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Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

John Foxe (1516-1587) · 4,228,662 words · 18794 min

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an. 1543. where he renewed again y e reading of S. Paul's Epistle, after a secret sort, as he did before, but y t could not be long vndiscouered. Wherupon by y e means of Cardinal de Capo, and by Bonauentura the general, he was apprehended the second time, and brought to Fauentia, & laid there in a filthy & stinking prison, where he continued four years, no man having leave once to come to him. During which time of his indurāce he wrote a Commentary upon the books of Moses but that labor by the malignity of the adversaries was suppressed. At length through the intercession of the Earl Petilianus, and of the foresaid good Abbot De Grassis, he was again delivered, and sent to Rauenna, where he made his abode a few months with the Abbot ad S. Vitalem, & there again taught the Gospel of Christ, as before: and whensoever he spake of the name of Jesus, his eyes dropt tears, for he was fraught with a mighty fervency of gods holy spirit.

In process of time, when this Abbot was dead, his sureties began to be weary of their bond, and so was he again now the third time, reduced into prison by the popes Legates. There were then 4. men of great authority, who being stirred up of GOD, had pity upon him, and bayled him out of prison. Of whom, one of the said sureties took y e said Mollius home, to instruct his children in the doctrine of religion, and good letters. Furthermore, at the fame of this man, such a concourse of people came to see him, that the adversaries began to consult with themselves, to kill him, least his doctrine should disparse farther abroad, to the detriment of the Church of Rome. Wherupon commandment was sent to the popes Legates, to lay hands upon him and to send him up fast bound to Rome. Where again, now the fourth time, he was imprisoned in the Castle of Nome, and there continued 18. months, being greatly assaulted, sometimes with flattering promises, sometime with terrible threats, to give over his opinion, but his building could not be shaken, for it was grounded upon a sure rock. Thus Doct. Mollius being constant in the defense of Christ's Gospel, was brought, w t certain other men (which were also apprehended for religion) into the Temple of S. Mary (called De Minerva ) the 5. day of September. an. 1553. either there to revoke, or to be burned There sat upon them 6. Cardinals in high seats, beside the Judge: before whom preached a Dominic Friar, which cruelly inueighing against the poor prisoners, incensed the Cardinals, with all the vehemency he might, to their condemnation. The poor men stood holding a burning taper in their hands: Of whom some for fear of death revolted. But this Doctor Mollius, with a Weaver of Perusium, remained constant. Then Mollius began an earnest sermon in the Italian tongue, where •• he confirmed the Articles of the faith, by y e sacrete scriptures, declaring also that the pope was not the successor of Peter, but Antichrist: and his sectaryes do figure the whore of Babylon. Moreover he cited thē up to the Tribunal seat of Christ, and threw away the burning taper from him. Wherupon they being replenished with anger, condemned him with the Weaver to the fire, and commanded them to be had away. So were they carried incontinent to the camp or field called Florianum. Where they remained cheerful and constant. First the Weaver was hanged. Mollius then willing the hangman to execute his office likewise upon him, began to exhort the people to beware of Idolatry, & to have no other saviors but Christ alone: for he only is the mediator between God and man. And so was he also hanged commending his soul to God, and afterward laid in the fire and burned. The people having diverse judgments upon him, some said he died an heretic, some said he was a good man. Ex Henr. Pantal. lib. 19. an. 1543.

Two monks of the house of S. Agustine in Rome.

At Rome.

Ann. 1554.

Furthermore, in the same City of Rome, and about the same time, in the Monastery of Saint Agustine, were found two Monks in their Celles with their tongues and their heads cut of, only for rebukyng the immoderate & outrageous excess of the Cardinals, as witnesseth Manlius. Suche was the cruelty then of the malignant adversaries. Ex John. Manl. in dictis Phil. Melanct. The Senate of Milan.

Franciscus Gamba.

At the City of Comū in the diocese of Millian.

Ann. 1554.

Francis Gamba borne in the City of Brixia in Lobardie, after he had received the knowledge of the gospel, went to Geneva, to confer about certain necessary affairs with them that were wise & learned in that Church which was about the time, whē the Lord's Supper there was administered at Penticoste: Who there also at the same time, did communicate with them. Afterwarde in his returning home, as he was passing over the Lake of Come, he was taken & brought to Come, and and there committed to ward. During the time of which imprisonment, diverse and sundry as well nobles, as others with Doctors also, especially priests and monks, resorted unto him, laboring by all manner of means, & most fair promises to reduce him frō his opinions: which seemed to some but phantasies, coming of some humors, to some they seemed vncatholicke or heretical. But he constantly disputing w t them by the manifest scriptures declared the opinions which he defended, not to be any vain speculations or imaginary phantasies of man's doting brain, but y e pure verity of God, and y e evident doctrine of Christ Jesus expressed in his word, necessary for all men to believe, & also to maintayn unto death: and therefore, for his part, rather then he would be found false to Christ, & his word he was there ready, not to deny, but to stand to Christ's Gospel, to the effusion of his blood. Thus when he could in no wise be reclaimed frō y e doctrine of truth, letters came from the Senate of Milan, that he should be executed w t death. Which execution, as they of Comum were about to prepare, in y e mean while came other letters from Geneva, writ̄ by the Emperors Ambassador, and other nobles of Milan by y e which letters his death was delayed for a time till at length, other letters were sent from the Senate again of Milan, requiring execution of y e sentence. Neuertheles, through intercession of his friends, one weeks respite more was granted him, to prove whether he might be won again to the popes Church, that is to say, lost from God. Thus he being mightily & long assailed both by friends, & by enemies terrified, yet by no persuasions would be expugned, but gave thanks to God, y t he was made worthy to suffer the rebukes of this world, and cruel death, for the testimony of his son, and so went he cheerfully unto his death. Then came certain Franciscan Friars to him, to hear his confession, which he refused. Also they brought in their hands, a cross for him to behold, to keep him from desperation, at the feeling of the fire. But his mind (he said) was so replenished with joy and comfort in Christ, that he needed neither their Cross, nor thē After this, as he was declaring many comfortable things to the people, of the fruition of those heavenly joys above, which God hath prepared for his, because he should speak no more to the people, his tongue was bored thorough, and so immediately being tied to the stake, there was strāgled till he was dead, every man there giving testimony, which saw his constancy, that he died a good man. Ex Epistola cuiusdam Nobilis Comensis apud Henr. Pantal. Lib. 10. & Celium.
  • Pope Paulus the 4.
  • The Magistrates of Venice.

Pomponius Algerius.

At Rome.

Ann. 1555.

Pomponius Algerius borne in Capua, a young man of great learning, was student in the University of Padua, where he not being able to conceal and keep close the verity of Christ's Gospel, which he learned by the heavenly teaching of God's grace, ceased not both by doctrine and example of life, to inform as many as he could, in the same doctrine, and to bring them to Christ. For the which he was accused of heresy, to Pope Paulus the fourth. Who sending immediately to the Magistrates of Venice, caused him to be apprehended at Puada, & carried to Venice, where he was long detained in prison & bands, till at last the Pope commanded y e Magistrates there to send him up bound unto Rome: which the Uenetians eftsoons accomplished. After he was broughe to Rome, manifold persuasions and allurementes were assayed to remove the virtuous and blessed young man, from his sentence. But when no worldly persuasions could prevail against the operation of God's spirit in him, then was he adjudged to be burned alive, which death most constantly he sustained to the great admiration of all that beheld him. Being in prison at Venice, he wrote an Epistle to the afflicted Saints, which for the notable sweetness & most wonderful consolation contained in the same, in showing forth the mighty operatiō of gods holy power working in his afflicted Saints, that suffer for his sake: I have thought good and expedient, to communicate, as a principal monument amongst all other Martyrs letters, not only with y e other letters, which shall be inserted hereafter (y e Lord willing) in the end of the book, but also in this present place to be read, to y e intent that both they which be, or shall be hereafter in affliction, may take consolation also, and also that they which yet follow the trade of this present world, in comparing the joys & commodities thereof, with these joys here expressed, may learn and consider with themselves, what difference there is, between them both, and thereby may learn to dispose themselves, in such sort, as may be to their edification, and perpetual felicity of their souls. The copy of the letter, first written in Latin we have translated into English: the tenor whereof here under ensueth.

A comfortable letter of Pomponius Algerius an Italian Martyr.

To his most dearly beloved brethren, and fellow servants in Christ, which are departed out of Babylon, into Mount Zion: Crace, peace, and health, from GOD our Father, by Jesus Christ our Lord and Savior.

T O mitigate your sorrow, which you take for me, I cannot but impart unto you some portion of my delectations and joys, which I feel and find, to the intent you with me, may rejoice, and sing before the Lord, giving thanks unto him. I shall utter that, which no man will believe when I shall declare it. I have found, a nest of honey and honey comb in the entrails of a Lyon. Who will ever believe that I shall say? or what man will ever think in the deep dark doungeon, to find a Paradise of pleasure? in the place of sorrow and death, to dwell in tranquility and hope of life, in a cave infernal, to be found joy of soul? and where other men do weep, there to be rejoicing? where other do shake and tremble, their strength and boldness to be plenty? Who will ever think, or who will believe this? in such a woeful state, such delectation? in a place so desolate, such societye of good men? in strait bands and cold irons? such rest to be had? Al these things, the sweet hand of the Lord (my sweet brethren) doth minister unto me. Behold, he that was once far from me, now is present with me. Whome once scarce I could feel, now I see more apparently: whom once I saw a far of, now I behold near at hand: whom once I hungered for, the same now approacheth and reacheth his hand unto me He doth comfort me, and heapeth me up with gladness, he driveth away all bitterness, he ministereth strength and courage, he healeth me, refresheth advanceth, and comforteth me. O how good is the Lord, which suffereth not his servants to be tempted above their strength? O how easy and sweet is his yoke? Is there any like unto the hyest, who receiveth the afflicted, healeth the wounded, and nourisheth them? Is there any like unto him? Learn ye well-beloved, howe amiable the Lord is, how meek and merciful he is, which visiteth his servants in temptations, neither disdayneth he to keep company with us in such vile and stinking caves. Will the blind and incredulous world (think you) believe this? or rather will it not say thus? No thou wilt never be able to abide long, the burning heat, the cold snow, and the pinching hardness of that place the manifold miseries, and other grievances innumerable: the rebukes, and frowning faces of men howe wilt thou suffer? Doest thou not consider and reuolue in thy mind thy pleasant Country, the riches of the world, thy kinsfolk the dellicate pleasures, and honors of this life? Doest thou forget the sollace of thy sciences, and fruit of all thy labors? Wilt thou thus loose all thy labors, which thou hast hitherto sustained? so many nights watched thy painful travails, and all thy laudable enterprises, wherein thou hast ben exercised continually, even from thy childhood Finally, fearest thou not death, which hangeth over thee, and that for no crime committed? O what a fool art thou, which for one word speaking, mayest salve all this, and wilt not? What a rude & unmannerly thing is this, not to be entreated at the instant petitions and desires of such, so many and so mighty, so just, so virtuous, so prudent, and gracious Senatoures, and such noble personages? &c.

But now to answer, let this blind world hearken to this again: What heat can there be more burning, then that fire, which is prepared for thee hereafter? And likewise what snow can be more cold, then thy heart which is in darkness, and hath no light? What thing is more hard and sharp, or crooked, then this present life, which hear we lead? What thing more odious and hateful, then this world here present? And let these worldly men here answer me: what country can we have more sweet, then the heavenly country above? what treasures more riche or precious, then everlasting life? And who be our kinsmen, but they which hear the word of God? where be greater riches, or dignities more honorable, then in heaven? And as touching the sciences, let this foolish world consider, be they not ordained to learn to know God? whom unless we do know, all our labors, our night watchinges, our studies, and all our enterprises serve to no use or purpose, all is but labor lost. Furthermore let the miserable worldly man answer me, what remedy or safe refuge cā there be unto him, if he lack God, who is the life and medicine of all men? And howe can he be said to fly from death, when he himself is already dead in sin? If Christ be the way, verity and life, how can there be any life then, without Christ? The sooly heat of the prison, to me is coldness: the cold winter to me is a fresh spring time in the Lord. He that feareth not to be burned in the fire, how will he fear the heat of weather? or what careth he for the pinching frost, which burneth with the love of the Lord? the place is sharp and tedious to them that be giltye, but to the innocent and giltles, it is mellifluous. Here droppeth the delectable dew, here floweth the pleasant Nectar, here runneth the sweet milk, here is plenty of all good things. And although the place it self be desert and barren, yet to me it seemeth a large walk, and a valley of pleasure: here to me is the better and more noble part of the world. Let the miserable worldling say and confess, if there be any plot pastor, or medowe so delightful to the mind of man, as here? Here I see kings, princes, Cities, and people, here I see wars, where some be overthrown, some be victors some thrust down, some lifted up. Here is the mount Zion: here I am already in heaven it self. Here standeth first Christ Jesus in the front. About him stand the old fathers, Prophets and Evangelists, Apostles, and all the servants of God. Of whō some do embrace & cherish me, some exhort me, some open the Sacraments unto me, some comfort me, other some singing about me And how then shall I be thought to be alone, among so many, & such as these be? The beholding of whom, to me is both solace, and example For here I see some crucified, some slain, some stoned, some cut a sonder and quartared, some roasted, some broiled, some put in hot caulderns, some having their eyes bored thorough, some their tongues cut out, some their skin plucked over their heads, some their hands and feet chopped off, some put in kilnes and furnaces, some cast down headlong, and given to the beasts, and fowls of the air, to feed upon, It would ask a long time if I should recite all.

To be short diverse I see, with diverse and sundry torments excruciate: yet notwithstanding, all living and all safe. One plaster, one salve cureth all their wounds: which also giveth to them strength & life, so that I sustain all these transitory anguishes, & small afflictions, with a quiet mind, having a greater hope laid up in heaven. Neither do I fear mine adversaries which here persecute me and oppress me: For he that dwelleth in heavē shall laugh them to scorn, and the Lord shall deride them I fear not thousands of people, which compass me about. The Lord my God shall deliver me, my hope, my supporter, my comforter, who exalteth up my head. He shall smite all thē that stand up against me without cause, & shall dash the teeth & jaws of sinners a sunder: for he only is all blessedness and majesty. The rebukes for Christ's cause make us iocant: for so it is writ̄, If ye be rebuked & scorned for the name of Christ, happy be you, for the glory and spirit of God resteth upon you. 1. Pet. 4. Be you therefore certified, that our rebukes which are laid upon us, redound to the shame and harm of the rebukers. In this world there is no mansion firm to me, and therefore I travail up to the new Jerusalem, which is in heaven, & which offereth it self unto me, without paying any fine or Income. Behold I have entered already in my journey, where my house standeth for me prepared, and where I shall have riches, kinsfolks delites, honors never failing. As for these earthly things here present, they are transitory shadows, vanishing vapors, and ruinous walls, Briefly all is but very vanity of vanities, where as hope, and the substance of eternity to come, are wanting, Which the merciful goodness of the Lord hath given, as companions, to accompany me, and to comfort me, and now do the same begin to work and to bring forth fruits in me. I have trauayled hitherto, labored and swette early and late, watching day and night, & and now my travails begin to come to effect. Days and hours have I bestowed upon my studies. Behold the true countenance of God is sealed upon me, the Lord hath given mirth in my heart. And therefore in the same will I lay me down in peace and rest. Psal 4. And who then shall dare to blame this our age consumed, or say that our years be cut off? What man can now cavil, that these our labors are lost, which have followed & found out the Lord and maker of this world, and which have changed death with life? My portiō is the Lord (saith my soul) & therefore I will seek & wait for him Now then, if to die in the Lord, be not to die but to live most joyfully: where is this wretched worldly rebel, which blameth us of folly, for giving away our lives to death? O how delectable is this death to me, to taste the Lord's cup, which is an assured pledge of true salvation? for so hath the Lord himself forewarned us, saying: The same that they have done to me, they will also do unto you. Wherefore let the doltish world, with his blind worldlings (who in the bright sun shine, yet go stumblyng in darkness, being as blind as betels) cease thus unwisely to carp against us, for our rash suffering, as they count it. To whom thus we answer again with the holy Apostle: That neither tribulation, nor anguish, nor hunger, nor nakedness, nor ieoperdy, nor persecution, nor sword, shall be able ever to separate us from the love of Christ. We are slain all the day long, we are made like sheep ordained to the shābless. Rom. 8. Thus do we resemble Christ our head which said. That the Disciple cannot be above his master nor the servant above his Lord. The same Lord hath also commanded that everyone shall take up his cross, and follow him Luc. 9. Reioyse, reioise (my dear brethrē, & fellow servants) & be of good comfort, when ye fall into sundry temptations. Let your patience be perfect on all parts. For so is it foreshowed us before, & is writ̄: That they which shall kill you, shall think to do God good service. Therefore afflictions, & death be as tokens & sacraments of our election, & life to come. Let us then be glad, & sing to the Lord, whē as we being clear frō all just accusation, are persecuted & given to death. For better it is, that we in doing well, do suffer, if it so be the will of the Lord, then doing evil. 1. Pet. 3. We have for our example, Christ and the prophets, which spake in the name of the Lord, whom the children of iniquity did quell and murder: and now we bless and magnify them, that then suffered, Let us be glad and joyous in our innocence, and uprightness. The Lord shall reward them that persecute us: let us refer all reuēgement to him.

I am accused of foolishness, for that I do not shrink frō the true doctrine & knowledge of God, & do not rid me self out of these troubles, whē with one word, I may. O the blindness of man, which seeth not the sun shining, neither remēbreth the Lord's words. Consider therefore what he saith. You are the light of the world: A city built on the hill cannot be hid: Neither do men light a candle, & put it under a bushel, but upon a candlestick, that it may shine, and give light to them in the house. And in another place he saith: you shall be led before kings & rulers, fear ye not them, which kill the body, but him which killeth both body and soul, Who soever shall confess me before men, him will I also confess before my father which is in heaven: And he that denieth me before men, him will I also deny before my heavenly father. Wherefore, seeing the words of the Lord be so plain, how or by what authority will this wise counselor thē approve this his counsel, which he doth give? God forbid that I should relinquish the commandments of God, and follow the counsels of men. For it is written: Blessed is the man that hath not gone in the ways of sinners, and hath not stand in the counsels of the ungodly, and hath not sit in the chair of pestilence. Psal. 1. God forbid that I should deny Christ, where I ought to confess him. I will not set more by my life, then by my soul: neither will I exchange the life to come, for this world here present. O howe foolishly speaketh he, which here argueth me of foolishness?

Neither do I take it to be a thing so uncomely or vnseeming for me not to obey in this matter, the requests of those so honorable, just, prudent, virtuous and noble Senators, whose desires (he saith) were enough to command me. For so are we taught of the Apostles: That we ought to obey God before men. After that we have served and done our duty first unto God▪ then are we bound next to obey the Potestates of this world: whom I wish to be perfect before the Lord. They are honorable, but yet are they to be made more perfect in the Lord They are just, but yet Christ the seat of justice is lacking in them. They are wise, but where is in them the beginning of wisdom, that is, the fear of the Lord? They are called virtuous, but yet I wish them more absolute in Christian charity. They are good and gracious: but yet I miss in them the foundation of goodness, which is the Lord God, in whom dwelleth all goodness and grace. They are honorable, yet have they not received the Lord of glory, which is our Savior most honorable and glorious. Vnderstande you kings, and learn you that judge the earth. Serue the Lord in fear, and rejoice in him with trembling Hearken to doctrine, and get knowsledge, least you fall into God's displeasure, and so pearish out of the way of righteousness. What freat you, what fume, you O Gentiles? O you people, what cast you in your brains the cogitations of vanity? you kings of the earth, and you princes, why conspire you so together against Christ, and against his holy one? Psal. 2. Howe longe will you seek after lies, and hate the truth? Turn you to the Lord, and harden not your hearts. For this you must needs confess, that they which persecute the Lord's servants, do persecute the Lord him self. For so he saith himself: Whatsoever men shall do to you, I will count it to be done, not as unto you, but to myself.

And now let this carnal politic counselor and disputer of this world, tell, wherein have they to blame me, if in mine examinations I have not answered so after their mind and affection as they required of me? seeing it is not our selves that speak, but the Lord that speaketh in us, as he himself doth fore witness saying: When ye shall be brought before rulers and Magistrates, it is not you yourselves that speak, but the spirit of my father, that shall be in you▪ M. 10 Wherefore if the Lord be true and faithful of his word, as it is most certain, then is there no blame in me: for he gave the words that I did speak, and who was I, that could resist his will? If any shall reprehende the things that I said, let him then quarrel with the Lord, whom it pleased to work so in me. And if the Lord be not to be blamed, neither am I herein to be accused, which did that I purposed not, and that I forethoughte not of. The things which there I did utter and express, if they were otherwise then well, let them show it, and then will I say, that they were my words, and not the Lord's? But if they were good, and approved, and such as cannot justly be accused, then must it needs be granted, spite of their teethe, that they proceeded of the Lord: and then who be they, that shall accuse me? A people of prudence. Or who shall condemn me? Just judges. And though they so do, yet nevertheless, the word shall not be frustrate, neither shall the Gospel be foolish, or therefore decay: but rather the kingdom of God shall the more prosper and flourish unto the Israelites, and shall pass the sooner unto the elect of Christ Jesus: And they which shall so do, shall prove the grievous judgment of God, neither shall they escape without punishment, that be persecutors and murderers of the just. My well be loved, lift up your eyes, and consider the counsels of God. He shown unto us a late, an Image of his plague, which was to our correction. And if we shall not receive him, he will draw out his sword, and strike with sword, pestilence, and famine▪ the nation that shall rise against Christ. These have I written to your comfort, dear brethren. Pray for me, I kiss in my heart, with an holy kiss, my good masters, Siluius, Pergula, Iustus, also Fidel Rock, and him that beareth the name of Lelia, whō I know, although being absent. Itē, the governor of the University, Syndicus, & all other, whose names be writ̄ in the boke of life. Farewell all my fellow servants of God: fare ye well in the Lord, & pray for me continually. From the delectable horchyard of Leonine prison. 12. cal. Aug. An. 1555.

It is written of one Thebrotus, that when he had read y e book of Plato, De immortalitate animae, he was so moved and persuaded therewith, that he caste him self down headlong from an high wall, to be rid out of this present life. If those heathen Philosophers, having no word of God, nor promise of any resurrection and life to come, could so soon be persuaded by reading the words of Plato, to contemn this world and life here present: how much more is it to be required in Christians, instructed with so many evidences and promises of God's most perfect word, that they should learn to cast of the carnal desires and affections of this miserable peregrination, and that for a double respect, not only in seeing, reading, and understanding so many examples of the miseries of this wretched world: but also much more in considering, and pondring the heavenly joys and consolations of the other world, remaining for us hereafter to come. For a more full evidence whereof, I thought good to give out this present letter of Algerius above prefixed, for the taste of the same, and a lively testimony for all true Christians to read and consider. Now let us proceed further (the Lord willing) in our Table of Italian Martyrs.

Persecutours. Martyrs. The causes.

Johannes Aloisius.

At Rome.

An. 1559.

Of Johannes Aloisius we find mention made in a letter of Symonne Florillus: which Aloisius was sent down frō Geneva, to the parties of Calabria, there to be their minister, who afterward was sent for up to Rome, and there suffered. Ex Epist. D. Simonis Florilli.

Jacobus Bouellus.

At Messina.

An. 1559.

Jacobus Bouellus was likewise sent frō Geneva to the said parties of Calabria, with Aloisius, who also being sent for, up to Rome, was sent down to the Citye Messina, and there was martyred. Ibidē.
Pope Pius the fourth.

Divers that suffered in the kingdom of Naples.

At Neaples

An. 1560.

After Pope Julius the third, came Marcellus the second. After him succeeded pope Paul the fourth. This Paul being dead, followed Pope Pius the fourth. Who being advanced to y e room, began hot persecution in all the territories of the Church of Rome, against them which were suspected for Lutherans. Whereuppon ensued great trouble and persecution in the kingdom of Neaples, in such cruel sort, that many noble men with their wives, & others are reported there to be slain. Vide Pantali. lib. 11.
Pope Pius the fourth.

Lxxxviij. Martyrs in one day, with one butcherly knife, slain like sheep.

1600. other, also condemned.

At Calabria. An. 1560.

In Calabria likewise the same time, suffered a blessed mumber of Christ's well-beloved saints, both old and young, put together in one house, to the number of 88. persons, all which, one after another, were taken out of the house, and so being laid upon the butchers stall, like the sheep in the Shambles, with one bloody knife, were all killed in order. A Spectacle most tragical, for all posterity to remember, and almost incredible to believe. Wherefore for the more credit of the matter, least we shall seem either light of creadite, to believe that is not true, or rashly to committee to pen, things without due proof and authority, we have here annexed a piece of an Epistle, written by master Simon Florillus preacher of God's word at the City Clauenna, among the Rhetians, unto a certain friend of his, named Guliel. Gratalorus an Italian, and Doctoure of Physic, in the University of Basel, which Gratalorus translated the same into the Latin tongue, and it is to be found in the 11. book of Pantal. pa. 337. the English whereof is this as followeth.

*The ende of a certain letter of master Simon Florellus, written in Italian, concerning a lamentable slaughter of 88. Christian Saints, in the parties of Calabria.

AS concerning news, I have nothing to write, but only, that I send you a Copy of certain letters imprinted either at Rome, or at Venice, concerning the Martyrdom or persecution in two several Towns of Calabria, eyghte Italyan miles from the borders of Consentia: the one called Sainte Sixtus within two miles of Montalte, under the Seigniorie of the Duke of Montalte: the other called Guardia, situate upon the Sea coaste, and 12. miles from S. Sixtus: the which two Towns are utterly destroyed, and eight hundred of the inhabitants there (or as some write from the City of Rome) no less then a full thousand. He that wrote the letter, was servant to Ascanius Caracciolus. The country and people there I well knew, to take the first Original of their good doctrine, & honest life, frō the Valdēses. For before my departure frō Geneva at their request, I sent them two Schoolemaisters, and two preachers. The last year the two preachers were Martyred: the one at Rome, named Johannes Aloisus Paschalis, a Citizen of Cunium: he other at Messina, named James Bouel, both of Piedmont: This year the residue of that godly fellowship were Martyred, in the same place. I trust this good seed sown in Italy, will bring forth good and plentiful fruit.

Now followeth the copy of the letters sent from Montalt, a town in Calabria 8. miles distant from Consentia, bearing Date the 11. of June. 1560. The writer of the which letters, as ye may perceive, was one of them which call themselves Catholics, and followers of the Pope. The words of the letter be these, as here under followeth.

*Here followeth the Copy of a letter sent from Montalte in Calabria, by a Romanist, to a certain friend of his in Rome, containing news of the persecution of Christ's people in Calabria, by the new Pope Pius the fourth.

HEtherto, most noble Lord, have I certified you, what here daily hath been done about these heretics Now cometh next to signify unto your Lordship, the horrible judgment begun this present day, being the eleventh of June, to be executed very early in the morning against the Lutherans. Whyche when I think upon, I verily quake and tremble. And truly, the manner of their putting to death, was to be compared to the slaughter of calves and sheep. For they being all thrust up in one house together as in a sheepfold, the executioner cometh in, and amongst them taketh one and blindfeldeth him with a muffler about his eyes, & so leadeth him forth to a larger place near adjoining, where he commandeth him to kneel down, which being so done, he cutteth his throat, & leaving him half dead, and taking his butchers knife and muffler all of gore blood (which the Italians call Benda) cometh again to the rest, & so leading one after another, he dispatcheth them all, which were to the number of 88. This spectacle, to behold howe doleful and horrible it was, I leave to your Lordship’s judgment: for to write of it, I myself cannot but weep. Neither was there any of the beholders there present, which seeing one to die, could abide to behold the death of another. But certesse so humbly and patiently they went to death, as is almost vncreadible to believe. Some of them as they were in dyinge, affirmed that they believed even as we do. Notwithstanding, as the most part of them died in the same their obstinate opinions. All the aged persons went to death more cheerfully, the younger were more timorous. I tremble and shake even to remember how the executioner held his bloody knife between his teethe, with the bloody muffler in his hand, and his arms all in gore blood up to the elbows, going to the fold, and taking everyone of them, one after another, by the hand, and so dispatching them all, no otherwise then doeth a butcher kill his calves and sheep.

It is moreover appointed (and the cartes be come all ready) that all those so put to death, should be quartered, and so to be conveyed in the cartes to the hethermost parts of Calabria, where they shall be hanged upon poles in the high ways, and other places, even to the confines of the same country. Unless the Popes holiness & the Lord Viceroy of Neaples shall give in commandment to the Lord Marques of Buccianus, governor of the said province, to stay his hand, and go no further, he will proceed, with the rack and torture, examining all other, and so increase the mumber in such sort, that he will nigh dispatch them all.

This day it is also determined that an hundred of the more ancient women, should appear to be examined and racked, and after to be put to death, that the mixture may be perfect, for so many men, so many women. And thus have you that I can say of this justice. Now it is about two of the clock in the afternoon: Shortly we shall hear what some of them said, when they went to execution. There be certain of them so obstinate, that they will not look upon the crucifix, nor be confessed to the priest, and they shall be burned alive.

The heretics that be apprehended and condemned, are to the number of 1600· but as yet no more but these foresaid 88. are already executed. This people have their original of the valley named Angronia, near to Subaudia, and in Calabria, are called Vltramontani. In the kingdom of Neaples there are 4. other places of the same people, of whom whether they live well or no, as yet we know not: For they are but simple people, ignorant, without learning, wood gatherers, and husbandmen: but as I hear, much devout and religious, giving themselves to die for religions sake. From Montealto, the 11. of June. And thus much writeth this Romanist.

Here moreover is to be noted, that the foresaid Marques Buccianus above specified, had a son or brother, unto whom the said new Pope (Pius the fourth belike) is reported to have promised a Cardinalshippe at Rome, if all the Lutherans were extirped and roted out in that province. And like enough that the same was the cause of this butcherly persecution and effusion of Christian blood, in the said country of Calabria, beyond Neaples in Italy.

Besides these godly Italian Martyrs, in this Table above contained, many other also have suffered in the same country of Italy, of whom some before have been specified: some peradventure omitted. But many moe there be, whose names we know not, whereof as soon as knowledge may be givē unto us, we purpose God willing, to impart the same (loving reader) unto thee.

Now in the mean time it followeth (according to my promise made before) next after this lamentable slaughter of Calabria, here to insert also the tragical persecution & horrible murder of the faithful flock of Christ inhabiting in Merindole in France, and in other towns adiacēt near unto the same, in the time of Franciscus .1. the french king. The furious cruelty of which miserable persecution, although it cannot be set forth too muth at large, yet because we will not weary too much the reader, with the full length thereof, we have so contracted the same, especially the principal effect thereof we have comprehended in such sort, that as we on the one part have avoided prolixity: so on the other we have omitted nothing, which might seme unworthy to be forgotten. The story here followeth.

A notable history of the persecution and destruction of the people of Merindol and Cabriers, the country of Province: where, not a few persons, but whole Villages and Towneships with the most part of all the foresaid country, both men, women, and children, were put to all kind of cruelty, & suffered martyrdom, for the profession of the gospel.

THey that write of the beginning of this people, say that about CC. years ago, they came out of the Country of Piedmont, to inhabit in Province, in certain Uillages, destroyed by wars, and other desert places: Wherein they used such labor and diligence, that they had abundance of corn, wine, oils, honey, almons, with other fruits & commodities of the earth, and much cattle. Before they came thither, Merindol was a barren desert and not inhabited. But these good people (in whom God always had reserved some little seed of piety) being dispersed, and separated from the society of men, were compelled to dwell with beasts, in that waste and wild desert, which notwithstanding, through the blessing of God, and their great labor and travel, became exceeding fruitful. Notwithstanding, the world in the mean time, so detested & abhorred them, and with all shameful rebukes and contumelies, railed against them in such despiteful manner, y t it seemed they were not worthy that the earth should bear them. For they, of a long continuance and custom, had refused the Bishop of Rome's authority, and observed ever a more perfect kind of doctrine, then others, delivered to them from the father to the son, ever since the yere of our Lord. 1200.

For this cause they were often accused & complained of to the king, as contemners & despisers of the magistrates and rebels. Wherefore they were called by diverse names according to the countries and places where they dwelte. For in the country about Lions, they were called the pore people of Lions: In the borders of Sarmatia & Liuonia, and other countries towards the North, they were called Lolards: In Flanders, and Artoys, Turrelupius, of a desert where wolves did haunte: In Dolphine, with great despite, they were named Chagnardes, because they lived in places open to the Sun, and without house or harborough. But most commonly they were called Waldoys, of Waldo, who first instructed them in y e word of God: which name continued until the name of Lutherans came up, which above all other, was most hated, and abhorred.

Notwithstanding, in all these most spiteful contumelies ond sclaunders, the people dwelling at the foot of the Alps, and also in Merindol & Cabriers, and the quarters thereabout, always lived so godly, so uprightly and justly y t in all their life & conversation, there appeared to be in thē a great fear of God. That little light of true knowledge which God had given them, they labored by all means to kindle & increase daily more & more, sparing no charges whether it were to procure books of the holy Scripture, or to instruct such as were of the best and moste towardly wits, in learning & godliness: or else to send thē into other countries, yea even to y e farthest partes of the earth, where they had heard that any light of the gospel began to shine.

For in the yere 1530. understanding that the gospel was preached in certain towns of Germany & Switzerland, they sent thither 2. learned men, that is, Georgius Maurellus borne in Dolphine, a godly preacher of their own, and whom they had of their own charges brought up in learning, & Petrus Latomus a Burgundian, to confer with the wise & learned ministers of the Churches there, in the doctrine of the gospel, and to know the whole form and manner which those Churches used in the service and worshipping of God: and particularly to have their advise also, upon certain points, which they were not resolved in. These 2. after great conference had w t the chiefest in the Church of God, namely with Oecolampadius at Basel: at Strasbourg, with Bucer and Capito: and at Berne, w t Bartholdus Hallerus: as they were returning thorough Burgundy, homeward, Petrus Latomus was taken at Dyion, and caste into prison, Maurellus escaped & returned alone to Merindol, with the books and letters which he brought with him, from the churches of Germany, and declared to his brethren all the points of his commission, and opened unto them, how many and great errors they were in: into the which their old Ministers, whom they called Barbes, that is to say, Uncles, had brought them, leading them from the right way of true Religion.

When the people heard this, they were moved with such a zeal to have their Churches reformed, that they sent for the moste ancient brethren, & the chiefest in knowledge and experience, of all Calabria & Apulia, to consult with them, touching the reformation of y e Church. This matter was so handled, that it stirred up the bishops, priests & monks in all Province, with great rage against them. Amongest other, there was one cruel wretch called John de Roma, a monk, who obtaining a commissiō to examine those that were suspected to be of y e Waldois or Lutheran profession, forthwith ceased not to afflict the faithful with all kind of cruelty, y t he could devise or imagine. Amongest other most horrible torments, this was one, which he most delighted in, and most commonly practiced: He filled bootes with boiling grece, & put them upon their legs, tying them backward to a form, with their legs hanging down over a small fire, and so he examined them. Thus he tormented very many, and in the ende, most cruelly put them to death. The first whom he thus tormented, were Michelottus Serra, and W. Melius, with a number moe.

Wherefore Francis the French king being informed of the strange and outrageous cruelty of this hellish monk: sent letters to the high Courte or Parliament of Province, y e forthwith he should be apprehended, & by form of process and order of law, he should be condemned, & advertisement sent unto him w t all speed, or his condemnation. The monk being advertised hereof by his friends, conveyed himself to Avigno, where he thought to enjoy the spoylings, which he, like a notorious thief, had gotten by fraud & extortion, from the pore Christians. But shortly after, he which had so shamefully spoiled other, was spoiled of altogether, by his own household servants: Wherupon, shortly after, he fell sick of a most horrible disease, strange and unknown to any Physician. So extreme were the pains & torments, wherewith he was continually vexed in all his body, that no ointment, no foam̄tation, nor anything else, could ease him one minute of an hour. Neither was there any man that could tarry near about him: ne yet would any of his own friends come near to him: so great was the stench that came from him. For the which cause he was carried from the Iacobines, to an hospital, there to be kept. But the stinche & infection, so increased, that no man durst there come near him: no nor he himself was able to abide the horrible stench that ishued from his body, full of ulcers and sores, and swarming with vermin, and so rotten, that the flesh fell away from the bones, by peecemeale.

Whiles he was in these torments and anguish, he cried out oftentimes in great rage: Oh who will deliver me? who will kill and rid me out of these intolerable pains, which I know, I suffer for the evils and oppressions that I have done to the poor men? And he himself went about diverse times, to destroy himself, but he had not the power. In these horrible torments and anguish, and fearful despair, this blasphemer and most cruel homicide, moste miserably ended his vnhappye days and cursed life, as a spectacle to all persecutors, receiving a just reward of his cruelty by y e just judgment of God. When he was dead, there was no man y t would come nere him to bury him: but a young novice newly come to his order, in stead of a more honorable sepulture, caught hold w t a hook upon his stinking carian & drew him into a hole hard by, which was made for him.

After the death of this cruel monster, the bishop of Aix, by his Officiall Perionet, continued the persecution & put a great multitude of them in prison: of whom some by force of torments, revolted from the truth: the others which continued constant after he had condemned thē of heresy, were put into the hands of the ordinary judge, which at y time, was one Meiranus, a notable cruel persecutor: who without any form of process or order of law, such as the Official had pronounced to be heretics, he put to death, with most cruel torments: But shortly after, he received a just reward of his cruelty, in like manner.

After the death of the good President Cusinetus, the Lord of Reuest being chief President of the Parliament of Aix, put many of the faithful to death. Who afterward being put out of his office, returned to his house of Reuest, where he was stricken with such an horrible sickness, that for the fury and madness which he was in, his wife or any that were about him, durst not come near him, and so he dying in this fury and rage, was justly plagued for his unmerciful and cruel dealing.

After him succeeded Barthol. Cassaneus, likewise a pestilent persecutor, whom God at length stroke with a fearful & sodeine death. In the time of this tyrant, those of Merindol, in the person often, were cited personally to appear before y e kings atturny. But they hearing that y e court had determined to burn them w t out any further process or order of law, durst not appear at y e day appointed. For which cause the court awarded a cruel sentence against Merindol, & condemned all the inhabitants, to be burned both men & women, sparing none, no not the little children & infantes: the town to be rased, & their houses beaten down to the ground: also the trees to be cut down, as well olive trees, as all other, and nothing to be left, to the intent it should never be inhabited again, but remain as a desert or wilderness.

This bloody arrest or Decree seemed so strange and wonderful, that in every place throughout all Province, there was great reasoning and disputation concerning the same, especially among the advocates, and men of learning & understanding: in so much that many durst boldly & openly say, that they greatly marveled, how that Court of parlamēt could be so mad, or so bewitched, to give out such an arrest, so manifestly iniucious & unjust, and contrary to all right and reason, yea to all sense of humanity: also contrary to the solemn oath, which all such as are received to office in Courtes of Parliament, are accustomed to make, that is to say, to judge justly & uprightly, according to the law of God, and the just ordinances & laws of the realm, so that God thereby might be honored, and every man's right regarded without respect of persons.

Some of the advocates or lawyers, defending the said Arrest to be just and right, said: that in case of Lutheranism, the judges are not bound to observe either right or reason, law either ordinance, and that the judges cannot fail or do amiss, whatsoever judgment they do give, so that it tend to the ruin and extirpation of all such as are suspected to be Lutherans.

To this the other lawyers and learned men answered, that upon their sayings it would insue, that the Judges should now altogether follow the same manner and form, in proceeding against the Christians accused to be Lutherans, which the gospel witnesseth that the Priests, Scribes, and Pharisees followed, in pursuing and persecutyng, and finally condemning our Lord Jesus Christ.

By these & such other like talks y e said arrest was published throughout the country, and there was no assemble or banket where it was not disputed or talked of: & namely within 12. days after the Arrest was given out, there was a great banket in the town of Aix, at the which banket was present M. Barthelmew Chassanee, President, & many other Counselors and other noble personages and men of authority. There was also the Archb. of Aries and the bishop of Aix, with diverse ladies and gentlewomen, amongst whom was one which was commonly reported to be the bishop of Aix his concubine. They wer scarce well set at the table, but she began thus to talk. My Lord President, will you not execute the arrest, which is given out of late, against the Lutherans of Merindoll? The President answered nothing, feigning that he heard her not. Then a certain gentleman asked of her what Arrest that was. She recited it in manner and form, as it was given out, forgetting nothing, as if she had a long time, studied to commit the same unto memory: Whereunto they which were at the banket gave diligent ear without any word speaking, until she had ended her tale.

Then the lord of Alenc, a man fearing God, and of great understanding, said unto her: gentlewomā, you have learned this tale, either of some that would have it so, or else it is given out by some parliament of women. Then the lord of Senas an ancient counsailor, said unto him, no, no, my L. of Alenc, it is no tale which you have hard this gentlewoman tell: for it is an arrest given out by a whole Senate, & you ought not thus to speak, except you would call the court of Province a parliament of women. Then the L. of Alenc began to excuse himself, with protestation, that he would not speak anything to blemish the authority of that sovereign court, notwithstanding he could not believe all that which the said gentlewoman had told, that is to say, that all the inhabitants of Merindoll were condemned to die by y e Arrest of the said court of parliament of Province, and specially the women & little children and infants: and the town to be rased, for the fault of 10. or 12. persons which did not appere before the said court at the day appointed. And the Lord Beauieu also answered, that he believed not the said court to have given out any such Arrest, for that (said he) were a thing most unreasonable, and such as the very Turks and the most tyrannes of the world would judge to be a thing most detestable: and said further, that he had known a long time many of Merindol, which seemed unto him to be men of great honesty: and my L. President (said he) can certify us well what is done in this mater, for we ought not to give credit unto women's tales. Then the gentlewoman which had rehearsed y e arrest, stayed not to hear the Presidents answer, but suddenly looking upon the B. of Aix, said: I should greatly have marveled, if there had been none in all this company which would defend these wicked men, and lifting her eyes to heaven in a great womanly chafe and fume, said: would to God that all the Lutherans which are in Province, yea, and in all France, had horns growing on their forheads, then we should see a goodly many of horns. To whom the Lord Beauieu suddenly answered, saying, would to God that all priests harlots should chatter like Pies. Then said the gētlewoman: ha my L. Beauieu, you ought not so to speak against our holy mother the church, for that there was never dog y t barked against the crucifix, but that he waxed mad. Whereat the Bishop of Aix laughed, and clapping the gentlewoman on the shoulder, said, by my holy orders my minion, well said, I conne you thank, She hath talked well unto you, my Lord Beauieu, remember well the lesson that she hath given you. Here the Lord Beauieu being wholly moved w t anger, said, I care neither for her school nor yours, for it would be long before a man should learn of either of you both, any honesty or honor: For if I should say that the most part of the bishops and priests are abhominable adulterers, blind idolaters, deceivers, thieves, seducers, I should not speak against the holy church, but against a heap and flock of wolves, dogs, and filthy swine in speaking these things, I would think a man not to be mad at all, except he be mad for speaking of the truth.

Then the Archbishop in a great iurie answered, my L. Beauieu, you speak very evil, and you must give account when time and place serveth, of this your talk, which you have here uttered against the Church men. I would, said the Lord Beauieu that it were to do even this present day, and I would bind myself to prove more abuses & naughtiness in Priests then I have yet spoken. Then said the President Chassinee, my Lord Beauieu, let us leave of this talk and live as our fathers have done, and maintain their honor. Then said he in a great anger, I am no Priests son to maintain their wickedness e and abuse. And afterward he said, I am well content to honor all true pastors of the church, and will not blame them which show good example in their doctrine and living: but I demand of you my Lord of Arles, and you my Lord of Aix, when as our Lord Jesus Christ called the Priests deceiving hypocrites, blind seducers, robbers and thieves, did he them any outrage or wrong? and they answered no, for the most part of them were such men. Then said the Lord Beauieu, even so is it with the bishops and priests which I have spoken of, for they are such kind of men, or rather worse: and I so abhor their filthy and abhominable life, that I dare not speak the one half of that which I know, and therefore in speaking the truth, to cool the babbling of a harlot, I do them no injury.

Then monsieur de Senas an ancient counsailor, said, let us leave of this contentious talk, for we are here assembled & come together to make good chere. And afterward he said, monsieur de Beauieu, for the love and amity which I bear unto you, I will advertise you of 3. things, which if you will do, you shall find great ease therein.

The first is, that you neither by word nor deed, aide or assist those which you hear to be Lutherans.

Secondly, y t you do not entermeddle, openly to reprove ladies and gentlewomen for their pastime and pleasures.

Thirdly, that you do never speak against the life and living of Priests, howe wicked so ever it be, according to this saying: Do not touch mine annointed.

To whom monsieur Beauieu answered, as touching y e first point, I know no Lutherans, neither what is meant by this word Lutheranism, except you do call them Lutherans, which profess the doctrine of the gospel. Neither yet will I ever allow any Arrest which shall be given out to death against men whose cause hath not been heard, especially, against women and young infantes: and I am assured that there is no Court of parliament in all France which will approve or allow any such arrest. And where as you say that I should not meddle to reprove ladies or gētlewomen, if I knew any kinswoman of mine, which would abandon her self unto a priest or clerk, yea albeit he were a cardinal or bishop, I would not do her so much honor as to rebuke her therefore, but at the least I would cut of her nose. And as touching priests, as I am contented not to meddle with their business, so likewise I will not that they meddle with mine hereafter, or come from henceforth w t in my house: For as many as I shall find or take there, I will set their crowns so nere their sholders, that they shall need no more to wear any hoodes about their necks. The like also said the President Chassanee.

Then the bishop of Aix his sweet heart, which had begun the quarrel, said, I shall not be in quiet, except I speak yet one word more unto monsieur Beauieu. Do you think said she unto him, that all the Cardinals, Bishops, Abbots, Priests, and all those holy religious men which go oftentimes to gentlemens houses, and haunte the Castels and palaces of Princes and noblemen, that they go thither to commit wickedness? Also you must not think evil of all those ladies and gentlewemen, that go to Bishops houses of devotion, and for to reveal those whom they know to be Lutherans, as it was commanded in the pulpitte upon pain of Excommunication: If so be you will maintain those words, I will not cease to accuse you of crime, and also of Treason both to God and to man: for here be those in this company, which shall make you give an accompt thereof. She had not so soon ended her talk, but Monsieur Beauieu said unto her, auaunte O Herodias, thou filthy and impudent harlot: is it thy part to open thy mouth to talk in this company? Doest thou well understand and know what treason to God and man meaneth? Is it not sufficient for thee to be as thou art, but thou must solicit other to shed innocent blood? With these words the Gentlewoman was somewhat amazed. All men thought that this talk had been at an end, and every man began to invent some merry communication, that the former matter should be no more talked of.

At the last, the gentlewoman advising herself, and thinking that she was to much injured, to be said, that she went about to shed the innocent blood, she brake of all their talk, and with a loud voice said, Monsieur Beauieu, if I were a man, as I am a woman, I would offer you the combat, to prove that I am no such manner of woman as you say I am, that I desire to shed innocent blood. Do you call the blood of these wicked men of Merindoll, innocent blood? True it is that I desire and offer with my whole power, that these naughty packes of Merindol, & such like as they are, should be slain and destroyed, from the greatest even unto the least. And for to see the beginning of this work, I have employed all my credit, and all my friends, and do not spare, neither body nor goods, to work the ruin & destruction of these people, and to rase out, and to deface their memory from amongst men. Do you then Monsieur Beauieu, call the slaughter of these Lutherans, the effusion of innocent blood? And say you what you will, I will not refrain for no man living, to go either by day either by night, unto the houses of Bishops, in all honesty and honor, for the devotion which I bear unto our holy mother the church, and also I will receive into my house, all religious men, to consult and devise the means how to put these Lutherans to death. But as Monsieur Beauieu took no more regard unto her talk, so likewise all that were at the table, dispraised her and were weary of her prating.

Then there was a certain young gentleman, which merely jesting, said unto her: Gentlewomā, it must needs be that these poor people, unto whom you do wish this cruel death, have done you some great displeasure. Then said she, I may well take an oath, that I never knew one of those wretched people, neither (that I wot of) ever saw any of them. And I had rather to meet 10. devils, then one of those naughty knaves: for their opinions are so detestable, that happy and blessed are they, which never heard tell of them. And I was not then wrll advised, at what time. by curiosity I seeing the Bishop of Aix so much troubled and angry, that he could not eat nor drink, did desire him and contstrain him to tell me the cause thereof. Then he perceiving that I would not be well contented if he should not tell me, declared unto me some part of the cause: that is to say, that there was certain heretics, which spake against our holy mother the church, and among other errors, they maintained, yea to death, that all Bishops, Priests, & pastors ought to be married, or else to be gelded: and hearing this, I was marvelously offended, and ever since I did hate them to the death. And also it was enjoined unto me by penance, that I should endeavor with all my power, to put these heretics to death. After these frivolous talks, there was great trouble and debate amongst them, and many threatenings, which were too long here to describe.

Then the President Chassance, and the Coūcellers parted aside, and the Gentlemen went on the other part. The Archbishop of Arles, the Bishop Aix, and diverse Abbots, Priors, and others, assembled them selves together, to consult how this Arrest might be executed with all speed, intending to raise a new persecution, greater then that of John the Iacobine Monk of Rome: For otherwise (said they) our state and honor is like to decay. We shall be reproved, contemned, and derided of all men. And if none should thus vaunt and set themselves against us, but these pesantes, and such like, it were but a small matter: but many Doctors of Divinity, and men of the religious order, diverse Senators and Advocates, many wise and well learned men: also a great parte of the nobility (if we may so say) and that of great renown, yea even of the chiefest Peers in all Europe, begin to contemn and despise us, counting us to be no true pastors of the church: so that except we see to this mischief, and provide for remedy betime, it is greatly to be feared, least not only we shall be compelled to forsake our dignities, possessions and livings, which we now wealthely enjoy, but also the church being spoiled of her pastors and guides, shall hereafter come to a miserable ruin and utter desolation. Thys matter therefore now requireth great diligence and circumspection, and that withal celerity.

Then the Archbishop of Arles, not forgetting his Spanish subtleties and policies, gave his advise, as followeth. Against the nobility we must (said he) take heed that we attempt nothing rashly: but rather, we must seek all the means we cā, how to please them, for they are our shield, our fortress and defense. And albeit we know that many of them do both speak & think evil of us, and that they are of these new gospellers, yet may we not reprove them to exasperate them in any case: but seeing they are too much bent against us already, we must rather seek how to win them, and to make them our friends again, by gifts and presents: and by this policy, we shall live in safety under their protection. But if we enterprise anything against them, sure we are to gain nothing thereby, as we are by experience already sufficiently taught.

It is well said, saith the Bishop of Aix: but I can show you a good remedy for this disease. We must go about withal our endeavor, power, and policy, and all the friends we can make, sparing no charges, but spending goods, wealth and treasure, to make such a slaughter of the Merindolians, and rusticall pesantes, that none shall be so bold hereafter, whatsoever they be, yea although they be of the blood royal, once to open their mouths against us, or the Ecclesiastical state. And to bring this matter to pass, we have no better way, then to withdraw our selves to Avigno, in the which City we shall find many Bishops, Abbots, and other famous men, which will with us, employ their whole endeavor, to maintain and uphold the majesty of our holy mother the Church. This counsel was well liked of them all. Wherupon the said Archbishop of Arles and the Bishop of Aix, went withal speed, to Avigno, there to assemble, out of hand, the Bishops and other men of authority and credit, to entreat this matter. In this pestilent conspiracy the Bishop of Aix, a stout champion and a great defender of the traditions of men, taking upon him to be the chief Orator, began in manner as followeth.

O Ye fathers and brethren, ye are not ignorant that a great tempest is raised up against the little bark of Christ Jesus, now in great danger and ready to pearish. The storm cometh from the North, whereof all these troubles proceed. The seas rage, the waters rushe in on every side, the winds blow & beat upon our house, and we, without speedy remedy, are like to sustain shippewracke, and loss of altogether. For oblations cease, pilgrimage and devotion waxeth cold, charity is clean gone, our estimation and authority is abased, our jurisdiction decayed, and the ordinances of the church despised. And wherefore are we set and ordained over nations and kingdoms, but to root out and destroy, to subvert and overthrow, whatsoever is against our holy mother the Church? Wherefore let us now awake let us stand stoutly in the right of our own possession, that we may root out from the memory of men forever the whole route of the wicked Lutherans: those Foxes (I say) which destroy the vineyard of the Lord: those great Whales, which go about to drown the little bark of the son of God. We have already well begun, and have procured a terrible Arrest against these cursed heretics of Merindoll: now then resteth no more but only the same to be put in execution. Let us therefore employe our whole endeavor, that nothing happen which may let or hinder that we have so happily begun, and let us take good heed, that our gold and silver do not witness against us at the day of judgment, if we refuse to bestow the same, that we may make so good a sacrifice unto God. And for my parte, I offer to wage & furnishe of mine own costs and charges, a 100. men well horsed, with all other furniture to them belonging, and that so long, until the utter destruction and subversion of these wretched and cursed caitiffes, be fully performed and finished.

This Oration pleased the whole multitude, saving one doctor of divinity, a frier Iacobine, named Bassinet, who then answered again with this Oration.

This is a weighty matter (said he) and of great importance: We must therefore proceed wisely and in the fear of God, and beware that we do nothing rashly. For if we seek the death and destruction of these poor and miserable people wrongfully, whē the King and the Nobility shall hear of such an horrible slaughter, we shall be in great danger, least they do to us as we read in the Scriptures, was done to the priests of Baal. For my parte, I must say and unfeignedly confess, that I have too rashly and lightly signed many processes against those, which have been accused of heretical doctrine: but now I do protest before God, which seeth and knoweth the hearts of men, that seeing the lamentable end and effect of mine assigments, I have had no quietness in my conscience, considering that the secular judges, at the report of the judgment and sentence, given by me, and other Doctors my companions, have condemned all those unto most cruel death whom we have judged to be heretics. And the cause why in conscience I am thus disquieted, is this, that now of late since I have givē myself more diligently to the reading & cōtēplatiō of the holy scriptures: I have perceived that the most part of those Articles which they that are called Lutherans do maintain, are so conformable and agreeing to the Scriptures, that for my part, I can no longer gainsay them, except I should even willfully and maliciously resist and strive against the holy ordinances of God. Al be it hitherto, to maintain the honor of our holy mother the Church, and of our holy father the Pope, and of our order, I have consented to the opinions, & doings of the other Doctors, as well through ignorance, as also because I would not seem to attempt anything against the will and pleasure of the Prelates and Vicares general: But now it seemeth unto me that we ought not anymore to proceed in this matter, as we have done in time past. It shall be sufficient to punish them, with fines or to banish them, which shall speak too intemperately, or rashly against the constitutions of the Church, and of the Pope: and such as shall be manifestly convicted by the holy Scriptures, to be blasphemers or obstinate heretics, to be condemned to death according to the enormity of the crimes or errors, or else to perpetual prison. And this my advise and counsel I desire you to take in good part.

With this counsel of Bassinet, all the company was offended, but especially the Bish. of Aix, who lifting up his voice above all the rest, said thus unto him: O thou man of little faith, whereof art thou in doubt? Doest thou repent thee of that thou haste well done? Thou haste told here a tale that smelleth of fagottes and brimstone. Is there any difference (thinkest thou) between herisies and blasphemies spoken and maintained against the holy Scriptures: and opinions holden against our holy mother the Church, and contrary to our holy father the Pope, a most undoubted and true God in earth? Art thou a master in Israel, and knowest not these things? Then said the Bishop of Arles, could any man entreat better of the little Bark of Christ Jesus, then my Lord of Aix hath done? Then stood up Bassinet again, and made this Oration.

It is true, that my Lord the Bishop of Aix hath very well set out the manners and state of the Clergy, and hath aptly reproved the vices and heresies of this present time: and therefore so soon as mention was made of the ship of Christ Jesus, it came in my mind first of all, of the high Bishop of Jerusalem, the Priests, the Doctors of the law, the Scribes and Phariseys, which sometime had the governance of this ship, being ordained pastors in the Church of God. But when they forsook the law of God, and served him with men's inventions and traditions, he destroyed those Hypocrites in his great indignation: and having compassion and pity upon the people, which were like sheep without a shepherd, he sent diligent fishers to fish for men: faithful workmen into his harvest, and laborers into his vineyard, which shall all bring forth true fruits in their season. Secondly, considering the purpose and intent of the reverent Lord Bishop of Aix, I called to mind the saying of the Apostle in his . Epistle and 4. chapter unto Timothy: That in the latter days, some shall fall away from the faith, following after deceitful spirits, and the doctrine of devils. And the Apostle giveth a mark whereby a man shall know them. Likewise our Lord Jesus Christ, in the 7. chapter of Matthew, saith, That the false Prophets shall come, clothed in sheep's skins, but inwardly they are ravening Wolves: and by their fruits they shall be known. By these two and diverse such other places, it is easy to understand, who are they that go about to drown this little bark of Christ. Are they not these which fill the same with filthy and unclean things? With mire and dirt? with puddle and stinking water? Are they not those which have forsaken Jesus Christ, the fountain of living water, and have digged unto them selves pittes or cesternes which will hold no water? Truly even those they are, which vaunt themselves to be the salt of the earth, and yet have no savor at all: which cal them selves pastors, & yet are nothing less then true pastors, for they minister not unto the sheep the true pasture and feeding, neither devide and distribute the true bread of the word of life. And (if I may be bold to speak it) would it not be at this present, as a great wonder to hear a Bishop preach, as to see an Ass fly? Are not they cursed of God which glory and vaunte them selves to have the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and neither enter in them selves, nor suffer them that would enter, to come in? They may be known right well by their fruits: for they have forsaken faith, judgment and mercy, & there is no honest, clean, or undefiled thing in them, but their habit, their rochet, & their surplesse and such other: Outwardly they are exceeding neat and trim, but within they are full of all abomination, rauine, gluttony, filthy lust, and all manner of uncleanness. They are like painted sepulchers, which outwardly appear beautiful & fair, but within they are full of filth and corruption. A man shall know (I say) these ravening Wolves, by their fruits, which devour the quick and the dead, under the pretence of long prayer: and for so much as I am enforced to give place to the truth, and that you call me a Master in Israel, I will not be afraid to prove by the holy Scriptures, that your great Pilot and patron the Pope, and the Bishops the mariners, and such others, which have impudently forsaken the ship of Christ Jesus, to embarke them self in Pinises and Brigandines, are pyrates and robbers of the Sea, false Prophets, deceivers and not true pastors of the Church of Jesus Christ.

Whē Doctor Bassinet had thus freely and boldly uttered his mind: the whole multitude began to gather about him, and spitefully railed at him. But the bishop of Aix above other, raging and crying out, as he had been mad: get thee out said he, from amongst us, thou wicked Apostate: thou art not worthy to be in this company. We have burned daily a great many, which have not so well deserved it, as thou hast. We may now perceive y t there is none more steadfast and fervent in the faith, then the doctors of y e canon law. And therefore it were necessary to be decreed in the next general council, that none should have to do in matters of religion, but they alone: For these knaves and beggarly Monks and Friers will bring all to nought. Then the other doctors of the same order, boldly reproved the bish. of Aix, for the injury that he had done unto them: After this, there rose a great dissention amongst them: in so much that there was nothing at that time determined. After dinner all these reverent prelates assembled together again, but they suffered neither Frier nor Monk to be amongst them except he were an Abbot. In this assemble they made a general composition, confirmed with an oth, that every man should endeavor him self, that the said Arrest of Merindol should be executed withal expedition, every man offering to furnish out men of war, according to his ability. The charge whereof was given to the Bishop of Aix and to the President of the Canons, to solicit the matter, and to persuade by all means possible, the presidents and Counsellers of the said Court of Parliament, without fear or doubt, to execute the said Arrest, with drummes, ensigns, displaide, artillery, and all kind of furniture of war.

This conspiracy being concluded and determined, the Bishop of Aix departed incontinent from Avigno, to go unto Aix, to perform y e charge, which was given to him. Notwithstanding they desired him to be the next day after the Counsel was holden, at a banket which should be made at the house of the Bishop of Rieux. To this banket such as were known to be the fairest and most beautiful women in all Avigno, were called to refresh and solace these good Prelates, after the great pains and travail which they had taken for our holy mother the Church. After they had dined, they fell to dancing, playing at dice, and such other pastimes as are commonly wont to be frequented at the banquets and feasts of these holy Prelates. After this, they walked abroad to solace them selves, and to pass the time till supper.

As they passed thorough the streets, everyone leading his Minion upon his arm, they saw a man which sold baudie Images and pictures, with filthy rimes and Ballets annexed to the same, to move and stir up the people to whoredom, and knavery. All these goodly Pictures were bought up by the Bishops: which were as many as a Mule could well carry. And if there were any obscure sentence, or hard to understand, in those rimes or ballets, the same these learned Prelates did readely expound, and laughed presently thereat. In the same place, as they walked alōg, there was a bookeseller which had set out to sale, certain Bibles in French and Latin, with diverse other Books, which when the Prelates beheld, they were greatly moved thereat, and said unto him: Darest thou be so hardy to set out such marchādise to sel here in this town? Doest thou not know that such books are forbidden? The bokeseller answered, is not the holy Bible as good as these goodly pictures, which you have bought for these Gentlewemen? He had scarce spoken these words, but the bishop of Aix said, I renounce my part of Paradise if this fellow be not a Lutheran. Let him be taken (said he) and examined what he is, and incontinently the bookeseller was taken and carried unto prison, and spitefully handled: For a company of knaves and ruffians, which waited upon the Prelates, began to cry out, a Lutheran, a Lutheran, to the fire with him, to the fire with him, and one gave him a blow with his fist, another pulled him by the hear, & other by the beard, in such sort, that the poor man was all embrued with blood, before that he came unto prison.

The morrow after he was brought before the judges, in y e presence of the bishops, whereas he was examined in this form as followeth. Hast not thou set forth to sale the Bible and the New Testament in French? The prisoner answered, that he had so done. And being demanded whether he understood or knew not that it was forbidden throughout all Christendom, to print or sel the Bible in any other language, then in Latin: he answered, that he knew the contrary, and that he had sold many Bibles in the French tongue, with y e Emperors privilege, and many other printed at Lions: also new testaments, imprinted by the kings privilege. Furthermore he said, that he knew no nation throughout all Christendom, which had not the holy scriptures in their vulgare tongue: and afterward with a bold courage thus he spake unto them. O you inhabitants of Avigno, are you alone in all Christendom? those men which do despise and abhor the Testament of the heavenly father: Will you forbid and hide that which Jesus Christ hath commanded to be revealed and published? Do you not know that our Lord Jesus Christ gave power unto his Apostles, to speak all manner of tongues, to this ende, that his holy Gospel should be taught unto all creatures, in every language? And why do you not forbid those books and pictures, which are full of filthiness and abomination, to move & stir up the people to whoredom, and to uncleanness, and to provoke God's vengeance and great indignation upon you all? what greater blasphemy can there be, then to forbid God's most holy books which he ordained to instruct the ignorant, and to reduce and bring again into the way such as are gone astray? What cruelty is this, to take away from the poor seely souls their nourishment and sustenance? But my Lord's, you shall give an heavy accompt, which call sweet sower, and sower sweet, which maintain abhominable and detestable books and pictures, and reject that which is holy.

Then the Bishop of Aix and the other Bishops, began to rage, and gnashed their teeth against this poor prisoner. What need you (said they) anymore examination? let him be sent straight unto y e fire, without anymore words. But the Judge Laberius and certain others were not of that mind, neither found they sufficient cause, why to put him to death, but went about to have him put unto his fine, and to make him confess & acknowledge the Bishop of Aix and other his companions, to be the true pastors of the Church. But the bookeseller answered, that he could not do it with a good conscience, forsomuch as he did see before his eyes, y t these Bishops maintained filthy books and abhominable pictures, rejecting and refusing the holy books of God, and therefore he judged them rather to be the Priests of Bacchus and Uenus, then the true pastors of the Church of Christ. Whereupon he was immediately condemned to be burned, and the sentence was executed y e very same day: And for a sign or token of the cause of his condemnation, he carried two Bibles hanging about his neck, the one before, & the other behind him: but this pore man had also the word of God in his heart & in his mouth, and ceased not continually by the way, until that he came to the place of execution, to exhort and monish the people to read the holy Scriptures: in so much that diverse were thereby moved to seek after the truth. The Prelates seeing a great dissention amongst the people of Avigno, and that many murmured and grudged against them for the death of this good man, and also for the dishonor which they had done unto the holy Testament of God, minding to put the people in a fear, they proceeded the next day to make a proclamatiō by the sound of a Trumpet, throughout the whole town and County of Venice, that all such as had any books in the French tongue entreating upon the holy Scriptures, should bring them forth, and deliver them into the hands of the Commissioners, appointed for that purpose: contrariwise, they which had any such books found about them, should be put to death.

Then after that these Prelates had taken advise to raise great persecution in Venice, the Bishop of Aix returned to prosecute the executiō of the arrest against Merindol, traveling earnestly with the President Cassaneus, to that effect: declaring unto him the good will of the Prelates of Avigno and Province, & the great affectiō they bare both to him and his, with many fair promises, if he would put the Arrest in execution. The President answered him, that it was no small matter to put the Arrest of Merindoll in execution. Also that the saiyd Arrest was given out more to keep y e Lutherans in fear, which were a great number in Province, then to execute it in effect, as it was contained in the said Arrest. Moreover, he said that the arrest of Merindoll was not definitive, and that the laws and statutes of the realm, did not permit y e executiō thereof, without further process. Then said the Bishop, if there he either law or statute which doth hinder or let you, we carry in our sleeves to dispence therwithall. The President answered, it were a great sin to shed the innocent blood. Then said the Bishop, the blood of them of Merindoll be upon us and upon our successors. Then said the President. I am very well assured that if the Arrest of Merindoll be put in execution, the king will not be well pleased to have such destruction made of his subjects. Then said the Bishop, although the king at the first, do think it evil done, we will so bring it to pass, that within a short space, he shall think it well done: For we have y e Cardinals on our side, & specially the most reverent Cardinal of Tournon, the which will take vpō him the defense of our cause, and we can do him no greater pleasure, then utterly to root out these Lutherans: so that if we have any need of his coūsails or aid, we shall be well assured of him: And is not he the principal, the most excellent & prudent adversary of these Lutherans, which is in all Christendom?

By this & such other like talk, the Bishop of Aix persuaded the President & Counselors of the Court of Parliament, to put the said Arrest in execution, and by this means through the authority of the said Court, the drum was sounded throughout all Province, y t Captains were prepared with their Ensigns displayd, and a great number of footemē and horsemen, began to set forward & marched out of the town of Aix, in order of battle, well horsed and furnished against Merindoll, to execute the Arrest. The inhabitauntes of Merindoll being advertised hereof, and seeing nothing but present death to be at hand, with great lamentation, commended themselves & their cause unto God by prayer, making thenselves ready to be murdered and slain as sheep led unto the butchery.

Whiles they were at this grievous distress pitiously mournyng and lamenting together, the father with the son, the daughter with y e mother, the wife with the husband, suddenly there was news brought unto them, that the army was retired, and no mā knew at that time, how or by what means: notwithstanding afterward it was known, that the Lord of Alenc, a wise man & learned in the Scriptures & in Civil law, being moved with great zeal and love of justice, declared unto the President Chassanee, that he ought not so to proceed against the inhabitants of Merindoll by way of force of arms, contrary to all form and order of justice, without judgment or condemnation, or without making any difference between the gilty & the vngilty. And furthermore he said, I desire you my Lord President, call to remembrance the counsel which you have written in your book, entitled Catalogus gloriae mundi, in the which book you have entreated and brought forth the processes which were holden against the Rats, by the officers of the Court and jurisdiction of the Bishop of Authun. For as it happened, there was almost through out all the Bailiwyke of Laussois, such a great number of Rats, that they destroyed and devoured all the corn of the country. Wherupon they took counsel to send unto y e Bishop of Authuns Official, for to have the Rats excommunicate. Whereupon it was ordained & decreed by the said Officiall, after he had heard the plaintiff of the Procurator fiscall, that before he would proceed to excommunication, they should have admonition, and warning, according to the order of justice. For this cause it was ordained, that by the sound of a trumpet, & open proclamation made throughout all y e streets of the town of Authun, the Rats should be cited to appear within three days: and if they did not appear: then to proceed against them.

The three days were passed, & the Procurator came into the Court against the rats, & for lack of appearaūce, obtained default: by virtue whereof he required that they would proceed to the excommunication. Wherupon it was judicially acknowledged, that the said Rats being absent, should have their Advocate appointed them to hear their defense, for so much as y e question was for y e whole destructiō & banishyng of the said Rats. And you my Lord President being at that time the kings Advocate at Authun, were then chosen to be the Advocate to defend the Rattes. And having takē the charge vpō you in pleadyng y e matter, it was by you there declared that the citatiō was of no effect, for certain causes & reasons by you there alleged. Then was it decreed that the said Rats should be once again cited, throughout the Parishes whereas they were. Then after the citatiōs were duly served, the Procurator came again into the Court as before, & there it was alleged by you my Lord President, how that y e term of appearance given unto the Rats was to short, & that there were so many Cats in every Town and Uillage as they should pass through, that they had just cause to be absent.

Wherefore my Lord President, you ought not so lightly to proceed against these poor mē, but you ought to look upon the holy Scriptures, and there you shall find how you ought to proceed in this matter: and you my Lord, have alleged many places of the Scripture concerning the same, as appeareth more at large in your said book, and by this plea of a matter which seemeth to be but of small importance, you have obtained great fame and honor, for the upright declaration of the manner & form, how judges ought gravely to proceed in criminal causes. Then my Lord President, you which have taught others, will you not also learn by your own books? the which will manifestly condemn you, if you proceed any further, to the destruction of these poor men of Merindoll. For are not they Christian men? and ought you not as well to minister right and justice unto them, as you have done unto the Rattes? By these and such like demonstrations, the President was persuaded, and immediately called back his commission which he had given out, and caused the army to retire, the which was already come near unto Merindoll, even within one mile and a half.

Then the Merindolians understanding that the army was retired, gave thanks unto God, comforting one another, with admonition and exhortation, always to have y e fear of God before their eyes, to be obedient unto his holy commandments, subject to his most holy will, and every man to submit himself unto his providence, patiently attending and looking for the hope of the blessed, that is to say, the true life and the everlasting riches, having always before their eyes for example our Lord Jesus Christ the very son of God, who hath entered into his glory by many tribulations. Thus the Merindolians prepared themselves to endure and abide all the afflictions, that it should please God to lay upon them: and such was their answer to all those that either pitied or else sought their destructiō. Wherupon the brute and noise was so great, as well of the Arrest, as of the enterprise of the execution, and also of the patience and constancy of the Merindolians, that it was not hidden or kept secrete, from King Francis, a Kyng of noble courage, and great judgment: Who gave commandment unto the noble and virtuous Lord, Monsieur de Langeay, which then was his Lieutenant in Thurin, a City in Piemont, that he should diligently inquire and search out the truth of all this matter. Whereupon the said Monsieur de Langeay, sent unto Province two men of fame and estimation, giving them in charge, to bring unto him the copy of the Arrest, and diligently to inquire out all that followed and ensued thereupon: and likewise to make diligent inquisition of the life and manners of the said Merindolians, and others, which were persecuted in the country of Province.

These deputies brought the copy of the Arrest, and of all that happened thereupon, unto the said Monsieur de Langeay, declaring unto him the great injuries, polings, extorcions, exactions, tirannies, & cruelties, which y e Judges, as well secular as Ecclesiastical, used against them of Merindoll and others. As touching the behavior and disposition of those which were persecuted, they reported that the most part of the men of Province affirmed them to be men given to great labor and travail, and that about 200. years passed (as it is reported) they came out of the country of Piemont to dwell in Province, and took to tillage and to inhabit, many hamlets & villages destroyed by the wars, and other desert and waste places: which they had so well occupied, that now there was great store of wynes, oils, honey, and cattle, wherewith strangers were greatly relieved and helped̄. Besides that, before they came into the country to dwell, the place of Merindoll, was taxed but at four crowns, which before the last destruction, paid yearly unto the Lord for taxes and tallages, above 350. crowns, beside other charges.

The like was also reported of Lormarin, and diverse other places of Province, whereas there was nothing but robbery before they came to inhabit there, so that none could pass that way, but in great danger. Moreover, they of the country of Province, affirmed that the inhabitaunts of Merindoll and the other that were persecuted: were peaceable & quiet people, beloved of all their neighbors, men of good behavior, constant in keeping of their promise, and paieng of their debts, without traversing or pleading of the law. That they were also charitable men, giving of alms, relieving the poor, and suffered none amongst them to lack or be in necessity. Also they gave alms to strangers, and to y e poor passengers, harbouring, nourishing, and helping them in all their necessities, according to their power. Moreover, that they were known by this, throughout all y e country of Province, that they would not swear, or name the devil, or easily be brought to take an oath, except it were in judgment, or making some solemn covenant. They were also known by this, that they could never be moved nor provoked to talk of any dishonest matters, but in what company soever they came, where they heard any wanton talk, swearing of blasphemy, to the dishonor of God, they straight way departed out of that company. Also they said that they never saw them go unto their business, but first they made their prayers. The said people of Province furthermore affirmed, that whē they came to any fairs or markets, or came to their cities by any occasion, they never in a manner were seen in their Churches: and if they were, whē they prayed they turned away their faces frō the images, and neither offered candles to thē, nor kissed their feet. Neither would they worship the relics of Saints, nor once look upon them. And moreover, if they passed by any cross or Image of the crucifix or any other Saint, by the way as they went, they would do no reverence unto them. Also the Priests did testify, that they never caused them to say any Masses, neither diriges, neither yet De profundis: neither would they take any holy water, and if it were carried home unto their houses, they would not say once God a mercy, yea they seemed utterly to abhor it. To go on pilgrimage, to make any vows to Saints, to buy pardons or remission of sins with money, yea though it might be gotten for a halfepeny, they thought it not lawful. Likewise whē it thundered or lightened, they would not cross themselves, but casting up their eyes to heaven, fetch deep sighs. Some of thē would kneel down & pray, without blessing themselves with y e sign of the cross, or taking of holy water. Also they were never seen to offer, or cast into the bason, anything for y e maintenance of lights, brotherhoods, churches, or to give any offering either for y e quick or the dead. But if any were in affliction or poverty, those they relieved gladly, and thought nothing too much.

This was y e whole tenor of the report made unto Moūsieur de Langeay, touching the life and behavior of y e inhabitants of Merindoll, and the other which were persecuted: also as touching the Arrest and that which ensued thereupon. Of all those things, the said Monsieur de Langeay, according to the charge that was given him, advertised the king: who understanding these things, as a good prince moved with mercy and pity, sent letters of grace & pardon, not only for those which were condemned for lack of appearance, but also for all the rest of y e country of Province, which were accused and suspected in like case: expressly charging and commanding the said parliament that they should not hereafter proceed so rigorously as they had done before, against this people, but if there were any that could be found or proved by sufficient information, to have swarned from y e Christian religion, that then he should have good demonstration made unto him by the word of God, both out of the old and of the New Testament: and so as well by the gentleness as by the rigor of the same, he should be reduced again unto the Church of Christ: declaring also y t the kings pleasure was, that all such as should be convict of heresy in manner aforesaid, should abjure: forbidding also all manner of persons, of what estate or condition soever they were, to attempt anything against them of Merindoll or other that were persecuted, by any other manner of means, or to molest or trouble them in person or goods: revoking and disannulling all manner of sentences and condemnations, of what judges soever they were, and commanding to set at liberty all prisoners which either were accused or suspected of Lutheranism.

By virtue of these letters, they were now permitted to declare their cause, and to say what they could, in defense thereof. Whereupon they made a confession of their faith: the effect whereof you shall see in the end of the story. This confession was presented first to the Court of Parliament, and afterward being declared more at large, with Articles also annexed thereunto, it was delivered to the Bishop of Cauaillon, who required y e same. Also to Cardinal Sadolet, Bishop of Carpentras, with the like Articles, and also a supplication to this effect: That the inhabitants of Cabriers in the County of Venice, most humbly desired him that he would vouchsafe to receive & read the confession and declaration of their faith and doctrine, in the which they, and also their fathers before them, had been of a long time, instructed and taught, which they were persuaded to be agreeable to the doctrine contained in y e old and New Testament. And because he was learned in the holy Scriptures, they desired him that he would mark such articles as he thought to be against the Scriptures: and if he should make it to appear unto them, y t there was anything contrary to the same, they would not only submit themselves unto abjuration, but also to suffer such punishment as should be adjudged unto them, even to the loss, not only of all that they had, but also their lives. And more over, if there were any Judge in all the county of Venice, which by good and sufficient information, should be able to charge them that they had holden any erroneous doctrine, or maintained any other religion then was contained in the articles of their confession, they desired him that he would communicate the same unto them, and with all obedience, they offered themselves to whatsoever should be thought just and reasonable. Upon this request Cardinal Sadolet answered by his letters writ̄ by his Secretary, and signed with his own hand, the tenor whereof here ensueth.

I have seen your request, and have red the Articles of youre confession, wherein there is much matter contained, and do not understand that you are accused for any other doctrine, but for the very same, which you have confessed. It is most true, that many have reported diverse things of you, worthy of reproof, which after diligent enquiry made, we have found to be nothing else but false reports and slanders. As touching the rest of youre Articles, it seemeth unto me, that there are many words therein, which might well be changed without prejudice unto your confession. And likewise it seemeth to me that it is not necessary that you should speak so manifestly against the Pastors of the Church. For my parte, I desire youre welfare, and would be sory that you should be so spoiled or destroyed, as they do pretend. And to the ende you shall the better understand my amity and friendship towards you, shortly I will be at my house by Cabriers, whether ye may resort unto me either in greater or smaller number, as you will, and return safely without any hurt or damage, and there I will advertise you of all things that I think meet for your profit and health.

About this time, which was the year of our Lord 1542. the Uicelegate of Avigno assembled a great number of men of war at the sure of the B. of Cauaillon, to destroy Cabriers. When the army was come within a mile of Cabriers, the Cardinal Sadolet went with speed unto the Uicelegate, and shown him the request of the inhabitants of Cabriers, with the Articles of their confession, and the offers that they made: so that for that present, the army retired without any damage or hurt done unto y e inhabitants of Cabriers. After this the Cardinal Sadolet went unto Rome: but before his departure he sent for diverse of Cabriers, and certain farmers of his own, whom he knew to be of y e number of those which were called Lutherans, and told thē that he would have them in remembrance, as soon as he came unto Rome, and communicate their Articles and confession unto the Cardinals, trusting to find a mean to have some good reformation, that God should be thereby glorified, & all Christendom brought to an unity and concord: at the least, nothing at all doubting, but that the foulest abuses should be corrected and amended, advertising them in the mean time to be wise and circumspect, to watch and pray for that they had many enemies. Wyth this Oration of Cardinal Sadolet, they of Cabriers were greatly comforted, trusting that at y e suit of Cardinal! Sadolet they should have answer of their confession. But at his return, they understood that he found all things so corrupt at Rome, that there was no hope of any reformation there to be had, but rather mortal war against all such as would not live according to the ordinances of the Church of Rome. Likewise said the Treasurer of Carpentras, who albeit he paid out money to furnish souldioures that were hired for the destruction of Cabriers, notwithstanding he did aid them secretly all that he might. Howbeit he could not do it so secretly, but that it came to the knowledge of the Legate: whereupon he was constrained to withdraw himself.

On the other parte, the Bishop of Aix and Cauaillon pursued still the execution of the arest of Merindoll. Then it was ordained by the court of parliament, that according to the kings letters John Durand coūsailer of the Court of parliament, with a Secretary: and the Bishop of Cauaillon with a doctor of divinity, should go unto Merindoll, and there declare unto y e inhabitants the errors and heresies which they knew to be contained in their confession, and make them apparent by good and sufficient information, and having so convicted them by the word of God, they should make them to renounce & abjure the said heresies. And if the Merindolians did refuse to abjure, then they should make relatiō thereof, that the Court might appoint how they should further proceed. After this decree was made, the Bishop of Cauaillon would not tarry until the time which was appointed by the Court, for the execution of this matter: but he himself with a Doctor of Divinity, came unto Merindoll to make them to abjure. Unto whom the Merindolians answered that he enterprised against the authority of the Parliament, and that it was against his commission so to do. Notwithstāding, he was very earnest with thē that they should abjure, & promised them, if they would so do, to take them under his wings & protection, even as the hen doth her chickens, & that they should be no more robbed or spoiled. Thē they required that he would declare unto thē what they should abjure. The Bysh. answered that y e matter needed no disputation, & that he required but only a general abiuratiō of all errors, which would be no damage or prejudice to them: For he himself would not stick to make the like abjuration. The Merindolians answered him again, that they would do nothing contrary to the decree & ordinance of the Court, or the kings letters, wherein he commanded that first the errors should be declared unto thē, whereof they were accused: wherefore they were resolved to understand what those errors & heresies were, that being informed thereof by the word of God, they might satisfy the kings letters: otherwise it were but hypocrisy & dissimulation, to do as he required them. And if he could make it to appear unto them by good & sufficient information, that they had hold̄ any errors & heresies, or should be convict thereupon by the word of God, they would willingly abjure: or if in their confession there were any word contrary to the Scriptures, they would revoke the same. Contrarywise, if it were not made manifest unto them, that they had holden any heresies, but that they had always lived according to the doctrine of the Gospel, and that their confession was grounded upon the same: they ought by no means, to move or constrayne them, to abjure any errors which they held not, & that it were plainly against all equity and justice so to do.

Then the Byshyp of Cauaillon was maruelously angry & would hear no word spoken of any demonstration to be made by the word of God, but in a fury cursed and gave him to the devil that first invented that mean. Thē the Doctor of Divinity whom the Bishop brought thither, demanded what Articles they were, that were presented by the inhabitaunts of Merindoll, for the Bishop of Cauaillō had not yet shown thē unto him. Thē the bishop of Cauaillon delivered the Doctor the confession. Which after he had read, the Bishop of Cauaillon said, what? will you anymore witness or declaration? this is full of heresy. Thē they of Merindoll demanded in what point. Whereunto the Bishop knew not what to answer. Then y e Doctor demanded to have time to look upon the Articles of the confession, and to consider whether they were against the Scriptures or no. Thus the Bishop departed, being very sore aggrieved that he could not bring his purpose to pass.

After viii. days the Bishop sent for this Doctor, to understand how he might order himself to make those heresies appear, which were in the said confession. Whereunto the Doctor answered, that he was never so much abashed: for when he had beholden the Articles of the confessiō, and the authorities of the Scripture that there were alleged for the confirmation thereof, he had found that those Articles were wholly agreeable and according to the holy Scriptures, and that he had not learned so much in the Scriptures all the days of his life, as he had in those viii. days, in looking upon those Articles and the authorities therein alleged.

Shortly after, the Bysh. of Cauaillon came unto Merindoll, & calling before him the childrē both great & small, gave them money, & commanded thē with fair words, to learn the Pater noster & the Creed in Latin. The most part of them answered that they knew the Pater noster, & the Creed already in Latin, but they could make no reasō of that which they spake, but only in the vulgare tongue. The Bysh. answered, y t it was not necessary they should be so cunning, but that it was sufficient that they knew it in Latin, & that it was not requisite for their salvation, to understand or to expound the Articles of their faith: for there were many Bishops, Curates, yea & Doctors of Divinity, whom it would trouble to expound the Pater noster, & the Creed. Here y e Bailiff of Merindoll, named Andrew Mainard, asked to what purpose it would serve, to say the Pater noster and the Creed, & not to understand the same: for in so doing, they should but mock & deride God. Thē said the Bishop unto him, do you understand what it signified by these words, I believe in God? The Bailiff answered, I should think myself very miserable, if I did not understand it, & then he began orderly to give account of his faith. Then said the Bishop. I would not have thought there had been so great Doctors in Merindoll. The Bailiff answered: the least of the inhabitauntes of Merindoll, can do it, yet more readely then I: but I pray you, question with one or two of these young childrē, that you may understand whether they be well taught or no. But the Bishop either knew not how to question with them, or at the least, would not.

Then one named Pieron Roy said, Sir, one of these children may questiō with another, if you think it so good: and the Bishop was contented. Then one of the children began to question with his fellows, with such grace and gravity, as if he had been a Scholemaister, and the childrē one after another, answered so unto the purpose, y t it was marvelous to hear: For it was done in the presence of many, among whom there were four religious men y t came lately out of Paris, of whom, one said unto the Bishop, I must needs confess that I have often been at the common schools of Sorbone in Paris, where I have heard y e disputations of the Divines: but yet I never learned so much as I have done by hearing these young children. Then said William Armant: did ye never read that which is written in xi. Chapter of S. Matthew, where it is said: O father, Lord of heaven and earth, I render thanks unto thee, that thou hast hidden these things from the sage and wise men of the world, and hast revealed them unto young infants. But behold O father, such was thy good will and pleasure. Then every mā marveled at the ready and witty answers of the children of Merindoll.

When the Bishop saw that he could not thus prevail, he tried another way, and went about by fair & flattering words, to bring his purpose to pass. Wherefore, causing the strangers to go apart, he said that he now perceived they were not so evil as many thought them to be: Notwithstanding, for the cōtentatiō of them, which were their persecutors, it was necessary that they should make some small abjuration, which only the Bailife, with two officers, might make generally in his presence, in the name of all the rest, without any Notary to record the same in writing, and in so doing they should be loved and favored of all men, and evē of those which now persecuted them: and that they should sustain no infamy thereby, for there should be no report thereof made, but only to the Pope, and to the high Court of Parliament of Province: And also if any man in time to come, would turn the same to their reproach, or allege it against them to their hurt or damage, they might utterly deny it, and say they made no abjuration at all, because there were no records made thereof, or witnesses to prove the same. For this purpose he desired them to talk together, to the ende there might be an ende made in this matter, without any further business.

The Bailife and the two officers, with divers other Auncients of the town, answered, that they were fully resolved, not to consent to any abiuratiō, howsoever it were to be done, except that (which was always their exceptiō) they could make it appear unto thē by the word of God, that they had holden or maintained any heresy: marueling much that he would go about to persuade them to lie to God and the world. And albeit that all men by nature are liars, yet they had learned by the word of God, that they ought diligently to take heed of lying in any matter, were it never so small. Also that they ought diligently to take heed, that their children did not accustom or use themselves to lie, and therefore punished them very sharply, when as they took them with any lie, even as if they had committed any robbery: for the Devil is a liar and the father of lies. Here the Bishop rose up in great anger and indignation, and so departed.

Within a while after, the Bishop of Aix solicited master John Durand Counselor of the Court of the Parliament of Province, to execute the commission which was given him, that is, to go unto y e place of Merindoll, together with the Secretary of the said Court, and there, in y e presence of the Bishop of Cauaillon, accompanied with a Doctor of Divinity, to declare the errors and heresies which the Bishops pretended the inhabitants of Merindoll to be infected and entangled withal, and according to their duty, to make it appear by the word of God, and so being convict, to make them abjure and renounce the said heresies. Whereupon the said Counceller Durand, certified the day that he would be present at Merindoll, to the end & purpose that none of the inhabitaunts should be absent. At the day appointed, the said Counselor Durand, the Bishop of Cauaillon, a Doctor of Divinity, & a Secretary, came unto Merindoll, where as was also present, diverse Gentlemen and men of understanding, of all sorts, to see this commission executed. Then they of Merindoll were advertised, that they should not appear all at once, but y t they should keep themselves apart, and appear as they should be called, in such order & number, as should be appointed unto them. After that Durand, the Bishop of Cauaillon, the Doctor of Divinity, and the Secretary were set in place where justice was accustomed to be kept, there was called forth Andrew Maynard, the baylife of Merindoll, Ienon Roman, and Michelin Maynard Syndiques, John Cabrie, and John Palene, ancients of Merindoll, and John Bruneroll vnderbaylife. After they had presented themselves with all due reverence, the Counselor Durand spake thus unto them.

You are not ignorant that by the Arrest given out by the high Court of Province, you were all condemned to be burned, both men, women, and children: your houses also to be beaten down, and your town to be rased and made desolate, &c. as is more largely contained in the said arrest. Notwithstanding, it hath pleased the King our most gracious Prince, to send his letters unto the said Court, commanding that the said arrest should not so rigorously proceed against you: but if it could, by sufficient information be proved, that you or any of you had swerved frō the true Religion, demonstratiō should be made thereof unto you by the word of God, whereby you might be reduced again to the flock of Christ. Wherefore it was determined in the said Court of Parliament, that the Bishop of Cauaillon, with a Doctor of Divinity, should in my presence, declare unto you the errors and heresies wherewith they say, you are infected: and after good demonstration made by the word of God, you should publicly and solemnly renounce and abjure the said heresies, and in so doing, should obtain the grace and pardon contained in the Kings letters: Wherefore show yourselves this day, that you be obedient unto God, the King, and y e Magistrates. When he had thus spoken, what answer you (said he) to that which I have propounded?

Then Andrew Maynard the Baylife, desired that they would grant them an Advocate to answer according to the instructions, which they would give him, for so much as they were men unlearned, and knew not how to answer, as in such a case was requisite. The Counselor answered that he would hear their answer neither by Advocate nor by writing, but would hear them answer in their own persons: Notwithstanding he would give them leave to go apart and talk together, but not to ask any counsel, but only amongst themselves: and then to answer one after another. Upon this determination, the Bailiff and the two Syndiques, with other two ancient men, talked together a while, and determined that the two Syndiques should speak first, and after them the Baylife, then the two ancient men, every man according as God should give them grace, and by and by, presented themselves. Whereat the Counselor Durand was greatly abashed, to see that they had agreed and determined so speedily. Then Michelin Maynard began to answer, desiring the Counselor and the Bishop, with the other assistance, to pardon him if that he answered ouerrudely, having regard that they were poor, rude, and ignorant men. His answer here followeth.

We are greatly bound (saith he) to give God thanks, that besides other his benefits bestowed vpō us, he hath now delivered us frō these great assaults, and that it hath pleased him to touch the heart of our noble King, that our cause might be entreated with justice, and not by violence. In like manner are we also bound to pray for our noble King, which following y e example of Samuel & Daniel, hath not disdeined to look upon the cause of his poor subjects. Also we render thanks unto the Lord's of the Parliament, in that it hath pleased them to minister justice according to the Kings commandment. Finally, we thank you my Lord Durand, Commissioner in this present cause, that it hath pleased you in so few words, to declare unto us the manner and order how we ought to proceed. And for my part, I greatly desire to understand and know the heresies and errors, whereof I am accused, and where as they shall make it appear unto me, that I have holden any errors or heresies, I am contented to amende the same, as it shall be ordained and provided by you.

After him answered Ienon Roman the other Syndique, a very ancient father, approving all that which his fellow before had said, giving God thanks that in his time, even in his latter days, he had seen and heard so good news, that the cause of Religion should be decided and debated by the holy Scriptures, and that he had often heard ancient men say, that they could never obtain of the Judges in all their persecution, to have their cause debated in such sort.

Then Andrew Maynard the Baylife answered saying: that God had givē to those two Syndiques the grace to answer so well, that it was not necessary for him to say or add anymore thereunto. Notwithstanding it seemed good that their answers were put in writing, which was not done by the Secretary, that had done nothing else, but mock and gyre at all that had been said: wherefor he required the Commissioner to look unto the matter. Then the Commissioner was very angry and sharply rebuked his Secretary, commanding him to sit nearer and to write their answers word for word, and he himself with a singular memory, repeated their answers, and oftentimes asked if it were not so. The said answers being thus put in writing, the Cōmissioner asked the baylife if he had anymore to answer, saying that he had done him great pleasure to show him his Secretaries fault, willing him to speak boldly, what he thought good for the defense of their cause. Then the Baylife said, for so much as it hath pleased you to give me audience & liberty to speak my mind freely: I say moreover, that it seemeth unto me, that there is no due form of process in this judgment: for there is no party here that doth accuse us. If we had an accuser present, which according to the rule of the Scripture, either should prove by good demonstration out of the old and New Testament, that whereof we are accused, or if he were not able, should suffer punishment due unto such as are heretics: I think he would be as greatly troubled to maintain his accusations, as we to answer unto the same.

After that the Baylife had made this answer, John Palenc, one of the ancients of Merindol, said that he approved all that had been said by the Syndiques, and that he was able to say no more then had been said by them before. The Commissioner said unto him: you are (I see) a very ancient man, and you have not lived so long, but that you have something to answer for your part, in defense of your cause. And the said Palenc answered: seeing it is your pleasure that I sh uld say something, it seemeth unto me impossible that (say what we can) we should have either victory or vantage: for our judges be our enemies.

Then John Bruneroll vnderbaylife at Merindoll, answered, that he would very fain know the authority of y e Counselor Durand, Commissioner in this cause, for as much as the said Counselor had givē them to understand, that he had authority of the high Court, to make them abjure their errors, which should be found by good and sufficient information, and to give them so doing, the pardon contained in the Kings letters, and quite them of all punishment and condemnation. But the said Commissioner did not give them to understand, that if they could not be found, by good and sufficient information, that they were in error, he had any power or authority to quite and absolve them of the said sentence and condemnation: Wherefore it seemed that it should be more vauntage for the said Merindolians, if it should appear that they were heretics, then to be found to live according to the doctrine of the Gospel. For this cause he required, that it would please the said Commissioner to make declaration thereof: concluding that if it did not appear by good and sufficient information against them, that they had swerved from the faith, or if there were no accuser that would come forth against them, they ought to be fully absolved, without being anymore troubled either in body or goods.

These things were thus in debating from seven of the clock in the morning, until xi. Then the Commissioner dismissed them till after dinner. At one of the clock at after noon, they were called for again, and demanded whether they would say any thing else, touching that which was propounded in the morning, by the said Commissioner. They answered, no. Then said the Commissioner, what do you conclude for your defense? The two Syndiques answered: we conclude that it would please you to declare unto us the errors and heresies, whereof we are accused. Then the Commissioner asked the Bishop of Cauaillon, what informations he had against them. The Bishop spake unto him in his ear, and would not answer aloud. This talk in the ear continued almost half an hour, that the Commissioner and all other that stood thereby, were weary thereof. In the ende, the Commissioner said unto them, that the Bishop of Cauaillon had told him, that it was not needful to make it apparent by information, for such was the common report. Herevnto they answered: that they required the causes and reasons alleged by the Bishop of Cauaillon, against them, should be put in writing. The Bishop was earnest to the contrary, and would have nothing that either he said or alleged, to be put in writing.

Then John Bruneroll required the Commissioner, that at the least, he would put in writing, that the Bishop would speak nothing against them, that they could understand, and that he would not speak before the Commissioner but only in his ear. The Bishop on the contrary part, defended that he would not be named in process. There was great disputation upon this matter, and continued long. Thē the Cōmissioner asked the Merindolians if they had the Articles of their confession, which they had presented to the high Court of Parliament. Then they required that their confession might be read, and by the reading thereof they might understand whether it were the doctrine, which they held, & the confession which they had presented, or no. Then the confession was read publicly before thē, which they did allow and acknowledged to be theirs. This done the Commissioner asked the Doctor if he did find in the said confessions, any heretical opinions, whereof he could make demonstration by the word of God, either out of the old or the new Testament. Then spake the Doctor in Latin a good while. After he had made an end: Andrew Mainard the Bailiff desired the Commissioner, according as he had propounded, to make the errors and heresies that they were accused of, apparaūt unto them by good information, or at the least, to mark those Articles of their confession, which the Bishop & the Doctors pretended to be heretical, requiring him also to put in Register, their refusal, as well of the Bishop as of the Doct. of whō the one spake in his ear, and the other in Latin, so that they of Merindoll could not understand one word. Then the Commissioner promised thē to put in writing all that should make for their cause. And moreover he said that it was not needful to call the rest of the Merindolians, if there were no more to be said to them, then had been said to those, which were already called. And this is y e sum of all that was done at the after noon.

Many which came thither to hear these disputations: supposing that they should have heard some goodly demōstrations, were greatly abashed to see the Bishop and the Doctor so confounded: which thing afterward turned to the great benefit of many: for hereby they were moved to require the copyes of y e confession of their faith: by means whereof they were converted and embraced the truth, and namely iii. Doctors, who went about diverse times to dissuade the Merindoliās from their faith: whose ministry God afterwards used in the preaching of his Gospel. Of whom one was Doctor Combaudi Prior of S. Maximin, afterwards a Preacher in the territory of the Lord's of Berne. An other was Doctor Somati, who was also a Preacher in the Bailiwycke of Tonon. The other was Doctor Heraudi, pastour and Minister in the County of Newcastle.

After this the inhabitaunts of Merindoll were in rest and quietness for a space, in so much that every man feared to go about to trouble them, seeing those which persecuted them, did receive nothing but shame and confusion: as it did manifestly appear, not only by the suddeyne death of the President Chassanee, but also many other of the chiefest Counsellers of the Parliament of Province, whose horrible end terrified many, but specially y e strange and fearful example of that bloody tyrant John de Roma, set out as a spectacle to all persecutors whereof we have spoken before.

Thus the Lord repressing the rage of the adversaries for a time, stayed the violence and execution of that cruel sentence or Arrest given out by the Parliament of Province, against the Merindoliās, until John Miniers, an exceeding bloody tyrant, began a new persecution. This Miniers being Lord of Opede near to Merindoll, first began to vex the poor Christians by pillyng and polyng, by oppression & extortion, getting frō them what he could, to enlarge his Segnorie or Lordshyp, which before was very base. For this cause he put v. or vi. of his own Tenauntes into a Cistern under the ground, and closing it up, there he kept them, till they died for hunger, pretending that they were Lutherans, and Uaudoys, to have their goods and possessions. By this and such other practices, this wretch was advanced in short space, to great wealth and dignity, & so at length became not only the chief President of the high Court of Parliament, but also the kings Lieutenaunt general in the country of Province, in the absence of the Lord Grignan, then being at the Council of Wormes in Germany. Now therefore seeing no opportunity to be lacking o accomplish his devilish enterprise, he employed all his p wer, richesse, & authority not only to confirm and to reu ue that cruel Arrest given out before by the Court of Par iament: but also (as a right minister of Satan) he exceedyngly increased the cruelty thereof, which was already so great, that it seemed there could nothing more be added thereunto. And to bring this mischief to pass, he forged a most impudentlye, giving the king to understand that they of Merindoll & all the country near about, to the mumber of twelve or fiueten thousand, were in the field in armor with their Ensign displayed, entendyng to take the Town of Marseille, and make it one of the Cantons of the Swiss: And to stay this enterprise, he said it was necessary to execute the Arrest manu militari, and by this means he obtained the Kings letters patents, thorough the help of the Cardinal of Tournon, commanding the sentence to be executed against the Merindolians, notwithstanding that the King had before revoked the said sentence, and given straight commandment that it should in no wise be executed, as before is mentioned.

After this he gathered all the Kynges armey, which was then in Province ready to go against the Englishmen, and took up all besides, that were able to bear armor, in the chiefest Towns of Province, and joined them with the armey which the Popes Legate had levied for that purpose, in Avigno and all the country of Venice, and employed the same to the destruction of Merindoll, Cabriers, and other Towns and Uillages, to the number of xxij. giving commission to his soldiers to spoil, ransack, burn, and to destroy altogether, and to kill man, woman and child, without all mercy, sparing none: no otherwise then the Infidels and cruel Turks have dealt with the Christians, as before in the story of the Turks, you may read.

For as the Papists and Turks are like in their Religion, so are the said Papists like, or rather exceed them, in all kinds of cruelty that can be devised. But this Arch-tyrant before he came to Merindoll, ransacked and burnt certain towns, namely La Roche, S. Stephens, Uillelaure, Lormarin, La Motte, Cabrierettes, S. Martin, Pipin, and other places mo, notwithstanding that the Arrest extended but only to Merindol. Where the most of the poor inhabitants were slain and murdered without any resistance: womē and maidens ravished: women with child and little infants borne and to be borne, were also most cruelly murdered: the paps of many women cut off, which gave suck to their children, which looking for suck at their mothers breast being dead before, died also for hunger. There was never such cruelty and tyranny seen before.

The Merindolians seeing all on a flaming fire round about them, left their houses and fled into the woods, and remained that night at the Uillage Sanfales and thereaboutes, in wonderful fear and perplexity: for the Bishop of Cauaillon, deputy to the Bishop of Rome's Legate, had appointed certain Captains to go and slay them. The next day they went a little further, hiding thenselves in woods, for there was danger on every side, and Miniers had commanded under pain of death, that no mā should aid them by any means, but that they should be slain without pity or mercy, wheresoever they were found. The same Proclamation was of force also, in the Bishop of Rome's dominions thereby: and it was said that the Bishops of that country did find a great part of the army. Wherefore they went a tedious and a painful journey, carieng their children upon their shoulders, and in their arms, and in their swaddling clothes, and many of them also being great with child, were constrained so to do. And when they were come to the place appointed, thither was already resorted a great number which had lost their goods, and saved themselves by flight.

Not long after, it was shown them how that Miniers was coming with all his power, to give the charge upon them. This was in y e evening, and because they should go thorough rough and cumbersome places, and hard to pass by, they all thought it most expedient for their safeguard to leave behind them, all the women and children, with a few other, and among them also, certain Ministers of the Church: the residue were appointed to go to the town of Mussie. And this did they upon hope that the enemy would show mercy to the multitude of women and children, being destitute of all succor. No tongue can express, what sorrow, what tears, what sighing, what lamentation there was at that woeful departing, when they were compelled to be thus separated asūder, the husband from his dear wife, the father from his sweet babes and tender infants, the one never like to see the other again alive. Notwithstanding, after the Ministers had ended their ordinary Sermons, with evening Prayers and exhortations, the men departed that night, to avoid a greater inconvenience.

When they had gone all the night long, and had passed over y e great hill of Libron, they might see many villages and farms set on fire. Miniers in the mean time, had divided his army into two partes, marching himself with the one, towards the Town of Merindoll, and having knowledge by espiall whether the Merindolians were fled, he sendeth the other parte to set upon them, and to show their accustomed cruelty upon them. Yet before they came to the place where they were, some of Miniers army, either of good will, or moved with pity, privily conveyed themselves away, and came unto them, to give thē warning that their enemies were coming: and one from the top of an high rock, where he thought that the Merindolians were underneath, casteth down two stones, and afterward, although he could not see them, he calleth unto them; that they should immediately fly from thence. But the enemies suddenly came upon them, finding them all assembled together at prayers, and spoiled them of all that they had, pulling off their garments from their backs: some they ravished: some they whipped and scourged: some they sold away like cattle, practicing what cruelty and villainy soever they could devise against them. The women were in number about five hundredth.

In the mean time Miniers came to Merindoll, where he found none but a young man named Maurice Blanc, who had yielded himself to a soldier, promising him for his ransom, two French crowns. Miniers would have had him away by force, but it was answered that the soldier ought not to lose his prisoner. Miniers therefore paying the two crowns himself, took the young man, and caused him to be tied to an Olive tree, and shot thorough with harquebushes, and most cruelly martyred. Many Gentlemen which accompanied Miniers against their willes, seeing this cruel spectacle, were moved with great compassion, and could not forbear tears. For albeit this young man was not yet very well instructed, neither had before dwelt at Merindoll, yet in all his torments having always his eyes lyfted up to heaven, with a loud voice, he ceased not still to call upon God: and the last words that he spake, were these: Lord God, these men take away my life full of misery, but thou wilt give unto me life everlasting, by thy son Jesus Christ: to whom be glory. So was Merindoll without any resistance, valiantly taken, ransacked, burnt, rased, and laid even with the ground. And albeit there was no man to resist, yet this valiant Captain of Opede armed from top to toe, trembled for fear, and was seen to change his color very much.

When he had destroyed Merindoll, he laid seege to Cabriers, and battered it with his ordinance, but when he could not win it by force, he with the Lord of the Town, and Poulin his chief Captain, persuaded with the inhabitauntes, to open their gates, solemnly promising, that if they would so do, they would lay down their armor, and also that their cause should be heard in judgment with all equity and Justice, and no violence or injury should be shown against them. Upon this, they opened their gates, and let in Miniers with his Captains and all his army. But the Tyraunt when he was once entered, falsified his promise, and raged like a beast. For first of all he picked out about thirty men, causing them to be bound and carried into a medowe near to the Town, and there to be miserably cut and hewn in pieces of his soldiers.

Then, because he would leave no kind of cruelty unattempted, he also exercised outrage and fury upon the poor selly women, and caused forty of them to be taken, of whom diverse were great with child, and put them into a barn full of straw and hey, and caused it to be set on fire at four corners. And when the seely women running to the great window, where the hey is wont to be cast into the barn, would have leaped out, they were kept in with pikes and halberdes. Then there was a souldyoure which moved with pity at the crying out and lamentation of the women, opened a door to let them out, but as they were coming out, the Tyraunt caused them to be slain and cut in pieces, opening their belies, that their children fell out, whom they trode under their feet. Many were fled into the wineseller of the Castell, and many hid themselves in caves, whereof some were carried into the medowe, and there stripped naked, were slain: othersome were bound two and two together, and carried into the hall of the Castell, where they were slain by the Captains, rejoicing in their bloody butcherie and horrible slaughter.

That done, this Tyraunt, more cruel then ever was Herod, commanded Captayne John de Gay with a bande of ruffians, to go into the Church (where was a great number of women, children and young infantes) to kill all that he found there. Which the Captayne refused at the first, to do, saying: that were a cruelty unused among men of war. Whereat Miniers being displeased, charged him upon pain of rebellion, and disobedience to the King, to do as he had commanded him. The Captain fearing that might ensue, entered with his men, and destroyed them all, sparing neither young nor old.

In this mean while certain soldiers went to ransack, the houses for the spoil: where they found many poor men that had there hidden themselves in sellers and other privy places, flying upon them and crying out: kill, kill. The other soldiers that were without the town, killed all that they could meet with. The noneber of those that were so unmercifully murdered, were about M. persons of men, women, and children. The infantes that escaped their fury, were baptized again of their enemies.

In token of this ioly victory, the Popes Officers caused a pillar to be erected in the said place of Cabriers, in the which was engraven the year and the day of the taking and sacking of this Town, by John Miniers Lord of Opede, & chief President of the Parliament of Province, for a memorial forever, of the barbarous cruelty, the like whereof was yet never heard of. Whereupon we withal our posterity, have to understand what be the reasons and arguments wherewith the Antichrist of Rome, is wont to uphold the impious seat of his abomination: Who now is come to such excess and profundity of all kinds of iniquity, that all justice, equity and verity being set a side, he seeketh the defense of his cause, by no other thing, then only by force and violence, terror and oppression, and shedding of blood.

In this mean while the inhabitauntes of Merindoll and other places thereabout, were among the mountains and rocks, in great necessity of viccualles, and much affliction: who had procured certain men, which were in some favor and authority with Miniers, to make request for them unto him, that they might depart safely, whether it should please God to lead them, with their wines and children, although they had no more but their shirts to cover their nakedness. Whereunto Miniers made this answer: I know what I have to do: not one of them shall escape my hands. I will send them to dwell in hell among the devils.

After this there was a power sent unto Costa, which likewise they overcame, & committed there great slaughter. Many of the inhabitants fled away and ran into an orcharde, where the soldiers ravished the women and maidens, and when they had kept them there enclosed a day and a night, they handled them so beastly, that those which had great bellies, and the younger maidens died shortly after. It were impossible to comprehend all the lamentable and sorrowful examples of this cruel persecution against the Merindolians and their fellows: In so much that no kind of cruel Tyrannie was vnpractised. For they which escaped by woods, and went wandering by mountains, were taken and set in galleis, or else were slain outright.

Many which did hide themselves in rocks and dark caves, some were famished with hunger, some were smothered with fire, and smoke put unto them. All which may more fully be understand by the records of the Court, and by the pleas between them and their adversaries in the high Consitory of the Courte of Paris: Where all the doors being set open, and in the public hearing of all the people, the case of this trouble and persecution was shortly after, solemnly debated between two great lawyers: the one called Aubrius, which accused Minerius the president committed to prison, and the other called Robertus, who was the defendant against him. The cause why this matter of Merindol was brought in plea and judgment to be decided by the law, was this:

Henry the second French king, which newly succeeded Francis his father above mentioned, considering howe this cruel and infamous persecution against his own subjects and people, was greatly misliked of other Princes, and also objected both against him and his father, as a note of shameful Tyrannie, by the Emperor him self, Charles the fifth, and that in the public Council of all the states of Germany, for so murthering & spoiling his own natural subjects, without all reason and mercy: he therefore to the intent to purge and clear himself thereof, caused the said matter to be brought into the Court, and there to be decided by order of Justice.

Which cause, after it was pleaded to and froe, in public audience, no less then fifty times, and yet in the ende, could not be determined, so it brake of and was passed over, and at length Minerius being loosed out of prison, was restored to his liberty and possessions again, upon this condition and promise made unto the Cardinal, Charles of Lorraine, that he should banish and expel these new Christians (terming so the true professors of the Gospel) out of all Province.

Thus Minerius being restored, returned again into Province, where he began again to attempt greater tyranny, then before. Neither did his raging fury cease to proceed, before the just judgment of God lighting upon him, brought him by a horrible disease, unto the torments of death, which he most justly had deserved. For he being strocken with a strange kind of bleding at the lower partes, in manner of a bloody flixe, and not being able to void any urine, thus by little and little his guts within him rotted: and when no remedy could be found for this terrible disease, and his entrails now began to be eaten of worms, a certain famous surgeon named La Motte, which dwelt at Arles, a man no less godly then expert in his science: was called for, who after he had cured him of this difficultye of making water, and therefore was in great estimation with him, before he would proceed further to search the other partes of his putrefied body, and to search out the inward cause of his malady, he desired y t they which were present in the chamber with Minerius, would depart a little a side. Which being done, he began to exhort Minerius with earnest words, saying howe the time now required that he should ask forgiveness of God by Christ, for his enormous crimes and cruelty in shedding so much innocent blood, and declared the same to be the cause of this so strange profusion of blood coming from him.

These words being heard, so pearsed the impure conscience of this miserable wretch, that he was therewith more troubled then with the agony of his disease: in so much that he cried out to lay hand upon the Surgeon, as an heretic. La Motte hearing this, eftsoons conveyed him self out of sight, and returned again to Arles. Notwythstanding it was not long, but he was sent for again, being entreated by his friends, and promised most firmly, that his coming should be without any peril or danger: and so with much ado, he returned again to Minerius, what time all now was past remedy: and so Minerius raging and casting out moste horrible and blaspheming words, and feeling a fire which burnt him from the nauill upward, with extreme stench of the lower parts, finished his wretched life. Whereby we have notoriously to understand that God through his mighty arm, at length confoundeth such persecutors of his innocent and faithful servants, & bringeth them to naught: to whom be praise and glory forever.

Moreover, besides this Justice of God shown upon Minerius, here also is not to be forgotten which followed likewise upon certain of the other, which were the chief doers in this persecution under Minerius aforesaid, namely Louis de Uaine, brother in law to the said President, and also the brother, and the son in law to Peter Durāt, master butcher of the Town of Aix: the which three did slay one another upon a certain strife that fell among them. And upon the same day the Judge of Aix, who accompanied Minerius in y e same persecutiō, as he returned homeward, going over the River of Durance, was drowned. Ex Hist. Gallica. Henr. Pantal, & alijs.

Notes upon the story of Merindoll above recited.

THus hast thou heard (loving Reader) the terrible troubles, & slaughters committed by the Bishops and Cardinals against these faithful men of Merindol, which for the heinous tyranny and example of the fact moste unmerciful, may be comparable with any of the first persecutions in the primitive Church, done either by Decius, or Dioclesianus.

Now, touching the said story and people of Merindol, briefly by the way is to be noted, that this was not the first time that these men of this country, were vexed, neither was it of late years, that the doctrine and profession of them began. For (as by the course of time, and by ancient Recordes it may appear) these inhabitaunts of Province, and other coasts bordering about the confines of France, and Piemont, had their continuance of ancient time, and received their doctrine first from the Waldenses, or Albigenses, which were (as some say) about the year of our Lord 1170. or (as other do reckon) about the year of our Lord 1216. whereof thou haste (gentle reader) sufficiently to understand, reading before, pag. 230. Item, pag. 260 Item, pag. 267. &c.

These Waldenses, otherwise called Pauperes, de Lugduno, beginning of one Petrus Waldus, Citizen of Lions, as is before shown, pag. 231. by violence of persecution being driven out of Lions, were disparcled abroad in diverse countries, of whom some fled to Massilia, some to Germany, some to Sarmatia, Liuonia, Bohemia, Calabria, and Apulia, diverse strayed to the Countreis of France, especially about Province, and Piemont, of whome came these Merindolians, above mentioned, and the Angrognians with others, of whom now it followeth likewise (God willing) to discourse. They which were in the country of Tolouse, of the place where they frequented, were called Albij, or Albigenses. Against the which Albigenses, Frier Dominicus was a great doer, laboring and preaching against them 10. years together, and caused many of them to be burned, for the which he was highly accepted, and rewarded in the Apostolical Court, and at length by Pope Honorius the 3. was made Patriarch of the black gard of the Dominic Friers. Ex Antonino part. 3. tit. 19. cap. 1.

These Albigenses, against the Pope of Rome, had set up to them selves a Bishop of their own, named Bartholomaeus, remaining about the coasts of Croatia, and Dalmatia, as appeareth by a letter of one of the Popes Cardinals, above specified, pag, 261. For the which cause the Sea of Rome took great indignation against the said Albygenses, and caused all their faithful Catholics and obedienciaries to their Church to rise up in armor, and to take the sign of the holy cross upon them, to fight against them. An. 1206 by reason whereof great multitudes of them were pitifully murdered, not only of them about Tolouse, & Avigno in France (as is afore to be seen, pag. 273.) but also in all quarters, miserable slaughters and burnings of them long continued, from the reign of Fridericke 2. Emperor, almost to this present time, through the instigation of the Roman Popes.

Paulus Aemylius the French Chronicler in his 6. book, writing of these Pauperes de Lugduno, and Humiliati, and deviding these two orders from Albigenses, reporteth that the two former orders were rejected of Pope Lucius 3. And in their place, other two orders were approved, to wit, the order of the Dominic Friers, and of the Franciscans. Which seemeth not to be true, for so much as this Pope Lucius was 20. years, before Innocent 3. and yet neither in the time of Pope Innocent, the order of the Dominic Friers was approved, but in the time of Pope Honorius the 3. who was 40. years after Pope Lucius. Again, Bernardus Lutzenbergensis, in Catal. haeret affirmeth, that these Pauperes de Lugduno, or Waldenses began first. an. 1218. Which if it be true, then must the other report of Aemylius be falls, writing of the sect of Pauperes Lugdunenses, to be refused by Pope Lucius the 3. who was long before this in the year of our Lord. 1181.

Among other authors which write of these Waldenses, John. Sleidan. Lib. 16. entreating of their continuance and doctrine, thus writeth of them. There be (saith he) in the French Province a people called Waldoys. These of an ancient trade and custom among them, do not acknowledge the Bishop of Rome, and ever have used a manner of doctrine somewhat more pure, then the rest, but especially since the coming of Luther, they have encresed in more knowledge and perfection of judgment. Wherefore they have been oftentimes complained upon to the king, as though they contemned the Magistrate, and would move rebellion, with other such matter falsely surmised against them, more of despite and malice, then of any just cause of truth. There be of them certain Towns and Villages, among which Merindoll is one. Against these Merindolians sentence was given, five years past, at Aix, being the high tribunal seat or judgment place of Province, that all should be destroyed without respect of age or person, in such sort, as that the houses being plucked down, the Village should be made plain, even with the ground, the trees also should be cut down, and the place altogether made desolate and desert. All beit, though it were thus pronounced, yet was it not then put in execution, by the means of certain that persuaded the king to the contrary, namely one William Bellay, who was at the same time, the kings Lieutenaunt in Piedmont. But at the last, the 12. day of April. an. 1545. John Minerius President of the Counsel of Aix, calling the Senate, read the kings letters, commanding them to execute the sentence given &c.

Moreover, concerning the confession, and the doctrine of the said Merindolians received of ancient time from their forefathers the Waldenses, thus it followeth in the said boke and place of John Sleidan.

At last (saith Sleidan, after he had described what great cruelty was shown against them) when the report hereof was bruted in Germany, it offended the minds of many: and in deed, the Suitzers, who were then of a contrary Religion to the Pope, entreated the King, that he would show mercy to such as were fled. Whereunto the said king Francis, made answer in this wise: pretending that he had just cause to do, as he did, inferring moreover, that they ought not to be careful, what he did within his dominions, or how he punished his offenders, more then he was about their affairs. &c, Thus hard was the king against them notwithstanding (saith Sleydan) that he, the yere before, had received from the said his subjects of Merindoll, a confession of their faith and doctrine. The Articles whereof, were, that they, according to Christian faith, confessed, first God the father, creator of all things: The son, the only Mediator and Advocate of mankind The holy spirit, the comfortour, and instructour of all truth. They confessed also the Church, which they acknowledged to be the fellowship of God's elect, whereof Jesus Christ is the head. The ministers also of the Church they did allow, wishing that such which did not their duty, should be removed.

And as touching Magistrates, they granted likewise the same to be ordained of God, to defend the good, & to punish the transgressors. And how they owe to him, not love only, but also tribute, and custom, and no man herein to be excepted, even by the example of Christ, who paid tribute himself. &c.

Likewise of Baptism, they confessed the same to be a visible, and an outward sign, that representeth to us the renewing of the spirit, and mortification of the members.

Furthermore, as touching the Lord's Supper, they said and confessed the same to be a thanksgiving, and a memorial of the benefit received through Christ.

Matrimony they affirmed to be holy and instituted of God, and to be inhibited to no man.

That good works are to be observed & exercised of all men, as holy Scripture teacheth.

That false doctrine, which leadeth men away from the true worship of God, ought to be eschewed.

Briefly, and finally, the order and rule of their faith, they confessed to be the old and new Testament, protesting that they believed all such things as are contained in the Apostolic Crede: Desiring moreover, the King to give credit to this their declaratiō of their faith, so that whatsoever was informed to him to the contrary, was not true, and that they would well prove, if they might be heard.

And thus much concerning the doctrine and confession of the Merindolians out of Sleidan: and also concerning their descent and offspring from the Waldenses.

*The History of the persecutions and wars against the people called Waldenses or Waldois in the valleis of Angrongne, Luserne, S. Martin, Perouse, and others, in the country of Piemont, from the yere 1555. to the yere of our Lord. 1561.

Persecutours. Martyrs. The Causes.
  • The Parliament of Thurin.
  • The President of S Julian.
  • Iacomell Monk, an Inquisitor.
  • Monsieur de la Trinity.
  • The Gentlemen of the Valleyes.
  • Charles Truchet.
  • Boniface Truchet.
  • The Collateral of Corbis
  • The Collateral de Ecclesia.
  • The Duke of Savoy.
  • Monks of Pigneroll, and many other moe, enemies of God, and ministers of Satan.

  • The Martyrs of the valley of Angrogne.
  • The Martyrs of the valley of Luserne.
  • The Martyrs of S. Martin.
  • The Martyrs of Perouse, and others.

In the country of Piemont.

From the year 1555. unto 1561.

TO proceed now further in the persecution of these Waldois, or Waldenses, you have herd hitherto, first how they deviding themselves into diverse Countreis, some fled to Province, and to Tolouse, of whom sufficient hath been said. Some went to Piedmont, and the valley of Angrogne, of whom it followeth now to entreat God willing. Thus these good men by long persecution, being driven from place to place, were grieuouslye in all places afflicted, but yet could never be utterly destroyed, nor yet compelled to yield to the superstitious and false religion of y e church of Rome: but ever abstained from their corruption and Idolatry, as much as was possible, & gave themselves to the word of God, as a rule both truly to serve him, and to direct their lives accordingly. They had many books of the old and New Testament translated into their language. Theyr Minysters instructed them secretly, to avoid the fury of their enemies, which could not abide the light: all be it they did not instruct thē with such purity as was requisite. They lived in great simplicity, and with the sweat of their brows. They were quiet and peaceable among their neighbors, abstaining from blasphemy, and profaning of y e name of God, by oaths, and such other impiety: from lewd games, dancing, filthy songs and other vices and dissolute life, and cōformed their life wholly to the rule of God's word. Their principal care was always that God might be rightly served, and his word truly preached: In so much, that in our time, when it pleased God to set forth the light of his gospel more clearly, they never spared anything, to establish the true and pure ministry of the word of God and his Sacraments. Which was the cause that Satan with his ministers, did so persecute them of late more cruelly then ever he did before, as manifestly appeareth by the bloody & horrible persecutions which have been, not only in Province, against those of Merindol & Cabriers: also against them of Prague and Calabria (as the histories afore written do sufficiently declare) but also against them in the Country of Piedmont, remaining in the Ualley of Angrongne, and of Lucerne, and also in the Ualley of S. Martin, and Perouse, in the said country of Piedmont. Whych people of a long time, were persecuted by the Papists, and especially within these few years, they have been vexed in such sort, and so diversely, that it seemeth almost incredible: and yet hath God always miraculously delivered them, as hereafter shall ensue.

Albeit the people of Angrongne had before this time, certain to preach the word of God, and minister the sacraments unto them privately: yet in the year of our Lord 1555. in the beginning of the month of August, the Gospel was openly preached in Angrongne. The ministers and the people intended at the first, to keep themselves still, as secrete as they might: but there was such concourse of people from all parties, that they were compelled to preach openly abroad. For this cause they built them a Church in the mids of Angrongne, where assembles were made, and Sermons preached. It happened about that time, that one John Martin of Briqueras, a mile frō Angrongne, which vaunted everywhere, that he would slit the ministers nose of Angrogne, was assaulted by a Wolf, which bitte of his nose, so that he died thereof mad. Thys was commonly known to all the towns thereabout.

At this season the French king held these foresaid valleis, & they were under the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Thurin. In the ende of December following, news was brought, that it was ordained by the said Parliament, that certain horsemen and footmen should be sent to spoil and destroy Angrongne. Whereuppon some which pretended great friendship to this people, counseled thē not to go forward with their enterprise: but to forbear for a while, and to wait for better opportunity. But they notwithstanding, calling upon God, determined with one accord, constantly to persist in their religion, and in hope and silence, to abide the good pleasure of god: so that this enterprise against Angrongne, was soon dashed. The same time they began also openly to preach in Luserne.

In the month of March, An. 1556. the Ministers of the Ualley of S. Martin, preached openly. At that time certain Gentlemen of the Ualley of S. Martin, took a good man, named Barthelmew a book binder, prisonner, as he passed by the said Ualley, the which was sent by and by, to Thurin, and there with a marvelous constancy, after he had made a good confession of his Faith, he suffered death: In so much that diverse of the parliament were astonished and appalled at his constancy. Yet they of the said Parliament, being sore incensed against the Uandois, sent one named the President of S. Julian, associating unto him, one called de Ecclesia, and others, for to hinder their enterprise. These coming first to the Ualley of Perouse, where as yet no preachers were, but they were accustomed to resort to the Sermons at Angrongne, very much troubled and feared the poor people there.

From thence they went to the Ualley of S. Martin, and remained there a good while, tormentinge the poor people, and threatening their utter ruin and destruction. After that they came to Luserne, troubling and vexing the people there, in like manner. From thence they went to Angrongne, accompanied with many Gentlemen, and a great rabble of Priests, of the said Country: but by the way, the President inquired for one dwelling at S. John's near to Angrongne, and examined him whether he had not baptized his child at Angrongne, and wherefor he had so done. The poor simple man answered, that he had baptized his child at Angrongne, because Baptism was there ministered according to the institution of Christ. Thē the President in a great rage, commanded him in the kings name, to Baptise his child again, or else he should be burnt. The poor man desired the President that he might be suffered to make his prayer to God, before he should make answer thereunto. Which, after, he had done in the hall before all the company there present: he required the President that he would write and sign the same with his own hand, that he would discharge him before God of the danger of that offense, if he should baptize his child again, and that he would take the pearill upon him and his. The President hearing this, was so confounded, that he spake not one word a good while after. Then said he in a great fury, away thou vilaine, out of my sight: and after that he was never called again anymore.

After they were come to Angrogne, the President having visited the two Temples, caused a Monk to preach in the one, the people being there assembled, who pretended nothing else, but only to exhort them to return to the obedience of the Sea of Rome. The Monk with the President & all his retinue, kneeled down twice, and called upon the virgin Mary: but the ministers and all the people stood still, and would not knele, making no sign or token of reverence. As soon as the Monk had ended his Sermon, the people requested instantly, that their Minister might also be suffered to preach, affirming that the said Monk had spoken many things, which were not according to the word of God. But the President would not grant their request. After that, the said President admonished them in the name of the king, and the Parliament of Thurin, that they should return to the obedience of the Pope, upon pain of loss of goods and life, and utter destruction of their town: and withal he recited unto them, the pitious discomfiture of their brethrē and friends, which had been done before in Merindoll and Cabriers, & other places in the country of Province. The ministers and the people answered that they were determined to live according to the word of God, and that they would obey the king and all their superiors in all things, so that God were not thereby displeased: And furthermore, if it were shown unto them by the word of God, that they erred in any point of Religion, they were ready to receive correction, and to be reformed. Thys talk endured about six hours together, even until night. In the end, the President said there should be a disputation appointed for those matters. Wherunto the people gladly agreed. But after that there was no more mention made thereof.

Here he remained 14. days, daily practicing new devises, to vex and torment them, with new Proclamations, now calling to him the Syndiques and head officers, now severally and now altogether, y t so for fear he might make thē to relente: causing also assembles to be made in every Parish, by such as he appointed, thinking thereby to devide the people. Notwithstanding he nothing prevailed with all that he could do: but still they continued constant. In so much that they with one accord, presented a brief confession of their Faith, with an answer to certain interrogatories made by the President, in the which they confessed:

That the Religion wherein both they and their Elders had ben long instructed & brought up, was the same, which is contained both in the old and new Testament, the which is also briefly comprised in the 12. Articles of the Christian belief.

Also, that they acknowledged the Sacraments instituted by Christ, whereby he distributeth aboundauntly his graces and great benefits, his heavenly riches and treasures, to all those which receive the same, with a true and a lively faith.

Furthermore, that they received the Creedes of the four general Councils, that is to say, of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus and Calcedon, and also the Creed of Athanasius, wherein the mystery of the Christian faith and religion is plainly and largely set out.

Item, the ten Commaundementes expressed in the 20. chapt. of Exod. and in the 5. of Deut. in the which the rule of a godly & holy life, and also the true service which God requireth of us, is briefly comprised: and therefore following this article, they suffered not by any means (said they) any gross iniquities to reign among them, as unlawful swearing, perjury, blasphemy, cursing, sclandering, dissention, deceit, wrong dealing, usury, gluttony, drunkenness, whoredom, theft, murder, sorcery, witchcraft, or such like: but wholly endeavored them selves to live in the fear of God, and according to his holy will.

Moreover, they acknowledged the superior powers, as princes and magistrates, to be ordained of God, & that who so ever resisteth the same, resisteth the ordinance of God: and therefore humbly submitted themselves to their superiors, with all obedience, so that they commanded nothing against God.

Finally, they protested, that they would in no point be stubborn, but if that their forefathers or they had erred many one jot concerning true religion, the same being proved by the word of God, they would willingly yield, and be reformed.

The interrogatories, were concerning the Mass, auricular confession, baptism, marriage, and burials, according to the institution of the Church of Rome.

To the first they answered, that they received the Lord's supper, as it was by him instituted, and celebrated by his Apostles: but as touching the mass, except the same might be proved by the word of God, they would not receive it.

To the second touching auricular confession, they said, that for their parte, they confessed them selves daily unto God, acknowledging them selves before him, to be miserable sinners, desiring him of pardon and forgiveness of their sins, as Christ instructed his, in the prayer which he taught them: Lord, forgive us our sins. And as S. John saith: If we confess our sins to God, he is faithful and just to forgive us our sins, and to cleanse us from all unrighteousness. And according to that which God him self saith by his Prophet: O Israel, if thou return, return unto me. And again, O Israel, it is I, it is I, which forgeeueth thee thy sins. So that, seeing they ought to return to God alone, and it is he only that forgiveth sins, therefore they were bound to confess them selves to God only, and to no other. Also it appeareth, that David in his Psalms, and y e Prophets, and other faithful servants of God have confessed themselves, both generally and particularly unto God alone: Yet if the contrary might be proved by the word of God, they would (say they) with all humbleness receive the same.

Thirdly, as touching Baptism, they acknowledged and received that holy Institution of Christ, and administered the same with all simplicity, as he ordained it in his holy Gospel, without any changing, adding, or diminishing in any point, & that all this they did in their mother tongue, according to the rule of S. Paul, who willeth that in the church everything to be done in the mother tongue, for the edification of our neighbor. But as for their coniurations, oyling, and salting, except the same might be proved by the sacred Scripture, they would not receive them.

Fourthly, as touching burialles, they answered, that they knew there is a difference between the bodies of the true Christians, and the Infidels, for as much as the first are the menbers of Jesus Christ, temples of the holy ghost, and partakers of the glorious resurrectiō of the dead, and therefore they accustomed to follow their dead to the grave reverently, with a sufficient company, and exhortation out of the word of God, as well to comfort the parents and friends of the dead, as also to admonish all men, diligently to prepare them selves to die. But as for the using of candles or lights, prayers for the dead, ringing of belles, except y e same might be proved to be necessary, by the word of God, and that God is not offended therewith, they would not receive them.

Fifthly, as touching obedience to men's traditions, they received and allowed all those ordinances, which (as S. Paul saith) serve for order, decency, & reverence of the Ministry. But as for other Ceremonies, which have been brought into the Church of God, either as a parte of his divine service, either to merit remission of sins, or else to bind men's consciences, because they are mere repugnant to the word of God, they could by no means receive them.

And whereas the Commissioners affirmed the said traditions to have ben ordained by councils: first they answered, that the greatest part of them were not ordained by councils. Secondly, that Councils were not to be preferred above the word of God, which saith: If any man, yea or Angel from heaven, should preach unto you, otherwise then that which hath been received of the Lord Jesus, let him be accursed. And therefore (said they) if Councils have ordained anything dissenting from the word of God, they would not receive it.

Finally, they said, that the Councils had made diverse notable decrees concerning the election of Bishops, and Ministers of the Church: concerning Ecclesiastical discipline, as well of the Clergy, as of the people: also concerning the distribution of the goods and possessions of the Church. And further, that all pastors which were either whoremongers, drunkards, or offensive in any case, should be put from their office. Moreover, that whosoever should be present at the mass of a priest which was a whoremonger, should be excommunicate. And many such other things, which wer not in any point observed. And that they omitted to speak of many other things, with were ordained by diverse Councils, very superstitious, and contrary to the holy Commandments of God, as they would be ready to prove (said they) if they should have occasion and opportunity thereunto.

Wherefore they required the Commissioners, that a disputation might be had (as by the said President was pretended) publicly and in their presence, and then if it might be proved by the word of God, that they erred either in doctrine, or conversation and manner of living, they were content, with all humbleness to be corrected, and refourmed, as they had before said: beseeching them to consider also that their religion had ben observed & kept from their auncitours, until their time, many hundred years together: and yet for their partes, being convicted by the infallible word of God, they would not obstinately stand to the defense thereof: Saying moreover, that they, together with the said Lord's Deputies, confessed all one God, one Savior, one Holy Ghost, one Law, one Baptism, one hope in Heaven: and in Sum, they affirmed that their faith and religion was firmly founded and grounded upon the pure word of God, wherefore it is said, That blessed are they which hear the same, and keep it.

To be short, seeing it is permitted to the Turks, Sarazens, & Jews (which are mortal enemies to our Savior Christ) to dwell peaceablye in the fairest Cities of Christendom, by good reason they should be suffered to live in the desolate mountains & valleis, having their whole religion ounded upon the holy Gospel, and worshipping the Lord Jesus: and therefore they most humbly besought them, to have pity and compassion upon them, and to suffer them to live quietly in their deserts, protesting that they and theirs would live in all fear & reverence of God, with all due subjection and obedience to their Lord and prince, and to his Lieutenants and officers.

The President and the rest of the Commissioners perceiving that they labored in vain, returned to Thurin, with the notes of their proceedings, the which immediately were sent unto the kings court, & there the matter remained one year, before there was any answer made thereunto: during which time, the Waldoys lived in great quietness, as God of his infinite goodness is wont to give some comfort & refreshing to his poor servants, after long troubles and afflictions. The number of the faithful so augmented, that throughout the valleis, God's word was purely preached, & his sacraments duly administered, and no mas e was song in Angrōgne, nor in diverse other places. The yere after, the President of S. Julian with his associates, returned to Pigneroll, & sent for thither, the chief Rulers of Angrongne, & of the valley of Luserne, that is, for six of Angrongne, and for two of every parish besides, and shown unto them, how that the last yere they had presented their confession, the which by a decree made by the parliament of Thurin, was sent to the kings court, & there diligently examined by learned men, & condemned as heretical. Therefore the king willed and commanded them, to return to the obedience of the Church of Rome, upon pain of loss both of goods and life: enjoining them moreover, to give him a direct answer within 3. days. From thence he went to Luserne, & caused the householders, with great threatenings to assemble them selves before certain by him appointed: but they with one assent persisted in their former confession. And least they should seem stubbern in the defense of any erroneous doctrine, they desired that their confession might be sent to all the Universities of Christendom, and if the same in any part, by the word of God were disproved, it should be immediately amended: but contrariwise, if that were not done, then they to be no more disquieted.

The President not contented with this, the next morning sent for six of Angrongne by him named, & for two out of every other parish, the which he and the Gentlemenne of the country threatened very sore, and warned twelve of the chief of Angrongne, and certain of the other parishes, to appear personally at the Parliament of Thurine, and to bring before the Judges of the said Parliament, their ministers and scholemaisters, thinking if they were once banished the country, that then their enterprise might soon be brought to an ende. To the which it was answered, that they could not, nor ought not to obey such a commandment.

A little while after, Proclamation was made in every place, that no man should receive any preacher coming from Geneva, but only such as were appointed by the Archbishop of Thurin, and other his officers, upon pain of confiscation of their goods, and loss of their lives, and that everyone should observe the ceremonies, rites, & religion used in the Church of Rome. Furthermore, if any of the foresaid preachers of Geneva came into those quarters, that they should immediately be apprehended, and by no means their abode there by any one to be concealed, upon the pain aforesaid. And furthermore, the names of those which should disclose any one of them, should be kept secrete, and also for their accusation, they should have the third part of the goods confiscated, with a full pardon, if that the said accusers were any of those which privily did keep or maintain the said ministers: and that they and all other, which would return to their mother the Church, might freely and safely come and recante before the said Commissioners.

At the same season the Princes of Germany, and certain of the Suitzers sent unto the French king, desiring him to have pity on the foresaid Churches, and from that time until three years after, the people of the foresaid valleys were not molested by any of the kings officers: but yet they were sore vexed by the monks of Pigneroll, and the Gentlemen of the valley of S. Martin.

About that time a minister of Angrongne named Geoffrey Uarialla, borne in Piemont, a virtuous and learned man, and fearing God, went to visit certain churches in those quarters where he was borne, and coming homeward, was taken at Berge, and from thence led to Thurin where he after he had made a good confession of his faith, to the confirmation of many, and the terror of the adversaries, most constantly suffered.

A few days after, a minister of the valley of Luserne, returning to Geneva, was taken prisoner at Suse, & soon after sent to Thurin, and with an invincible constancy made his confession before those of the Parliament, and in the end was condemned to be burnt. The hangman at the time of execution feigned himself to be sick, and so conveyed him self away. And so likewise another served them, being appointed by the foresaid Court, to execute the poor minister. It is credibly reported, that the hangman which executed certain Germans a little afore, would by no means do this execution. Wherupon the minister was sent to prison again, where after long & painful endurance, seeing the prison door open, he escaped, and returned to his cure.

Now four years being past, in such manner as we have hitherto touched in this story, in the year following, which was 1559. there was a peace concluded between the French king, and the king of Spain. Whereupon the country of Piemont, (certain towns excepted) was restored to the Duke of Savoy: under whose regiment the foresaid Churches, and all other faithful people in Piemont, continued in great quietness, and wer not molested: and the Duke him self was content to suffer them to live in their religion, knowing that he had no subjects more faithful and obedient then they were. But Satan hating all quietness, by his ministers stirred the Duke against the said Churches of Piemont, his own natural subjects. For the Pope and the Cardinals seeing the good inclination of the Duke towards this people, incensed him to do that, which otherwise he would not. The Popes Legate also which then followed the Court, and other that favored the Church of Rome, labored by all means to persuade the Duke, that he ought to vanishe the said Waldoys, which maintained not the Popes religion: alleging that he could not suffer such a people to dwell within his dominion, without prejudice and dishonor to the Apostolic Sec. Also that they were a rebellious people against the holy ordinances and decrees of their holy mother the Church. And briefly, that he might no longer suffer the said people, being so disobedient & stubbern against the holy father, if he would in deed show him self a loving and obedient son.

Such deuilishe instigations were the cause of these horrible and furious persecutions, wherewith this poor people of the valleys and the Country of Piemont was so long vexed. And because they foresaw the great calamities which they were like to suffer: to find some remedy for the same (if it were possible) all the said Churches of Piemont, with one common consent wrote to the duke, declaring in effect, that the only cause why they were so hated, and for the which he was by their enemies so sore incensed against them, was their religion: which was no new or light opinion, but that wherein they and their auncitours had long continued, being wholly grounded upon the infallible word of God, contained in the old and New Testament. Notwithstanding, if it might be proved by the same word, that they held any false or erroneous doctrine, they would submit them selves to be reformed, with all obedience. But it is not certain whether this aduertisemente was delivered unto the Duke, or no: for it was said, that he would not hear of that Religion. But howe so ever it was, in the month of March following, there was great persecution raised against the poor Christians, which wer at Carignan. Amongest whom there were certain godly persons taken, & burnt within four days after, that is to say, one named Mathurine, and his wife, and John de Carquignan, dwelling in the valley of Luserne, taken prisoner as he went to the market at Pignerol. The woman died with great constancy. The good man, John de Carquignan had ben in prison diverse times before for religion and was always delivered by God's singular grace and providence. But seeing him self taken this last time, incōtinēt he said, he knew that God had now called him. Both by the way as he went, and in prison, and also at his death, he shown an invincible constancy, and marvelous virtue, as well by the pure confession which he made touching the doctrine of salvation, as also in suffering with patience the horrible torments which he endured both in prison, & also at his death. Many at that time fled away: others being afraid of that great cruelty, and fearing man also more then God, looking rather to the earth, then unto heavē, consented to return to the obedience of the Church of Rome.

Within few days after, these Churches of the said Waldoys, that is to say, Le Larch, Meronne, Mean, and Suse were wonderfully assaulted. To recite all the outrage, cruelty, and villainy that was there committed, it were too long: for brevities sake we will recite only certain of the principal and best known. The Churches of Mean & Suse suffered great afflictions. Their minister was taken amongst other. Many fled away, and their houses and goods were ransacked and spoiled. The Minister was a good & a faithful servant of God, and endued with excellent gifts and graces, who in the ende was put to moste shameful and cruel death. The great patience which he shown in the middes of the fire, greatly astonished the adversaries. Likewise the Churches of Larche and Meronne were marueilouslye tormented and afflicted. For some were taken and sent to the galleis, other some consented & yielded to the adversaries, and a great number of them fled away. It is certainly known, that those which yielded to the adversaries, were more cruelly handled then the others which continued constant in the truth. Whereby God declareth howe greatly he detesteth all such as play the Apostates, and shrink from the truth.

But for the better understanding of the beginning of this horrible persecution against the Waldoys, here note, that first of all proclamations were made in every place, that none should resort to the Sermons of the Lutherans, but should live after the custom of the Church of Rome, upon pain of forfeiture of their goods, and to be condemned to the Galleyes forever, or loose their lives. Three of the most cruel persons that could be found, were appointed to execute this commission. The first was one Thomas Iacomel, a Monk, and Inquisitor of the Romish faith, a man worthy for such an office, for he was an Apostate, and had renounced the known truth, and persecuted mortally and malitiouslye the poor Christians, against his own conscience, and of set purpose, as his books do sufficiently witness. He was also a whoremonger, and given over to all other villainies and filthy living, and in the horrible sin of Sodomitry, which he commonly used, he passed all his fellows. Briefly, he was nothing else but a misshapen monster both against God and nature. Moreover, he so afflicted and tormented the poor captives of the said Waldoys, by spoiling, robbery, and extortion, that he deserved not only to be hanged, but to be broken upon y e whele a hundred times, and to suffer so many cruel deaths, if it were possible: so great, so many, and so horrible were the crimes that he had committed.

The seconde was the Collateral Corbis, who in the examination of the prisoners, was very rigorous & cruel, for he only demanded of them whether they would go to the mass, or be burnt within three days, and in very deed executed his sayings. But it is certainly reported, that he seeing the constancy, and hearing the confession of the pore Martyrs, feeling a remorse, and tormented in conscience, protested that he would never meddle anymore.

The third was the Prouost de la Justice, a cruel and crafty wretch, accustomed to apprehend the poor Christians either by night, or early in the morning, or in the high way going to the market, and was commonly lodged in the valley of Luserne, or there aboutes. Thus the poor people were always as the seely sheep in the Wolves jaws, or as the sheep which are led unto the slaughter house.

At that season one named Charles de Comptes, of the valley of Luserne, and one of the Lord's of Angrongne, wrote to the said Commissioners, to use some levity towards them of the valley of Lusern. By reason whereof, they were a while more gently entreated then the rest. At that season the monks of Pignerol, & their associates tormented grievously the churches near about them. They took the poor Christians as they passed by the way, and kept them prisoners within their abbey. And having assembled a company of Ruffians, they sent them to spoil those of the said churches, and to take prisoners, men, women & children, and some they so tormented, that they wer compelled to swear, to return to the mass, other some also they sent to the galleis, and other some they burnt cruelly. They which escaped, were afterwards so sick, that they seemed to have been poisoned. The same year there were two great earthquakes in Piemonte, and also many great tempests and horrible thunders.

The Gentlemen of the valley of S. Martin, entreated their tennauntes very cruelly, threatening them, and commanding them to return unto the Mass, also spoiling them of th yr goods, imprisoning them, and vexing them by all the means they could. But above all the other, two especially, y t is to say, Charles Truchet and Boniface his brother, the which the 2. day of April before day, with a company of Ruffians, spoiled a village of their own subjects, named Renclaret, the which as soon as the inhabitants of the said village perceived, they fled into the mountain covered with snow, naked and without victual, and there remained until the third night after. In the morning certain of his retinue toke a minister of the said valley prisonner, which was come out of Calabria, & was going to visit the poor people of Renclaret, and led him prisonner to the Abbey, where soon after he was burnt, with one other of the valley of S. Martin.

The third night after, they of Pragela having pity upon the poor people of Renclaret, sent about iv. C. to discomfite the company of the Truchets, and to restore those which were fled to their houses. They were furiously assaulted by the shot of their enemies, who notwithstanding in the end were put to flight, and but one of the four hundred hurt.

About a year before, the said Truchet being accompanied with a company of ruffians, arrested prisoner the minister of Renclaret, as he was at his Sermon. But the people was so moved by this outrageous dealing, & specially the women, that they had almost strangled the said Truchet, and the rest of them were so canuased, that they had no list to come there again anymore. By reason whereof he so vexed them by process, that they were compelled to agree with him, and to pay him xvi.C. crowns.

Soone after the lords of the said valley took another minister of the same valley, as he was going to preach in a parish, a mile frō his house: but the people perceiving that, speedily pursued him, and took him. The enemies seeing that they were not able to lead him away, wounded him so sore, that they left him for dead. Whereupon they so persecuted the poor people, that they were almost destroyed.

Here is not to be forgotten, that the same night in the which the company of Truchet was discomfited, was so stormy and terrible, and the Gentlemen of that Country were so terrified, that they thought they should have been all destroyed. Wherefore they used more gentleness towards the people then before, except Charles Truchet, & his brother, the which went to the Duke, and made grievous complaints against the Waldoys, not only for that which was done and past, but also persuaded the duke, that they went about to build three Fortresses in the mountains, and also intended to maintain certain garrisons of strangers: charging them further with diverse other crimes, of the which they were in no point guilty. The Duke being moved by these false surmises, gave in charge to the said accusers, and the Fortress of the valley of S. Martin, the which about twenty yere before was rased by the French men, should be builte again, and that therein should be placed a perpetual garrison, and that the people should make so plain and wide the rugged ways, that horsemen might easily pass, with diverse such other things: and all this to be done at the costs & charges of those that would not submit them selves to the abedience of the Romaine Church.

This commission being sealed, the Gentlemen caused the Fortress to be built again, and put therein a garrison, and proclaimed the commission. The poor people being thereat amazed, withstood the Commissioners, and sent certain to the Duke: and immediately after the Commissioners returned to the Dukes Courte, being at Nice, to inflame his anger more against them. But God soon prevented this mischief: For the Truchets being at Nice, went to the Sea, with diverse noble men, and immediately they were taken prisoners by the Turks, put into the Galleys, sore beaten with ropes, and so cruelly handled, that it was commonly reported that they were dead: and long time after denying their nobility, were sent home, having paid 400. crowns for their ransom. Some say, that the Duke himself was almost taken, but it is sure that he fell sick soon after.

In the month of April next following, the Lord of Raconis was present at a Sermon, in a place near unto Angrongne. The sermon being ended, he talked with the ministers, and having discoursed as well of the Dukes sickness, as also of his clemency and gentleness, he declared to them, that the persecution proceeded not of him, and that he meant not that the commission should have been so rigorously executed. After that he demanded of them, what way they thought best to appease the Dukes wrath. They answered, that the people ought not to be moved to seek by any means, howe to please & appease the Duke, which might displease God. But y e best way they knew, was the same, wherewith the ancient servants of God, used to appease the Pagan Princes and Emperors, in the time of the great persecutions of the church, that is to say, to give out and present unto them in writing, the confession of their faith, and defense of the religion which they professed: trusting that for as much as the fury of diverse profane and Ethnike Emperors and princes have been heretofore appeased by such means, the Duke being endued with such singular virtues, as they said he was, would also be pacified by the like means: And for that cause the poor people had before sent a supplication, with a Confession of their faith unto the Duke, but they were not certain whether he had received it, or no. Wherefore they desired him to present the same unto the said Duke him self. Whereunto he agreed & promised so to do. Wherupon they sent three supplications: one to the Duke, the second to the Duches, and the third to y e dukes counsel, wherein they briefly declared what their religion was, and the points thereof, which they and their aunciters had of a long time observed, being wholly grounded upon the pure word of God: and if by the same word it should be proved, that they were in error, they would not be obstinate, but gladly be refourmed, and embrace the truth. After this the persecution seemed to be somewhat asswaged for a little while.

In the ende of June next following, the Lord of Raconis, and the Lord of Trinity came to Angrogne, there to quallifie (as they said) the sore persecution. and caused the chief rulers and ministers to assemble together, propoundinge diverse points of Religion concerning Doctrine, the calling of Ministers, the Mass, and obedience towards Princes and Rulers: and furthermore declared unto them that their confession was sent to Rome by the Duke, and daily they looked for answer. To all these points the Ministers answered. After this they demanded of the chief rulers, if that the Duke would cause Mass to be song in their parishes, whether they would withstand the same, or no. They answered simply that they would not. Then they demanded of them if that the Duke would appoint them Preachers, whether they would receive them. They answered, that if they preached the word of God purely, they would hear them. Thirdly, if y t they were content, that in the mean time their ministers should cease, and if they which should be sent, preached not the word of God sincerely, then their ministers to preach again. If they would agree to this, they were promised that the persecution should cease, and the prisoners should be estored again. To this question, after they had conferred with the people, they answered, that they could by no means suffer that their Ministers should forbear preaching.

The two Lord's not contented with this answer, commanded in the Dukes name, that all the Minysters which were strangers, should out of hand be banished the country: saying, that the Duke would not suffer them to dwell within his dominion, for that they were his enemies: demanding also whether they would foster and maintain the Princes enemies within his own lande against his own decree and express commandment? To the which, answer was made by the chief Rulers, that they could by no means banish them, unless they were afore convicted of some heresy, or other crime: for their part, they had always found them to be men of pure and sound doctrine, and also of godly life and conversation.

Thus done, immediately Proclamations were made, and the persecution began on every side to be more furious then it was afore. Amongest others, the Monks of Pignerol at that time were most cruel: for they sent out a company of hired Ruffians, which daily spoiled and ransacked houses, and all that they could lay hands of, took men, women, and children, and led them captives to the Abbey, where they were most spitefully afflicted and tormented. At the same time they sent also a band of the said ruffians by night, to the Ministers house of S. Germain, in the valley of Perouse, being led thither by a traitor which knew the house, and had used to haunt thither secretly: who knocking at the door, the Minister knowing his voice, came forth immediately, and perceiving himself to be betrayed, fled: but he was soon taken and sore wounded, and yet notwithstanding they pricked him behind with their halbards, to make him hasten his pace. At that time also many they slue, many they hurt, and many also they brought to the Abbey, and there kept them in prison, and cruelly handled them. The good Minister endured sore imprisonment, and after that a most terrible kind of death, with a wonderful constancy: For they roasted him by a small fire: and when half his body was burnt, he confessed and called upon the Lord Jesus, with a loud voice.

The Inquisitor Iacomel, with his Monks, and the Collateral Corbis, amongst other, shown one practice of most barbarous cruelty against this poor man. Who when he should be burnt, caused two poor women of S. Germain (which they kept in prison) to carry fagots to the fire, and to speak these words to their Pastor: take this, thou wicked heretic, in recompense of thy naughty doctrine, which thou hast taught us. To whom the good Minister answered: Ah good women, I have taught you well, but you have learned ill. To be brief, they so afflicted and tormented those poor people of Saint Germain, and the places thereabout, that after they were spoiled of their goods, and driven from their houses, they were compelled to fly into y e mountain to save their lives. So great was the spoil of this poor people, that many which before had been men of much w alth, and with their riches had ministered great succor and comfort to others, were now brought to such misery, that they were compelled to crave succor and relief of other.

Now, for as much as the said Monks, with their troupes of ruffians (which were counted to be in number about three hundred) made such spoil and havoc in all the country, that no man could there live in safety: it was demanded of the Ministers, whether it was lawful to defend themselves, against the insolency and furious rage of the said Ruffians. The Ministers answered, that it was lawful, warning them in any case, to take heed of bloodshed. This question being once dissolved, they of the valley of Luserne and of Angrongne, sent certain men to them of S. Germain, to aid them against the supporters of these Monks.

In the month of June, the harvest being then in Piemont, diverse of the Waldoys were gone into y e country, to reap and make provision for corn, for very little groweth upon their mountains: the which were all taken prisoners at sundry times and places, not one knowing of another: but yet God so wrought, that they all escaped out of prison, as it were by a miracle: Whereat the adversaries were maruelously astonished. At the same time, there were certain other also, which had sustained long imprisonment, looking for nothing else but death: and yet they after a wonderful sort, by God's merciful providence were likewise delivered.

In the month of July, they of Angrongne, being in a morning at harvest, upon the hill side of S. Germain, perceived a company of soldiers spoylyng them of S. German: & doubting least they would go to Angrōgne, made an outcry. Then the people of Angrongne assembled together upon the mountain, and some ran to S. Germain over the hill, & some by the valley. They which went by the valley, met with the spoilers coming from S. Germain, loden with spoil, which they had gotten, and being but 50. set upon the other, amounting to the number of 120. men well appointed, and gave them soon the overthrow. The passage over the bridge being stopped, the enemies were fain to take the river of Cluzon, where diverse were sore hurt, many were drowned, & some escaped very hardly: and such a slaughter was made o them, that the river was died with the blood of them, which were wounded and slain, but none of the Angrōgmans were once hurt. If the said river had been as great as it was wont commonly to be, there had not one mā escaped alive. The noise of the harquebushes was great, and within less then one hours space, there was three or four hundredth of the Waldoys, gathered together upon the river: and at the same time, they had purposed to fetch away their prisoners, which were in the Abbey, but they would not do it without the counsel of their Ministers, and so deferred the matter until the next day: But their Ministers coūsailed thē, not to enterprise any such thing: but to refrain themselves, and so they did. Albeit they doubted not, but if they had gone incontinent, after that discomfiture, unto the Abbey: they might have found all open, and easily have entered: For the Monks were so sore afraid, that they fled suddenly to Pignerol, to save their relics and Images, which they carried thither. The rest of the country about, were wonderfully afraid, & range the Belles everywhere. The greater part of them fled, doubting least the poor Waldoys would have revenged the wrongs and outrages done unto them.

The next day following, the Commander of Saint Anthony de Fossan came to Angrongne, accompanied with diverse Gentlemen, saying that he was sent by the Duke: and having assembled the chief Rulers and Ministers of Angrongne, and of the Ualley of Luserne, after he had declared unto them the cause of his coming, he read their Supplication directed to the Duke, which contained their confession, demaūdyng of them, if it were the same, which they had sent to the Duke. They answered, yea. Then he began to dispute, being sent (as he said) to inform them of their errors, not doubting, but they would amēde, according to their promise. Then he entered into a disputation of the Mass, in a great heat, deriuyng the same frō the Hebrew word Massa, which signified (as he supposed) consecration, and shown that this word Missa, might be found in ancient writers. The Ministers answered that he ill applied the Hebrew word: and further, that they disputed not of the word Missa, but of that which is signified by the same, the which he ought first to prove by y e word of God. Briefly that he could not prove either by the word of God, or the ancient fathers, their private Mass, their sacrifice expiatorie or propiciatorie, their transubstantiation, their adoration, their application of the same for the quick and the dead, & such other matters, which are principal partes of the said Mass. The Cōmaunder having here nothing to reply, fell into a marvelous color, railing and raging as if he had been stark mad, and told thē that he was not come to dispute, but to banish their Ministers, & to place others in their rooms, by the Dukes commandment, which he could not, unless their Ministers were first driven out of the country.

From thence he went to the Abbey of Pigneroll, where he & Iacomell caused a number of the poor inhabitaunts of Campillō, and of Feuill, which be of the Ualley of Luserne, to be taken prisoners, spoylyng them of their goods, driuyng away their cattle, and forcing them to swear & forswear, & in the end raūsomed them, for great sums of money. About that time, a Gentlemā of Campillon agreed with those which were fled, for xxx. crowns to be paid unto him out of hand, that he would warrant them from any further vexation or trouble, so that they remained quiet at home. But when he had received the money, he caused the Commander of Fossan with his men, by night to come to his house, and then sent for the poor men thinking traitorously to have delivered thē into the hands of their mortal enemy, following therein the Decree of the Council of Constance: which is, that no promise is to be kept with heretics. But God knowing how to succor his, in their necessity, prevented this danger: for one of them had intelligence of the Commaunders coming, & so they all fled. Thereupon they writ to the Lord of Rāconis, declaring unto him y e proceedings of the Cōmaūder, and that he neither would nor could show or prove any thing by the word of God, as he had promised: but threatened them great wrongs & injuries, and would not suffer their Ministers to reply, or say any thing for the defense of their cause: & therefore they desired him to signify the same unto the Dukes grace, to the end that he should not be offended, if they persisted still in their religiō, seeing it was not proved unto them, by any reason taken out of the Scripture, that they erred.

After this, there were many commandments and injunctions given out thorough all the country, to banish these poor Waldoys, with the doctrine of the Gospel (if it were possible) out of the mountains and Ualleyes of Piemont: But the poor people still desired that, according to that, which they had so often before protested by word & writing, they might be suffered to serve God purely, according to the rule prescribed in his word: simply obeying their Lord & Prince always & in all things. Notwithstanding they were still vexed and tormented with all the cruelty that could be devised, as partly it is already declared: but much more you shall perceive by that which followeth.

In the end of October next following, the rumor went that an army was leuying to destroy them, and in very deed there were certain bands leuyed, ready to march at an hours warning. Furthermore, those malefactors which heretofore were fled, or banished for any offense or crime committed, were called home again, and pardoned of altogether, so that they would take them to their weapons, and go to destroy the Waldoys. The Ministers and chief Rulers of the valleys of Luserne and Angrongne, therupō assembled together oftentimes to take advise what in such an extremity, were best to do. In the ende they determined, that for certain days following, there should be kept a general fast, and y e Sunday after, a communion. Also that they should not defend themselves by force of arms, but that everyone should withdraw himself into the high mountains, and everyone to carry away such goods as he was able to bear: and if their enemies pursued them thither, then to take such advise and counsel as it pleased God to give them. This Article of not defending themselves, seemed very strange to the people, being driven to such an extremity, and y e cause being so just. But yet everyone begā to carry their goods and vitailes into the mountains, and for the space of eight days, all the ways were filled with comers and goers to the mountains, like unto Ants in Summer, which provide for winter. All this did they in this great perplexity & danger, with a wonderful courage and cherefulnes, praising of God and singing of Psalms, and everyone comforting another. Briefly, they went with such joy and alacrity, that you should not have seen any, which grudged to leave their houses and fair possessions, but were wholly determined patiently to abide the good pleasure of God, and also to die if he had so appointed.

A few days after, certain other Ministers hearing what they of Angrongne & Luserne had concluded, wrote unto them, that this resolution seemed very strange to some, that they ought not to defend themselves against the violence of their enemies, alleging many reasons, that in such an extremity and necessity, it was lawful for them so to do: especially, the quarrel being so just, that is, for the defense of true Religion, and for the preservation of their own lives, and the lives of their wives and children: knowing that it was the Pope and his Ministers which were the cause of all these troubles and cruel wars, and not the Duke. Who was stirred up thereunto only by their instigations: Wherefore they might well and with good conscience, withstand such furious and outrageous violence. For the proof hereof, they also alleged certain examples.

During this season, the Lord of Angrongne, named Charles de Comptes of Luserne, labored earnestly by all means possible, to cause them of Angrongne, to condescend to the Dukes pleasure, & solicited them to send away their Ministers, promising that he would cause a Mass to be song at Angrongne, and that the people should not be compelled to be present thereat, hoping that by that means, the Dukes wrath would be appeased. The chief of Angrōgne thereupon were assembled and made this answer, that if the Duke would permit them to choose other Ministers, they were content to send away their foreign ministers & strangers. But as touching the Mass, his highness might well cause it to be song in their parishes, but they for their part, could not with safe consciences, be present at the same, nor yet give their consent unto it.

The xxij. of October, the said Lord of Angrongne, went from Luserne, to Mondeuis (where he was then governor for the Duke) and sent for the chief Rulers of Angrongne, at several times, declaring unto them the great perils and dangers wherewith they were environed, the army being already at hand: yet promising them if they would submit themselves unto him, he would send immediately to stay the army. They of Angrongne answered, that they all determined to stand to that, which they, two days before in their assemble, had put in writing. With this answer he seemed at that present, to be content. The next day the rumor was, that they of Angrongne had submitted themselves to the Duke. On the morrow, which was Sunday, you should have seen nothing but weeping and mourning in Angrongne. The Sermon being ended, the Rulers were called before the ministers and the people, the which affirmed, that they wholly cleaved unto their former writing, and they sent secretly to the Notary, for the copy of that which was passed in the counsel house, at their last assemble before the Lord de Comptes: in the which was comprised, that Angrongne had wholly submitted hirselfe to the good pleasure of the Duke. The people hearing that, were sore astonished, and protested rather to die, then obey the same, and thereupon it was agreed, that at that very instant, (albeit it were very late) certain should be sent to the Lord of Angrongne, to signify unto him, that the determination of the Council was falsified, and that it might please him, the next morning to come to Angrongne, to hear the voices of the people, not only of the men, but also of the women and children. But he himself went not thither, (having intelligence of the uproar) but sent thither the Judge of that place. Then that which had been falsified, was duly corrected, the Judge laying all the blame upon the Notary.

During this time, the adversaries cried out through all the Country of Piemont, To the fire with them, to the fire with them. The Thursday after, Angrongne, by proclamations and writings set up in every place, was exposed to the fire and sword. On Friday after, being the seconde of November, the army approached to the borders of the valley of Luserne, and certain horsemen came to a place called S. John, a little beneath Angrongne. Then the people retired into y e mountains. Certain of S. John perceiving that the horsemen not only spoiled their goods, but also took their fellows prisoners, set upon them. It is not certain what number of the enemies were there slain: but suddenly they retired to Bubiane, where their campe then was, and not one of them of S. John was slain or hurt. It happened at the same time, that two of the foresaid horsemen being sore amazed, galoped before the rest, towards the army, being ready to march towards Angrongne, crying, they come, they come. At whose cry, the whole army was so astonished, that every man fled his way, and they were all so scattered, that the Captains that day were not able to bring them in order again, and yet no creature followed them.

On the Saturday in the morning, the army mustered in the medowe ground of S. John, near to Angrongne. They of Angrongne had sent certain to keep y e passages, and stop the army, that they should not enter, if it were possible. In the mean season, the people retired into the medowe of Tower, and little thought of the coming of the army so soon, or that they would have made such a sodeine assault, for they were yet carrying of victuals and other stuff: so that few of them kept the passages. Now they which kept the straits, perceiving that their enemies prepared themselves to fight, fell down upon their knees, and made their prayers unto God, that it would please him to take pity upon them, and not to look upon their sins, but to the cause which they maintained: to turn the harts of their enemies, and so to work, that there might be no effusion of blood: and if it were his will to take them, with their wives & infantes, out of this world, that he would then mercifully receive them into his kingdom. In this sort most fervent prayers were made of all those that kept the passages, with exhortation that they should altogether cry unto God, and crave his succor and assistance in this great distress. All this the Lord of Trinity and the army did well perceive.

Their prayers thus ended, suddenly they perceived their enemies coming towards them, through the vines, to wynne the top of the mountain of Angrongne. In the mean time the Prior of Saint John, and Iacomel, were within the temple of Angrongne, and communed with the Rulers touching an agreement. These were sent thither by the Lord of Trinity, to keep the people occupied. To be short, the combat began in diverse places, and endured for a long space in the passages of Angrongne. The poor Waldoys (being but few in number, and some of them having but slings and crossebowes) were sore pressed with the multitude of their enemies. At length they retired to the top of the mountain, where they defended themselves until night.

When they had found a place where they might wythstande their enemies still pursuing them, they turned themselves, and slue diverse of them, and hurt many. When the evening came, the enemies rested, and were about to encamp themselves, there to sup and lodge all night. Which thing, when the Angrongnians perceived, they fell to prayer, desiring God to assist and succor them: but the enemies flouted them, and laughed them to scorn. Then y e poor people devised to send a drumme into a little valley hard by. And as they were making their prayers unto God, & the drumme sounded in y e valley, the Lord of Trinity caused his soldiers which were about, to encamp themselves, to remove thence: which was a great vauntage to the poor people, which now were sore weeried with travail, all wet with sweating, and very thyrstie, and in great peril, if God had not given them some little breathing time. Many of the enemies that day were slain, and many hurt, of the which very few escaped. In so much that they reported that the shot was poisoned, which this poor simple people never used to do in all these wars. Of the Angrongnians, that day there were but three slain, and one hurt, which afterwards was well healed again. This combat gave great courage to the Waldoys, and sore astonished the adversaries. The same time the army retiring, burnt many houses, and made great spoil as they went, destroyeng also the wines which were in the presses.

The said Lord of Trinity, with his army, camped in a village beyond Tour, in the valley of Luserne, at the foot of the hill, between Angrongne and y e other towns of y e valley of Luserne, which professed y e Gospel. They of the said village were always sore against y e Waldoys, & haters of true religion, and were glad of this outrage and violence done against the professors thereof: but they had their just plague, for they were all destroyed. After this the said Lord of Trinity caused the Fortress to be built again, which the Frenchmen had rased, and placed there a garrison, and after sent another to the Forte of Uillars, which is of the valley of Luserne, and another he sent to the Fortress of Perouse, and a fourth garrison he placed in the Castle of S. Martin. They of Angrongne (seeing themselves to be now as it were in a sea of troubles) after they had recommended themselves unto God by prayer, and committed their cause unto him: sent to them of Perouse, of S. Martin, and of Pragela, for aid and succor: which sent them all the help that they were able.

The next day following, there came letters to Angrongne, from the Lord of Trinity: The effect whereof was this, that he was sorry for that which was done the day before, and that he came not thither to make war against them, but only to view if it were a place convenient, to build a Fort therein to serve the Duke. Furthermore, that his soldiers seeing the people assembled, as it were, to defy them, upon that occasion only were stirred up to give assault and to set upon them. Also that he was sory that such spoil was made of their goods and such hurt done by fire. But if they would show themselves obedient to y e Duke, he had good hope that all should be well, and trusted that some good agreement should be made. The Angrongnians answered, that they were marueylously aggrieved to be so assaulted, spoiled, and tormented by the subjects of their liege and natural prince: and as they had oftentimes before offered themselves to be more faithful and obedient to their sovereign prince the Duke, then any of all his subjects besides: so yet still they offered the same obedience. Also they most humbly besought him, not to think it strange, if they being constrained by such extreme necessity, defended themselves. Finally, as touching their Religion, they affirmed that it was the pure word of God, even as it was preached by the Prophets and Apostles: and the same which their predecessors had observed for certain hundredth years past. Moreover, that the cause was not concerning the goods of the world, but the honor and glory of God, the salvation, or destruction of the souls both of them and theirs, and therefore it were much better for them to die all together, then to forsake their religion: and yet if it might be proved unto them by good demonstration out of the word of God, that they were in error, not by force of arms, by blood and fire: they would then yield themselves with all obedience, most humbly beseeching him and all other the Lord's of the Country of Piemont, to be their intercessors and advocates to the Duke in this behalf.

Upon Monday being the fourth day of November, the Lord of Trinity sent his army to Uillars and Tailleret. The lesser company ascended toward Uillers. The people seeing their enemies aproching, after they had called upon God with fervent prayer, strongly defended themselves, and slue many: many also were hurt, and the rest fled. The other company ascended towards Tailleret. And although they of that place were but few in number, and that parte of the army the greater, yet making their prayers unto God, and commending their cause unto him, they defended themselves likewise valiantly.

In the mean season they of Uillars being emboldened by their late victory, came to assist their neighbors, and being assembled together, they courageously pursued their enemies, and put them to light. In this pursuit it chanced (which here is not to be forgotten) that this poor people, by an ambush of their enemies, which came another way, were suddenly enclosed on every side, and like to be destroyed: but yet they all escaped, and not one of them was slain, only iii. were hurt, which were soon cured again. On the enemies side, there were so many slain, that they were laid together by whole cart loades. This was the reward of those which were so desirous to shed innocent blood. The same day the inhabitauntes of Sanson near to Roccapiata, assembled in great number together, and went to a riche man's house of Roccapiata, and spoiled all that he had. Certain of Roccapiata (in number not past xvij.) understanding this, set upon them, & soon put them to flight, took away their drumme, & forced them to leave their bootie behind them.

After that the Lord of Trinit e had received the letters of the Angrongnians, he sent unto them his Secretary, named Christopher Gastaut, (which said him self, that he favored the verity of the Gospel) accompanied with a Gentleman of the said valley. Whose charge was to cause the chief rulers to send certain to common with the said Lord of Trinity, saying that he had good tidings to declare unto them, & moreover, that he would deliver them a safe conduct to come and go. Wherupon they sent four unto him, whom he entreated very courteously, & rehearsed unto them, how the Duke at his departure from the Court, told him, that although the Pope, the Princes, and Cities of Italy, yea his own counsel were fully resolved that of necessity they of the said Religion should be destroyed, yet notw t stādyng God otherwise put in his mind, and that he had taken counsel of God, what he should do in this matter: that is, that he would use them gently. Furthermore, he declared unto them, that the Duches bare them good affection, and favored them very much, & that she had commended their cause unto the Duke, perswadyng with him, to have regard to that poor people, & that their Religion was ancient & old, with many such other things. Moreover they had (said he) great friends in the Dukes Court, not doubting but if they would send certain to the Court with a Supplication, they should obtain more, then they themselves would require, and he for his part would employ himself in their affairs, to the uttermost of his power: and so he promised that he would retire him self with his army. This he seemed to speak unfeignedly. The people desiring but to live peaceably in their Religion, and under the obedience of their Prince, were content to follow his counsel.

About this season, they of Angrongne perceived that a part of the army ascended the hill of Tailleret (which is the half way between Angrongne, and those of the valley of Luserne) & the other part had already gotten a way, which led to the Medow of Tour, by the which they of Angrōgne might easily have been enclosed. Therefore they sent certain immediately to keep the way, who soon after encountered with their enemies, and obtained the victory, pursuyng and chasing them to their camp, not without great loss of their men. The number of their enemies slain, was not known: for their custom was, immediately to carry away those which were slain. Not one of Angrongne perished that day, nor yet was hurt. It was feared that this combat would have hyndred the agreement. But the Lord of Trinity could well dissemble this matter, and excused that days journey, putting the fault upon them of Tailleret, whom he charged to have slain certain of his men in the high way, but amongst other, his Barber.

On Saturday following, being the ix. of November, the said Lord of Trinity sent again for them of Angrongne, to consult with him touching the agreement, using the like communication, as before: and added thereunto, that in token of true obedience, they should carry their armor into two of the houses of the chief Rulers, not fearing but it should be safe: for it should remain in their own keeping, and if need were, they should receive it again. Also that▪ he upon Sunday (which was the next day) would cause a Mass to be song within the temple of S. Laurence in Angrongne, accōpanyed with a very few, and thereby the Dukes wrath would be asswaged. The next morning he went in the temple, (whereat they were sore aggrieved, albeit they could not withstand him) his army marchyng afore him: and having caused a Mass to be song, he desired to see the Medow of Tour, so much spokē of, that thereof he might make a true report unto the Duke: and thither the Rulers, with a great troupe of his own men, went: the residue of his company remain behind, the which spoiled certain houses, and ceased the armor which they had delivered up before: but they found no great store, for the people had taken away the greatest part thereof. The said Lord being entered into the Medow of Tour, the people began to make a commotion. Whereof he having intelligence, returned immediately. All that day he shown himself very courteous to all whom he met.

The people in this mean time, perceived themselves to be in great danger, and were sore moved at the sight of the army, the spoil of the soldiers, the taking away of their armor, but especially because the said Lord of Trinity had viewed the Medow of Tour, foreseeing his traiterous meaning and purpose. A few days after, the said Lord of Trinity sent his Secretary Gastaut to Angrongne, to talk with them concerning the agreement, and to make a full resolution thereof: which was read in the assemble, by the Secretary, the sum whereof, was this: That the people of Angrongne submitted themselves to render all honor and reverence to God, according to his holy word, and all due obedience to the Duke their sovereign Prince: to whom they should send certain men to demand pardon of him, concerning their bearing of armor in their extreme necessity, and humbly to beseech him that he would suffer them to live peaceably in their religion, which was according to the word of God, not compelling them to do any thing against their conscience: as it appeareth more amply in the supplication, which after this the Angrongnians made, and caused to be read before the Secretary, in the open assemble, the which here ensueth.

To the most excellent and worthy prince, The Duke of Savoy, &c. our sovereign Lord, and natural Prince.

MOst noble and renowned prince, we have sent certain of our men unto your highness, to give testimony of our humble, hearty, and unfeigned obedience unto the same, and with all submission, desire pardon, touching the bearing of armor by certain of our people in their extreme necessity, and for all other our trespasses, for the which your sovereign grace might conceive any offense against us.

Secondly, to desire in most humble wise, your said highness, in the name of our Lord Jesus, that it would please the same, to suffer us to live with freedom of conscience in our religion, which also is the religion of our auncitours, observed for certain hundredth years past. And we are persuaded that it is the pure Gospel of our Lord Jesus, the only verity, the word of life and salvation, which we profess. Also that it may please your most gracious clemency, not to take in ill part, if we, fearing to offend and displease God, cannot consent unto certain traditions and ordinances of the Church of Rome: and herein to have pity upon our poor souls, and the souls of our children: to the end that your highness be not in any wise charged in the just judgment of God for the same, where all men must appear to answer for their doings.

On our part, we protest that we will seek nothing but to be the true servants of God, to serve him according to his holy word: and also to be true and loyal subjects to your highness, and more obedient then any other: being always ready to give our goods, our bodies, our lives, and the lives of our children, for your noble grace, as also our religion teacheth us to do: only we desire that our souls may be left at liberty, to serve God according to his holy word.

And we your poor humble subjects, shall most heartily pray our God and father, for the good and long prosperity of youre highness: for the most virtuous Lady your wife, and for the noble house of Savoy.

To this supplication, they of S. John, of Roccapiata, of S. Bartholomewe, and of Perouse, with those of the valley of Luserne, did agree: For it was concluded, that the agreement made, should extend to all the confederates of the same religion. Whiles they were treating of this agreement, the Lord of Trinity vexed cruelly them of Tailleret, under this pretence, because they had not presented themselves, to treat of this agreement. He tormented them after this sort. First he commanded that all their armor should be brought before him, and then they, on their knees, should ask him pardon, because they came not to treat of the agreement with the rest: which notwithstanding the most parte of them did. Then he commanded them, to attend upon him, to enrolle all the names of those, which would be of the foresaid agreement. Wherupon the next morning, the chief of the householders went to the village named Bouuets, the place appointed thereunto, and when they had heard the Sermon, and called upon God, they began to write their names. The enrolling of their names not being fully ended, word was brought, that the soldiers had gotten the top of the mountain, and taken all the passages, whereat they of Tailleret were sore amazed, and ran with all speed to defend their wives and children. Some they saved: the most part, with their goods, were in their enemies hands already. At this time, wich sacking, spoiling, and burning, they did much mischief.

After this, the Lord of Trinity sent word to them which were fled, that if they would return, he would receive them to mercy. The poor people (for the most parte) trusting on his promise, returned to Bouuets, and yet the next morning the soldiers came thither, to apprehend them and their ministers, and beset y e place one every side. Suche as were swift of foot, and could shift best, escaped, but very hardly. The rest were all hurt or taken, and yet they all escaped by a marvelous means: For it happened that there was an old man, which could not run fast, to whom one of the soldiers came with a naked sword in his hand to have slain him. The old man seeing the imminent danger, caught the soldier by the legs, overthrew him, and drew him by the heels down the hill. The soldier cried out, help, help, this villain will kill me. His fellows hearing him cry, made hast to rescue him: but in the mean time the old man escaped. The rest seeing what the old man had done, took heart of grace, and albeit their armor and weapons were taken from them, yet with stones and slings, they so beat and discomfited their enemies, that at that time they carried no prisoners away. The day following y e soldiers returning to the said Tailleret, robbed, spoiled, and carried away all that they could find, and so continued three days together: which was very easy for them to do, because the poor men fearing least they should be charged with violating the agreement, made no resistance, but retired toward Uillars.

The fourth day, the said Lord of Trinity, to torment the poor Taillerets yet more cruelly, sent his army again before day, to y e mountain, and into the same place. And because the people of the said village were retired towards Uillars, and scattered about the borders thereof, in the high mountains, the souldyers not yet satisfied with spoiling and sacking the rest that they found in the said Tailleret, raunging about the confines thereof, rauened, and made havoc on every side, of whatsoever they could lay hands on, taking prisoners both men and women, which were loden with carriage. The poor prisoners were cruelly handled. Amongest other there was one, whose care a soldier of Montdeuis, in a raging fury, bit cleave off, with these words: I will carry (said he) y e flesh of these wretched heretics with me, into my country. They of Uillars also complained of the great cruelty that was shown unto them, during the time of the agreement. The which when the Lord of Trinity understood, to make a show that he was offended therewith, he came to his soldiers (which were so weary, that they could scantly go, not with fighting, but because they were so heavily loden with the spoil, that they were not able to carry it) and pretending to be in a great choler, some he beat, and some things also of a small value, he caused to be restored, but all the rest was kept back, and carried away. The same day, two women, the mother and the daughter were found in a cave in the mountain, wounded to death by the soldiers, and died immediately after. So likewise a blind man, a hundredth years of age, which was fled into a cave, with his sons daughter, being eighteen years old, which fed him, was slain by the enemies, and as they would have forced the maiden, she escaped from them, and fell from the top of the mountain, and died.

At that time also a great company of women of Tailleret & Uillars, were taken as they fled, with their goods, and brought to the campe, and sent away emptye. There was at the same time a certain soldier which promised the Lord of Trinity, to find out the minister of Tailleret, and to deliver him into his own hands. And to bring his purpose to pass, he never ceased until he had found him, and after that he pursued him a long time. But as he was pursuing and chasing him, certain at unawares coming out of the mountain, rescued the poor minister, and killed the soldier with stones.

But this especially is to be noted, that during these troubles, diverse of the Papists had sent their daughters into the mountains unto the Waldoys to be kept, fearing least they should have ben ravished by the soldiers, being wholly given over, as to all cruelty and rauine, so to all villainy and abomination, by whom they were before threatened to be so abused.

All this being done, the said Lord of Trinity caused the head officers and chiefest of y e people, to assemble together, and declared unto them, that the maintaining of the army was a great charge unto the Duke: and that it was meet that they should bear the one half of the charges. For this cause he demanded of them twenty thousand crowns. But by the means of his Secretary Gastaut, who was promised a hundredth crowns for his wyne, (that is to say, for a bribe) four thousand of those twenty, were abated, so that they granted unto him xvj. thousand: of the which sum the Duke released the one half. Then the Lord of Trinity pressed this poor people to deliver the eight thousand out of hand, to pay the souldyers their wages (as he said) and so to withdraw his army. The year before corn was exceeding dear, for a sack was commonly sold for six crowns, yea and some for eight crowns, and also they had very little corn growing upon their mountains: wherefore they were now very bare of money. But they being in this perplexity, and desiring nothing more then to live in peace and quietness, went about to sell their cattle, to pay this money. But the Lord of Trinity had given out a commandment, y t none should buy any cattle of the Waldoys, without his license. Then license was given out to certain, to buy great store of cattle, and that for a small price: and the common brute was, that he had part of the gain. When this money was paid, yet the army notwithstanding retired not.

After this, the Lord of Trinity commanded the Waldoys, to surrender up all their armor, to furnish y e Dukes fortes: otherwise he threatened to send his souldyers amongst them, and in deed he constrained many so to do. Then he demanded moreover the eight thousand crowns which the Duke had remitted, and constrained them to promise the payment thereof. After that he commanded that the ministers should be sent away, until the matter were determined before the Duke: otherwise he would send his soldiers to dislodge them out of hand: whereupon with one common assent and accord, they determined that their ministers should withdraw themselves for a space, until the army were retired: which was not done without marvelous sighs, lamentation, and tears. At that season there fell such abundance of snow, that the like had not been seen of a long time before: so that the people were constrained to make a way with great travail and pain, through the top of the mountain of S. Martin, for their ministers to pass. Now thought the Lord of Trinity so to have enclosed them, he keeping the plain, and the mountains being covered so thick with snow, that by no means they should have escaped his hands. But the people caused thē to pass the top of the mountain, and at their departure, there flocked out of every quarter great multitudes, to the village of Boby, and came together into a secrete place there, called le Puis, not without great grief and sorrow: For they found thē altogether in tears and mourning, that their ministers should so be taken frō them, and they now left as lambes amongst wolves.

The army was advertised that the ministers were assembled together, and incontinent a great troupe of harquebushes were at hand, which sought them even to the very top of the mountain, in so much that if they had remained there but one hour longer, they had been all taken. From that time, for certain days after, they did nothing but raunge about in all places, seeking for the ministers, and there was no house, chamber, cave, nor secrete corner, into the which they did not enter, under pretence to seek the Ministers. There was neither chest, nor anything else so strong, but they brake it open, saying, that the ministers were hidden therein, and by that means they took, spoiled, and carried away whatsoever they would.

The Lord of Trinity promised often times, that although it were forbidden to all the Ministers to preach, yet the Minister of Angrongne, should be excepted: and furthermore sent the said Minister word, that if he would demand any thing of the Duke, it should be granted him. Whereupon the said Minister made this request, that the poor people might live peaceably in their religiō. A while after he sent for the said Minister to confer with him privately, vpō certain points of religion. The minister went unto him, having thereto the consent of the people. The Lord of Trinity propounded unto him three points. The first concerning the supremacy of the Pope: the other concerned transubstantiation. Of the which two points, the minister then immediately declared his opiniō, and he seemed to agree thereunto, and required him to put the same in writing. The last (which was his whole drift) was to persuade the minister to go to the Dukes Court, and there to defend the cause of the people, alleging certain reasons to persuade him so to do. Whereunto the minister answered, that he was bound to God and his church, and if it seemed convenient to the ministers and people, that he should go, he would be content to do the same, and thereof he promised to send him answer immediately, with the which answer he seemed to be contented.

Shortly after the foresaid Lord, not tarrying for an aūswear, sent his army to the temple of S. Laurence in Angrongne, pretendyng to sing a Mass there, & suddenly the soldiers besieged the Ministers house. The Minister being warned thereof, assayed to escape. The soldiers attempted nothing by force, but used gentle persuasions to the contrary, for there were not yet many of them. But the Minister pushed on further, & the soldiers followed him half a mile, but fearing the people, durst go no further. The Minister withdrew himself into the rocks vpō the moūtaine, accompanied with v. other. The army was by & by at his heels, & sought a good while in the houses and cotages on every side, cruelly handling the people whom they took, to make thē confess where their Minister was, spoylyng their houses, taking some prisoners, & beatyng other some: but yet they could not learn of them where their Minister was. At the length they espied him amongst the rocks, where they thought to have enclosed him, & so they pursued him in y e rocks, all covered with snow, until it was night, & could not take him. Then they returned & spoiled his house, and diligently searched out all his books & writings, and carried them to the Lord of Trinity, in a sack, who caused them all to be burnt in his presence, supposing (as it well appeared) that y e letters which he had sent to Angrongne, touching the agreement, should be with the rest burnt: for he did not the like in the other Ministers houses. That day they spoiled forty houses in Angrōgne, broke their mylles, and carried away all the corn and meal that they found.

About midnight the soldiers returned with torchlight, to the Ministers house, to seek him, & searched every corner. The next morning, commandment was given to the rulers of Angrongne, that within xxiiij. hours they should deliver their Minister, or else Angrōgne to be put to the fire & sword. The Rulers answered, that they could not so do, for they knew not where he was, and the soldiers had chased him over the mountain. After certain days, whē the soldiers had burned houses, spoiled the people, broken their mylles, & done what mischief they could, the army retired. Notwithstandyng the Lord of Trinity left garrisons in the forenamed Fortresses, but all at y e costs and charges of the Waldoys: the which garrisons not contented with their wages, spoiled continually. Upon a night v. soldiers went with torches to a rich man's house of Angrongne, & spoiled the same. The good man of the house hardly escaped with life, by the top of the house, for there were xii. pellets shot of at him. Whereof one touched his face, & stroke his hat from his head, without any further hurt.

The Rulers of Angrongne which were gone to the Fortress to carry thither victuals and money, were by the soldiers received, & in despite of them & the people, caused a Mass to be song before them, and forced them to be present at it: and because they would not kneel down to it, they were beat̄ almost to death. The one of them was sent again for more money, the other with great peril of his life, lept over the walls, and being pursued to Angrongne escaped.

Certain days after, a certain company of soldiers came unto the midst of Angrōgne, as though they would have passed through, and called for meat and drink. The poor men brought that they had unto thē, in a close court. Whē they had eaten and drunken, they caused the women to avoid, & then bound xiv. of those which had brought thē victuals by ii. and ii. together, & led them away. Their wives & children perceiving this, so fiercely pursued them with stones, that they were fain to let go x. of their prisoners for hast, & had much ado to save them selves. The other iv. they led away to the Fortress: of the which two were ransomed, the other two were hanged up by the feet & the hands, & having tormented them almost to death; they released them for a great sum of money. The one of the which died the next night: the other lay sick without hope of life, long time after, and his flesh fell from his hands and his feet, and thereof he became lame, and after that his fingers fell of also. In like manner did the other garrisons entreat the villages adjoining unto them.

The garrison of Tour & of Uillars being assembled together in a night, went to Tailleret, to the place called Bouuets, & breaking in at the windows and tops of the houses, breaking open the doors, sackyng & spoylyng all that they could lay hands of, took also xiv. prisoners; and bound them two & two together by the arms, and so led them to the Fortress of Tour. But two which were escaped, whiles the soldiers were taking other, set upon them which led the prisoners, and so valiantly assaulted & beat them with stones, that they forced them to let go xii. of the prisoners: the which tumbling and rolling themselves down the mountain, having their hands bound behind their backs, and fastened two and two together by the arms, were contented rather so to die, then to be carried to the Fortress, and yet in the ende they escaped. The other two which were led to the Fortress, were cruelly tormented, and in the end, the one of them the Captayne strangled with his own hands, who was very young and but a child: the other which was about threescore years of age, whose name was Odull Gemet, suffered a strange & cruel death: For when they had bound him, they toke a kind of beasts which live in horsedoung, called in French Escarbotz, and put them unto his nauell, covering them with a dishe, the which within short space pierced into his belly, and killed him. These and the like, more then barbarous cruelties, have been revealed by the soldiers themselves.

The poor Waldoys were yet in great captivity and distress, but especially because they had not the preaching of God's word amongst them, as they were wont to have, and therefore taking to them a good courage, they determined to begin preaching again, albeit secretly, for two principal causes: The one, for fear of moving the Duke, and hindering the voyage of their messengers, having yet some hope of good success. The other, that no occasion might be given to the soldiers of further trouble and outrage, for that was it which they especially desired. Also they of Angrongne were fully determined, as soon as their messengers were returned from the Duke, to preach openly, what news soever they brought, were they good or evil: and furthermore, not to be contributaries to the finding of the garrison, neither yet to suffer the same to enter into Angrongne.

The messengers which were sent to the Duke, being at Uerceil, were there detained vi. weeks, and all that while were cruelly handled by the Popish Doctors, and were constrained by force and violence to promise to return to the Mass. Furthermore, they would have constrained them to promise the same in the behalf of the rest, but they would not. After they were presented to the Duke, the Secretary Gastaut took the supplication of the Waldoys out of the messengers hands, and delivered another. After they had presented themselves to the Duke, and asked pardon for bearing of armor, they were constrained also to crave pardon of the Popes Legate: which at the bginning they would in no case do. Now when these messengers were returned, bringing these woeful news, and the people understood that there was a new commandment given out, that they should return to the Mass: also that the Popish preachers were appointed, and ready to come unto them, and they commanded to go to fetch them, and entertain them accordingly: there was wonderful lamentation, weeping, and mourning for this great calamity.

Hereupon they of the valley of Luserne and of Boby, being assembled together, by one assent, sent two Ministers, with certain other of the people, to the Churches of Pragela (which be in the country of Dolphine) to signify unto them, the piteous estate of the poor Churches of the valleys of Piemont, to have their counsel and advise, howe to prevent the great dangers at hand, if it were possible. For this cause they fell all to prayer, and after they had long called upon GOD, desiring his grace, and the spirit of discretion and counsel, well to consider of those weighty and urgent affairs wherewith they were oppressed: in the ende it was concluded, that all the people dwelling in the said valley and mountains of Piemont, and those of Dolphine, should join in a league together. Whereupon they all promised, by God's grace and assistance, to maintain the pure preaching of the Gospel, and administration of the holy Sacraments: the one to aid and assist the other, and to render all obedience to their superiors, so far as they were commanded by the word of God. Moreover, that it should be lawful for none of the same valleys to promise or conclude any thing touching the estate of religion, without the consent of the rest of the valleys: and for more sure confirmation of the said league, certain of the Ministers and Elders of the Churches of Dolphine, were sent to the valley of Luserne, to understand if they would give their consent hereunto, and ratifye the same.

These messengers, the Ministers and others of Dolphine, being arrived in the evening, at the village of Boby, & the people being there assembled, word was brought that the next day every householder should appear in the Counsel house, to know whethey they would return to the Mass, or no, and that they which would receive the Mass, should quietly enjoy their houses, and they which would not, should be delivered to the Justices, and condemned to be burned, or sent to the Galleyes. Wherefore the people was brought to this extremity, either to die, or flee, or else to renounce God. To flee, it seemed them best, if the great snow had not let them. Wherefore seeing themselves in such distress, they most gladly consented to the league. After this, they exhorted one another, saying: For as much as we shall be all called for tomorrow, to renounce and forsake our God, and revolt again to Idolatry, let us now make solemn protestation, that we will utterly forsake the false religion of the Pope, and that we will live and die in the maintenance and confession of God's holy word. Let us all go tomorrow into the Temple, to hear the word of God, and after, let us cast down to the ground all the Idols and aultars. To this every man agreed, saying, Let us so do: yea, and that the very same hour, in the which they have appointed us to be at the Counsel house.

The next day after, they assembled themselves in the Church of Boby, and as soon as they came into the Temple, without any further delaye, they beat down the Images, and caste down the aultars. After the Sermon, they went to Uillars to do the like there. By the way they encountered with a bande of souldyers, which were going to spoil a village, named Le val Guichard, and to take the poor inhabitants prisoners. The soldiers seeing them so ill appointed, mocked them, and discharged their handgunnes upon them, thynking at the first brunt, to have put them to flight. But they valiantly defended themselves, and with stones chased them even to the Fortress. When they came to Uillars, they beat down their Images and aultars, and afterwards besieged the fortress, and demanded the prisoners which were there detained.

The same day the Judge of Luserne, called Podesta, went to the Counsel house, to enrolle the names of those which would return to the Mass, but seeing what was done, he was sore afraid, and desired the people to suffer him to return quietly: which they wyllingly granted unto him. Divers Gentlemen also of the valley came thither with the Judge, to make their poor tenauntes to forsake God: but seeing the tumult, they were fain to flee into the Castle, where they and the Garrison were besieged ten days together, not without great danger of their lives. The seconde day of the sege, the Captayne of Toure went with a company of souldyers, thinking to raise the siege, but they were, by those that kept the passages, either slain or discomfited. As much was done the third day. The fourth day, he returned with three bands, and with the Garrison of Tour, which caused a furious combat: wherein many of the enemies were slain, but a great number hurt, and yet of those that besieged the Fort, there was not one man hurt.

In the time of this siege, they attempted divers means to take the said Fortress, but without ordinance, it was impossible so to do: wherefore they were now past all hope of winning it. Moreover, the Lord of Trinity returning with his army, was come to the valley of Luserne, and the next day after, might easily have raised the siege. Wherefore, when the Garrison (not knowing that the Lord of Trinity was so near) desired that they might depart with bag and baggage, they granted their request. In this siege half of the souldyers were slain, and many were hurt, as well with harquebushes, as with stones. During this siege, the souldyers for lack of water, were constrained to bake their bread with wine, which tormented their stomachs, and caused great diseases. Here is not to be forgotten, that the soldiers which a while before did so cruelly persecute the poor Ministers, seeking by all means possible to destroy them, were now fain to pray them to save their lives, and to promise them that they should have no hurt, and also to safeconduct them into a sure place: neither would they depart, until they had promised them so to do. Which the Ministers did promise, and also perform very willingly. Then the soldiers seeing themselves much beholden to the Ministers so gently dealing with them, gave them great thanks, and promised them, in recompense thereof, all the pleasure that they could show them. The same night the Fortress was rased.

The 2. day of February, the Lord of Trinity camped at Luserne, and placed a Garison in the Priory of S. John a village of the Waldoys, between Luserne & Angrōgne. The next day in the morning, the said Lord of Trinity sent word unto them of Angrongne, that if they would not take part with the rest, they should be gently handled. All the week before, they were solicited by him to consent to the same, but they would give no answer. The same day, they of Angrongne, and the rest of the Ualleys, fully agreed and determined to defend their religiō by force, and that the one should aide the other, and no agreement to be made, by any one, without the consent of the rest. About noon, the Lord of Trinity marched with his army, by S. John, to enter into the borders of Angrongne, by a place called La Sonneillette, where they had foughte before. The people had made certain bulwarks of earth and stone, not past three foot hie: where they defended themselves valiantly against their enemies, which assailed them diverse ways. When the enemies were so wearye that they could fright no longer, they put fresh Soldiers into their places: so that the combat endured until night, and all that day, the army could not enter into the borders of Angrongne. Many of the enemies were slain, and a great number hurt: and but two of Angrongne slain, of whom the one was slain by his own folly, because he was too greedy upon the spoil. The army being now well beaten and tired, rested a while, to make themselves stronger for a further mischief.

The Friday following, which was the seventh of Februarye, at the break of the day, the army marched towards Angrongne, by five several places. The people of Angrongne were not yet assembled, and none there were to resist, but only a few, which kept the watch: the which seeing their enemies coming upon them in so many places, and perceiving that they went about to inclose them, after they had valiantly fought for a space, they reculed by little and little, to a high place called La Casse, where the combat was renewed with a greater fierceness, then before. But the Lord of Trinity, seeing the loss of his men, and above all, that one of great creditie and authority in the Dukes Courte, was wounded to death, blue a retreite, and descended to Angrongne (the people being fled to the Medowe of Toure) and there spoiled and burnt all the wines, victuals, and the rest of the goods that he could find: so that in a short space, he had burned about a 1000. houses of Angrongne.

And here is not to be forgotten, that they oftentimes, set fire upon the two Temples of Angrongne, where the word of God was preached, but they could never burn them. So did they also to the Ministers house, which notwithstanding remained whole, the houses round about, being all consumed with fire. That day none of Angrongne was slain or hurt, saving only one that was hurt in his thighe.

There were in all Angrongne, but two that were enemies to the word of God, which that same day, were slain by the soldiers, not in the Combat: but for their riches, which they had about them, as they were running away. The one of them was a very covetous wretch, and had great store of gold and silver, and would spend nothing, either to help himself, or succor others: no not his poor parents. All this was spoiled by the soldiers, with a hundredth or two hundredth crowns besides which he had about him. Besides these two, there was not one of Angrongne slain that day. All the rest of the people retired to the Medowe of Toure: The situation whereof, we will here declare, for the better understanding of that which followeth.

Tour is a little Ualley upon the borders of Angrongne, environed about with Mountains: two miles in length, but very narrow. On both sides, and in the mids thereof, there be about two hundredth small houses and cotages: also meadows, pastures for cattle, ground for tillage, trees and goodly fountains. On the South side and the North, the mountains be so high, that no man cā that way approach unto the said Ualley. On the other coasts a man may enter by seven or eight ways. This place is not past two miles from Angrongne. The way thither is very narrow, and il to pass by, because of the hills, which be on both sides. There is also a River hard by, but very small, but the banks thereof be very high in many places. The people had carried thither very few victuals, partly because the way was so ill, and also through the sudden return of the army.