandum, that the bishop of London said in the parliament house, that there was a bill brought to the parliament, to make the Jury that was charged upon y ^e death of Hunne, true men: and said, and took upon his conscience, that they were false perjured Caytiffes: and said furthermore to all the Lord's there then being: For the love of God, look upon this matter, for if you do not, I dare not keep mine own house for heretics: And said that the said Richard Hunne hanged himself, and that it was his own deed, and no man's else. And furthermore said, that there came a man to his house (whose wife was appeached of heresy) to speak with him, & he said that he had no mind to speak with the same man, which man spake and reported to the servants of the same Bishoppe, that if his wife would not hold still here opinion, he would cut her throat with his own hands, with other words.

The sentence of the Inquest subscribed by the Crowner.

After that the 24. had given up their verdict sealed and signed with the Crowners seal, y ^e cause was thē brought into the Parliament house, where the truth was laid so plain before all men's faces, and the fact so notorious, that immediately certain of the bloody murderers were committed to prison, and should no doubt have suffered that they deserved, had not the Cardinal by his authority practiced for his Catholic Children, at the suite o • the Bishop of London. Wherupon the Chancellor by the kings pardon, and secret shifting, rather then by God's pardon, and his deserving escaped, and went, as is said, to Exeter. &c. Nevertheless though justice took no place, where favor did save, yet because the innocent cause of Hunne should take no wrong, the Parliament became suitors unto the kings majesty, that whereas the goods of the said Hunne were cōfiscate into the kings hands that it would please his grace to make restitution of all the said goods unto the children of the said Hunne: upon which motion the king of his gracious disposition did not only give all the foresaid goods unto the foresaid children under his broad seal yet to be seen, but also did send out his warrantes (which hereafter shall follow) to those that were the cruel murderers, commanding them upon his high displeasure, to redeliuer all the said goods, and make restitution for the death of the said Richard Hunne: all which goods came to the sum of 1500. pounds sterling, beside his plate and other Jewels.

The tenor of the kings letter in the behalf of Richard Hunne.

TRustye and well beloved we greete you well: whereas by the complaint to us made, as well as also in our high court of parliament, on the behalf and partye of Roger Whapplot of our city of London Draper, and Margaret his wife, late the daughter of Richard Hunne. And whereas you were indicted by our laws, of and for the death of the said Richard Hunne, the said murder cruelly committed by you, like as by our records more at large plainly it doth appear, about the 5. day of December in the sixth year of our reign, the same we abhor, nevertheless we of our espeall grace, certain science, and mere motion pardoned you upon certain considerations us moving, for the intent that the goods of the said Richard Hunne, the administration of them were committed to the said Roger Whapplot, we then supposed and intended your amendment, and restitution to be made by you to the infantes the children of the said Richard Hunne, as well for his death, as for his goods, embeseled, wasted, and consumed by your tyranny, and cruel act so committed, the same being of no little value, and as hitherto ye have made no recompense, according to our laws, as might stand with equity, justice, right, and good conscience, and for this cause due satisfaction ought to be made by our laws: Wherefore we will and exhort, & otherwise charge and command you, by the tenoure of this our especial letters, that ye satisfy and recompense the said Roger Whapplot, & the said Margaret his wife, according to our laws in this cause, as it may stand with right and good conscience, else otherwise at your further peril, so that they shall have no cause to return unto us, for their further remedy eftsoons in this behalf, as ye in the same tender to avoid our high displeasure: otherwise that ye upon the sight hereof, to set all excuses apart, and to repair unto our presence, at which your hither coming, you shall be further advertised of our mind.

Defense of Richard Hunne against Syr Thomas Moore and Alen Cope.

I Doubte not but by these premisses thou hast (Christyan reader) sufficiently to understand the whole discourse and story of Richard Hunne frō top to toe. First how he came in trouble for denying the bearing sheet of his young infant departed: then how he was forced, for succor of himself, to sue a Premunire: And thereupon what conspiracy of the Clergy was wrought against him, what snares were laid, what fetches were practiced, and Articles devised to snarl him in the trap of heresy, & so to imprison him. Furthermore, being in prison, how he was secretly murdered, after his murder, hanged, after his hanging condemned, after his condemnation, burned: and after his burning, lastly how his death was required by the Crowner, and cleared by acquitall of the Inquest. Moreover, how the case was brought into the Parliament, and by the Parliament the kings precept obtained for restitutiō of his goods. The debating of which tragical and tumultuous story, with all the branches, & particular evidences of the same, takē out as well of the public acts, as of the Bishops registers, & special records, remaining in the custody of Dunstan Whapplot, the son of the daughter of the said Richard Hunne, there to be seen, I thought here to unwrap and discover so much the more, for three special purposes.

First, as is requisite, for testimony & witness of truth falsely slandered, of innocence wrongfully condemned, & of the party cruelly oppressed.

The second cause moveth me, for sir Thomas Moors Dialogues, wherein he dallieth out the matter, thinking to jest poor simple truth out of countenance.

The third cause which constrayneth me, be the Dialogues of Alanus Copus, which two, the one in English, the other in Latin, railing and barking against Rich. Hunne do doublewise charge him, both to be an herericke, and also a desperate homicide of himself: Which as it is false in the one, so is it to be found as untrue in the other, if simple truth, which hath few friends, and many times cometh in crafty handling, might freely come in indifferent hearing. Wherefore as I have hitherto described the order and manner of his handling with the circumstances thereof, in plain and naked narration of story, simply laid out before all mens faces: so something here to intermit, in the defense as well of his oppressed cause, as also in discharge of myself, I will now compendeously answer to both these foresaid adversaries, stopping as it were, with one bush two gappes, and the mouths also, if I can, of them both together. And first against sir Thomas Moore, albeit in degree worshipful, in place superior, in wit and learning singular (if his judgment in Christ's matters had been corespondent to the same) otherwise being a man with many worthy ornaments beautified, yet being but a man, & one man, I lay and object against the person of him, the persons and censures of 24. questmen, the deposition of so many Iurates, the judgment of the Crowner, the approbation of the Parliament, and lastly the kings Bylassigned for restitution of his goods, with his own broad Seal confirmed. &c. And thus much to the person and credit of Syr Thomas Moore.

Now as touching his reasons, whereas he coming in with a flimme flamme of a horse mylne, or a mylne horse (in his own terms I speak) thinketh it probation good enough, because he could not see him taken by the sleeve, which murdered Hunne: against these reasons unreasonable of his, I allege all the evidences and demonstrations of the history above prefixed, to be considered, and of all indifferent men to be peased.

First, how he was found hanging, with his countenance fair, with his bearde and head fair kemmed, his bonet right set on his head, with his eyne and mouth fair closed, without any driueling or spurging. His body being taken down, was found loose, (which by hanging could not be) his neck broken, and the skin thereof beneath the throat where the gyrdle went, frette and faced away, his gyrdle notwithstanding being of silk, and so double cast about the staple, that the space of the gyrdle between the staple and his neck, with the residue also which went about his neck, was not sufficient for his head to come out. His hands moreover wroung in the wristes, his face, lips, chin, doublet, and shyrt collar vnstayned with any blood: when as notwithstanding in a manner somewhat beyond the place, where he did hang, a great quantitye of blood was found. Also whereas the staple whereon he hanged, was so, that he could not climb thereto without some mean, there was a stool set up upon the bolster of a bed, so tickle, that with the least touch in the world, it was ready to fall. And how was it possible that Hunne might hang himself upon that staple, the stool so standing? Besides the confession moreover of Charles Joseph's own mouth to Julian Littell, of Robert Johnson, John Spalding the Belringer, Peter Turner, and others. All which testimonies and declarations being so clear and undeniable, may suffice (I trust) any indifferent man to see where the truth of this case doth stand: unless master Moore being a gētleman of Utopia, peradventure after some strange guise of that country, useth to carry his eyes not in his head but in his affection, not seeing but where he liketh, nor believing but what him listeth.

Finally where Sir Thomas Moore speaking of himself so concludeth, that he hearing the matter, what well might be said, yet could not find contrary, but Hunne to be guilty of his own death: so in as many words to answer him again, I perusing and searching in the story of Richard Hunne, what may well be searched, cannot but marvel with myself, either with what darkness the eyes of master Moore be dared, not to see that is so plain, or else with what conscience he would dissemble, that shame cannot deny. And thus by the way to the Dialogues of Syr Thomas Moore.

Thirdly touching the Dialogues of Alen Cope, which had rather the Bishops Chancellor and officers to be recounted among thieves and murderers, then Hunne to be numbered among the martyrs, I have herein not much to say, because himself saith but little: and if he had said less, unless his ground were better, it had made as little matter. But forasmuch as he saying not much, sendeth us to seek more in Moore: so with like brevity again I may send him to William Tyndale, to shape him an answer. Yet notwithstanding, least Cope in saying something, should think Huns innocent cause to lack some friends, which will not, or dare not adventure in defense of truth, somewhat I will answer in this behalf.

And first touching this murder of Hunne, not to be his own willful act, but the deed of others: besides the demonstrations above premised to sir Thomas Moore, now to M. Cope, if I had no other evidences, but only these two, I would require no more: That is, his cap found so straight standing upon his head, and the stool so tottering under his feet. For how is it, I will not say, like, but how is it possible, for a man to hang himself in a silcken gyrdle double cast about a staple, in such shortness, that neither the space of the knot could well compass his head about, and yet having his cap so straight set upon his head, as his was?

Again, how is it possible, or can it be imagined, for him to hang himself, climbing up by a stool which had no stay for him to stand upon, but stood so tickle, that if he had touched the same never so little, it must needs have fallen?

But Cope being something more providēt in this matter, seemeth to exceed not altogether so far as doth M. Moore. For he understanding the case to be ambiguous, & doubtful, so leaveth it, in suspēse, neither determining that Hunne did hange himself, and yet not admitting that he died a martyr, no more then they which are quelled by thieves & murderers in high way sides. Well, be it so as Cope doth argue, that they which die by the hands of felōs and murderers in thievish ways, be no martyrs, yet notwithstanding this his own similitude, comparing the Bishops Chancellor & officers to thieves and murderers, doth grant at least that Hunne died a true man, although no Martyr. Now if the cause be it, and not the pain, that maketh a Mar • yr, in pondering the cause why Hunne was slain, we shall find it not altogether like to the cause of them which perish by Thieves and Robbers. For such commonly because of their goods, and for some worldly gain to be sought by their death, are made away, & being true men, may peradventure have y ^e reward, although not the name of Martyrs: Whereas this man's death being wrought neither for money, nor any such temporal lucre to redounde to his oppressors, as it hath another cause, so may it have another name, and deserve to be called by the name of Martyrdom. Like as Abel being slain by wicked Cain, albeit he had no opinion of religion articulate against him, but of spite only and of malice was made away, yet notwithstanding is justly numbered among the Martyrs: so what let to the contrary, but that Hunne also with him may be reckoned in the same societye, seeing the cause wherefore they both did suffer, proceedeth together out of one fountain? And what moreover if a man should cal Naboth (who for holding his right inheritance was slain) a Martyr, what great injury should he do either to the name or cause of the persō, worthy to be carped? Agaynst Thomas Becket yet know M. Cope no special article of faith was laid, wherefore he died. And why thē do you bestow upon him so devoutly the title of a martyr, for withholding that from the king, which by law of God, and of the realm did belong unto him: and cannot suffer Hunne to be titled for a Marty., dying in his own right by the hands of spiritual thieves and homicides, as you yourself do term them? But what do I strayne my travel any further, to prove Hunne a martyr, whē as Copes own confessiō doth import no less, though I said nothing? For if I should take no more but his own very words & say, that he was known to be an heretic as Cope doth affirm? what could I say more, seeing he died for their heresy, to prove him to die a Martyr? For to die an heretic with the Papists, what is it else (to say truth) but to die with God a Martyr?

But howsoever it pleaseth either Syr Tho. Moore to jest, or Alen Cope to skowlde out the matter, & to style Richard Hunne for a known and desperate heretic: yet to all true godly disposed mē, Hunne may well be known to be a godly and virtuous person: no heretic, but faithful and sound, save that only he seemed rather half a papist: at least no full Protestant, for that he resorted daily to mass, and also had his Beads in prison with him, after the Catholic manner: albeit he was somewhat inclining (as may appear) toward the Gospel. And if the name of a martyr be thought to good for him, yet I trust master Cope will stand so good master to him, to let him at least to be a martyrs fellow. But what now if I go further with Mayster Cope, & name Richard Hunne not only • or a martyr, but also commend him for a double martyr? Certes as I suppose, in so saying I should affirm nothing less thē truth, nor anything more then truly may be said, and justly proved. But to give and grant this confession unto the adversary, which notwithstanding might be easily proved: let us see now the proofs of master Cope, how he argueth that Rich. Hunne is no martyr: because saith he, true men being killed in hie ways by thieves & murderers, are not therefore to be counted martyrs. &c. And was there nothing else in the cause of Hunne, but as is in true men killed by thieves & murderers? They that are killed by thieves and murderers, are killed for some pray, or money about them. And what pray or profit was in the death of Hunne, let us see, to redound to them which oppressed him? If it were the mortuary, or the bearing cloth, that was a small thing, and not worthy his death. If it were the Premunire, the danger thereof pertained to the Priest, and not to them. If they feared least the example thereof once begun, should afterward redound to the prejudice of the whole church, thē was the cause of his death not private, but public, tēding to the whole Church and Clergy of Rome: and so is his death not altogether like to the death of thē, which for private respects are killed of thieves and murderers.

But he was an heretic, saith Cope. By the same reason that Cope taketh him for an heretic, I take him the more to be accepted for a martyr. For by that way, which they call heresy, the living God is served, by no way better. And if he were an heretic, why then did they not proceed against him as an heretic while he was alive? when they had him at Fulham before them, if they had ben sure to entrappe him in that snare, why did they not take their advantage, when they might with least ieoperdye? why did they not proceed and condemn him for an heretic? why made they such haste to prevent his death before? why did they not tarry the sentence of the law, having the law in their own hands? But belike they perceived that he could not be proved an heretic while he lived: and therefore thought it best to make him away privily, and to stop the Premunire, and afterward to stop the pursuit of his death, by making him an heretic: And therefore were articles devised by the Chancellor (as is proved by witness of Charles Joseph and other pag. 785.) against him, and he condemned for an heretic, and all his favorers also, who so ever durst stir to take his part, and so thereupon was committed to the secular power, and burned. Wherein they did him double wrong, first in that they burned him for an heretic, having before submitted himself to their favorable correction, as it appeareth yet in the Bishops Registers by his own hand, as it is there pretended: which was against their own laws. Agayne, if he had not submitted himself at that time, yet did they him wrong to burn him, before they knew and heard him speak (as Tyndale saith) whether he would recant or no. And yet admit that he was condemned and burned for an heretic, yet to be killed and burned of them, for an heretic, that taketh not from him the name of a martyr, but rather giveth him to be a double martir. But Cope yet proceeding in his hot coler against Rich. Hunne, after he hath made him first no martyr, and then an heretic, thirdly he now maketh him also a murderer of himself, and saith, that no other man was any part of his death, but only his own hands, and that either for indignation and anger, or for desperation, or for some cause, he knoweth not what. And in his Epilogus to make it probable, he allegeth the example of one, but nameless, who in Queen Mary's time in like sort went about to hang himself, had he not been taken in the manner, and rescued. Furthermore, as touching the Chancellor, he argueth that there was no cause why he should attempt any such violence against him, both for his age, and for his dignity, for his learning, and for the greatness of his own peril, which might ensue thereof. Who if he had maligned the man, and had been so disposed to work his destruction, had means otherwise without danger, to bring that about, having him within his danger convict and fast tied for heresy. Wherunto I answer that to all this matter, sufficient hath been answered by the story it self of his death, above specified. Whereby the manner of his death, by circumstances of his handling, and hanging, by his neck broke, by his body loose, by his skin fretted, by his wristes wroung, by his gyrdle in such shortness double cast about the staple, by his cap right upon his head, by his hear kemmed, by his eyes closed, by the cake of blood found in the floor, by his Shyrt collar, Doublet, Iacket, and other outward partes of his garments without drop of blood unspotted, by the stool so standing upon the bolster, by the Chauncellours Murrey gown round the day after upon the stocks, the wax candle fair put out: furthermore by the verdict of the inquest, by the attestatiō of the witnesses sworn, by the Crowners judgment, by the assent of the Parliament, by the kings Letters assigned, and broad Seal of restitution of his goods: and finally by the confession of the parties themselves which murdered him. &c. and yet thinketh Cope to make men such fools, having their true wits to ween yet that Hunne did hange himself, after so many demonstrations and evidences to the contrary, as in every parte of this story may appear. And though it were, as it was unlike, and hard for a man to believe, that D. Horsey a man of such age, dignity, and learning, would so much forgette himself, to attempt such a villainy, yet so great is the devil sometimes with man (where GOD permitteth) that he worketh greater things then this, and more incredible. For who would have thought it like, that Cain would ever have killed Abel his own natural Brother? which was more then a Bishops Chancellor to kill a Citizen: yet so he did. And where Cope pretendeth the causes of anger, and desperation whereby Hunne did hang himself: how is it like, or who did ever hear, a man being in such extremity of desperation, to stand first trimming himself, and kemming his head, before he go to hang himself? No less credit is also to be given to that which followeth in the same Cope, where he saith, that Richard Hunne being in prison, was convict of heresy. By the which word convict, if he mean that Hunne was proved an heretic, that is false, for that he being at Fulham examined upon cert • yne Articles, both denied the Articles to be true, as they were objected, and also if they were true, yet he submitted himself to their favorable correction, and therefore not standing obstinately in the same, could not be proved an heretic. And if by this term convict, he mean that he was by sentence cast, so was Hunne never cast by any sentence for an heretic, so long as he lived, but after his death, when he could nothing answer for himself. And because this untruth should not go without his fellow, see howe he hudleth up one false narration in the neck of another: affirming moreover, that Hunne was cast in prison, before he entered his suite of Premunire against the Priest. Which is utterly false and untrue, both disagreeing to other stories, and also refuted by the words of Syr Thomas Moore his own author, who reporteth that Hunne (ensuing his Premunire against the Priest) being set upon a glory of victory, made his boasting among his friends, that he trusted to have the matter long spoken of, and to be called Huns case. Haec Morus. Whereby it appeareth, that Hunne was not then in prison clapt up for heresy: but was abroad seeking counsel among the Lawyers, and boasting among his friends, as writeth More Lib. 3. Dial.

After this heap of untruths above passed, add yet further another copy of Copes false dealing: who seeking all corners, and everywhere how to pick matter against my former history, chargeth me with arrogancy, as though I took so highly upon me to undo & derogate the kings acts and judgments in the acquitall of D. Horsey. If it so pleased the king to acquit D. Horsey, by his gracious pardon, I am not against it, neither do I deny but the king so did, neither do I say, nor ever did, but the king of his supereminent prerogative may so do: & wherein then do I vnrippe or loose the kings acts here done & concluded? But if the question be this, whether D. Horsey with his coniurates did kill Richard Hunne or no: then do I say, that the pardon of the king doth not take away the veritye of the crime committed, but removeth away the penalty of the law deserved: and so if the life of them was saved by way of pardon (as M. Moore himself seemeth not to deny) thē was it not through their innocence claiming justice, that they escaped, but through petition standing need of mercy. For what needeth pardon, where justice absolveth? yea, who sueth pardon, but in so doing must yield himself guilty? for pardon never cometh lightly either with God or man, except the crime first be confessed. Wherefore, if they escaped by justice, as Cope pretendeth, how then doth M. Moore say, they were saved by pardon? And if they escaped by pardon, how then doth Cope say, they were not guilty? And be it admitted, that the sentence of the kings Attorney, in the kings name did absolve them as vnguiltye, according as the king was then informed by the Cardinal and suite of friends: yet afterward the king being better informed by the Parliament, and the truth better known, detested and abhorred their fact, and yet continued his pardon unto thē, as by the kings own acts and his broad seal appeared, yet remaining in records to be seen.

And as touching my former histories set soth in latin and in English, which speak first of the foremanne of the quest, then of the kings Attorney to be labored with some gifts or money: as Cope hath yet proved no untruth in my saying, so less can he find any repugnaunce or disagreeing in the same. For he that speaketh of bribing, first of one person, and then afterward of another, where both might be bribed together, is not contrary (I think) to himself, but rather doth comprehend that in the one book, which he before leaveth out in the other, and yet no great repugnāce either in the one or in the other, seeing y ^t which is said, may be verified in both, as it is no other like but in this matter it was. For how is it otherwise like or possible, but that there must needs be found some privy packing in this matter, seeing after such evidence found and brought in by the Crowners inquest and Jury of 24. chosen persons, after so many marks and tokens of the murder so clear and demonstrable, and laid forth so plain to the eyes of all the world, that no man could deny, or not see the same? yet through the handling of the foresaid Attorney, and of the foreman of the quest, the murderers were borne out, & confessed to be no murderers. If such bolstring out of matters and parciality were then such a rare case in the Realm of England in the time of Cardinal Wolsey, who then under the king, and in the kings name did what he list: then let it seem untrue in my former stories, that I have writ̄. And yet the words of my story which Cope carpeth at so much, be not mine, but the words of Ed. Hall his own author. Wherefore if his disposition be so set, that he must needs be a censor of other men's writings, let him expostulate with Hall, and not with me.

But I trouble the reader too much in this matter of Richard Hunne, being of it self so clear, that no indifferent judge can doubt thereof. As for wranglers and quarrellers they will never be satisfied. Wherefore to return again to the purpose of our story intermitted, in the table above, containing the names of them which about this time of Richard Hunne, were forced to deny and abjure their professed opinions, pag. 774. mention was made of Elizabeth Stamford, John Household, and other mo, abjuring about the year of our Lord. 1517. Whose vexation and weakness although it be pitiful to behold, yet to consider the confession of their doctrine in those ancient days, it is not unprofitable. Wherein we have to see the same form of knowledge and doctrine then taught and planted in the harts of our foreelders, which is now publicly received, as well touching the Lord's Sacrament of his body, as also other specialties of sincerity. And although they lacked thē public authority to maintain the open preaching and teaching of the Gospel, which the Lord's merciful grace hath givē us now, yet in secret knowledge and understanding they seemed then little or nothing inferior to these our times of public reformation: as may appear by this confession of Elizabeth Stamford here under written, which only may suffice for example to understand what ripe knowledge of God's word was then abroad, although not in churches publicly preached, for danger of the bishops, yet in secret wise taught and received of diverse.

In number of whom was this Elizabeth Stamford, who being brought and examined before Fitziames Bishop of London ann. 1517 confessed that she was taught by one Thomas Beele, sometime dwelling at Henley, these words, 11. years before: That Christ feedeth, and fast nourisheth his Church with his own precious body, that is, the bread of life coming down from heaven: this is the worthy word that is worthily received, and joined unto man for to be in one body with him. Soth it is that they be both one, they may not be parted: this is the wisely deeminge of the holy Sacrament Christ's own body: this is not received by chewing of teeth, but by hearing of ears and understanding with your soul, and wisely working thereafter. Therefore saith S. Paul, I fear me amongst us, brethren, that many of us be feeble and sick, therefore I counsel us brethren to rise & watch, that the great day of dome come not suddenly upon us, as the thief doth upon the Marchaunt. Also the said Thomas taught and shown her, that the Sacrament of the alter was not the very body of Christ, but very bread: and that the Sacrament was the very body of Christ put upon the Cross, after a divine or mystical manner. And moreover that y ^e said Thomas Beele did many times and often teache her this foresaid lesson, that she should confess her sins to God, and that the Popes pardons and indulgence were naught worth and profited not, and that worshipping of Images and pilgrimages are not to be done.

To this Elizabeth Stamford, may also be annexed the doctrine and confession of Joan Sampson, wife of John Sampson Carpenter of Aldermanbury in London: Against whom being cited, and examined before the Bishop of London, certain witnesses were producted: who upon their oath being sworn, did detect and denounce the said Joan Sampson in these articles and opinions following.

1. First, that she being in her labor what time Joan Sampson her predecessor then being alive, was with her, and after the manner then of women, called much upon the help of the virgin Mary, she spitting thereat, was in such sort aggrieved, that the other party was compelled to forsake the house.

2. Also, that she spake against pilgrimage, and the worshipping of the blessed virgins, and of all saints, affirming that there is none holy but one.

3. Item, another time in the hearing of one Margaret Anworth, when she and other women were inuocating the blessed Virgin to help in women's labor, she stood against them, and contumeliously spake against the inuocators.

4. Item, that she speaking against the Pilgrimage of our Lady of Wilsedon, (as she was then called) and of S. Savior at Barmsey, called the said Saint Savior, S. Sawyer.

5. Item, for having two certain books in English, one bigger, and another lesser, which she committed to one John Austed a Cook, which books in the Register be not named.

6 Item, that the said Joan Sampson at a Supper in the hearing of certain men, and of a certain widow named Joan White, spake openly in contempt of the Sacrament of the alter, saying that the Priests were Idolaters which did lift up the bread over their heads, making the people to worship it & making the people to believe that it was the Lord's body, and that it was better to eat the alter cloth, if it might be eaten and digested as easily as the other.

Here followeth moreover the names of diverse other which in the Registers be specified to abjure, as

• William Iacum Carpēter.
• John Stradlyng.
• John Newman Sherman.
• Robert Boshel.
• Tho. Edward Dyar.
• Richard Dewar.
• Rich. Appulby.
• John Osborne.
• Robert Roger.
• John Eton.
• John Chapman.
• William Chakon.
• Richard Myldnale.
• John Hatchot.
• Jacob Sturdey.
• Tho. Puruall Taylor.
• John Bytam.
• Rob. Hutton Pynner.
• Robert Pope.
• John Geeste of Stratford.
• John Bryan of the Parish of S. Stephen.
• John Bol.
• Richard Wescotte.
• William Cross.
• George Lawnd Prior of S. Sithe.
• Henry Colle.
• William Manne.
• William Sweting.
• Jacob Bruster.
• Sabine Manne.
• John Spencer.
• Patrick Dowdal alias Capper.
• Robert Aleyn.
• John Finch Cook.
• John Southwyke.

Agaynst this John Southwike last named, was laid & objected, that whē one Riuelay coming frō the church of the Gray friers in London, had said to his wife (asking where he had been) that he had heard Mass, & had seen his Lord God in form of bread & wine over y ^e priests head. &c. the foresaid John Southwike there present answered again & said: nay, William, thou sawest not thy Lord God: thou sawest but bread, wine, & the Chalice. And when the said William answered again in y ^e same words, as before, saying: I trust verily that I saw my Lord God in form of bread & wine, & this I doubt not: the other replying again answered & said, as before: nay, I tell thee, thou sawest but only a figure or sacrament of him, y ^t which is in substance, bread and wine &c. This was in the yere of our Lord. 1520 In which he was compelled to abjure.

All these above named in one key of doctrine & religion did hold & concord together, against whō were objected 5. or 6. especial matters: to wit, for speaking against worshipping of saints, against pilgrimage, against inuocatiō of the blessed virgin, against the sacrament of the Lord's body, & for having scripture books in English: which books especially I find to be named, as these: the book of the 4. Evangelists, a book of the Epistles of Paul and Peter, the Epistle of S. James, a book of the Apocalypse, and of Antichrist, of the 10. Commaundementes, and Wickeliffes wicker, with such other like.

John Stilman. Martyr.

IT would ask a long tractation & tedious, to recite in order the great multitude and number of good men & women, beside these above rehearsed, which in those days recanted and abjured about the beginning of king Henryes reign and before: among whō yet notwithstanding, some there were whom the Lord reduced again, & made strong in the profession of his truth, and constant unto death: of which number, one was John Stilman by name, who about the xxiiij. day of Sept, in the year of our Lord. 1518. was apprehended and brought before Richard Fitziames then B. of Lond. at his manor of Fulham, and by him was there examined and charged, that notwithstanding his former recantation, oth, and abjuration made about xi. years then past, before Edmund Bishop of Salisbury, as well for speaking against y ^e worshipping, praying, and offering unto Images, as also for denying the carnal and corporal presence in y ^e sacrament of Christ's memorial: yet sithens that time he had fallen into the same opinions again, and so into the danger of relapse, and further he had highly commended and praised John Wycliffe, affirming that he was a saint in heaven, and that his book called y ^e Wicket, was good and holy. Soone after his examination he was sent from thence unto the Lollards tower at London, and the xxij. day of October then next ensuing, was brought openly into the consistory at Paul's, and was there judicially examined by Thom. Hed the bishops vicar general, upon the contents of these articles following.

1. First I object unto you, that you have confessed before my Lord of London, and me D. Hed his vicar general, that about xx. years past one Stephen Moon of the Dioces of Winchest. (With whom you abode 6. or 7. years after) did teach you to believe that the going on pilgrimage and worshipping of images (as the Lady of Walsingham and others) were not to be used. And also that afterwards one Richard Smart who was burned at Salisbury about 14. or 15. years past, did read unto you Wycliffe's Wicket, and likewise instructed you to believe that the sacrament of the altar was not the body of Christ: all which things you have erroneously believed.

2. Item, you have diverse times read the said book called Wickleffes Wicket, and one other book of the x. Commaundementes, which the said Richard Smart did give you, and at the time of your first apprehensiō, you did hide thē in an old oke, and did not reuele them unto the bishop of Salisbury, before whom you were abjured of heresy about xi. years since: where you promised by oth upon the Evangelists, ever after to believe and hold as the Christ̄ faith taught and preached, and never to offend again in the said heresies, or any other, upon pain of relapse. And further you there promised to perform all such penance as the said Bishop of Salisbury did enjoin you: who thē enjoined you, upon the like pain, not to depart his Dioces, without his special license.

3. Item, it is evident that you be relapsed as well by your own confession, as also by your deeds in that about two years after your abjuration you went into the said place where you had hidden your books, and then taking them away with you: you departed the foresaid diocese, without the license of the Bishop and brought them with you to London, where now being tached and taken with them upon great suspicion of heresy, you are brought unto the Bishop of London. By reason of which your demeanor, you have shown by your impenitent and dissembled conversation from your errors, and also your unfaithful abjuration and disobedience unto the authority of our mother holy Church, in that you performed not the penance, in which behalf you be voluntarily perjured and also relapsed, in that you departed the said diocese without license.

4. Item you be not only (as afore is said) impenitent, disobedient, voluntarily perjured, & relapsed by this your foresaid heretical demeanor, but also sithens your last attachment upon suspicion of heresy, you have maliciously spoken erroneous and damnable words, affirming before my Lord of London your Ordinary and me, judicially sitting at Fulham, that you were sorry y ^t ever you did abjure your said opinions, and had not suffered then manfully for them: for they were and be good and true, and therefore you will now abide by them, to die for it. And furthermore you have spoken against our holy father the pope and his authority, damnably saying that he is Antichrist, and not the true successor of Peter, or Christ's vicar on earth: and that his pardons and indulgences which he granteth in y ^e sacrament of penance, are naught, and that you will none of thē: And likewise y ^t the college of Cardinals be limbs of the said Antichrist: and that all other inferior prelates and Priests are the synagogue of Satan. And moreover you said, that the doctors of the Church have subverted the truth of holy Scripture, expounding it after their own minds, and therefore their works be naught, and they in hell: but that wickleffe is a Saint in heaven, and that the book called his Wicket, is good, for therein he showeth the truth. Also you did wish that there were xx. thousand of your opinion against us Scribes and Pharisees, to see what you would do for the defense of your faith. Al which heresies you did afterwards erroneously affirm before y ^e Archbishop of Canterbury, and then said that you would abide by thē to die for it: notwithstanding his earnest persuasions to the contrary: and therefore for these premisses you be evidently relapsed, and ought to be committed unto the secular power.

All these articles thus propounded, and his constant persevering in the truth perceived, Doctor Hed vicar general

the xxv. day of October by his sentence definitive, did condemn him as a relapsed heretic, and so delivered him the same present day, unto the Sheriffs of London, to be openly burned in Smithfield.

Thomas Man Martyr.

NExt to John Stilman above mentioned, followeth in this blessed order of Martyrs, the persecution and cōdamnation of Thomas Man. Who the 29. day of Marche in the year of our Lord. 1518. was burned in Smithfield. This Tho. Man had likewise been apprehended for y ^e profession of Christ's Gospel, about 6. years before, the 14. day of August. an. 1511. and being at that time brought before D. Smith B. of Lincoln, was by him examined upon divers and sundry articles: the effect whereof are these.

1. First, that he had spoken against auricular confession, and denied the corporal presence of Christ's body in the sacrament of the altar.

2. Item, that he believed that all holy men of his sect were only priests.

3. Item, that he had affirmed that the father of heaven was the altar, and the second person the sacrament, & that upon the Ascension day the sacrament ascended unto the altar, and there abideth still.

4. Item, that he believed not aright in the sacrament of extreme unction.

5. Item that he had called certain priests meanly arrayed, pyld knaves.

6. Item, that he had said that pulpits were priests lying stools.

7. Item, that he had believed that images ought not to be worshipped: and that he neither believed in the Crucifix, nor yet would worship it.

8. Item, that he had affirmed that he heard say, the word of God and God to be all one, and that he worthily receiveth the word of God, receiveth God.

9. Item, that he had said, that the popish Church was not the church of God, but a synagogue: and that holy men of his sect, where the true church of God.

For these and such like matters was he a long time, emprisoned, and at last through frailty and fear of death, was contented to abjure & yield himself unto the judgment of the Romish Church, and thereupon was enjoined, not only to make his open recantation, but also from thencef • rth to remain as prisoner within the monastery of Osney besides Oxford, and so to bear a fagot before the first cross at the next general Procession within the University. Howbeit not long after, the Bishop having need of the poor man's help in his household business, took him out of the said Monastery, and placed him with in his own house, until his business was ended, and then (his turn once served) he appointed D. Wilcockes his vicar general, that in his next iudicial Session within the said Priorie of Frideswide at Oxford, he should assign him to remain within the said Priorie, and not to depart thence without license of the Prior for the time being, upon pain o • relapse: and upon like pain he also enjoined him to wear the sign of a Fagot under his uppermost garment, until he were dispensed withal for the same. Al which notwithstanding, he (being belike both sory for his offense in denying the truth, and also weary of his servile and prisonlike bondage) bethought himself how he might best escape their cruel hands, and therefore after a while, seeing good opportunity offered him, he fled the diocese and jurisdiction of Lincoln: and secking abroad in other coūtries for work (thereby to sustain his poor life) he most commonly abode, sometime in Essexe, sometime in Suffolk: where also he associated and joined himself unto such godly professors of Christ's Gospel, as he there could hear of. But within few years after (such is the cruel rage of Satan and his wicked members, which never suffer the godly long to continue untroubled) he was again accursed of relapse, by the inquest of the inquisition of London, and thereupon was apprehended & brought unto Rich. Fitziames then Bish. of Lond. & the 9. day of February. an. 1518. he was examined by D. Hed the Bishops vicar general within his palace at Lond. where the said Hed judicially assisted with diverse of his complices, declared first unto man, that for as much as he was since his first abjuring again detected and accused by certain credible and honest persons, of the same heresies which he had once before recanted: and further (contrary to the order of penance enjoined him by the late Bishop of Lincoln) he had departed the Priorie of Saint Frideswide, and the Dioces of Lincoln without leave, either of the Bishop or Prior: and was now also found within y ^e diocese of London; and that without his badge assigned him by y ^e said bishops vicar general: he therefore as Chancellor and vicar general unto the bish. of Lond. deputed for that purpose, did then mean to proceed against him as a relapse by order of Ecclesiastical laws in that behalf provided: Wherefore he appointed him to appear again in the cōsistory of Paul's, the 12. day of February next after, there to answer unto such articles as then should be propounded against him. At which day and place the Chancellor (first reciting the causes before mentioned, why he did then proceed against him) objected unto him these articles following.

1. First, that he was of the Dioces of London.

2. Itē, that he was a Christian man & professed Christ's Faith, and the determinations of holy Church concerning the seven Sacraments, and other articles of the Catholic faith.

3. Item, that it was not lawful for any man (especially a lay man) erroneously and obstinately to hold, teach, or defend any opinion contrary unto the determinations of the said church, and that the person so doing is an heretic.

4. Item, that within one of the 12. months of the year of our Lord. 1511. he had been detected before the Bishop of Lincoln that then was, of diverse points of heresy: as that he had affirmed that the very body and blood of christ was not in the sacrament of the altar, but material bread and wine, and that he had received it at Easter as holy bread, and likewise had affirmed that the crucifix & other Images in the Church were not to be worshipped, and also that confession made unto a priest, was of none effect, with diverse other like opinions and heresies.

5. Item, that for these and such like points of heresy he had been abjured in S. Mary church at Oxford before D. Wilcockes Chancellor unto the said Bishop of Lincoln, in the month of October, in the year last abovesaid and there did renounce them and all other, promising no more to fall into the like.

6. Item, that there also he had taken a solemn oth, to do such penance as should be enjoined him by the authority of the said Bishop.

7. Item, that then he was enjoined to abide within the monastery of Osney by Oxford: and also there to bear a fagot before the first Cross in the general Procession.

8. Item, that after a certain time that he had been within the monastery of Osney the Bishop of Lincoln (for certain causes) took him into his own house and service, respiting his penance for a time.

9. Item, that afterwards, which was the 9. day of October. anno, 1512. the said Bishops Chancellor judicially sitting in the Chapter house of the Priorie of S. Frideswide in Oxford, did enjoin him that he should tarry w ^t in the said Priory, and not to go out of the gates thereof without license of the Prior for the time being, until he had other commandment from the Bishop, upon pain of relapse: and further that he should from thenceforth (up on the like pain) wear a sign of a Fagot under his uppermost garment.

10. Item, y ^t after his abjuration, and sithens the promises thus done, he was yet again detected to the B. of London by open fame, and denounced by worshipful and credible persons, y ^t he had used like false errors and heresies & had spoken and taught certain conclusions of heresy against the Christian faith, and determinations of holy Church: and that he had fallen into the like heresies, as before his abjuration, both against the sacrament of the altar against pilgrimages and worshipping of Images: and had blasphemed our blessed Lady, calling her Mably.

11. Item that when he wrought with one John Bates in Stratford Langthorne in Rogation week, then 3. years past, and being bidden by the said Bates wife to go and hear the gospel, he answered, and said unto her, I will not come there, go you if ye list, ye shall have as much meed for it as to put your finger in the fire, and to burn it.

12. Item, that in times past for fear of abjuration, he had fled from Colchester to Newbery, and after that unto Hamersham, and had there damnably accompanied with hetiques and had taught heresies among them: & also since y ^e time of his abjuration he had said, that he and his wife had turned six or seven hundredth people unto those opinions which he was abjured of, and others also, contrary to Christ's faith, and determinations of holy Church.

Hys answer unto these Articles was, that as touching the first nine, he granted in part to be true, confessing to the seconde, that he was a true Christian, and did profess the true Christian faith: but the contents of the last three he utterly denied to be true, affirming for certain answer unto the 11. article, that at the time mentioned in the same, he did not work in the town of Stratford. Upon which answer the Chancelor called forth two witnesses to be sworn and examined against him, willing him that if he had any just matter against any of them, he should refuse them. But to what purpose this his fair offer and trim show of upright justice served, I cannot see. For notw ^t standing that he charged the one of the witnesses with theft and adultery (for that having a wife of his own, he did yet run away with another man's wife and goods) and also alleged that the other was too young to be a sworn witness in case of life and death: yet were they both still retained & allowed by the Chancelor, and sworn not to depart away or hide themselves, but to be always ready to iustifye that which they had to say against the said Thomas Man: and so for that time as well they, as also all the rest were commanded to depart, and the prisoner sent again to his prison.

And here in the order of the oath ministered unto these witnesses, I find one note (me thinketh) worthy present remembrance, both for that it is mentioned in this process, and also because it somewhat openeth y ^e foolish, ridiculous, and feigned figurative Ceremonies of the Papists, who do attribute a spiritual signification almost unto all their doings. The Register discoursing at large the manner of their oath hath these words: Ad sancta Dei Euangelia iurari feelt, tribus medris digitis erectis, & super librum positis in signum Trinitatis, & fidei Catholicae: & duobus (videl. police & auriculari) suppositis & suppressis, & sub libro positis, in signum damnationis corporis & animae, si non deposuerint veritatem in hac parte. That is to say, he caused them to swear vpō the holy Evangelists, with their three middle fingers stretched out right, and laid upon the book in sign of y ^e Trinity and Catholic faith: and the other two (to wit, the thombe and the little finger) put downewardes under the book, in token of damnation of body and soul, if they did not depose the truth in the matter. This Ceremonial order and exposition of theirs as it is of their own fond invention, without any ground or example of the scriptures of God so mind I to leave it still unto thenselves, w ^t other their apish toys & ridicles, as things worthy to be laughed at, and will now further proceed with the rest of this process, which I have in hand.

The xv. day of February, D. Hed the Chancellor, again judicially sitting in the consistory at Paul's, commanded Thomas Man to be brought before him, and there causing the articles objected against him by the Bishop of Lincoln with his order of abjuration & penance and also his own articles last propounded to be first read he called forth a third witness to be sworn and examined upon the same. But because he would seem to do all things by order of justice, and nothing against law, he therefore appointed unto the said Thomas Man, certain Doctors and advocates of the Arches, as his counselors, to plead in his behalf: Which was even like as if the lamb should be committed to the defense and protection of the wolf, or the hare to the hounde. For what good help could he look for at their hands, which were both most wicked haters and abhorrers of his Christian profession, and also stout upholders and maintainers of that Antichristian law, by the which he was for the same condemned? And that full well appeared by the good advice and profitable council which they gave him against his next examinations. For as well upon the 20. and also the 23. days of the same month of February, in their several Sessions he seeing his own negations to their objections, to take no place against their sworn witnesses, had no other thing to allege for himself, but that through his xx. weeks of hard imprisonment under the bishop of Lincoln, he was forced to recant and abjure: which was a poor shift of counsel, God knoweth: And yet D. Raynes being one of his chief assigned advocates (in steed of advice) could by his subtle questioning, then make him to confess, that certain talk, whereof one of the witnesses had accused him, was spoken about five years before past: which because it was since his recantatiō, was rather an accusation of him self, then an excusing: and therefore it is easy to judge to how favorable and vprightfull hearts they took upon them to be his advocates and defenders. The Chancellor likewise charged him upon the same xxiij. day y ^t since his last imprisonment he had said unto Robert Cluny the Bishops Sumner, and his keeper, that as far forth as he could see or perceive for his parte in this his matter, the laws of the Church were grounded upon Pilate & Caiaphas. Which objection he granting to be true, the Chancelor did for that time dismiss the Courte, until the first day of Marche next following. Uppon which day (minding to make quick dispatche) he in few words asked Man, what matter he had to allege for himself, why he should not then (considering the premisses) be pronounced a relapsed heretic, and receive such punishment by the seculare power, as to such was due by order of law. But he having no other allegations then before which might take place with them, was finally condemned as an heretic. And notwithstanding that, as the register noteth (but howe truly, God only knoweth) he did again forsake his former renewed profession of Christ's Gospel, and yielded himself unto the Bish. of Rome requiring to be absolved from his curse of excommunication, and contented to do such penance, as they should enjoin him, he was yet the xxix. day of Marche delivered by Doctor Hed unto the Sheriff of London, to be then presently burned, with this protestation made before, that he might not consent to the death of any, and therefore he desired the Sheriff that he would receive this person as relapsed and condemned, and yet to punish him otherwise then by rigorous rigor. The words to be marked in their sentence be these Rogamus attente in visceribus Jesus Christi, vt huiusmodi dignae seueritatis vltio & executio de te & contra te in hac parte fienda taliter moderetur, vt non sit rigor rigidus, ne{que} mansuetudo dissoluta, sed as salutē & sanitatem animae tuae &c. That is, We desire in the bowels of our lord Jesus Christ, that the punishment and execution of due severity of thee, & against thee in this part, may so be moderate, that there be no rigorous rigor, nor yet no dissolute mansuetude, but to the health and wealth of thy soul. &c. Wherein these Catholic Churchmen do well declare, according to the words of Thomas Man before expressed, that the laws of their church be grounded vpō Pilate & Caiaphas. For like as Caiaphas with his court of Pharisees, cried against Christ unto Pilate: It is not lawful for us to put any man to death: But if thou let him go, thou art not Caesar's friend. Even so they, first condemning the saints of God to death and then delivering them unto the secular Magistrate, to be thereupon executed, would yet cover their malignant hearts with the cloke of hipocriticall holiness, and unwillingness to shed blood. But God be thanked, which bringeth all things to light in his due time, & vncouereth her hypocrisy, at last that she may be seen and known in right colors.

Thus Thomas man, the manly martyr of Jesus christ, being condemned by the unjust sentence of Hed the Chancelor, was delivered to the Sheriff of London sitting on horseback, in Pater noster row, before the Bishops door, an. 1518. protesting to the said Sheriff, that he had no power to put him to death, and therefore desired the Sheriff to take him as a relapse and condemned to see him punished, Et tamen citra Mortem, that is, without death, as the words stand in the Register. The Sheriff receiving neither articles to be read at his burning, nor any Indentures of that his deliuerye, immediately carried him to Smithfielde, and there in the same day in the foorenoone caused him to be put into God's Angel, according to the words of the said Thomas Man before, saying that if he were taken again of the pilled knave priests, as he called them, he wist well he should go to the holy Angel, and then be an angel in heaven.

In the deposition of one Thomas Risby, weauer of Stratford Langthorn, against y ^e forenamed Martyr Tho. Man, it appeareth by the Registers, that he had been in diverse places and countries in England, and had instructed very many, as at Amersham, at London at Billerica, Chemsford, at Stratford Langford, at Oxbrige, at Burnham, at Henley upon Thamis, in Suffolk, and Norfolk, at Newbery, and diverse places moe: where he himself testifieth, that as he went Westward, he found a great company of well disposed persons, being of the same judgment touching the sacrament of the Lord's supper, that he was of, and especially at Newbery, where was (as he confessed) a glorious and sweet society of faithful favorers, who had continued the space of xv. years together, till at last by a certain lewd person, whom they trusted and made of their counsel, they were bewrayed, and then many of them, to the number of six or seven score were abjured, and three or four of them burnt. From thence he came then (as he confessed) to the forest of Windsore, where he hearing of the brethren which were at Hamersham, removed thither, where he found a godly and a great company, which had continued in that doctrine and teaching 23. years: which was from this present time 70. years agone. And this congregation of Buckingham shyre men remained till the time of John Longham Bishop of Lincoln, whereof we shall (Christ willing) hear more anon. Against these faithful Christians of Amersham, was great trouble and persecution in the time of W. Smyth Bishop of Lincoln, about the year of our Lord 1057. at which time diverse and many were abjured, and it was called Abiuratio Magna, the great abjuration, and they which were noted of that doctrine and profession, were called by the name of known men or just fast men. &c. In this congregatiō of the faithful brethren, were 4. principal readers or instructors. Wherof one was Tilesworth called thē D. Tilesworth, who was burnt at Amersham, mentioned in our history before, by the name of William Tilseley: whō I suppose rather to be called Tilseworth, pag. 774. An other was Thomas Chase, called amongst them, Doctor Chase, whom we declared before to be murdered and hanged in the Bishop of Lincolns prison at Woborne, called Little ease, pag. 774. The third was this Tho. Man, called Doctor Man, burned as is here mentioned in Smithfield, an. 1518. who, as by his own confession, and no less also by his travail appeareth, was God's champion and suffered much trouble by the priests, for the cause and law of God. He confesseth himself in the same Register, that he had turned seven hundredth people to his Religion and doctrine, for the which he thanked God. He conveyed also five couples of men and women from Amershā, Oxbrige, Burnham, and Henley upon Thamis, where they dwelt unto Suffolk and Norfolk, that they mought be brought (as he then termed it) out of the devils mouth. The fourth was Robert Cosin, named likewise among them, Doctor Cosin.

Robert Cosin Martyr.

THis Robert Cosin seemeth to be the same, which in the former part of our history is forementioned, being called by the name of father Robert, and was burnt in Buckingham, pag. 749. Of this Robert Cosine, I find in the Registers of Lincoln: that he with Thomas Man had instructed and persuaded one Joan Norman, about Amersham, not to go on pilgrimage, nor to worship any Images of Saints. Also when she had bowed a piece of silver to a saint for the health of her child they dissuaded her from the same, and that she needed not to confess her unto a Priest, but to be sufficient to lift up her hands to heaven. Moreover they were charged by the bishop for teaching y ^e said John that she might as well drink upon the Sunday before Mass: as any other day. &c. Ex. Regist. John. Longland. And thus you see the doctrine of these good men, for the which they were in those days abjured, and condemned to death.

William Sweting, alias Clerke martyr.

WIlliam Sweeting, otherwise named Clerke, first dwelt with the Lady Percy at Dalington in the County of Northampton for a certain space, and from thence went to Boxsted in the County of Essex, where he was the holy water Clerke, the space of seven years: after that was baliffe and fermer to maystres Margerye Wood, the term of 13. years. From Boxted he departed and came to the town of saint Osithe, where he served the Prior of saint Sythes named George Launde, the space of 16. years and more. Where he had so turned the Prior by his persuasions, that the said Prior of saint Osithe was afterward compelled to abjure. This William Sweting coming up to London with the foresaid Prior, for suspicion of heresy was committed to the Lollards Tower, under the custody of Charles Joseph, and there being abjured in the Church of saint Paul, was constrained to bear a fagot at Paul's cross, and at Colchester. And afterward to wear a fagot upon his coat all his life. Which he did two years together upon his left sleeve, till at length the person of Colchester required him to help in the service of the Church, and so plucked the badge from his sleeve: and there he remained two years, being the holy water Clerke. From thence afterward departed, and travailing abroad, came to Rederith in the diocese of Winchester, where he was holy water Clerke the space of a year: then went to Chelsith, where he was their neat heard, and kept the town beasts. In the which town upon Saint Annes day in the morning, as he went forth with his beasts to the field, the good man was apprehended & brought before the Bishop: and his chamber searched for books. This was anno. 5511.

The crimes whereupon he was examined be these.

First, for having much conference with one William Man of Boxsted, in a book which was called Matthew.

Item, that he had familiarity, and frequented much the company of James Brewster, who had been before abjured.

Item, that when his wife should go on pilgrimage, he asked of her, what good she should receive by her going on pilgrimage, adding moreover, that as he supposed, it was to no purpose, nor profit, but rather it were better for her to keep at home, and to attend to her business.

Item, that he had learned: and received of William Man, that the Sacrament of the Priests altar was not the present very body, but bread in substance, received in memorial of Christ.

Item, that he propounded, and affirmed the same doctrine to James Brewsteer.

Item, because he had reprehended his wife for worshipping the Images in the church, and for setting up candles before them.

And thus have you all the causes and crimes laid against this William Sweting, wherefor he was condemned. Who then being asked what cause he had, why he should not be judged for relapse, said he had nothing else, but only that he committed himself to the mercy of almighty God.

James Brewster Martyr.

WIth William Sweting also the same time was examined and condemed James Brewster, of the Parish of saint Nicholas in Colchester. This James Brewster was a Carpenter, dwelling ten years in the town of Colchester, who being unlettered, could neither read nor write, and was apprehended upon the day of S. James, in one Walkers house in S. Clementes parish.

About six years before, which was ann. 1505. he had been abjured by William Warham Archbishop of Canterbury, the see of London being then vacant. And after other penance done at Colchester, was enjoined to wear a Fagot upon his upper garment during his life. Which badge he did bear upon his left shoulder near the space of two years, till the Controller of the Earl of Oxford plucked it away, because he was laboring in the works of the Earl.

The crimes whereupon he was examined, and which he confessed were these: first that he had been five times

with William Sweting in the fields keeping beasts, hearing him read many good things out of a certain book. At which reading also were present at one time, Wodroffe or Woodbynde, a Nette maker, with his wife: also a brother in law of William Sweting: and another time Thomas Goodred, who heard likewise the said Thomas Sweting read.

Item, because he used the company and conference of Henry Hert Carpenter, of Westminster, and wrought with him in his science at Westminster,

Item for having a certain little book of Scripture in English, of an old writing, almost worn for age, whose name is not there expressed.

Item, because he hearing upon a time, one master Bardfield of Colchester thus say, that he will not worship the Maozim in heart and thought, shall die in sight, he asked afterward of William Man, what that word Maozim should mean: who told him that it signified as much as the masing God, to wit the sacrament of the altar.

Itē, that he had much conference, with Henry Hert against ablations & Images, & that it was better bestowed money which was given to the poor, then that that was offered in pilgrimage.

Item, for that he had communication and conference w ^t Roger Heliar and one Walker a Thicker of S. Clements concerning diverse such matters of Pilgrimage, offering to Images, worshipping of Saints, and the sacrament of the altar.

Item, when Thomas Goodred, William Sweting, and he in the fields keeping beasts, were talking together of the sacrament of the Lord's body, and like matters, this James Brewster should thus say: Now the son of the living God help us. Unto whom William Sweting again should answer, Now almighty God so do.

And thus have you the causes likewise and crimes laid against James Brewster, upon which he with William Sweting was together examined and condemned. Then being asked, as the Romish manner is, whether he had any cause why he should not be adjudged for relapse, he trusting to find favor and grace in submitting himself, said, that he submitted him to the mercy of almighty God, and to the favorable goodness of him his judge. And likewise did William Swetinge submit himself, trusting belike that they should find some favor and relief in this humble subjecting themselves unto their goodness.

But note here the unmerciful and unchristian dealing of these Catholic fathers, who upon their submission were contented to give out a solemn commission, the tenor whereof was to release and pardon them from the sentence of the excommunication, whereinto they had incurred: But immediately after upon the same, the Bishop all this notwithstanding, pronounced upon them the sentence of death and condemnation. Whereupon they were both delivered to the secular power, and both together brent in Smithfield at one fire, the 18. day of October. an. 1511.

Christopher Shoemaker Martyr.

TO these blessed saints before past, we will also adjoin Christopher Shoemaker: of whom this I find briefly in the Register of syr John Longland: and that the said Christopher Shoemaker, a parishioner of great Missendē came to the house of one John Say, and after other matters of talk, read to him out of a little book, the words which Christ spake to his disciples. And thus coming to his house about four times: at every time read something out of the same book unto him: teaching him not to be deceived in the priests celebration at Mass, and declaring that it was not the same very present body of Christ as the priests did fantasy: but in substance bread, bearing the remembrance of Christ. And taught him moreover, that the Pilgrimage, worshipping and setting up candles to saints were all unprofitable. And thus the said John. Say being taught by this Christopher, and also confirmed by John Okendē, and Robert pope, was brought to the knowledge of the same doctrine. Thus much briefly I find in that Register concerning Christopher Shoemaker, declaring further that he was burned at Newbery about this time, which was an. 1518. And thus much out of Registers of London.

IN turning over the Registers and Recordes of Lincoln likewise, and coming to the yere of our Lord. 1520. and 1521. I find that as the light of the Gospel began more to appear, and the number of the professors to grow, so the vehemency of persecution, and stir of the bishops began also to increase. Wherupon ensued great perturbatiō & grievous affliction in diverse & sundry quarters of this realm, especially about Buckingham shyre, and Amershā, Uxbrige, Henley, Newbery, in the diocese of London, in Essex, Colchester, Suffolk and Norfolk, and other partes moe. And this was before the name of Luther was heard of in these countries among the people. Wherfor for they are much begyled and miss informed, which condemn this kind of doctrine now received, of novelty, asking where was this church and religion xl. years ago, before Luther's time? To whom it may be answered, that this Religion and form of doctrine was planted by the Apostles, and taught by true Bishops, afterward decayd, and now reformed again, although it was not received nor admitted to the Popes Clergye before Luther's time, neither yet is, yet it was received of other, in whose hearts it pleased the Lord secretly to work, and that of a great number, which both professed and suffered for the same, as in the former times of this history may appear. And if they think this doctrine be so new, that it was not heard of before Luther's time how thē came such great persecution before Luther's time here in England? If these were of the same profession, which they were of, thē was their cruelty unreasonable, so to persecute their

own Catholic fraternity. And if they were otherwise how then is this doctrine of the Gospel so new, or the professors thereof so late start up, as they pretend them to be? But this cometh only of ignorance, & for not knowing nor considering well the times & antiquities of the church which hath been before us. Which if they did, they should see and say, that the church of England hath not lacked great multitudes, which tasted & followed the sweetness of God's holy word, almost in as ample manner, for the number of well disposed hearts as now. Although public authority then lacked to maintain the open preaching of the gospel, yet y ^e secret multitude of true professors, was not much unequal: certes the fervent zeal of those Christian days seemed much superior to these our days and times: as manifestly may appear by their sitting up all night in reading and hearing, also by their expenses and charges in buying of books in English: of whom some gave five marks, some more, some less for a book. Some gave a lode of hay for a few chapters of S. James or of S. Paul in English. In which rarity of books, and want of teachers this one thing I greatly marvel and muse at, to note in the Registers & to consider howe the word of truth notwithstanding did multiply so exceedingly as it did amongst them. Wherein is to be seen no doubt y ^e meruellous working of God's mighty power. For so I find and observe in considering the Registers, howe one neighbor resorting and conferring with another, eftsoons with a few words of the first or second talk, did win and turn their minds to that wherein they desired to persuade them, touching the truth of God's word and his sacraments. To see their travails, their earnest seeking their burning zeales, their readinges, their watchinges, their sweet assemblies, their love and concord, their godly living, their faithful meaning with the faithful, may make us now in these our days of free profession to blush for shame.

Four principal pointes they stood in against the Church of Rome, in pilgrimage, adoration of saints, in reading scripture books in English, and in the carnal presence of Christ's body in the sacrament.

After the great abjuration aforesaid, which was under William Smith Bishop of Lincoln: they were noted and termed among themselves by the name of known men, or just fast men: as now they are called by the name of Protestants.

As they were simple, & yet not vncircumspect in their doings, so the crafty serpent being more wily then they, by fraudulent subtlety did so circumvent thē, that they caused the wife to detect the husband: the husband the wife, the father the daughter, the daughter the father, the brother to disclose the brother, and neighbor the neighbor. Neither were there any assemblies nor readinges kept, but both y ^e persons and also the books were known: Neither was any word so closely spoken, nor article mentioned, but it was discovered. So subtly and slightly these Catholic prelates did use their inquisitions and examinations, that nothing was done or said among these Knowne men, xv. or xx. years before so covertly, but it was brought at length to their intelligence. Such captious interrogatories, so many articles and suspicions they had, such espyals and privy scoutes they sent abroad, such authority and credit they had with the king, and in the kings name: such diligence they shown in that behalf, so violently and impudently they abused the book, of y ^e peaceable Evangelists, wresting men's consciences upon their oath, swearing them upon the same to detect thenselves, their fathers & mothers, & other of their kindred, with their friends & neighbors, and that to death. All which things in the further process of the table ensuing (Christ willing) which we have collected out of some part of the Registers of Lincoln, shall appear.

For the better declaration whereof, first here is to be premonished by the way, touching the see of Lincoln, that after William Smith, succeeded John Longland. This William Smith, although he was somewhat eger & sharp against the poor simple flock of Christ's servants under whom some were burned, many abjured, a great mumber molested, as partly hath been afore declared: yet was he nothing so bloody or cruel, as was the said Longland, which afterward succeeded in that Dioces. For so I find of him, that in the time of the great abiuratiō and troublesome affliction of Buckinghamshyre men, wherein many were abjured, & certain burned, yet diverse he sent quietly home without punishment: and penance, bidding them go home, and live as good Christian men should do. And many which were enjoined penance before, he did release This Smith died about the year of our Lord. 1515. by whom was built, as is aforesaid, the College of Brasan nose in Oxford.

Not long after him followed John Longland, a fierce & cruel vexer of y ^e faithful poor servants of Christ: who to renew again the old sparkles of persecutiō, which were not yet utterly quenched first began w ^t one or two of them which had been abjured, whom he thought to be most notorious, causing them by force of their oath, to detect & bewray not only their own opinions touching points of religiō: but also to discover all other of their affinity, which were either suspected or abjured before. And them likewise he put to their oath, most violently constrayning them to utter and confess both themselves, and whom else so ever they knew. By reason whereof, an incredible multitude of men, women, and maidens were brought forth to examination, and straightly handled. And such as were found in relapse, were burned.

The rest were so burdened with superstitious and idolatrous penance and injunctions, that either through grief of conscience they shortly died: or else with shame they lived. All which tragical doings and proceedings of the bishop against these Knowen and Iuste fast men, in these tables here under following (Christ granting) shall appear, both with with the accusers, and with the parties them selves accused, and also the crimes objected.

But before we enter into the table, it shall be requisite first to hear the order and copy of his captious and crafty interrogatoryes, whereby he constrained the simple poor men to accuse and appeach one another: which interrogatoryes were these in order as followeth.

*Interrogatories ministered commonly by the Bishop of Lincoln against these examinates here following.

THe interrogatories or articles: which Longland Bish. of Lincoln used most commonly to minister to these examinates or known men, in number were 9. and are these as followeth.

1 First, whether they or any of them did know, that certain of the parish of Amersham, had been convented before William Smyth late Bishop of Lincoln, for heresy.

2 Item, whether they knew, that they so convented before the said Bishop, did err in the sacrament of the altar, or in any other sacrament of the Church. And if they did in what Sacraments, or in which of them: Also whether they knew that the said parties so convented, did confess their errors, and received penance for the same.

3 Item, whether they, or any of them, were of the society of them so convented for heresy: and if they were what fellowship they had with them and with whom?

4 Item, whether they or any of them, were ever conversant with such a one (naming the person whom they knew suspected) as with Thustan Littlepage. And if they were, what conversation they had with him, how long, & when: And whether they knew the said person to have been suspect of heresy?

5 Item, whether they, or any of them were ever conversant with him, or him (naming some other person whom they suspected) as Alexand. Mastal. And if they were, how and how long? and whether they knew the said person to be suspected of heresy?

6 Item, whether they, or any of them had been before time detected of heresy to the office of the foresaid William Bishop of Lincoln: And if the were, by what person or persons they were detected? Or else whether they were only called by the foresaid William Bishop, for heresy?

7 Item, whether he or they be noted and holden for heretics, or be reputed and diffamed to be of the sect of thē which were convented for heresy: And whether he or they be named for a Knowen man amongst them?

8 Item, whether he, or they have been ever at any readinges of such as have been so convented for heresy?

9 Item, whether he, or they were ever in any secret communication or conuenticle with them: Whom, or which of them he knew to be named and reputed for a Knowen man, or holding against the sacrament of the altar, or other Sacraments and articles of faith? And if they knew any such to declare where, and when, and what they were, and who were present the same time?

These articles and interrogatories thus declared, now followeth to be shown, a certain brief sum compendiously collected out of the Registers of John Longland bishop of Lincoln, declaring in order of a table the names first of them which by oath were constrained against their willes to detect and and accuse other. Secondly the persons that were accused. Thirdly, the crimes to them objected, as in the process of this table shall follow to be seen.

And first, for as much as the Bishop perceived that Roger Bennet, William Chedwell, Edmund Dormer, Thomas Harding, Robert Andrew, with such other were mē especially noted to be of that side, therefore to work his purpose the better, he began with them producing the same as witnesses, to ditect first Robert Bartlet of Amersham, & Richard his brother: understanding that these forenamed witnesses, because they had been abjured before, durst now do no other, upon pain of relapse, but needs confess whatsoever was put unto them. And therefore because Rob. Bartlet & Richard his brother being called before y ^e bishop and sworn upon their oath, would confess nothing against themselves, the Bishop to convict them by witnesses, went first to William Chedwell, lying sore sick in his bed, causing him vpō the Evangelists to swear, whether he knew the foresaid Robert and Richard Bartlet to be known men. Which being done, the Bishop then called before him Robert Andrew Roger Bennet, John Hill, Edmund Dormer. John Milsent, Thomas Bernard, Thomas Littlepage, John Dosset, all Amersham men: who being abjured before, as is said, durst no otherwise do, but confess upon their oath, that Robert and Richard Bartlet were known men. And yet the Bishop not contented w ^t this, caused also their two wives to wit, Margaret the wife of Robert Bartlet, & Isabel y ^e wife of Richard Bartlet, to depose & give witness against their own natural husbands. Albeit Isabel Bartlet being somewhat more temperate of her tongue, refused utterly to confess anything of her husband, & denied her husbands words to be true, til at last she being convict of perjury, was constrained to utter the truth, as in the process of this table following more particularly followeth to be seen.

A Table describing the grievous afflictions of good men and women, in the Diocese of Lincoln, under John Longland there Bishop, with the names both of the Accusers, and of them that were accused: also with the crimes to them objected: out of the Registers of the said Diocese. Anno 1521.

Accusers.	Parties accused.	Crimes objected.
W. Chedwel sick in his bed. Robert Andrew. Rob. Bēnet. John Hill. Edmund Dormer. John Milsent. Thomas Bernard. Tho. Litlepage. John Dosset. Margarete Bartlet. Isabel Bertlet: these being before abjured, were now compelled by oath to detect	Rob. Bartlet. Rich. Bartlet his brother.	THis Robert Bartlet, and Rich. his brother were Detected by these foresaid accusers, to be known men, that is, to be of the same company and affinity with these Iurates, and other that had ben abjured before in the time of William Smith, Bishop of Lincoln, about the yere of our lord 1508. and that in y e house of Thomas Hardynge, they were so noted by the words of Hardinges wife: who speaking to Roberte Bartlet, said, that she was glad that he was converted to grace, and chosen to almyghtie God, requiring him never to forsake y t he was called to, for if he did, there was no Sacrifice left for him. Also the said Hardinges wife speaking to Richard Bartlet coming into her House, said, Here cometh a good man, and I hope he will be a good man, but he hath so much mind of buying and selling, and taking of farms, that it putteth his mind from all goodness. By which words it appeared, said they, that he was a Knowen man. Item, that Robert Bartlet speaking to Hardings wife, said, he had thought to have called William Tilseworth false heretic: but now he was better advised. Item, that they used the lectures and readings of that company.
Thys Ro. Bartlet, & Richard his brother first being sworn, and yet confessing nothing before the Bishop, at last were convicted by witness, (as above appeareth) and noted therefore of perjury. Wherefore incurring into greater danger, they were constrained at their next examination to utter them selves, and confess what they had both done and said: that is, that the said Robert had red unto Richard his brother, a parcel of scripture beginning thus: James the servant of God, to the xii. kinds. &c. Item, for that he hard Williā Tilseworth say, that Images of saints were but stocks and stones and dead things: and that he taught the same to his brother Richard, and concealed the words of William Tilsewoorthe. Item, for that he partly believed Thomas Mastall, teaching him that the true presence of Christ was not in the Sacrament: and likewise of Images and Pilgrimage. Item, for receiving the Communion at Easter without shrift. &c.
Robert Bartlet was brought to examinatiō, & caused by his oath to detect	Rich. Bartlet his brother.	The crime wherein Roberte Bartlet appeached his brother Rich. was this, because he said, his brother Rich. had been much conversant with Thurstane Litlepage, & had learned of him the counsels and secreates of those men. Also, that he had learned of him, some of the Epistle of S. James thus beginning: James the servant of God, to the twelve kinds. &c.
	Isabel Bartlet, his wife.	The cause wherein Roberte Bartlet did detecte his wife, was this, that when the Bishops servant was come for her husband, she uttered these words, saying: Alas, he was now an undone man, and she but a dead woman. Furthermore, y e said R. being demanded of y e Bishop, whether he knew Isabell his wife to be of the sect of heretics before he married her, said yea. Being asked again, if she had not ben of that sect, whether then he would have married her, he granted the same likewise.
The foresaid Ro Bartlet was brought to examination, & caused by his oath to detect	Agnes Wellis, his sister.	Furthermore, y e said R. Bart. detected his own sister, in that he had twice instructed her not to worship Images, and also had taught her in the Epistle of S. James.
Elizabeth Dean, wife of Richard Dean, of Westwicam. Emme Tilseworth, wife of Will-Tilseworth. William Grinder, & his wife. John Scrivener. Alexandera▪ Mastal. w. Tilsworth Thurstane Litlepage. John Bartlet his brother.	The said Roberte Bart. detected also these to be of the number of Knowen men: for that they resorted many times together, reading and conferringe among themselves, & talking against worshiping of Images, & Pilgrimage: And if any came in amongst them, which was not of their side, thē they would say no more, but keep all silence. &c.
Rich. Bartlet by his oth was constrained to detect	Agnes wellys, wife of John Wellys, his sister.	This Agnes was detected of her brother in 3. points. Firste, for learning the Epistle of Saint James in English, of Thurstan Litlepage. Secondly, for not believing the bodily presence in the Sacrament. Thirdly, for speaking against worshiping of Images, and going on Pilgrimages.
	Olde father Bartlet, his father.	This Richard Bertlet also in his confession, said of his Father, that he was a better man, then he was taken for. For the other day there came a man to him, as he was threashing, and said, God speed father Bertlet, ye work sore, yea said he, I threshe God almighty out of the straw.
Against this Agnes Wellys brought and examined before the Bishop, were ministered these interrogatories, which for certain causes I thought here to inserte, for our posterity to note and consider, and they are these, as followeth.
*Articles ministered to Agnes Wellys. 1 WHether she knew that certain of the Paryshe of Amersham were convented before William Smith, late Byshoppe of Lincoln for heresy? 2 Item, whether she knew that certain of them so convented before the Bishop for heresy, did err in the Sacrament of the altar, or in other Sacraments, and what errors they were, and wherein? 3 Item, whether she knew any other to be susspect of the same heresy or sect, beside them of Amersham so convented, who they were, and how many? 4 Item, whether she had been of the same company, or sect, or opinion with them, which were convented before the Bishop for heresy: and if she were, what company she used, and whose? 5 Whether she was at any time conversant with Thurstane Litlepage: and if she were, how often she had been in his company: howe, what time, in what place, who else were present, for what causes, and whether she knew him to be suspected for heresy? 6 Item, whether she knew and had been conversant with Alexander Mastall, and if she were, howe, when, in what place, who were present, for what causes, and whether she knew him suspected for heresy? 7 Item, whether she was ever detected to the office of Willi. Smith late Bishop of Lincoln: at what time, or since the time that Litlepage and Mastall were convented before the Bishop for heresy: and whether she was then called and convented before the Bishop for heresy, or not? 8. Item, whether she had been present, or is now noted, had, holden, or reputed, or diffamed to be of the same sect with Thurstan Litlepage, or other convicted of heresy, and whether she be or hath been nominated for a Knowen woman among them? 9 Item, whether she hath ben present at any time at the readings or conferrings between Thurstane Litlepage, and other conuicts? 10 Item, whether Thurstane Litlepage did ever teache her the Epistle of Sainte James, or the Epistles of Saint Peter or Paul in English, and whether she hath repeated oft times the said Epistle of saint James, unto the said Thurstane, in the presence of Richard Bartlet her brother? 11 Item, whether Richard Bartlet her brother did teache her at any time the Epistle of S. James, and if he did, howe oft, and in what place? 12 Item, whether she had been instructed by Thurstane Litlepage, or by any other, in the foresaid sect, that in the Sacrament of the altar was not the true body of Christ, but only the substance of bread? 13 Item, whether she had been instructed by Thurstane Litlepage, or any other, that Pilgrimage was not to be used, nor the Images of Saints to be adored? 14 Item, whether she did credit the said Thurstane Litlepage, or any other, teaching her in the premisses, and whether she did believe or expressly consent with them in the foresaid articles? 15 Item, whether that Roberte Bartlet her brother did ever teach her the Epistle of S. James, and if he did, howe often, and where? 16 Whether the said Robert Bartlet had taught her that Pilgrimage was not to be used, and that Images were not to be adored? 17 Item, whether she knew such a law and custom among them, that such as were of that sort, did contract matrimony only with them selves, and not with other Christians? 18 Item, whether she did ever hear Thurstane, or any other say, that they only which were of their doctrine, were true Christians? 19 Item, when she came to receive, and was confessed, whether she did utter and confess her heresies to the priest?
Unto these captions and cruel Interrogatorie Articles ministered against Agnes Wellys, she answered negatively, almost to them all, refusing to utter any person unto the Bishop: But soon after, being otherwise schooled, I cannot tell howe, by the Catholics, she was compelled to detect both her self, her brother Roberte Bartlet, Thurstane Litlepage, and also Isabel Morwyn, wife of John Morwyn. &c.
Isabel Bartlet was then brought, & examined before the Bishoppe: where she	being asked whether she spake these words following to her husband, at the coming of the Bishops man: Alas, now are you an undone man, and I but a dead womanne. Firste, she stood in long denial of the same, and although her husband gave witness against her, yet stood she that her husband said not truth. At last, she was compelled to grant those words to be spoken: and then being asked what she meant by them, thus she excused her self, that her husband had been unkind unto her a long time, and therefore she desired to depart from him. Whereuppon now for sorrow she spake those words. &c. The which words her husband did excuse somethynge otherwise, saying, that his wife spake those words between the threshold and the Hall door, because of a vehemente fear for the loss of her goods.
	Richard Hobbes of Hichenden. Henry Hobbes of Hichenden. Hernes wife. Herne widow of Amersham. Thomas Couper of Amersham, husbandman.
Will. Chedwel, of Amersham.	John Stāpe wheeler of Amersham. Alice Hard. wife of Tho. Harding.	The crime laid to Alice Hardynge, was this, because, when the Prieste was coming to Richard Bennette, to give him howsell, she went before, and instructed him what he should do.
	W. Rogers Tiler. W. Harding. Roger Harding.	These were detected by Roger Bennet, for that they being admonyshed to appear before y e Bishops Chaunceloure at Amersham, neglected so to do.
Roger Bennet, by like compulsion of his oath, was caused to detecte these persons	I • . Iennings servant to James Morden. George, servant of Tho. Tochel. Tho. Gray, servant of Roger Bennet.	These were detected for carrying about certain books in English.
	Will. Smith Wheeler. The wife of Io. Milsent. The wife of W. Rogers. Ro Stampe, & his wife. The wife of Rob. Bartlet.	These good womenne here named, were detected to the Byshoppe by Roger Bennet, for that upon the holy days, when they go and come from the Church, they use to resort unto one I. Colingworths house, and there to keep their conuenticle.
	The wife of David Lews & her father▪	Thys womanne was charged for speking these words: that the churchmen in the old time did lead the people, as the Henn • doth lead her chickens: but our priests now do lead the people to the devil.
	Agnes Frāk, wife of Will. Franke. I. Gardener▪ I. Samme. I. George. I am. Mordē.	Because she turned away her face from the Cross, as it was carried about on Easter day in the morning, at the resurrection. Fol. 10.