Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

The marriage between king Henry VIII. and Queen Anne Boleyn, and Queen Katherine divorced.

IN the first entry of this kings reign, ye heard before, pag. 800. howe after the death of Prince Arthur, the Lady Katherine Princes Dowager and wife to Prince Arthur, by the consent both of her father and of his, and also by the advise of the nobles of this realm, to the ende her down might remain still within the realm, was espoused after the decease of her husband, to his next brother, which was this king Henry.

This marriage seemed very strange and hard, for one brother to marie the wife of another. But what can be in this earth so hard or difficulte, wherewith the Pope, the omnipotent Vicar of Christ, cannot by favor dispense, if it please him? The pope which then ruled at Rome, was Pope Julius the second, by whose dispensation, this marriage, which neither sense or nature would admit, nor God's law would bear, was concluded, approved and ratified, and so continued as lawful, without any dout or scruple, the space near of 20. years, till about the time, that a certain doubt began first to be moved by the Spaniards themselves of the Emperors counsel. An. 1523. at what time Charles the Emperor being here in England, promised to marry the Lady Mary daughter to the Kynge of England, with the which promise the Spaniards themselves were not well contented, objecting this among many other causes, that the said Lady Marie was begotten of the king of England by his brothers wife.

Wherupon the Emperor forsaking that marriage, did couple himself with Lady Isabel, daughter to king Immanuel of Portugal. Which Marriage was done in the yere of our Lord 1526. After this Marriage of the Emperor, the next year following, King Henry being disappointed thus of the Emperor, entered talk, or rather was labored too by the French Ambassadors, for the said Lady Mary to be married to the French kings son, Duke of Orliance. Upon the talk whereof, after long debating, at length the matter was put of by a certain doubt of the President of Paris, casting the like objection as the Spaniards had done before, that was, whether the Maryage between the king & the mother of this Lady Mary, which had been his brothers wife before, were good or no. And so the marriage twice vnluckely attempted, in like sort brake of again and was rejected: which happened in the yere of our Lord. 1527.

The king upon the occasion hereof casting many things in his mind, began to consider the cause more depely, first with himself, after with certain of his nearest counsel, wherein two things there were which chiefly pricked his mind, whereof the one touched his conscience, the other cōcerned the state of his Realm. For if that Marriage with his brothers wife stood unlawful by the law of God, then neither was his conscience clear in retaining the mother nor yet the state of the realm firm by succession of the daughter. It happened the same time that the Cardinal which was then nearest about the king, had fall̄ out with the Emperor, for not helping him to y ^e Papacy, as ye before have heard: for the which cause he helped to set the matter forward, by all practice he might. Thus the king perplexed in his conscience, and careful for y ^e common wealth and partly also incited by the Cardinal, could not so rest, but inquired further, to feel what the word of God & learning would say unto it. Neither was the case so hard, after it began once to come in public question, but that by the word of God and the judgments of the best learned clerks, and also by the censure of the chief Universities of all Christendom, to the number of .x. and moe, it was soon discussed to be unlawful.

All these censures, books and writings of so many Doctors, Clerks, and Universities sent from all quarters of Christendom, to the king albeit they might suffice to have full resolved and did in deed resolve the kings conscience touching this scruple of his marriage: yet would not he straight way use that advantage which learning did give him, unless he had withal the assent, as well of the Pope: as also the Emperor: wherein he perceived no little difficulty. For the Pope, he thought, seeing the marriage was authorised before, by the dispensation of his predecessor, would hardly turn his keys about, to undo that which the Pope before him had locked: & much less would he suffer those keys to be foiled, or to come in any doubt which was like to come, if that marriage were proved vndispensable by God's word, which his predecessor, thorough his plenary power had licenced before. Again the Emperor, he thought, would be no less hard for his part on the other side, for as much as the said Lady Katherine was the Emperors near aunt and a Spaniarde borne. Yet nevertheless his purpose was to prove and feel what they both would say unto it, & therefore sent Stephen Gardener to Rome, to way with Pope Clement. To the Emperor was sent Syr Nicolas Heruy knight, ambassador in the Court of Gaunt. Firste Pope Clement, not weighing belike, the full importance and sequel of the matter, sent Cardinal Campeius (as is said) into England, joined with the Cardinal of York.

At the coming of which Legates, the King first opening unto them the grief of his conscience, seemed with great reasons and persuasions, sufficiently to have drawn the good will of those two Legates to his side. Who also of their own accord, pretended no less but to show a willing inclination to further the kings cause. But yet the mouths of the common people, and in especial of women, and such other as favored the Queen, and talked their pleasure, were not stopped. Wherefore, to satisfy the blind surmises, and foolish communication of these also, who seeing the coming of the Cardinals, cast out such leaude words, that the king would for his own pleasure have another wife, with like vnseeming talk, he therefore willing that all men should know the truth of his proceedings, caused all his Nobility, Judges, and Counsaillors, with diverse other persons, to resort to his Palace of Bridewel the 8. day of Nouemb. An. 1529. where he openly speaking in his great chamber, had these words in effect as followeth.

Shortly after this Oration of the king, wherewith he stirred the harts of a number, then the two Legates, being requested of the king for discharge of his conscience, to judge and determine upon the cause, went to the Queen lying then in the place of Bridewell, and declared to her, how they were deputed judges indifferent between y ^e king and her, to hear and determine, whether the marriage between them stood with God's law nor not. When she understood the cause of their coming, being thereat something astonied at y ^e first, after a little pausing with her self, thus she began, answering for her self.

In the next year ensuing, an. 1530. at the black Friars of London was prepared a solemn place for two Legates, who coming with their crosses, pillars, axes, and all other Romish ceremonies accordingly, were set in two chayres covered with cloth of gold, and cushiōs of y ^e same. When all things were ready, then the king & the Qeuene were ascited by Doct. Sampson, to appear before the said Legates the 28. day of May: where (the commission of the Cardinals first being read, wherein it was appointed by the Court of Rome, that they should be the hearers & judges in the cause between them both) the king was called by name, who appeared by two Proctors. Then the Queen was called, who being accompanied with 4. Bishops, and other of her counsel, and a great company of Ladies came personally her self before the Legates: who there after her obeisance, with a sad gravity of countenance, having not many words with them: appealed frō the Legates, as judges not competent, to y ^e court of Rome and so departed. Notwithstanding this appeal, the Cardinals sat weekly, & every day arguments on both sides were brought, but nothing definitively was determined.

As the time passed on, in the month of June, the king being desirous to see an ende, came to the Courte, and the Queen also, where he standing under his cloth of estate, uttered these or like words in effect as followeth.

When the king had said, the Queen departed without anything, saying. Then she was called, to know whether she would abide by her appeal, or answer there before the Legates. Her Proctor answered that she would abide by her appeal. That notwithstanding, the Counsaillers on both sides every day almost, met and debated this matter substātially, so y ^t at the last the divines were all of opinion, that the marriage was against the law of God, if she were carnally known by the first brother, which thing she clearly denied. But to that was answered, that prince Arthur her husband confessed the act done, by certain words spoken, which being recorded in other Chronicles, I had rather should there be red, then by me here uttered. Furthermore, at the time of the death of prince Arthur, she thought and judged that she was with child, and for that cause, the king was deferred from the title & creation of the Prince of Wales, almost half a year, which thing could not have been judged, if she had not been carnally known.

Also she herself caused a bul to be purchased, in y ^t which were these words, Vel forsan cognitam, which is as much to say, as peradventure carnally known, which words were not in the first Bull granted by July at her second marriage, to the king, which seconde Bull with that clause was only purchased, to dispence with the second matrimony, although there were carnal copulation before, which Bul needed not to have been purchased, if there had ben no carnal copulation, for then the first Bull had been sufficient.

Moreover, for the more clear evidence of this matter that Prince Arthur had carnal knowledge of the said Lady Katherine his wife, it appeareth in a certain book of Recordes which we have to show touching this marriage, that the same time when Prince Arthur was first married with this Lady Katherine daughter to Ferdinando, certain Ambassadors of Ferdinando his Counsaile were then sent hither into England for the said purpose to see and to testify, concerning the full consummation of the said matrimonial conjunction. Which Counsaillers here resident, being solemnly sworn, not only did affirm to both their parents, that the Matrimony was consummate by that act: but also did send over into Spain to her father, such demonstrations of their mutual conjunction, as here I will not name, sparing the reverence of chaste ears: which demonstrations otherwise in those Records being named and testified, do sufficiently put the matter out of all doubt and question.

Besides that, in the same records appeareth that both he and she not only were of such years as were mete and able to explete the cōsummation hereof, but also they were and did lie together both here and in Wales by the space of 3. quarters of a year.

Out of a written book of Recordes, containing certain conferences betwixt the Cardinal and Queens Katherines Amner about this matter, remaining in our custody to be seen.

Thus when the Divines on her side, were beaten from that ground, then they fell to persuasions of Natural reasons, how this should not be undone for three causes. One was because, if it should be broken, the only child of the king should be a Bastard, which were a great mischief to the realm. Secondly, the separation should because of great unkindness between her kindred and this Realm. And the third cause was, that the continuance of so long space, had made the Marriage honest. These persuasions with many other, were set forth by the Queens Counsaile, and in especial by the Bishop of Rochester, which stood stiff in her cause. But yet God's precept was not answered, wherefore they left that ground and fell to pleading that the court of Rome had dispensed with that Marriage. To this some Lawyers said, that no earthly person is able to dispence with the positive law of God.

When the Legates hard the opinions of the Divines, and saw whereunto the end of this question would tend, for as much as men began so to dispute of the authority of the Court of Rome, & especially because the Cardinal of York perceived the king to cast favor to the Lady Anne, whom he knew to be a Lutheran, they thought best to wind them selves out of that brake by time, & so Cardinal Campeius dissembling the matter conveyed himself home to Rome again, as is partly above touched, pag. 187. The Kinge seeing himself thus to be deferred and deluded by the Cardinals, took it to no little grief: whereupon, the fall of the Cardinal of York followed not long after.

This was in the year of our Lord 1530. Shortly after it happened the same year, that the king by his Ambassadors was advertised that the Emperor and the Pope were both together at Bononie: Wherefore he directed Sir Tho. Bullein late created Earl of Wiltshire, and Doctor Stokesley (afterward Bishop of London) and Doctor Lee (afterward bishop of York) with his message to the popes Court, where also the Emperor was. Pope Clement understanding the kings case and request, and fearing what might follow after, if learning and Scripture here should take place against the authority of their dispensations, and moreover doubting the Emperors displeasure, bare him self strange of from the matter, answering the Ambassadors with this delay: that he presently would not define in the case, but would hear the full matter disputed when he came to Rome, and according to right he would do justice.

Although the king ought no such service to the Pope, to stand to his arbitremēt either in this case; or in any other having both the Scripture to lead him, and his law in his own hands to warrant him: yet for quietness sake: and for that he would not rashly break order (which rather was a disorder in deed) he bare so long as conueniētly he might. At length, after long delays and much dissembling, when he saw no hope of redress, he began somewhat to quicken & to look about him, what was best both for his own conscience, and the stablishment of his realm, to do.

No man here doubteth, but that all this was wrought not by man's devise, but by the secrete purpose of the Lord himself, to bring to pass further things (as afterward followed) which his divine providence was disposed to work. For else as touching the y ^e kings intent & purpose, he never meant nor minded any such thing as to seek the ruin of the pope, but rather sought all means contrary, how both to stablish the Sea of Rome, & also to obtain y ^e good will of the same Sea and Court of Rome, if it might have been gotten. And therefore intending to sue his diuorse frō Rome, at the first beginning: his devise was by Stephen Gardener his Ambassador at Rome, to exalt the Cardinal of York, as is before shown pag. 990. to be made pope and universal Bishop, to the end that he ruling that Apostolic sea, the matter of his unlawful marriage, which so troubled his conscience, might come to a quiet conclusion, without any further rumor of the world. Which purpose of his if it had taken effect as he had devised it, and the englsh Cardinal had once been made Pope, no doubt, but the authority of that sea had never been exterminate out of England. But God being more merciful unto us, took a better way then so. For both without and contrary to the kings expectation, he so brought to pass, that neither the Cardinal of York was Pope (which should have been an infinite cost to the king) and yet nevertheless the king sped of his purpose too, and that much better then he looked for: For he was rid, by lawful divorcement, not only from that unlawful marriage which clogged his conscience but also from the miserable yoke of the popes usurped dominion, which clogged the whole realm, and all at one time.

Thus God's holy providence ruling the matter (as I said) when the king could get no faourable grant of the Pope touching his cause being so good and honest, he was enforced to take the redress of his right into his own hands, and seeing this Gordian knotte would not be loosed at rome, he was drivē against his will (as God would) to play the noble Alexander himself, and with the sword of his princely authority knapt the knot at one stroke clean a sunder, loosing as it were with one solutiō, infinite questions. For where the Doctors and Canonistes had long disputed, and yet could never thoroughly discuss the largeness and fullness of the popes two swords both temporal and spiritual: the king with one sword did so cut of both clean out of England, as ye shall see more anon. But first, the king like a prudent prince, before he would come to the head of the sore, thought best to pare away such rank flesh and putrefied places as were about it, and therefore following his own proverb, like as one going about to cast down an old rotten wall, will not begin with the foundation first, but with the stones that lie in the top: so he to prepare his way better unto the Pope, first began with the Cardinal, casting him by the law of Premunire, out of his goods & possessions, and so at length by poisoning himself, he procured his own death: which was in the year 1530. Thys done, shortly after about the the year 1532. the King to provide by time against mischiefs that might come from Rome, gave forth eftsoons this proclamation as followeth.

THe kings highness straightly chargeth and commandeth, that no manner of person, what estate, degree, or condition so ever he or they be of, do purchase or attempt to purchase from the Court of Rome or else where, nor use and put in executiō, diuulge or publish anything heretofore w • thin this year passed, purchased, or to be purchased hereafter containing matter prejudicial to the high authority, jurisdiction and prerogative Royal of this his said realm, or to thē let, hinderance or impeache, meant of his graces noble and virtuous intended purposes in the premises, upon pain of incurring his highness indignation and imprisonment, and further punishment of their bodies for their so doing, at his graces pleasure, to the dreadful ex • mple of all other.

After this was done, the king then proceeding farther, caused the rest of the spiritual Lord's to be called by process into the kings benche to make their appearance, for so much as the whole Clergy of England, in supporting and maintaining the power Legatiue of the Cardinal, by the reason thereof were all entangled likewise in the Premunire, and therefore, were called into the kings benche, to answer. But before the day of their appearance, the Prelates together in their convocation, concluded among themselves an humble submission in writing, and offered the king for a subsidy or contribution, that he would be their good Lord and release them of the Premunire by Act of Parliament, first to be gathered in the province of Canterbury a C.M. pounds. And in the Province of York, xviij. hundredth, and xl. pound x. pence. The which offer with much labor was accepted, and their pardon promised. In this submission the clergy called the king supreme head of the Church of England, which thing they never confessed before: whereupon many things followed, as after (God willing) ye shall hear.

But first, forsomuch as we are in hand now with the matter, we will borrow by the way, a few words of the reader, to speak of this clergy money, of a 118840. pounds & x. pence, to be levied to the king, as is above touched. For the leuying of which sum, an order was taken among the prelates, that every B. in his Dioces should call before him all the Priests, Parsons, & Uicars, amongst whom D. Stokesley B. of London, a man then counted to be of some wit and learning, but of little discretion and humanity (which caused him to be out of the favor of the common people) called before him all the Priests within the City of London, whether they were Curates or Stipendaries, the first day of Sept. being Friday, in the Chapter house of S. Paul. At which day the priests appeared, and the Bishops policy was to have only 6. or 8. priests together, and by persuasions to have caused them to grant some portion toward the payment of the foresaid hundredth M. pound. But the number of the Priests was so great (for they were 6. hundredth at the least, and with them came many temporal men to hear the matter) that the Bishop was disapoynted of his purpose. For when the Bishops Officers called in certain Priests by name into the chapter house, with that, a great number entered, for they put the Bishops Officers that kept the door a side.

After this, the Officers got the door shut again. Then the Priests without, said: we will not be kept without, and our fellows be within: we know not what the bishop will do with them. The temporal men being present, comforted and encouraged the priests to enter, so that by force they opened the door, and one strake the Bishops Officer over the face, and entered the Chapter house, and many temporal men with them, and long it was ere any silence could be made. At last, whē they were appeased, the bishop stood up and said: Brethren, I marvel not a little, why you be so heady, and know not what shall be said to you: therefore I pray you to keep silence and to hear me patiently.

My friends all, you know well that we be men frail of condition and no Angels, and by frailty and lack of wisdom, we have misdemeaned our self toward the king our sovereign Lord and his laws, so that all we of the Clergy were in the Premunire, by reason whereof, all our promotions, lands, goods and cattels were to him forfeit, & our bodies ready to be imprisoned: yet his grace moved with pity and compassion, demanded of us what we could say, why he should not extend his laws vpō us. Then the Fathers of the Cleargye humbly besought his grace of mercy. To whom he answered that he was ever inclined to mercy. Then for all our great offenses, we had little penance: For where he might by the rigor of his law, have taken all our liuelode, goods and cattels, he was contented with one hundredth thousand pounds to be paid in 5. years. And although that this sum be more then we may easily bear, yet by the rigor of his laws we should have borne the whole burden. Wherefore my brethren, I charitably exhort you to bear your partes of your liuelode & salarie toward the payment of this sum granted.

Then it was shortly said to the Bishop: My Lord, twenty nobles a year is but a bare living for a Priest: for now vittaile and every thing is so dear, that poverty, in manner, enforceth us to say nay. Beside that, my Lord, we never offended in the Premunire, for we meddled never with the Cardinals faculties: let the Bishops and Abbottes which have offended, pay.

Then the Bishops Officers gave to the Priests high words, which caused them to be the more obstinate. Also diverse temporal men which were present, comforted the Priests, and bade them agree to no payment. In t • ys rumour, diverse of the Bishops servants were • u •• ered and stricken, so that the Bishop began to be afraid, and with fair words appeased the noise, and for all things which were done or said there, he pardoned them, & gave to them his blessing, and prayed them to depart in charity. Then they departed, thinking to hear no more of the mat ••• , but they were deceived: For the Bishop went to Sir Thom. More then being Lord Chancellor (which greatly favored the B. and the clergy) and to him made a grievous complaint, & declared the fact very grievously. Wherupon commandment was sent to syr Tho. Pargitor Major of the City, to attache certain priests and temporal men, and so 15. priests & 5. temporal men were arrested, of the which, some were sent to the Tower, some to the Fleet and other prisons, where they remained long after.

This being done in the year of our Lord 1532. it followeth moreover the same year, that diverse preachings were in the realm, one contrary to another, concerning the kings marriage: and in especial one Thom. Abel Clerke, which was the Queens Chaplain, to please her withal, both preached and also wrote a book in defense of the said marriage: whereby diverse simple mē were persuaded. Wherefore the king caused to be cōpiled and reduced into a boke, the determination of the universities, with the judgments of great Clerks, which book being printed & set abroad, did again satisfy all indifferent and reasonable persons, which were not too much wedded to their willes.

Mention was made a little before, of a parlamēt begun the 15. day of January, An. 1533. in the which Parliament the commons had put up a Supplication, complaining of y ^e strait dealing of the Clergy in their proceeding Ex officio. This complaint, although at the first it seemed not greatly to be tendered of the king, yet in prorogation of y ^e parliament, the time so wrought withal, that the King having more clear understanding of the abuses & enormities of the clergy, and in special of the corrupt authority of the Sea of Rome, provided certain acts against the same: First as concerning the laws, decrees, ordinances and constitutions made and stablished by the pretensed authority of the Bishops of Rome, to y ^e aduauncemēt of their worldly glory: y ^t who so did or spake anything either against their usurped power, or against y ^e said laws, decrees, or constitutions of theirs not approved nor grounded vpō holy scripture or else being repugnant to y ^e kings prerogative royal, should therefore stand in no danger nor be impeachable of heresy. And likewise touching such constitutions ordinances, & canons provincial or Synodal, which were made in this realm in y ^e convocation of bishops, being either preiudicial to y ^e kings prerogative, or not ratified before by the kings assent, or being otherwise onerous to the king and his subjects, or in any wise repugnant to the laws and statutes of this realm, they▪ were committed to the judgment of 32. persons chosen by the king, out of that higher & lower house, to be determined either to stand in strength, or to be abrogate at their discretions: and farther that all y ^e Clergy of this realm submitting themselves to the king should and did promise in verbo Sacerdotij, never hereafter to presume to assemble in their convocations without the kings writ, nor to enact or execute such constitutions without his royal assent. &c. Ex Statut. Henr. 8.

Farther in the same Parliament was enacted and decreed, that in causes and matters happening in contention no person should appeal, pruoke or sue, out of the kings dominions, to the Court of Rome, under pain of prouisours, provision, or Premunire.

Item, in the same parliament was defined and concluded, y ^t all exportation of Annates and first fruits of Archbishoprickes and Bishoprics out of this Realm to the Sea of Rome, for any bulls, brieues, or palles, or expedition of any such thing should utterly cease.

Also for the investing of Archbishops, Bishops, or other of any Ecclesiastical dignity, such order in the said Parliament was taken, that the king should send a license under the great seal, with a letter missiue, to the Prior and Convent, or to the Dean and Chapter of those Cathedral Churches where the Sea was vacant: by the virtue of which license or letters missiue, they within 12. days should chose the said person nominated by the king, & none other, and y ^t election to stand effectual to all intents, which election being done, then the party elect, making first his oath and fealty to the king, if it were a Bish. that was elect, then the king by his letters patents, to signify the said election to the Archb. of that province, and 2. other Bishops, or else to 4. bishops within this realm, to be assigned to that office, without any other suing, procuring, or obtaining any bulls, breues, or other things from the Sea of Rome.

Moreover, against all other whatsoever intolerable exactions and great sums of money used to be paid out of this realm to the B. of Rome, in pensions, censures, Peterpence, procurations, fruits, suites for provisions & expeditions of bulls, for Archb. and Bishops, for delegacies and rescriptes in causes of contentions and appeals, jurisdictions legatiue: also for dispensations, licences, faculties, grants, relaxations, writtes called Perinde valere, rehabilitations, abolitions, canonizations, and other infinite sorts of bulls, breues, and instruments of sundry natures, the number whereof were tedious particularly to be recited. In the said Parliament it was ordained, y ^t all such uncharitable usurpations, exactions, pensions, censes, portions, and Peterpence wont to be paid to the sea of Rome, should utterly surcease, and never more to be levied: so that the king with his honorable counsel should have power and authority from time to time, for the ordering, redress, and reformation of all manner of indulgences, privileges, &c. within this realm.

Where is to be noted by the way, as touching these Peterpēce aforesaid, that the same were first brought in and imposed by K. Iua, about the yere of our Lord. 720. Which Iua K. of the Westsaxōs, caused through all his dominiō in every house having a chimny, a penny to be collected & paid to the B. of Rome in the name of S. Peter, & thereof were they called Peterpēce vide supra▪ pag. 127. The same likewise did Offa K. of Merciās after him, about the yere of our Lord. 794. vide pag. 114. And these Peterpence ever since, or for the most part, have used of a long custom to be gathered and summoned by the Popes collectors here in England, frō the time of Iua aforesaid, to this present Parliament. An. 1533.

Finally, by the authority of the Parliament it was consulted and considered concerning the legalitie of the lawful succession unto the crown, in ratifying and inhabling the heirs of the kings body and Queen Anne. In the which parliament moreover the degrees of marriage plainly and clearly were explained and set forth, such as be expressly prohibited by God's laws, as in this Table may appear.

A Table of degrees prohibited by God's law to marry.
• The son not to mary the mother, nor stepmother.
• The brother not to mary the sister.
• The father not to mary his sons daughter, nor his daughters daughter.
• The son not to mary his fathers daughter gotten by his stepmother.
• The son not to mary his aunte, being either his fathers or his mothers sister.
• The son not to mary his uncles wife.
• The father not to mary his sons wife.
• The brother not to mary his brothers wife.
• No man to mary his wives daughter.
• No man to mary his wives sons daughter.
• No man to mary his wives daughters daughter.
• No man to mary his wives sister.
• All these degrees be prohibited by the scripture.

All these things thus being defined and determined in this foresaid Parliament, and also being in the same Parliamente concluded, that no man of what estate, degree, or condition soever, hath any power to dispense with God's laws, it was therefore by the authority aforesaid, agreing with the authority of God's word, assented that the marriage aforetime solemnised between the king and the Lady Katherine, being before wife to prince Arthur the kings brother, and carnally known by him (as is above proved) should be absolutely demed and adjudged to be unlawful and against the law of God, and also reputed and taken to be of no value nor effect: and that the separation thereof by Thomas Cranmer Archb. of Cant. should stand good and effectual to all intents: and also that the lawful matrimony between the king and the Lady Anne his wife should be established, approved, and ratified for good and consonant to the laws of almighty God. And further also, for the establishing of this kings lawful succession, it was fully by the said parliament adjudged that the inheritance of the crown should remain to the heirs of their two bodies, that is, of the King and Queen Anne his wife.

During the time of this Parliament, before the marriage of Queen Anne, there was one Temse in the Common house, which moved the Commons to sue to the king, to take the Queen again into his company, declaring certain great mischiefs like to insue thereof, as in bastarding the Lady Marie the kings only child, and diverse other inconveniences: which being reported to the kings ears, he sent immediately to syr Thomas Audley, Speaker then of the Parliament, expressing unto him amongst other matters, that he marveled much, why one of the Parliament did so openly speak of the absence of the Queen from him: which matter was not to be determined there, for it touched (said he) his soul, and wished the Matrimony were good, for then had he never been so vexed in conscience. But the Doctors of Universities (said he) have determined the marriage to be void, and detestable before God, which grudge of conscience (he said) caused him to abstain from her company, and no foolish, nor wanton appetite. For I am (said he) 41. year old, at which age the lust of man is not so quick, as it is in youth. And saving in Spain and Portugale, it hath not been seen, that one man hath married two sisters, the one being carnally known before: but the brother to mary the brothers wife, was so abhorred amongst all nations, that I never heard it, that any Christian man so did, but myself. Wherefore ye see my conscience troubled, and so I pray you report. And so the Speaker departing, declared to the Commons the kings saying.

Not long after that, the Kinge perceiving belike the minds of the Clergy not much favoring his cause, sent for the Speaker again and 12. of the Common house, having with him 8. Lord's, and said to them: Well beloved subjects, we had thought the Clergy of our realm had ben our subjects wholye, but now we have well perceived that they be but half our Subiectes: yea, and scarce our subjects: For all the Prelates at their consecration, make an oath to the Pope, clean contrary to the oath that they make unto us, so that they seem to be his subjects and not ours: and so the King delivering to them the Copy of both the oaths, required them to invent some order that he might not thus be deluded of his spiritual subjects. The Speaker thus departed, and caused the oaths to be read in the Common house, the very tenor whereof here ensueth.

The oath of the Clergy to the Pope.

I John Bishop or Abbot of A. from this hour forward, shall be faithful and obedient to S. Peter, & to the holy church of Rome, and to my Lord the Pope, and his successors Canonically entering. I shall not be of counsel nor consent, that they shall loose either life or member, or shall be taken or suffer any violence, or any wrong, by any means. Their counsel to me credited by them, their messengers or letters, I shall not willingly discover to any person. The Popedom of Rome, the rules of the holy fathers, and the regalities of S. Peter I shall help and retain, and defend against all men. The legate of the sea Apostolic going & coming, I shall honourably entreat. The rightes, honors, privileges, authorities of the Church of Rome, and of the Pope and his successors, I shall cause to be conserved, defended, augmented, & promoted. I shall not be in counsel, treaty, or any act, in the which anything shall be imagined against him or the Church of Rome, their rights, states, honors, or power: and if I know any such to be moved or compassed, I shall resist it to my power, and as soon as I can, I shall advertise him, or such as may give him knowledge. The rules of the holy fathers, the decrees, ordinances, sentences, dispositions, reservations, provisions and commandments Apostolic, to my power I shall keep and cause to be kept of other. Heretics, schismatics, and rebels to our holy father and his successors, I shall resist and persecute to my power I shall come to the Synod whē I am called, except I be letted by a Canonical impediment. The lights of the Apostles I shall visit personally or by my deputy, I shall not aliene nor sell my possessions, without the Popes council, so God me help and the holy Evangelists.

This oath of the Clergy men, which they were wont to make to the Bishoppe of Rome (now Pope quondam) was abolished and made void by statute, and a new oath ministered & confirmed for the same, wherein they acknowledged the King to be the supreme head under Christ in this Church of England, as by tenor thereof may appear here under ensuing.

The oath of the Clergy to the king.

I John B. of A. utterly renounce and clearly forsake all such clauses words, sentences & grants, which I have or shall have hereafter of the Popes holiness, of & for the bishopric of A▪ that in any wise hath been, is, or hereafter may be hurtful or prejudicial to youre highness, your heirs, successors, dignity, privilege or estate royal: and also I do swear that I shall be faithful and true: and faith and truth I shall bear to you my sovereign Lord, and to your heirs kings of the same, of life and limb, and earthly worship above all creatures, for to live & die with you and yours against all people, and diligently I shall be attendant to all your needs and business, after my wit and power, and your counsel I shall kepee and hold, knowledging myself to hold my Bishopric of you only, beseeching you of restitutiō of the temporalties of the same, promising (as before) that I shall be faithful, true, and obedient subject to your said highness, heirs, and successors during my life, and the services and other things due to your highness, for the restitution of the temporalties of the same Bishoprike; I shall truly do and obediently perform, so God me help and all Saints.

These oaths thus being recited and opened to the people, were the occasion that the Pope lost all his interest and jurisdiction here in England, within short while after. Upon the occasion and reason whereof, the matter falling out more & more against the Pope, Syr Thomas More, of whom mention is made before, being a great maintainer of the Pope, & a heavy troubler of Christ's people, and now not liking well of this oath, by God's good work, was enforced to resign up his Chauncelorship, and to deliver up the great seal of England into the kings hands. After whom succeeded syr Thomas Audley, Keeper of the great seal, a man in eloquence and gifts of tongue no less incomparable, then also for his godly disposed mind, and favorable inclination to Christ's religiō, worthy of much commendation.

These things being done in the parliament, the king w ^t in short time after, proceeded to the marriage of the foresaid lady Anne Boleyn, mother to our most noble Queen now, who w ^t out all controversy was a special comforter & aider of all the professors of Christ's gospel, as well of the learned as the unlearned: her life being also directed according to the same, as her weekly alms did manifestly declare: Who besides the ordinarye of a C. crowns, and other apparel that she gave weekly a year before she was crowned, both to men and women, gave also wonderful much privy alms to widows and other pore householders continually til she was apprehended, and she ever gave three or four pound at a time to the poor people, to buy them kine withal, and sent her Subamner to the towns about where she lay, that the parishioners should make a bill of all the poor householders in their parish, and some towns received 7.8. or 10. pound to buy kine withal, according as the number of the poor in the Towns were. She also maintained many learned mē in Cambridge. Likewise did the Earl of Wilshire her father, and the Lord Rochford her brother, and by them these men were brought in favor w ^t the king: of whom some are yet alive and can testify the same, which would to God they were now as great professors of the gospel of Christ, as then they appeared to be, which were D. Heath, and D. Thirlby: with whom was joined the L. Paget, who at that present was an earnest protestant, & gave unto one Rainolde West, Luther's books, and other books of the Germans, as Franciscus Lambertus de Sectis, and at that time he red Melanchthon's Rhetoric openly in Trinity hall in Cambridge, and was w ^t his M. Gardener a mainetainer of D. Barns and all the Protestants that were then in Cambridge, & helped many religious persons out of their cowles.

It hath been reported unto us by diverse credible persons which were about this Queen, and daily acquainted with her doings concerning her liberal and bountiful distribution to the pore, how her grace carried ever about her a certain little purse, out of the which she was wont daily to scatter abroad some alms to the needy, thinking no day well spent, wherein some man had not fared the better by some benefit at her hands. And this I write by the relation of certain noble personages which were chief & principal of her waiting maids about her, especially the Duches of Richmond by name.

Also concerning the order of her ladies & gentlewomen about her, one that was her silkwoman, a Gentlewoman not now alive, but of great credit and also of fame for her worthy doings, did credibly report, that in all her time she never saw better order amongst the ladies & gentlewomē of the Courte, then was in this good Queens days, who kept her maids and such as were about her so occupied in sowing and working of shirts & smockes for the poor, that neither was there seen any idleness then amongst them, nor any leisure to follow such pastimes as daily are seen now a days to reign in princes courts.

Thus the king being deuorced from the lady Dowager his brothers wife, married this gracious Lady, making a prosperous and happy change for us, being divorced from the foresaid Princesse and also from the Pope both at one time. Notwythstanding as good and godly purposes are never without some incommodity or trouble following, so it happened in this divorcement that the said Princesse procuring from Rome the Popes curse, caused both the king and the realm to be interdicted, whereof more is hereafter to be spoken.

In the mean time Queen Anne, shortly after her marriage, being great with child, the next year following, which was 1533. after the first divorcement publicly proclaimed, was crowned with high solemnity at Westminster: and not long after her Coronation, the 7. day of September she was brought a bed, and delivered of a fair Lady, for whose good deliverance Te Deum was song in all places, and great preparation made for the Christening.

The Major and his brethren with 40. of the chief Citizens were commanded to be present withal the nobles and Gentlemen. The kings Palace and all the walls between that and the Friers, was hanged with Arras, and the Friers Church. Also the Fonte was of silver, & stood in the midst of the Church three steppes high, which was covered with a fine cloth, and diverse Gentlemen with aprons and towels about their necks, gave attendance about it. Ouer the Fonte hong a fair Canapy of crimosine Satten fringed with Golde. About it was a rail covered with say. Between the Choir and the body of the church was a close place with a pan of fire to make the child ready in. These things thus ordered, the child was brought into the Hall, and then every man set forward. First the citizens 2. and 2. Then the gentlemen, Esquiers and Chapleins. Next after followed the Aldermen and the Major alone. Next the Major followed the kings Council. Then the kings Chapel. Then Barons, Bishops and Earls. Then came the Earl of Essex, bearing the covered Basons gilte. After him the Marques of Exeter with the taper of Virgin wax. Next him, the Marques Dorset bearing the Salte. Behind him the Lady Marie of Norfolk bearing the Chrisome which was very riche of Perle and stone. The old Duchesse of Norfolk bare the child in a Mantle of Purple Ueluette, with a longe train Furred with Ermine. The Duke of Norfolk with his Marshal rod, went on the right hand of the said Duchesse, and the Duke of Suffolk on the left hand. Before them went the Officers of arms. The Countess of Kente bare the long train of the childes mantell. Betwene the Countess and the child, went the Earl of Wilshire on the right hand, and the Earl of Darby on the left hand, supporting the said train. In the midst over the child was borne a Canapie by the Lord Rochford, the Lord Hussey, the Lord William Haward, and the Lord Thomas Hawarde the elder. In this order they came unto the Church door where the Bishop of London met it, with diverse Abbots and Bishops, and began the observances of the Sacrament. The Archbishop of Canterbury was Godfather, and the old Duchesse of Norfolk, and the old Marchionesse of Dorset, widows, were Godmothers, and the child was named Elizabeth.

After all things were done at the Church door, the child was brought to the Fonte & Christened. This done. Garter the chief king of arms cried aloud: God of his infinite goodness send prosperous life and longe, to the high and mighty princesse of England, ELIZABETH. Then the Trompettes blew, and the child was brought up to the altar and immediately confirmed▪ by the Archbishop, the Marchionesse of Exceter being Godmother. Then the Archbishop of Canterbury gave to the Princesse a standing cup of Gold. The Duchesse of Norfolk gave to her a standing cup of Golde, fretted with Pearl. The Marchionesse of Dorset, three gilte boles pounced, with a cover. The Marchionesse of Exceter, three standing boles gilt & graven with a cover. And so after a solemn bancket ended with Ipocras, Wafers, and such like in great plenty, they returned in like order again unto the Courte, with the Princesse, and so departed.

At the Maryage of this noble Lady, as there was no small joy unto all good and godly men, and no less hope of prosperous success to God's true Religion, so in like manner on the contrary parte, the papists wanted not their malicious and secret attempts, as by the false hypocrisy and feigned holiness of a false feigned hypocrite this year before espied & found out, may sufficiently appear what their deuilishe devises and purposes were. For certain Monks Friers, & other evil disposed persons, of a devilish intent, had put into the heads of many of the kings subjects, that they had revelation of God and his saints, y ^t he was highly displeased w ^t king Henry, for y ^e divorcement of the Lady Katherine, and surmised amongst other things, that God had revealed to a Nun, named Elizabeth Barton, whom they called the holy maid of Kente, that in case the Kinge proceeded in the said deuorce, he should not be king of this realm, one month after, and in the reputation of God, not one day nor hour. This Elizabeth Barton by falls dissimulation practiced and shown to the people, marvelous alteration of her visage and other partes of her body, as if she had been wrapped or in a trance, & in those feigned traunces by false hypocrisy (as though she had been inspired of God) she spake many words in rebuking of sin, and reproving the Gospel which she called heresy, and among them uttered diverse things to the great reproach of the king and Queen, & to the establishing of Idolatry, Pilgrimage, and the derogatiō of God's glory: which her naughtiness being spied out by the great labor and diligence of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Cromwell, and Master Hugh Latimer, she was condemned and put to death with certain of her affinity and Council in the month of April, an. 1533. The names of which conspirators with her, were these: Edward Bocking, Monk of Canterbury, Richard Master, Person of Aldington, John Dering, Monk of Canterbury, Hugh Riche, Frier Warden of the Gray Friers of Canterbury, Richard Risby, Henry Gold, bacheler of Divinity, and Person of Aldermary, Fisher Bishop of Rochester, John Adeson Priest, his Chapleine, Thomas Laurence, the Bishops Register of Canterbury, Edward Thwates, Thomas Abel. Of the which persons, the said Elizabeth Berton, Henry Gold, Richard Master, Edward Bocking, John Dering, Hugh Riche, Richard Risby, were attaynted of Treason by Acte of Parliament, and put to execution.

The residue as Fisher Bishop of Rochester, Thomas Golde, Thomas Laurence, Edward Thwates, John Adeson, Thomas Abel, being convict and atteynted of misprison, were condemned to prison, and forfayted their goods & possessions to the King. Ex Statut an. 25 Reg Hen 8.

Edward Hall, a writer of our English Stories, making mention of this Elizabeth Barton aforesaid, adjoineth next in his book, the narration of one Pauier or Pauie, a notorious enemy (no doubt) to God's truth. Thys Pauier being the town Clerke of the City of London, was a man (saith he) that in no case could abide to hear that the Gospel should be in English: In so much that the said Hall himself heard him once say unto him, and to other by, swearing a great oath: that if he thought the Kings highness would set forth the Scripture in English, and let it be read of the people by his authority, rather thē he would so long live, he would cut his own throat, but he brake promise (saith Hall) for he did not cut his throat with any knife, but with an halter did hang himself. Of what mind and intent he so did, God judge.

My information farther addeth this, touching the said Pauier or Pauie, that he was a bitter enemy, very busy at the burning of Richard Bayneham above mentioned. Who hearing the said Baynham at the stake speaking against Purgatory and transubstantiation: set fire (said he) to this heretic and burn him. And as the trayne of gunpouder came toward the Martyr, he lifted up his eyes and hands to heaven, saying to Pauier: God forgive thee, and show thee more mercy then thou doest to me. The Lord forgive Sir Thomas More, and pray for me all good people: and so continued he praieng, till the fire took his bowels and his head, &c.

After whose Martyrdom, the next year following, this Pauier the town Clerke of the City, went and bought ropes. Which done, he went up to an high garret in his house to pray, as he was wont to do, to a rood which he had there, before whom he bitterly wept: And as his own maid coming up found him so doing, he bad her take the rustye sword, and go make it clean, and trouble him no more, and immediately he tied up the rope, and hoong himself. The maids heart still throbbed, and so came up, and found him but newly hanged. Then she having no power to help him, ran crying to the Church to her mistress to fetch her home. His servants and Clerks he had sent out before to Finisbery, and to Master Edney Sergeant to the Lord Major, dwelling over Bishops gate, to tarry for him at Finisebery Court till he came: but he had dispatched himself before, so that they might long look for him before he could come. Which was an. 1533.

To this story of Pauier, may also be added the like terrible example of Doctor Foxford, Chancellor to the Bishop of London, a cruel persecutor and a common butcher of the good Saints of God: who was the condemner of all those aforenamed, which were put to death, troubled, or abjured under Bishop Stokesley through all the diocese of London. This Foxford died about this present year and time: of whose terrible end it was then certainly reported and affirmed by such as were of right good credit, unto certain persons, of whom some be yet alive, that he died suddenly sitting in his chair, his belly being brust, and his guts falling out before him.

About the same time died also William Warrham Archbyshop of Canterbury: in whose room succeeded Thomas Cranmer, which was the Kings Chapleyne, and a great disputer against the unlawful marriage of Lady Katherine Princesse Dowager, being then so called by Act of Parliament.

Ye heard before, how the Parliament had enacted, that no person after a certain day, should appeal to Rome for any cause. Notwithstanding which Acte, y ^e Queen, now called Princesse Dowager, had appealed to the Courte of Rome, before that Acte made: so y ^t it was doubted, whether that Appeale were good or not. This question was well handled in the Parliament house, but much better in the Conuocation house, and yet in both houses it was alleged, yea and by books shown, that in the Councils of Calcedone, Affrike, Toletane, and diverse other famous Councils in the primative Church, yea in the time of S. Augustine it was affirmed, declared, & determined that a cause rising in one Province, should be determined in the same & that neither the Patriarke of Cōstātinople should medle in causes moved in the iurisdictiō of the Patriarke of Antioch, nor no Bishop should entermedle within an others Province or country. Which things were so clerkly opened, & so cunningly set forth to all intētes, y ^t every mā that had wit, & was determined to follow y ^e truth, & not willfully wedded to his own mind, might plainly see y ^t all appeals made to Rome, were clearly void & of none effect. Which doctrines & coūsails, were shown to y ^e Lady Katherine Princesse Dowager, but she (as womē love to lose no dignity) ever continued in her old song, trusting more to the Popes partiality, then to the determination of Christ's verity.

Wherupon the Archbyshop of Canterbury Cranmer above named, accompanied with y ^e Bishops of London, Winchester, Bathe, Lincoln, & diverse other great Clerks 〈◊〉 a great number, road to Dunstable, which is vi. mile frō Ampthyl, where the Princesse Dowager lay: & there by a Doctor called Doctor Lee, she was ascited to appear before the said Archbyshop, in cause of Matrimony, in the said town of Dunstable: & at the day of appearance, she would not appear, but made default, & so was called peremptorily, every day .xv. days together, and at the last, for lack of appearance, & for contumacy, by the assent of all the learned men there being present, she was divorced from the king, & their Marriage declared to be void and of none effect: which sentence given, the Archbyshop and all the other, returned back again.

Where note that although this divorce following after the new Marriage, needed not at all to be made, the first Marriage being no Marriage at all before God, yet to satisfy the voice of the people, more then for any necessity, the king was contented through the persuasions of some, so to do. For else as touching God and conscience, what great need was of any divorce, where before GOD, no Marriage was to be accounted, but rather an incestuous & detestable adultery, as the Act of Parliament doth term it? But to our matter again.

After the dissolutiō of this first Marriage made between the king & the Lady Princesse Dowager, she nevertheless bearing a stout mind, would not yet relēt, neither to the determination of the Universities, nor to the censure of the Clergy, nor of the whole Realm, but following the coūsails rather of a few Spaniards, to molest the king & the realm by suit, & means made to the Pope, procured certain writings, first of monition and aggravation, thē of excommunication and interdiction to be sent down from Rome, wherein the Pope had interdicted both the king & the whole Realm. But the Popes Cursor being not the hardyest mā (belike) that ever shown his head, thought it much more sure for him to discharge his Popish car • age without the kings reach, & so keeping himself aloof of (like a pretty man) set up his writings in the Town of Dunkirke in Flaunders. In the which town, first upon the Northdoore of the Church was set up a monition, that the king of England should surcease the suit of divorce, the which John Butler Clerke, thē Commissary of Calais, by commandment took down in a night.

After that, before Whitsonweeke there was set up in the same place an excommunication, aggravation, regranation, & interdiction. For the which also, the said Butler by commandment was sent to Dunkirke to take it down. And because the counsel of Calais would be certified of his diligence therein, they sent a servant of the Lord Lisle, thē Deputy of Calais, whose name was Cranuell▪ and upon Wensday in Whitsonweke, at vii. of the clock in the morning, he took it down whole and brought it with him, & delivered the same to the Lord Deputy aforesaid. Which was about the year .1533.

This being known & certified unto the king, he was motioned by his counsel, that such as were about her, and moved her thereto, should be put frō her. And therefore the Duke of Suffolk was sent to Bugden beside Huntyngdō, where y ^e said Lady Katherine lay, who perceiving her stomach to continue froward still, in aūsweryng him with high words, & suddenly so in a fury to part frō him into her privy chamber, & shut the door: brake up the door of her Court, & discharged a great sort of her household servants, & yet left her a convenient number to serve her like a Princesse. They that remained still, were sworn to serve her as Princesse only, and not as Queen. Of whom some said they were once sworn to serve her as Queen, and otherwise would not serve, and so were dismissed. The other which were sworn to serve her as Princesse, she utterly refused for her servants, and so she remained with the fewer, living after this about the space of two years.

The abolishing of the Pope out of England.

THese things thus finished and dispatched concerning the marriage of Queen Anne, and divorce of Lady Katherine Dowager, next followeth the year 1534. In the which was assembled the hye Court of Parliament again after many prorogations, upon the third day of February, wherein was made an Acte of succession, for the more surety of the crown, to the which every person being of lawful age, should be sworn. During this Parliament time, every Sunday preached at Paul's cross a Bishop, which declared the Pope not to be head of the Church.

After this, Commissions were sent over all England, to take the oath of all men and women, to the Act of succession. At which, few repined, except D. John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, sir Tho. More late Lord Chancellor, and D. Nicholas Wilson, parson of S. Thomas Apostles in London. Wherefore these 3. persons, after long exhortatiō to thē made by y ^e Bishop of Canterbury at Lambeth, refusing to be sworn, were sent to the Tower, where they rrmained, & were oftentimes motioned to be sworn: but the Bishop and sir Tho. More excused thē by their writings, in which they said, that they had written before the said Lady Katherine to be Queen, & therefore could not well go frō that which they had written. Likewise the Doctor excused, that he in preaching had called her Queen, and therefore now could not withsay it again: Howbeit▪ at length he was well contented to dissemble y ^e matter, & so escaped: but the other two stood against all the Realm in their opinion.

From the month of Marche this Parliament farthermore was proroged to the iii. day of Nouemb. abovesaid. At what time, amongst other diverse statutes, most graciously and by the blessed will of God it was enacted, that the Pope, and all his college of Cardinals, with his pardons, Indulgences, which so long had clogged this Realm of England, to the miserable slaughter of so many good men, & which never could be removed away before, was now abolished, eradicate, & exploded out of this land, & sent home again to their own country of Rome, from whence they came, God be everlastingly praised therefore, Amen.

An Acte concerning the Kings highness to be the supreme head of the Church of England, and to have authority to reform and redress all errors, heresies, and abuses in the same. Cap. 1.

ALbeit the Kings Majesty justly and rightfully is and ought to be the supreme head of the Church of England, and so is recognised by the Clergy of this Realm in their Conuocations, yet nevertheless for corroboration & confirmation thereof, and for increase of virtue in Christ's Religion within this Realm of England, and to repress & extirpe all errors, heresies, and other enormities & abuses heretofore used in the same: be it enacted by authority of this present Parliament, y ^t the king our sovereign Lord, his heirs & successors, Kings of this Realm, shall be taken, accepted, & reputed y ^e only supreme head in earth of y ^e Church of England, called Anglicana ecclesia, and shall have & enjoy annexed and united to the Imperial crown of this realm, as well y ^e title & style thereof, as all honors, dignities, preeminences, jurisdictions, privileges, authorities, immunites, profits, and commodities to the said dignity of supreme head of the same Church belonging & appertaining: and y ^t our said sovereign Lord, his heirs & successors, Kings of this Realm, shall have full power and authority from time to time, to visit, repress, redress, reform, order, correct, restrain, and amend all such errors, abuses, offenses, contemptes & enormities, whatsoever they be, which by any manner of spiritual authority or jurisdiction ought or may lawfully be reformed, repressed, ordered, redressed, corrected, restrained, or amended, most to the pleasure of almighty God, the increase of virtue in Christ's religiō, and for the conservation of y ^e peace, unity, and tranquility of this realm, any usage, custom, foreign laws, foreign authority, prescription or anything or things, to the contrary hereof notwithstanding.

The Kings Proclamation, for the abolishing of the usurped power of the Pope.

Furthermore, that no man shall cavil or surmise this fatal fall and ruin of the Pope, to have come rashly upon the Kings own partial affection, or by any sensual temerity of a few, and not by the grave and advised judgment, approbation and consent generally and publicly, as well of the nobles and commons temporal, as also upon substantial grounds, and the very strength of truth, by the discussion and consultation of the spiritual and most learned persons in this Realm: it shall be requisite moreover to these premisses, to adjoin the words and testimonies also of the Bishops own oaths and profession made to the King, yielding and rendering unto him only the style of supreme head next under Christ, of the Church of England, all other service, subjection, and obedience to be given to any other foreign Potentate, which should be prejudicial to the Kings highness in this behalf being excluded, and that both frankly and freely, of their own voluntary motion, and also upon the faith and fidelity of their priesthood, as by their own words and handwriting may appear, in form as here under followeth.

The oath of Stephen Gardener to the King.

EGo Stephanus Wintonien. Episcopus pure, sponte, & absolute, in verbo pontificio, profiteor ac spondeo, Illustrissimae vestrae Regiae maiestati, singulari ac summo Domino meo, & patrono, Henrico Dei gratia Angliae & Franciae, Regi, fidei defensori, Domino Hiberniae, atque in terris Ecclesiae Anglicanae supremo immediate sub Christo capiti, quod post hac nulli externo Imperatori, Regi, Principi aut Prelato, nec Romano pontifici (quem Papam vocant) fidelitatem & obedientiam, &c.

In English.

I Stephen Bishop of Winchester, do purely of mine own voluntary accord and absolutely, in y ^e word of a Bishop, profess and promise to your princely majesty, my singular and chief Lord and Patron, Henry the 8. by the grace of Gdo King of England & of France, defendor of the faith, Lord of Ireland, & in earth of the Church of England supreme head immediately under Christ, that from this day forward I shall swear, promise, give, or cause to be givē to no foreign Potētate, Emperor, King, Prince or Prelate, nor yet to the Bishop of Rome, whō they call Pope, any oath or feaultie directly or indirectly, either by word or writing, but at all times and in every case & condition I shall observe, hold, & maintain to all effects & intents, the quarrel & cause of your royal Majesty & your successors, and to the uttermost of my power, shall defend the same against all manner of persons whom soever I shall know or suspect to be adversaries to your Majesty or to your successors, & shall give my faith, truth, & obedience sincerely & with my very heart, only to your royal Majesty, as to my supreme Prince. I profess the Papacie of Rome not to be ordained of God by holy Scripture, but constantly do affirm and openly declare and shall declare it to be set up only by mā, and shall cause diligently other men likewise to publish the same. Neither shall I enter any treaty with any person or persons either privily or apertly, or shall consent thereto, that the Bishop of Rome shall have or exercise here any authority or jurisdiction, or is to be restored to any iurisdic • ion hereafter.

Furthermore that y ^e said Bishop of Rome now being or any that shall succeed him hereafter, in the said Sea, is not to be called Pope nor supreme Bishop or universal Bishop, nor most holy Lord, but only ought to be called Bishop of Rome and fellow brother (as the old manner of the most ancient Bishops hath been) this I shall to my power openly maintain and defend.

Also I shall firmly observe & cause to be observed of other, to the uttermost of my cunning, wit, & power, all such laws and Acts of this Realm, how and whatsoever, as have been enacted & established for the extirpation and suppression of the Papacie, and of the authority, and jurisdiction of the said Bishop of Rome. Neither shall I appeal hereafter to the said Bish. of Rome, nor ever consent to any person, that shall appeal to him, neither shall I attempt, prosecute or follow any suit in the Court of Rome for any cause of right or Justice to be had, or shall make answer to any plee or action, nor shall take upon me the person and office either of the plaintiff or defendent in the said Court. And if the said Bishop by his messenger or by his letters shall make any means or significatiō unto me of any matter whatsoever it be, I shall with all speed & diligence make declaration & advertisement thereof, or cause that same to be signified, either to your princely majesty, or to some of your secret coūsails, or to your successors or any of their privy counsel: Neither shall I send or cause to be send at any time, any writing or mess̄ger to the said Bishop or to his Court without the knowledge & consent of your majesty or your successors willing me to send writing or messenger unto him. Neither shall I procure or give coūsails to any persō to procure bules, brieues or rescriptes whatsoever, either for me or for any other, frō the said Bysh. of Rome or his court. And if any such shall be procured against my will & knowledge either in general or in special, or else whosoever they shall be granted unto them, I shall utter & disclose the same, & not consent thereunto, nor use them in any case, & shall cause them to be brought to your majesty or your successors.

Furthermore for the confirmation hereof, I give my faith & truth by firm promise & in the faith of a Bishop that against this my foresaid profession, & promise made, I shall defend myself by no dispensation, exception, nor any remedy or cautel of law or example, during this my natural life. And if heretofore I have done or made any protestatiō in prejudice of this my profession & promise here made: the same I do revoke at this present & forever hereafter, and here utterly do renounce, by these presents. Whereunto I have subscribed & under written the name both of myself & of my Byshopricke, with my proper hand, & thereto also have put to my seal, in perpetual & undoubted testimony of the premisses.

*The like oath of John Stokesley Bishop of London.

I John Bishop of London, do purely, & of mine own voluntary accord, & absolutely in the word of a Bishop profess and promise to your princely majesty, my singular, and chief Lord and patron Henry 8 by the grace of God king of England, and of France, defender of the faith, Lord of Ireland, and in earth of the same Church of England supreme head immediately under Christ. &c. Like to the oath before.

The like oath and handwriting of Edward Lee, Archbyshop of York.

I Edward by the permission of God, Archbyshop of York, do purely of mine own voluntary accord, and absolutely, in the word of a Bishop, profess and promise to your royal Majesty, my singular and chief Lord and patron, &c. In like form to the oath before.

The like oath and handwriting of Cuthbert Bishop of Duresme.

And so likewise all the other Bishops after the same order and form of oath were obliged and bound to the king, as to their supreme head of the Church of England immediately under Christ renouncyng and abiuryng utterly and voluntarily, the Popes too long usurped jurisdiction in this Realm: testifieng moreover the same, both with their own hand, and also with their seal.

Besides these cōfirmations & testimonials of y ^e Bishops aforesaid, ye shall hear yet moreover, the decree and public sentence of the university of Cambridge written likewise and subscribed & signed with the public seal of their university, the tenor of which their letter here followeth.

A letter of the University of Cambridge against the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome.

VNiuersis Sanctae matris Ecclesiae filijs, ad quos praesentes literae peruenturae sunt, coetus omnis regentium & non regentium Academiae Cantabrigiensis, salutem in omnium saluatore Jesus Christo. Cum de Romani pontificis potestate, &c.

In English.

TO all and singular children of the holy mother Church, to whose hands these presents shall come, the whole society of Regentes and not Regētes of the University of Cambridge, sendeth greeting in our Savior Jesus Christ. Whereas now of late it hath risen up in question among us, concerning the power of the Bishop of Rome, which he doth both claim to himself by the holy Scripture over all provinces & nations in Christendom, and hath now of long time exercised in this realm of England: and forasmuch as our censure concerning the cause is required, to wit: whether the Bishop of Rome hath any power or authority in this kingdom of England allotted to him by God in the Scripture, more then any other foreine Bishop, or no: we thought it therefore good reason & our duty, for the searching out of the verity of the said question, that we should employ therein our whole endeavor and study, whereby we might render and publish to the world, what our reason and censure is, touching the premisses. For therefore we suppose, that Universities were first provided and instituted of Princes, to the end that both y ^e people of Christ might in the law of God be instructed, and also that false errors, if any did rise, might through the vigilant care and industry of learned Divines, be discussed, extinguished, and utterly rooted out. For the which cause, we in our assemblies and convocations (after our accustomed manner) resorting and conferring together upon the question aforesaid, and studiously debating and deliberating with our selves, how and by what order we might best proceed for the finding out of the truth of the matter, and at length choosing out certain of the best learned Doctors and Bachelers of Divinity, and other masters, have committed to them in charge, studiously to ensearch and peruse the places of holy Scripture, by the viewing and conferring of which places together, they might certify us what is to be said to the question propounded.

For as much therefore, as we having heard, and well advised, and thoroughly discussed in open disputations, what may be said on both partes of the foresaid question, those reasons and arguments do appear to us more probable, stronger, truer, and more certain, & sounding much more near to the pure and native sense of Scripture, which do deny the Bishop of Rome to have any such power given him of God in the Scripture. By reason & force of which arguments, we being persuaded and conioining together in one opinion, have with our selves thus decreed to answer unto the question aforesaid, and in these writings thus resolutely do answer in the name of y ^e whole University, & for a conclusion undoubted, do affirm, approve, & pronounce, that y ^e Bishop of Rome hath no more state, authority, and jurisdiction given him of God in the scriptures, over this Realm of England, then any other externe Bishop hath. And in testimony and credence of this our answer and affirmation, we have caused our common seal to be put to these our foresaid letters accordingly.

Steph. Wint. De Vera Obedientia.

YOu have heard before of Stephen Gardener, of Lee, of Tonstal, & of Stokesley, how of their voluntary mind, they made their profession to the king, everyone severally, taking and accepting a corporal oath, utterly and forever to renounce and reject the usurped superiority of the Bishop of Rome. Now for a further testimony and declaration of their judgments and opinions which then they were of, following the force both of truth and of time then present, ye shall hear over and beside their oaths, what the foresaid Bishops in their own Books, Prologues, and Sermons do write, and publish abroad in Printe, touching the said cause of the Popes supremacy.

And first (God willing) to begin with Stephen Gardiners book De vera Obedientia, we will briefly note out a few of his own words, wherein with great Scriptures and good deliberation he not only confuteth the Popes usurped authority, but also proveth the Marriage between the King and Queen Katherine his brothers wife, not to be good nor lawful, in these words:

Of the which moral precepts in the old law, to speak of some (for to rehearse all it needeth not) the Levitical precepts touching forbidden & incestuous marriages, as far as they concern chaste and pure wedlock, wherein the Original of man's increase consisteth, are always to be reputed of such sort, that although they were first given to the Jews: yet because they appertain to the law of nature, & expound the same more plainly unto us, therefore they belong as well to all manner of people of the whole world for evermore. In which doubtless, both the voice of nature & God's Commandment agreeing in one, have forbidden that which is contrary and diverse from the one, and from the other. And amongst these, since there is commandment that a man shall not mary his brothers wife, what could the Kings excellent Majesty do otherwise, then he did by the whole consent of the people, and judgment of his Church, that is, to be divorced from unlawful marriage, and use lawful and permitted copulation, and obeieng (as meet it was) conformably unto the commandment, cast off her whom neither law nor right permitted him to retain, and take him to chaste and lawful marriage? wherein although the sentence of God's word (whereunto all things ought to stoop) might have suffised: yet his Majesty was content to have the assisting consents of the most notable grave men, and the censures of the most famous Universities of the whole world: and all to the intent, that men should see he did that, both that he might do and ought to do uprightly, seeing the best learned and most worthy men have subscribed unto it, showing therein such obedience, as God's word requireth of every good & godly man: so as it may be said, that both he obeyed God, and obeyed him truly. Of which obedience, forasmuch as I am purposed to speak, I could not pass this thing over with silence, whereof occasion so commodiously was offered me to speak.

Winchesters reasons against the Popes supremacy.

Moreover, the said Gardener in the forenamed book De vera obedientia, what constancy he pretendeth, what arguments he inferreth, how earnestly and pithely he dsputeth on the Kings side against the usurped state of the Bishop of Rome's authority, by the words of his book it may appear: whereof a brief collection here followeth.

IN the process of his foresaid book, he alleging the old distinction of the Papists, wherein they give to the Prince the regiment of things temporal, and to the church of things spiritual, comparing the one to the greater light, the other to the lesser light, he confuteth and derideth the same distinction, declaring the sword of the Church to extend no farther, then to teaching and excommunication, and referreth all preeminence to the sword of the Prince, alleging for this the Psal. 2. And now you Kings be wise, and be learned you that judge the earth, &c.

Also the example of Solomon: who being a King, according to his fathers appointment ordained the offices of the Priests in their ministries, and Levites in their order, that they might give thanks, and minister before the Priests, after the order of every day, and porters in their divisions gate by gate.

And speaking more of the said Solomon, he saith: For so commanded the man of God, neither did the Priests, nor Levites omit anything of all that he had commanded, &c.

Beside this, he allegeth also the example of King Hezekiah 2. Paralip. 28. He alledgeth moreover the example and fact of Justinian, which made laws touching the faith, Bishops, Clerks, heretics, and such other.

Aaron, (saith he) obeyed Moses. Solomon gave sentence upon Abiathar the high Priest.

Alexander the King in the first of Maccabees, writeth thus to Ionathas: Now have we made thee this day the high Priest of thy people, &c. So did Demetrius to Simon.

Then coming to the words of Christ, spoken to Peter, Math. 16. upon which words the Pope pretendeth to build all his authority: to this he answereth, that if Christ by those words had limited unto Peter any such special state or preeminence above all princes, then were it not true that is written, Caepit Jesus docere & facere: for as much as the words of Christ should then be contrary to his own facts and example, who in all his life never usurped either to himself any such domination above Princes, showing himself rather subject unto Princes, nor yet did ever permit in his Apostles any such example of ambition to be seen: but rather rebuked them for seeking any manner of maioritie amongst them.

And where he reasoneth of the Kings style and title, being called the King of England, and of France, defendour of the faith, Lord of Ireland, & supreme head in earth of the Church of England immediately under Christ, &c. thus he addeth his mind & censure, saying that he seeth no cause in this title, why any mā should be offended, that the King is called head of y ^e Church of England, rather then of y ^e Realm of England, and addeth his reason thereunto saying: If the Prince & King of England be the head of his kingdom, that is, of all English men that be his subjects, is there any cause why the same English subjects should not be subject to the same head likewise in this respect because they are Christians, that is to say, for the title of godliness, as though that God which is the cause of all obedience, should now be the cause of Rebellion?

At length thus he concludeth with an exclamation, saying: To say (saith he) that a King is the head of the kingdom, and not of the Church, what an absurd, and a foolish saying is this?

And farther, adding for example, the subjection of the servant and wife: If the servant (saith he) be subject to his master, or wife to her husband being infidels, doth their conversion afterward, or name of Christians make them less subjects, then they were before? As Religion therefore doth not alter the authority of the Master over the servant, nor the husband over the wife: no more (saith he) doth it between the Prince and subjects.

Paul making no exception nor distinction of subjection, save only of that which belongeth to God, willeth all men to obey their Princes, and what Princes? Those Princes which bear the sword. And although we be bound by the Scripture to obey our Bishops and spiritual Pastors of the Church, yet that obedience diminisheth nothing the chief and head authority that ought to be given to the Prince, no more then the obedience of the servant to his Master, or of the wife to her husband exempteth them from subjection due to their superior powers.

And heerewithall he inferreth a principle of the Law. Divers Jurisdictions (saith he) proceeding from one person do not mar nor hinder themselves, but rather do confirm and fortify one another.

Again, where as the Bishop of Rome under the name of Peter doth appropriate to himself the highest place in the Church, for that he is the successor of Peter: thereunto he answereth in one word, but in that one word he answereth enough and to the full: I would (saith he) he were: for so in very deed he might well exceed & pass all kings and princes, if not in preeminence of dignity, yet in admiration & excellency of virtue. In which kind of superiority the Lord Christ would his Apostles and Ministers to go before all Kings and Emperors in the whole world.

After this, in prosecuting the argument of Peters confession, he argueth thus and saith: That as flesh and blood did not reuele to Peter that confession: so neither was that prerogative given to the flesh and blood of Peter, but to the better part, that is, to the spirit of Peter, which is to mean in respect of the spiritual confession of Peter, and not in respect of any carnal place or person, &c.

Item, if the scholar ought not to be above the master, how then could either Peter take that upon him, which Christ his master so constantly did refuse, or how can the Bishop of Rome now claim that by succession, whereof no example is to be found either in the head, or his predecessor before him? For so we read in Eusebius, both of Peter, James, & John, that they did arrogate no such primacy unto them, but were content that James surnamed Iustus, should be the Bishop of the Apostles.

And as for the name and signification of the word Primatus i. primacy, if it be taken for the first nomination, or the first place given, so he graūteth that Peter had the preferment of the first name and place in the order of the Apostles. But it followeth not, that with this primacy he had also a kingdom given. And though he were bid of the Lord to confirm his brethren: yet was he not bid to exercise an imperie upon his brethren, for so were they not his brethren, but his subjects.

Then Peter was Primus, that is, first or chief in the number of them which confessed Christ, it is not to be denied. For first he confessed, first he taught the Jews, first he stood in defense of the verity, and was the first and chief Prolocutor amongst them: but yet that maketh not, that he should therefore vendicate a general primacy and rule over all other states, and potestates of the world, no more then Apelles because he is noted the first and chief of all Paynters, therefore he ought to bear rule over all Painters? or because the University of Paris is nominate for the first and chief of other Universities, shall therefore the French king, and all other Princes in their public administratiō, wherein they are set of God, become subjects and vnderlynges to that University?

Thus after many other reasons and persuasions contained in the said book De obedientia (for I do but superficially skim over the top only of his probations and arguments) finally in the end of his peroration, he concludeth the whole sum of his mind, in this effect: first denying that the Bishop of Rome had ever any such externe iurisdictiō assigned to him absolutely from God, to reign over Kynges and Princes. For the probation whereof he hath alleged sufficiently (as he saith) the examples and doings of Christ him self, which ought to be to us all a sufficient document.

And as concerning the term of Primacie, albeit it be used sometime of the Fathers, yet the matter being well considered and rightly expounded maketh nothing for the large dominion of the Bishop of Rome, which now he doth usurp.

Also as for the perogatives granted unto Peter, by the which perogatives our Savior would crown his own gifts given unto him, crownyng not the flesh and blood of Peter, but the marvelous testimony of his confession, all this maketh nothing for the Popes purpose.

Likewise as concerning the local succession of Peter, y ^e Pope hath nothing thereby to claim. If he will be successor of Peter, he must succeed him in faith, doctrine, & conditions, & in so doing, he neither will neither yet shall need to seek for honor, but shall be honored of all good men, according as a good man should be, and that much more then he being a good man would require.

And thus Steph. Winchester, taking his lean, & bidding the Pope farewell, endeth with a freēdely exhortatiō, willing him to be wise & circumspect, & not to strive stubbornly against the truth. The light of the Gospel (saith he) so spreadeth his beams in all men's eyes, y ^t the works of the Gospel be known, the mysteries of Christ's doctrine are opened: both learned and unlearned, men & women being Englishmen borne, do see & perceive, that they have nothing to do with Rome nor with the Bishop of Rome, but that every Prince in his own dominion, is to be taken and accepted as a Vicar of God, & Uicegerent of Christ in his own boūdes. And therefore seeing this order is taken of God, that one in the Church should bear the office of teaching, another should bear y ^e office of rulyng, (which office is only limited to princes) he exhorteth him to consider the truth, and to follow the same, wherein consisteth our true and special obedience. &c.

To this book of Stephen Winchester De obedientia, we will adjoin for good felowshyp, y ^e Preface also of Edmund Boner Archdeacō then of Leycester, prefixed before the same, to the entēt that the reader seeing the judgments of these men as they were then, & again the sodeine mutation afterward of the said parties to the contrary opiniō, may learn thereby what vain glory and pomp of this world cā work in the frail nature of man, where God's grace lacketh to sustain. The Preface of Boner before the said book of Winchester De obedientia, proceedeth thus in effect, as followeth.

The Preface of Edmund Boner Archdeacon of Leycester, prefixed before Stephen Gardiners book, De obedientia.

FOr as much as some there be, no doubt (as the judgments of men be always variable) which think the controversy which is between the Kings royal Majesty, and the Bishop of Rome consisteth in this point, for that his Majesty hath taken the most excellent and most virtuous Lady Anne to wife, which in very deed is far otherwise, and nothing so: to the intent therefore that all true hearty favorers of the Gospel of Christ, which hate not, but love the truth, may the more fully understand the chief point of the controversy, and because they shall not be ignorant what is the whole voice and resolute determination of the best and greatest learned Bishops, with all the nobles and commons of England, not only in that cause of Matrimony, but also in defending the doctrine of the Gospel: here shall be published the Oration of the Bishop of Winchester (a man excellently learned in all kind of learning) entitled DE VERA OBEDIENTIA, that is, concerning true obedience. But as touching this Bishops worthy praises, there shall be nothing spoken of me at this time, not only because they are infinite, but because they are far better known to all Christendom, then becometh me here to make rehearsal. And as for the Oration it self (which as it is most learned, so it is most elegant) to what purpose should I make any words of it, seeing it praiseth it self enough, and seeing good wine needeth no tauerne bushe to utter it? But yet in this Oration, whosoever thou art, most gentle Reader, thou shalt beside other matters, see it notably and learnedly handled of what importance, and how invincible the power and excellency of God's truth is: which as it may now and then be pressed of the enemies, so it cannot possibly be oppressed and darkened after such sort, but it showeth it self again at length, more glorious and more welcome. Thou shalt see also touching obedience, that it is subject to truth, and what is to be judged true obedience. Besides this, of men's traditions, which for the most parte, be most repugnaunt against the truth of God's law. And there by the way, he speaketh of the Kings said highness marriage, which by the ripe judgment, authority and privilege of the most and principal Universities of the world, and then with the consent of the whole Church of England, he contracted with the most excellent, and most noble Lady Queen Anne. After that, touching the Kings Majesty's title, as pertaining to the supreme head of the Church of England. Lastly of all, of the false pretenced supremacy of the Bishop of Rome in the Realm of England, most justly abrogated: and how all other Bishops being felowlike to him in their function, yea and in some points above him within their own provinces, were before time bound to the King by their oath.

But be thou most surely persuaded of this good Reader, that the Bishop of Rome, if there were no cause else but only this marriage, would easily content himself, specially having some good morsel or other given him to chaw upon. But when he seeth so mighty a King, being a right virtuous and a great learned Prince, so sincerely and so heartily favor the Gospel of Christ, and perceiveth the yearly and great pray (ye so large a pray, that it came to as much almost as all the Kings revenues) snapped out of his hands, and that he can no longer exercise his tyranny in the Kings Maies • ies Realm ( alas heretofore, too cruel and bitter) nor make laws as he hath done many to the contumely and reproach of the Majesty of God, which is evident that he hath done in time past, under the title of the Catholic Church, and the authority of Peter and Paul, (when notwithstanding he was a very ravening Wolf, dressed in sheep's clothing, calling himself the servant of servants) to the great damage of the Christian common wealth: here, here began all the mischief, thereof rose these discords, these deadly malices, and so great and terrible bustling. For if it were not thus, could any man believe that this Jupiter of Olympus (which falsely hath arrogated unto himself an absolute power without controlment) would have wrought so diligently by all means possible, to stir up all other Kings and Princes so traitorously against this so good and godly and so true a Gospellike Prince, as he hath done? Neither let it move thee (gentle Reader) that Winchester did not before now, apply to this opinion, for he himself in this Oration showeth the cause, why he did it not. And if he had said never a word, yet thou knowest well what a witty part it is for a man to suspend his judgment, and not to be too rash in giving of sentence. It is an old said saw: Mary Magdalene profited us less in her quick belief that Christ was risen, then Thomas that was longer in doubt. A man may rightly call him Fabius, that with his advised taking of leisure, restored the matter. Albeit I speak not this as though Winchester had not boulted out this matter secretly with himself before hand (for he without doubt tried it out long ago) but that running fair and softly, he would first with his painful study, pluck the matter out of the dark, although of it self it was clear enough, but by reason of sundry opinions, it was lapped up in darkness, and then did he debate it wittely too and fro, and so at last after long and great deliberation had in the matter, because there is no better counselor then leisure an • time, he would resolutely with his learned and cōsummate judgment confirm it.

Thou shouldest gentle Reader, esteem his censure and authority to be of more weighty credence, in as much as the matter was not rashly and at all adventures, but with judgment (as thou seest) and with wisdom examined and discussed. And this is no new example, to be against the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, seeing that not only this man, but many men often times, yea and right great learned men afore now, have done the same even in writing, whereby they both painted him out in his right colors, and made his sleights, falsehood, frauds, and deceitful wyles, openly known to the world. Therefore if thou at any time heretofore have doubted either of true obedience, or of the Kings Majesty's marriage, or title, either else of the Bishop of Rome's false pretensed supremacy, as if thou haddest a good smelling nose and a sound judgment, I think thou diddest not: yet having read this Oration, (which if thou favor the truth, and hate the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, and his Sathanicall fraudulente falsehood, shall doubtless wonderfully content thee) forsake thine error, and acknowledge the truth now freely offered thee at length, considering with thyself, that it is better late so to do, then never to repent. Fare thou heartily well most gentle Reader, and not only love this most valiant King of England & of France, who undoubtedly was by the providence of God, borne to defend the Gospel, but also honor him and serve him most obediently. As for this Winchester, who was long ago without doubt reputed among the greatest learned men, give him thy good word with highest commendation. The end of Bishop Boners Prologue.

What man reading and advising this book of Winchester De vera obedientia, with Boners Preface before the same, would ever have thought, any alteration could so work in man's heart, to make these men thus to turn the catte (as they say) in the panne, and to start so suddenly from the truth so manifestly known, so pith • lie proved, so vehemently defended, and (as it seemed) so faithfully subscribed. If they dissembled all this that they wrote, subscribed, and sware unto: what perjury most execrable was it before God and man? If they meant good faith, and spake then as they thought, what pestilent blindness is this so suddenly fallen upon them, to make that false now, which was true before, or that to be now true, which before was false? Thus to say & unsay, & then to say again, to do and undo, & as a mā would say, to play fast or loose with truth, truly a man may say, is not the doing of a man, which is in any case to be trusted, whatsoever he doth or saith. But here a man may see what man is of himself, when God's good humble spirit lacked to be his guide.

Furthermore, to add unto them, the judgment also and arguments of Tonstall Bishop of Duresme, let us see how he agreeth with them, or rather much exceedeth, them in his Sermon made before King Henry upon Palmesonday, remaining yet in print. In the which Sermon, disputing against the wrongful supremacy of the Bishop of Rome, he proveth by manifest grounds most effectuously, both out of the Scripture, ancient Doctors, and of Councils, not only that the Bishop of Rome hath no such authority by the word of God committed to him, as he doth challenge: but also in requiring & chalēging the same, he reproveth & condemneth him with great zeal & ardent spirit to be a proud Lucifer, disobediente to the ordinary Powers of God set over him, contrary to Christ and Peter, and finally in raising up war against us for y ^e same: he therefore rebuketh and defieth him, as a most detestable sower of discord, and murderer of Christian men.

FIrst by the scripture he reasoneth thus & proveth, that all good mē ought to obey the potestates, & Governors of y ^e world, as Emperors, Kings & Princes of all sortes, what name soever the said supreme powers do bear or use for their countries in which they be, for so S. Peter doth plainly teach us 1. Pet. 2. saying: Be ye subject to every human creature for God's cause, whether it be Kyng as chief head, or Dukes or Governors, &c. So that S. Peter in his Epistle commandeth all worldly Princes in their office to be obeyed as the Ministers of God, by all Christian men. And according unto the same, S. Paul Ro. 13. saith: Let every living man be subject to the high powers, for the high powers be of God, and who soever resisteth the high powers, resisteth the ordinance of God, and purchaseth thereby to himself damnation, &c.

And in the same place of Tonstall, it followeth: and least men should forget their duty of obedience to their Princes, it is thrice repeated: that they be the ministers of God, whose place in their governance they represent: so that unto them all men must obey Apostles, Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, Priests, and all of the Clergy, &c. And therefore (saith he) the Bishop of Rome oweth to his seueraigne and superior like subjection by the word of God, taught unto us by Peter and Paul, as other Bishops do to their princes, under whom they be. &c.

Also, another express commandment we have of Christ. Luk. 22. who upon the occasion of his disciples striving for superiority, discusseth the matter, saying on this 〈◊〉 : The kings of the people and nations have dominion over them, and those that have power over them be called gracious Lord's, but so it shall not be amongst you. But whosoever amongst you is the greater shall be as the younger. And whosoever amongst you shall be chief, shall be as a servant and a minister. &c.

And again, Christ speaking to Pilate of his kingdom declareth that his kingdom is not of this world, & therefore saith Tonstall, those that go about to make of Christ's spiritual kingdom, a worldly kingdom, do fall into the error of some heretics that look that Christ after the day of judgment, shall reign with all his saints here in earth carnally in Jerusalem, as the Jews do believe that Messias is yet to come and when he shall come, he shall reign worldly in Jerusalem.

By these and such other places it may well appere, that Christ neither before his incarnation, (as Tonstall saith) nor after his incarnation, did ever alter the authority of worldly kings and Princes, but by his own word, commanded them still to be obeyed of their subjects, as they had been in the ancient time before. &c. And for examples of the same, he alledgeth first y ^e example of Christ himself. Matthew. 22. who being asked of the Jews, whether they should give tribute to Caesar or no, he bad thē give to Caesar those things that be his, and to God those things that be his, signifying that tribute was due to Caesar, and that their souls were due to God. &c.

Also, in the 17. of Matthew it appeareth that Christ bad Peter pay tribute for him and his Disciples, when it was demanded of him. And why? Because he would not change the order of obeysaunce to worldly Princes due by their subjects. &c.

An other example of Christ he citeth out of the 6. of John, where after Christ had fed five thousand and moe, with a few loaves, and fewer fishes, and that the Jews would have takē him and made him their king, he fled from them, and would not consent unto them. For the kingdom (saith he) that he came to set h • re in earth, was not a worldly and temporal kingdom, but an heavenly and spiritual kingdom, that is, to reign spiritually by grace and faith in the hearts of all Christian and faithful people, of what degree, or of what nation soever they be, and to turn all people and nations, which at his coming were carnal & lived after the lusts of the flesh, to be spiritual and to live after the lusts of the spirit, that Christ with his father of heaven, might reign in the hearts of all men. &c.

And here in these examples of Christ's humility, farther is to be noted, how Christ the son of God did submit himself, not only to the rulers and powers of this world, but also dejected himself and in a manner, became servant to his own Apostles: so far of was he from all ambitious and pompous seeking of worldly honor: For so appeared in him, not only by washing the feet of his Apostles, but also the same time a little before his passion, when the Apostles fell at contention among themselves, who among thē should be superior, he setting before them the example of his own subjection, asketh this question: Who is superior, he that sitteth at the Table, or he that serveth at the Table? Is not he superior that sitteth? but I am amongst you, as he that ministereth, and serveth. &c.

The like examples Tonstall also inferreth of Peters humility. For where we read in the Acts, how the Centurion a noble man of great age, did prostrate himself upon the ground at the feet of Peter: then Peter not suffering that eftsoons took him up and bad him rise, saying: I am also a man as thou art.

So likewise did the Angel, Apocalypse. 19. and 22. to whom when John would have fallen down to have adored him which shown him those visions, the Angel said unto him: See thou do not so, for I am the servant of God, as thou art. &c.

Agayne in the foresaid Peter what an example of reverent humility is to be seen in this, that notwithstanding he with other Apostles having his commission to go over all yet nevertheless he being at Joppa and sent for by Cornelius, durst not go to him, without the vision of a sheet let down from heaven, by the which vision he was admonished not to refuse the Gentiles: or else he knew in himself no such primacy over all people and places givē unto him, nor no such commission so large above the other. &c.

Furthermore, the said Peter being rebuked of Paul his fellow brother, took no scorn thereof, but was content, submitting himself to due correction.

But here, saith Tonstall, steppeth in the B. of Rome and saith that Peter had authority given above all the residue of the Apostles, & alledgeth the words of Christ spoken to him. Math. 16. Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, & will give to thee, the keys of the kingdom of heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, shall be bound in heaven. This said Christ, saith the Pope, and S. Peter is buried at Rome, whose succor I am, and ought to rule the Church, as Peter did, and to be porter of heavē gates, as Peter was. &c.

And Christ said also to Peter after his resurrection: Feede my sheep, which he spake to him only, so that thereby he had authority over all that be of Christ's flock, and I as his successor, have the same. And therefore who so will not obey me, King or Prince, I will curse him, and deprive him of his kingdom or seigniory: For all power is given to me, that Christ hath, and I am his Vicar general, as Peter was here in earth, over all & none but I, as Christ is in heaven.

This ambitious and pompous objection (saith Tonstall) of the Pope, and his adherents, hath of late years much troubled the world, and made dissention, bebate, and open war in all partes of Christiandome, & all by a wrong interpretatiō of the Scripture. Who if he would take those places after the right sense of them, as both the Apostles themselves taught us, and all the ancient best learned interpretours do expound them, the matter were soon at a point. But otherwise, since they pervert the Scripture, and preach another Gospel in that point to us, then ever the apostles preached, we have therein a general rule to follow: That though an Angel came from heaven, and would tell us such new expositions of those places, as are now made, to turn the words, which were spoken for spiritual authority of preaching the word of God, and ministering of the Sacraments to a worldly authority, we ought to reject him, as S. Paul willeth us Gala. 1.

To open therefore the true sense of the Scripture in the places aforesaid, and first to begin with the 16. Chapiter of Matthew here is to be observed, that the question being put in general of Christ to all his Apostles, what they thought or judged of him, Peter answering for them all, as he was always ready to answer, said: Thou art Christ, the son of the living God. To whom Jesus answered again: Blessed be thou Simon the Son of Jonah: for flesh and blood hath not revealed this unto thee, but my Father which is in heaven: And I say to thee, thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. That is to say: upon this rock of thy confession of me to be the Son of GOD, I will build my Church: for this faith containeth the whole summarye of our faith and saluatiō, as it is written Rom. 10. The word of faith, that we do preach is at hand, in thy mouth and in thine heart. For if thou confess with thy mouth our Lord Jesus Christ, & with thy heart do believe that God raised him frō death to life thou shalt be saved &c. And this confession being first uttered by the mouth of Peter, upon the same confession of his, & not upon the person of Peter, Christ buildeth his Church, as Chrysostom expoundeth that place in the 26. Sermon of y ^e feast of Pentecost, saying: Not vpō the person of Peter, but vpō the faith, Christ hath built his church. And what is the faith? This: Thou art Christ the son of the living God. What is to say, upon this rock? That is, upon this confessiō of Peter. &c. And with this saying of Chrysostom, all ancient expositors, saith Tonstal treating that place, do agree, For if we should expound that place, that the church is built vpō the person of Peter, we should put another foundation of the Church, then Christ, which is directly against S, Paul, saying: No man may put any other foundation, but that which is put already, which is Christ Jesus. &c.

And because Peter was the first of all the Apostles, that confessed this, that Christ is the son of God, by y ^e which faith all men must be saved: thereof cometh the primacy, that is, the first place or standing of Peter in the mumber of all the Apostles.

And as Peter was the first of them that confessed Christ to be the son of God, so was he most ardent in his faith, most bold and hardy in Christ, as appeared by his coming out of the ship in the great tempest, and also most vehement in his masters cause, as appeared by drawing out his sword, and after the Lord's resurrection, is declared in the 2.3.4. chapiter of the Acts: where as the Jews withstanding the Apostles preaching the faith of Christ, Peter as most ardent in faith, was ever most ready to defend the faith against the impugners thereof, speaking for them all unto the people. &c. and therefore hath these honorable names given him, by the ancient interpreters, y ^t sometimes he is called the mouth of the Apostles, y ^e chief of the Apostles, some time the Prince of the Apostles, some time the President of the whole Church, & some time hath the name of primacy, or priority attributed to him.

And yet the said Peter notwithstanding these honorable names givē unto him, that he should not have a rule or a iudicial power above all the other Apostles, it is plain by S. Paul and many other.

First, S. Paul Gal. 2. plainly declareth the same, saying: That as the Apostleship of the Circumcision, that is, of the Jews, was given by Christ to Peter: so was the Apostleship of the Gentiles given to me among the Gentiles. Hereby it appeareth that Paul knew no primacy of Peter concerning people & places, but among the Jews. And thereof S. Ambrose expounding that place, saith thus: The primacy of the Jews was given chiefly to Peter, albeit James and John were joined with him: as the primacy of the Gentiles was given to Paul, albeit Barnabas was joined with him: So that Peter had no rule over all.

Also in the Acts 10. when Peter was sent for to Cornelius a Gentile, he durst not go to him without a special vision given him from heaven by the Lord.

Item, that all the Apostles had like dignity and authority, it appeareth by S. Paul Ephes. 2. Where he saith: Now ye are not strangers, nor foreners but ye be Citizens with the Saints and of the household of almighty God, built (saith he) upon the foundation of the Apostles, and the Prophets, Christ being the corner stone: upon whom every edifice being built, groweth up to an holy temple in our Lord. &c. Here he saith that they be built, not upon the foundation of Peter only, but upon the foundation of the Apostles, so that all they be in the foundation set upon Christ the very rock, wherupō standeth the whole Church.

In the 21. chap. also of the Apoca. the new City, and the heavenly Jerusalem of almighty God is described of the holy ghost, not with one foundation only of Peter, but with 12. foundations, after the number of the Apostles.

S. Cyprian Lib. De simplic. prael. giveth record likewise to the same, that the Apostles had equal power & dignity given to them by Christ. And because all should preach one thing, therefore y ^e beginning thereof first came by one which was Peter, who confessed for them all: That Christ was the Son of the living God, saying further, that in the Church there is one office of all the Bishops, whereof every man hath a part allowed wholly unto him. Now, if the Bishop of Rome may meddle over all, where he will: then every man hath not wholly his part, for the bishop of Rome may also meddle in his part jointly, with him: so that now he hath it not wholly: which is against Cyprian.

S. Agustine likewise expounding the Gospel of John, in the 50. treaty, speaketh there of the keys of Peter. Which he saith were given of Christ to Peter, not for himself alonely, but for the whole Church.

Cyrillus expounding the last chapter of John, & there speaking of the words of Christ spoken unto Peter, Feed my sheep. &c. thus understandeth the same: That because Peter had thrice denied Christ, whereby he thought himself he had lost his Apostleship: Christ to comfort him again, and to restore him to his office that he had lost, asked him thrice, whether he loved him, and so restored him again to his office, which else he durst not have presumed unto, saying unto him: Feed my sheep. &c. With which exposition the ancient holy expositors of that place, do likewise agree: So that by these words of feeding Christ's sheep, the Bishop of Rome can take no advantage to maintain his universal pastoralty over all Christian dominions.

Agayne, where as the Bishoppe of Rome saith, that Peter by these words of Christ spoken to him, hath a preeminence above the other, S. Paul Acts. 20. proveth the contrary: where he speaking to the Bishops assembled at Milete, saith to them: Take heed to yourselves, and to all your flock, in which the holy Ghost hath put you to govern. &c.

And Peter himself likewise. 1. Pet. 5. saith: Ye that be Priests feed the flock of God amongst you &c.

So that by these Scriptures conferred together, it may appear that neither the 16. Chapiter of Matthew nor the 21. of John do prove that Peter had power, authority, or dignity given him of Christ, over all the other, that they should be under him: and yet notwithstanding his primacy, in that he first of all the Apostles confessed Christ to be the Son of the living God (with the which confession all the other Apostles did consent, and also preached the same) standeth still· Which confession first by Peter made, all other that will be saved, must follow also, and be taught to confess the same. And thus the Bishop of Rome's power over all, which he would prove by those places wrongfully alleged for his purpose, utterly quayleth, and is not proved. And thus much for the Scriptures and Doctors.

Now farther proceeding in this matter, the said Tonstall cometh to Councils and examples of the primitive Church, as followeth.

Faustinus, Legate to the Bishop of Rome in the v • . Council of Carthage, alleged that the Bishop of Rome ought to have the ordering o • all great matters in all places by his supreme authority, bringing no Scripture for him (for at that time no Scripture was thought to make for it) but alledgeth for him, and that untruly, the first Council of Nice, to make for his purpose. After this, whē the book was brought forth, and no such article found in it, but the contrary, yet the Counsel at that time, sent to Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch, where the Patriarchal seas were, to have the true copy of the Council of Nice, which was sent unto them. And another copy also was sent from Rome whether also they sent for y ^e same purpose.

After that the copy was brought to them, and no such Article found in it, but in the fifth chapter thereof the contrary, that all causes Ecclesiastical should either be determined within the Dioces, or else, if any were grieved, then to appeal to the Counsel Provincial, and there the matter to take full end, so that for no such causes men should go out of their Provinces: the whole Counsel of Carthage wrote to Celestine at that time being Bishop of Rome, that since the Counsel of Nice had no such article in it, as was untruly alleged by Faustinus, but the contrary, they desired him to abstain after, to make anymore such demand denouncing unto him, that they would not suffer any cause great or small, to be brought by appeal, out of their country, and thereupon made a law that no man shall appeal out of the country of Aphrike upon pain to be denounced accursed. Wherewith the Bishop of Rome ever after held him content, and made no more business with them seeing he had naught to say for himself to the contrary. And at this Counsel S. Agustine was present, and subscribed the same. Read more hereof pag 10.

It was determined also in the sixte Article of the said Counsel of Nice: that in the Orient the Bishop of Antioch should be chief: in Egypt the Bishop of Alexandria: about Rome, the Bishop of Rome, and like Wise in other countries, the Metropolitans should have their preeminence: so that the bishop of Rome never had meddling in those countries.

And in the next Article following, the Bishop of Jerusalem (which City before had been destroyed, and almost desolate) was restored to his old prerogative, to be y ^e chief in Palestine and in the country of Jury.

By this ye see howe the Patriarch of Rome during all this time of the primitive Church, had no such primacye preeminēt above other Patriaches, much less over kings and Emperors, as may appear by Agatho Byshoppe of Rome long after that, in whose time was the sixth Council general. Which Agatho after his election: sent to the Emperor thē being at Constantinople, to have his electiō allowed before he would be consecrate, after y ^e old custom at that time used.

In like sort, another Bishop of Rome called Uitalianus did the same, as it is written in the Decrees in the 63. Distinct. cap. Agatho.

The like did S. Ambrose, and S. Gregory, before thē, as it is written in the chap. Cum longe, in the same. Distinct. During all which time, the bishops of Rome followed well the doctrine of S. Peter and S. Paul left unto them, to be subjects and to obey their Princes.

Thus after that Bishop Tonstall playing the earnest Lutheran, both by scriptures and ancient Doctors, also by examples sufficient of the primitive church, hath proved and declared, how the Bishops of Rome ought to submit thenselves to their higher powers, under whom God hath appointed every creature in this world to obey: now let us likewise see how the said Bishop Tonstall describeth unto us his disobedience intolerable, his pride incomparable, and his malignant malice most execrable.

And first speaking of the disobedience of Adam & Eve, then of the pride of Nabugodonosor, & of Lucifer, at length he compareth the Bishops of Rome to them all. Who first for disobedience refuse to obey God's commandment, but contrary to his word, will be above their governors, in refusing to obey them.

Secondly, beside this rebellious disobedience in these Bishops of Rome not sufferable, their pride moreover so far exceedeth all measure, that they will have their princes, to whō they owe subjection, prostrate upon y ^e ground, to adore them by godly honor upon the earth, and to kiss their feet, as if they were God, where as they be but wretched men, and yet they look that their princes should do it unto them, and also all other christen men owing them no subjection, should do the same.

And who be these I pray you, that men may know them? Surely (saith he) the Bishops of Rome be these whom I do mean. Who following the pride of Lucifer their father, make themselves fellows to God, and do exal • their seat above the stars of God, and do ascend above the clouds, and will be like to almighty God. The stars of God be meant the angels of heaven, for as stars do show unto us in part, the light of heaven, so do Aungelles sent unto men, show the heavenly light of the grace of God, to those to whom they be sent. And the clouds signified in the old Testament the Prophettes, and in the new do signify the Apostles and Preachers of the word of God. For as the clouds do conceive and gather in the skye moisture, which they after pour down upon the ground to make it thereby more fruitful: so the Prophets in the old Testament, and the Apostles and Preachers in the new, do pour into our ears the moisture of their heavenly doctrine of the word of God, to make therewith by grace, our souls being scere and dry, to bring forth fruit of the spirit. Thus do all ancient expositors, and amongst them Saint Augustine, interpret to be meant in Scripture, stars and clouds, in the exposition of the 45. Psalm.

But S. John the Evangelist writeth in the 19. chapter of the Apocalypse, & in the 22. also, that whē he would have fallen down at the Angels foot that did show him those visions there written, to have adored him with godly worship, the Angel said unto him: See thou do not so, for I am the servant of God as thou art. Geue adoration and Godly worship to God, and not to me. Here it appeareth, that the Bishops of Rome suffering all men prostrate before them to kiss their feet (yea the same Princes, to whom they owe subjection) do clime up above the stars and Angels too, offering their feet to be kissed, with shoes and all. For so I saw myself being present, 34. years ago, whē Julius thē Bishop of Rome stood on his feet, and one of his chamberlaynes held up his skyr • because it stood not (as he thought) with his dignity, that he should do it himself, that his shoo might appear, whiles a noble man of great age did prostrate himself upon the ground, and kissed his shoo: which he stately suffered to be done, as of duty. Where me think I saw Cornelius the Centurion, Captayn of the Italians • and, spoken of in the tenth Chapiter of the Acts, submitting himself to Peter, and much honoring him: but I saw not Peter there to take him up, and to bid him rise, saying I am a man as thou art, as Saint Peter did say to Cornelius: so that the Bishops of Rome, admittting such adoration due unto God, do clime above the heavenly clouds, that is to say, above the Apostles sent into the world by Christ, to water the earthly and carnal hearts of men, by their heavenly doctrine of the word of God.

Thus Bishop Tonstall having described the passing pride of the Pope, surmounting like Lucifer, above Bishops, Apostles, Aungelles, and stars of heaven, proceeding then further to the latter ende of his Sermon, cometh to speak of his rage and malice most furious and pestilent, in that he being justly put from his kingdom here: to wreak his spiteful malice, styrreth up war against us, & bloweth y ^e horn of mischief in giving our land for a spoil and pray to all, whosoever at his setting on, will come and invade us. But let us hear his own words preaching to the king and all Englishmen, touching both the popes malice, and the treason of Cardinal Poole.

Now (saith he) because he can no longer in this realm wrongfully use his usurped power in all things, (as he was wont to do) and suck out of this Realm by avarice insatiable, innumerable sums of money yearly, to the great exhausting of the same: he therefore moved and repleat with furious ire and pestilent malice, goeth about to stir all Christian nations, that will give ears to his devilish enchauntmentes, to move war against this realm of England, giving it in pray to all those, that by his instigation will invade it.

And here expounding these foresaid words (to give in pray) he declareth what great mischief they contain, and willeth every true Englisheman well to mark the same. First to make this realm (saith he) a pray to all vēturers, all spoilers, all snappehaunses, all forlornehopes, all cormorantes, all rauenors of the world, that will invade this Realm, is to say: thou possessioner of any lands of this Realm, of what degree soever thou be, from the highest to the lowest, shalt be slain and destroyed, and thy lands taken from thee by those that will have all for themselves: & thou mayest be sure to be slain, for they will not suffer thee, nor none of thy progeny to live to make any claim afterward or to be revenged, for that were their vnsurety. Thy wife shall be abused before thy face: thy daughter likewise deflowered before thee: thy children slain before thine eyes: thy house spoiled: thy cattle driu • n away & sold before thy visage: thy plate, thy money by force taken frō thee, all thy goods, wherein thou hast any delight, or hast gathered for thy children, rauened, broken and di • tributed, • n thy presence, that every rauenour may have his share. Thou Marchaunt art sure to be slain, for thou hast either money or ware, or both, which they search for Thou Byshoppe or priest, whatsoever thou be, shalt never escape, because thou wouldest not take the Bishop of Rome's part, and rebel against God and thy Prince, as he doth. If thou shalt fi • e and escape for a season, whatsoever thou be: thou shalt see and hear of so much misery and abomination, that thou shalt judge them happy, that be dead before: for sure it is, thou shalt not finally escape: For, to take the whole realm in pray, is to kill the whole people, and to take the place for themselves, as they will do if they can.

And the Bishop of Rome now of late, to set forth his pestilent malice the more, hath allured to his purpose a subject of this Realm, Reginald Poole comē of a noble blood, and thereby the more errant traitor, to go about frō Prince to Prince, and from country to country, to stir them to war against this Realm, and to destroy the same being his native country: whose pestilent purpose, the Princes that he breaketh it unto, have in much abomination, both for that the Bishop of Rome (who being a Bishop should procure peace) is a styrrer of war: and because this most errant and unkind traitor is his minister to so devilish a purpose, to destroy the country that he was borne in, which any heathen man would abhor to do.

And so continuing in his discourse against Cardinal Poole and the Bishop of Rome for stirring the people to war and mischief, he further saith, & saith truly, that for these many years past, little war hath been in these partes of Christendom, but the Bishop of Rome either hath been a styrrer of it, or a nourisher of it, and seldom any cōpounder of it, unless it were for his ambition or profit. Wherefore since, as S. Paul saith, that God is not the God of dissention but of peace, who commandeth by his word, peace always to be kept: we are sure that all those, that go about to break peace between Realms, and to bring them to war, are the childrē of the devil, what holy names soever they pretend to cloke their pestilent malice withal: which cloking under hipocrisy is double deuilishnes, and of Christ most detested, because under his blessed name, they do play the devils part.

And in the latter end of his Sermon concluding with the 39. Chapiter of Ezekiel, where the Prophet speaketh against Gog and Magog, going about to destroy the people of God, and prophesieth against them, that the people of God shall vanquish and overthrow them on the mountains of Israel that none of them shall escape, but their carcases shall there be devoured of kytes, and crows, and byrds of the air: so likewise saith he of these our enemies, wishing, that if they shall persist in their pestilent malice, to make invasion into this Realm, then their great Captayne Gog (the bishop of Rome he meaneth) may come w ^t them, to drink with them of the same cup, which he maliciously goeth about to prepare for us, that y ^e people of God might after quietly live in peace,

We have heard hitherto the oaths, censures, and judgments of certain particular Bishops of York, of Winchester, of London, of Duresme, and also of Edmund Bonor, Archdeacon then of Leycester, against the Popes unlawful vsurpatiō. Now for the more fortification of the matter, and satisfying of the Reader, it shall not be much out of purpose, besides the consent and approbatiō of these aforesaid, to infer also the public and general agreement of the whole Clergy of England, as in a total sum together, confirmed and ratified in their own public book, made and set forth by them about the same time, called then the Bishops book. In the which book, although many things were very slender & imperfect, yet as touching this cause of the Bishop of Rome's regalty, we will hear (God willing) what their whole opinion & provincial determinatiō did conclude, according as by their own words in the same book, is to be seen word for word, as followeth, subscribed also with their own names: the Catologue of whom under their own confession, shall appere.

WE think it convenient, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach the people committed unto their spiritual charge, y ^t where as certain men do imagine and affirm, that Christ should give unto the Bishop of Rome power and authority, not only to be head & governor of all Priests & Bishops in Christ's Church, but also to have and occupy the whole Monarchy of the world in his hands, and that he may thereby lawfully depose kings and Princes from their realms, dominions, and seignories, and so transfer and give the same to such persons as him liketh that is utterly false and untrue: For Christ never gave unto S. Peter, or unto any of the Apostles, or their success • rs, any such authority. And the Apostles, S. Peter and S. Paul do teach and command, that all Christian people, as well Priests and Bishops as others, should be obedient and subject unto the Princes and Potentates of the world, although they were infidels.

And as for the Bishop of Rome, it was many hundred years after Christ, before he could acquire or get any primacy or governance above any other Bishops, out of his province in Italy: since the which time he hath ever usurp • more and more. And though some part of his power was given unto him by the consent of the Emperors, Kings and Princes, and by the consent also of the Clergy in general Counsels assembled: yet surely he atteyned the most part thereof by marvelous subtlety and craft, and specially by colluding with great kings and princes, sometime training them into his devotion by pretence and color of holiness and sanctimony, and sometime constraining them by force and tyranny. Whereby the said Bishops of Rome aspired and ro • e at length unto such greatness in strength and authority, that they presumed and took upon thē to be heads & to put laws by thyr own authority, not only unto all other Bishops within Christiandome, but also unto the Emperors, Kings, & other the Princes and Lord's of the world, and that under the pretence of the authority committed unto them by the Gospel. Wherein the said Bishops of Rome do not only abuse and pervert the true sense and meaning of Christ's word: but they do also clean contrary to the use and custom of the priprimitiue Church: and so do manifestly violate, as well the holy Canons made in the Church immediately after the time of the Apostles, as also the degrees and constitutions made in that behalf, by the holy Fathers of the Catholic church assembled in the first general councils. And finally they do transgress their own profession, made in their creation. For all the Bishops of Rome always when they be consecrated and made Bishops of that See, do make a solemn profession and vow, that they shall inviolably observe and keep all the ordinances made in the eight first general Councils: among the which it is specially provided & enacted, that all causes shall be finished and determined with in the province where the same begun, and that by the bishops of the same province: and that no Bishop shall exercise any jurisdiction out of his own diocese or province. And diverse such other Canons were then made and confirmed by the said councils, to repress and take away out of the Church, all such primacy and jurisdiction over kings and Bishops, as the Bishops of Rome pretend now to have over the same. And we find that diverse good fathers Bishops of Rome did greatly reprove, yea and abhor (as a thing clean contrary to the Gospel, and the decrees of the church) that any Bishop of Rome, or else where, should presume, usurp, or take upon him the title and name of y ^e universal bishop, or of the head of all priests, or of y ^e highest priest, or any such like title. For confirmation whereof, it is out of all doubt, y ^t there is no mention made, neither in Scripture, nor in the writings of any Autenticall doctor or author of the Church, being within the time of the apostles, that Christ did ever make or institute any distinction or difference to be in the preeminence of power, order or jurisdiction, between the Apostles thenselves, or between y ^e bishops themselves, but y ^t they were all equal in power order, authority, & jurisdiction. And that there is now and since y ^e time of the Apostles, any such diversity, or difference among the Bishops, it was devised by the ancient fathers of the primitive Church, for the conservation of good order and unity of the Catholic church and that either by the consent and authority, or else at the least by the permission and sufferance of the princes and civil powers for the time ruling. &c.

And shortly after followeth: And for the better confirtion of this part, we think it also convenient, that all Bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach the people committed unto their spiritual charge, that Christ did by express words prohibit, that none of his Apostles nor any of their successors, should under the pretence of the authority given unto them by Christ, take upon them y ^e authority of y ^e sword: y ^t is to say, the authority of kings, or of any civil power in this world, yea or any authority to make laws or ordinances in cau •• s appertaining unto civil powers. Truth it is, the priests and bishops may execute all such temporal power & jurisdiction, as is committed unto them by y ^e ordinance & authority of kings or other civil powers & by the consent of the people (as officers and ministers under the said kings and powers) so long as it shall please the said kings and people to permit and suffer them so to use and execute the same. Notwithstanding if any bishop of what estate or dignity so ever he be, be he bish. of Rome or of any other city, province, or diocese, do presume or take upon him authority or jurisdiction in causes or matters which appertain unto kings and the civil powers and their Courtes, and will maintain or think that he may so do by y ^e authority of Christ and his Gospel, although y ^e kings and princes would not permit and suffer him so to do: No doubt that Bishop is not worthy to be called a Bishop, but rather a tyranne & an usurper of other men's rightes, contrary to the laws of god, and is worthy to be reputed none otherwise then he that goeth about to subvert the kingdom of Christ. For the kingdom of Christ in his Church is a spiritual, and not a carnal kingdom of the world, that is to say, the very kingdom that Christ by himself, or by his Apostles and disciples sought here in this world, was to bring all nations from the carnal kingdom of the prince of darkness, unto the light of his spiritual kingdom, & so to reign himself in the harts of the people by grace, faith, hope, and charity. And therefore since Christ did never seek nor exercise any worldly kingdom or dominion in this world, but rather refusing and fleeing from y ^e same, did leave the said worldly governance of kingdoms, realms, and nations, to be governed by Princes & potentates (in like manner as he did find them) & commanded also his Apostles and Disciples to do the sēblable, as it was said before: whatsoever priest or bishop will arrogate or presume vpō him any such authority, and will pretend e the authority of the Gospel for his defense therein, he doth nothing else, but (in a manner as you would say) crowneth Christ again with a crown of thorn, and traduceth & bringeth him forth again with his mantle of purpure upon his back, to be mocked and scorned of the world, as the Jews did to their own damnation.

This doctrine was subscribed and allowed by the witness and testimony of these bishops and other learned mē, whose names hereunder follow, as appeareth in the Bishops book aforenamed.

*Testes.
• Thomas Cantarien.
• Edouardus Ebor.
• Johannes London.
• Cuthbertus Dunel..
• Stephanus Winton.
• Robertus Carliolen.
• Johannes Exon.
• Johannes Lincoln.
• Johannes Bathonien.
• Rolandus Couen. & Lich.
• Thomas Elien.
• Nicolaus Sarum.
• Johannes Bangor.
• Edouardus Herefor.
• Hugo Wigornien.
• Johannes Roffen,
• Richardus Cicestren,
• Guliel. Norwicen.
• Gulielmus Meneuen.
• Robertus As • auen.
• Robertus Landauen.
• Richardus Wolman. Archdiaco. Sudbur.
• Gulielmus Knight. Arch. Richmond.
• Johannes Bel. Arch. Gloucester.
• Edmundus Boner. Archdia Leicester.
• Gulielmus Skippe, Archdiaco. Doset.
• Nicholaus Heth. Archdiaco Stafford.
• Cuthbertus Mashall. Arch. Nottingham.
• Ricardus Curten. Archdia. Oxford.
• Gulielmus Glife.
• Galfridus Dovnes,
• Robertus Oking.
• Radulphus Bradford.
• Richardus Smith.
• Simon Matthew.
• Johannes Prin.
• Guliel Buckmaster,
• Gulielmus May.
• Nicolaus Wotton.
• Ricardus Coxe.
• Johannes Edmundes.
• Thomas Robertson,
• Johannes Baker.
• Thomas Barret.
• Johannes Hase.
• Johannes Tyson.

These were Doctors of Divinity, and of both Laws.

Judge now thyself (loving reader) per confessata & allegata : that is, by these things heretofore confessed, alleged, allowed, proved and confirmed, by pen set forth, by words defended, and by oath subscribed by these Bishops and Doctors, if either Martin Luther himself or any Lutheran else could or did ever say more against y ^e proud usurpation of the Bishop of Rome, then these men have done. If they dissembled otherwise then they meant, who 〈1 page duplicate〉 could ever dissemble so deeply, speaking so pithily? If they meant as they spake, who could ever turn head to tail so suddenly & so shortly as these men did? But because these things we write for edification of other, rather then for commendation of them; let us mark therefore their reasons, and let the persons go.

And although the said proofs and arguments heretofore alleged, might suffice to the full discussion of this matter against y ^e Popes usurped primacy: yet because many do yet remain, which will not be satisfied, to refel therefore & confute this popish article of the popes vain and proud primacy, with as much matter and furniture of reasons & allegations as the writings and testimonies of these Bishops and others do minister unto us: we mind (the Lord willing) to annex to th • se former confirmations of the bishops aforesaid, another supplement also of a certain Epistle sent by Bishop Tonstall, and by John Stokesley bishop of London, to Cardinal Poole, for a more ample confutation of the usurped power.

Concerning the argument of which Epistle, here is first to be understanded, that about this time or not much over, Cardinal Poole brother to the Lord Montagew, was attaynted of high treasō, and fled away unto Rome, where within a short time after, he was made Cardinal of S. Mary Cosmeden: of whō more is to be spoken hereafter, the Lord so permitting, when we come to the time of Queen Mary. In the mean time he remaining at Rome, there was directed unto him a certain Epistle exhortatory by Stokesley Bishop of London, and Tonstal Bishop of Duresme, persuading him to relinquishe and abandon the supremacy of the Pope, and to conform himself to the religion of his king. The copy of which his Epistle for the reasons and arguments therein contained about the same matter, we thought here not unworthily to be put in, or unprofitable to be read. The tenor whereof here followeth.

When all other kings subjects, and the learned of the Realm had taken and accepted the oath of the kings supremacy, only Fisher the Bishop of Rochester & Syr Thomas More refused (as is aforesaid) to be sworn: who therefore falling into the danger of the law, were committed into the Tower, and executed for the same. an. 1535. This John Fisher aforesaid, had written before against Oecolampadius, whose book is yet extant, and afterward against Luther.

Also amongst other his acts he had been a great enemy and persecutor of John Frith, the godly learned Martyr of Jesus Christ, whom he and Syr Thomas Moore caused to be burned a year and a half before, and shortly after the said fisher, to his confusion, was charged with Elizabeth Barton called the holy maid of Kent) and found guilty by act of Parleament, as is above recorded. For his learning and other virtues of life, this Bishop was well reputed and reported of many, and also much lamented of some. But whatsoever his learning was, pity it was, that he being endued with that knowledge, should be so far drowned in such superstition: more pity that he was so obstinate in his ignorance: but most pity of all that he so abused the learning he had, to such cruelty as he did. But thus commonly we see come to pass, as the Lord saith: That who so striketh with the sword, shall perish with the sword, and they that stain their hands with blood, seldom do bring their bodies dry to the grave: as commonly appeareth by the end of bloody tyrants, and especially such as be persecutors of Christ's poor members. In the number of whom was this Bishop and sir Thom. More, by whom good John Frith, Teukesbery, Thomas Hytten, Bayfild, with diverse other good saints of God, were brought to their death. It was said, that the Pope, to recompense Bishop Fisher for his faithful service, had elected him Cardinal, and sent him a Cardinals hat as far as Calais, but the head it should stand upon, was as hie as London bridge, ere ever y ^e Popes hat could come to him. Thus Bishop Fisher and Syr Thomas More, which a little before had put John Frith to death for heresy against the Pope, were themselves executed and beheaded for treason against the king, the one the xxij. of June, the other the vi. of July. ann. 1535.

Of sir Tho. More something hath been touched before, who was also recounted a man both witty & learned, but whatsoever he was beside, a bitter persecutor he was of good men, and a wretched enemy against the truth of the Gospel, as by his books left behind him may appear, wherein most slanderously and contumeliously he writeth against Luther Zwinglius, Tindal, Frith, Barns, Bayfild, Bainham, Teukesbery, falsely belying their articles & doctrine, as (God granting me life) I have sufficient matter to prove against him.

Briefly, as he was a sore persecutor of them that stood in defense of the Gospel: so again on the other side, such a blind devotion he bare to the Pope holy See of Rome, & so willfully stood in the Popes quarrel against his own prince, that he would not give over till he had brought y ^e Scaffolde of the Tower hill with the axe and all upon his own neck.

Edward Hall in his Chronicle writing of the death and manners of this Syr Thomas More, seemeth to stand in doubt, whether to call him a foolish wise man, or a wise foolish man. For as hy nature he was endued with a great wit, so the same again was so mingled (saith he) with taunting and mocking, that it seemed to them that best knew him, that he thought nothing to be well spoken, except he had ministered some mock in the communication: in so much as at his coming to the Tower, one of the officers demanding his upper garment for his fee, meaning his gown, he answered that he should have it, and took him his cap, saying it was the vppermoste garment that he had. Likewise, even going to his death, at the Tower gate a poor woman called unto him, & besought him to declare that he had certain evidences of hers in the time that he was in office (which after he was apprehended, she could not come by) and that he would entreat that she might have them again, or else she was 〈◊〉 ▪ He answered, Good woman, have patience a little 〈◊〉 , for the king is good unto me, that even within this half hour he will discharge me of all businesses, and help thee him self. Also when he went up the stair on the Scaffold, he desired one of the Sheriffs officers to give him his hand to help him up, and said, when I come down again, let me shyft for myself so well as I can. Also the hangman kneeled down to him, asking him forgiveness of his death, as the manner is. To whom he said, I forgive thee, but I promise thee, that thou shalt never have honesty of y ^e striking of my head, my neck is so short. Also, even when he should lay down his head on the block, he having a great gray beard, striked out his beard, and said to the hangman, I pray you let me lay my beard over the block least you should cut it. Thus with a mock he ended his life.

There is no doubt but that the Popes holiness hath hallowed and dignified these two persons long since, for Catholic martyrs. Neither is it to be doubted, but after an hundred years expired, they shall also be shrined & portissed dying as they did in that quarrel of the church of Rome, y ^t is in taking the bishop of Rome's part against their own ordinary & natural prince. Wherunto (because y ^e matter asketh a long discourse, & a peculiar tractation) I have not in this place, much to contend with Cope my friend. This briefly for a memorandum may suffice, that if the causes of true martyrdom ought to be pondered, & not to be numbered, & if the end of martyrs is to be weighed by judgment, & no • by affection: then the cause and quarrel of these men standing as it doth, & being tried by God's word, perhaps in y ^e Popes kingdom they may go for martyrs, in who • e cause they died: but certes in Christ's kingdom their cause will not stand, how so ever they stand them selves.

The like also is to be said of the three monks of Charterhouse, Exmewe, Middlemore, and Nudigate, who the same year in the month of June, were likewise attached and arrained at Westminster, for speaking certain traiterous words against the kings crown and dignity: for the which they were hanged, drawn, and quartered at Tyborne, whō also, because Cope my good freēd doth repute & accept in the number of holy Catholic Martyrs, here would be asked of him a question: What Martyrs be they, which standing before the judge, deny their own words and sayings, and plead not guilty, so as these Carthusians did? whereby it appeareth, that they would neither have stand nor have died in that cause as they did, if they might otherwise have escaped by denying. Wherefore if my friend Cope had been so well advised in setting out his martyrs, as God might have made him, he would first have seen the true records, & ben sure of the ground of such matters whereupon he so confidently pronounceth, and so censoriously controlleth others.

In the same cause & quarrel of treason also, the same year, a little before these aforesaid in the month of May, were executed with the like punishment, John Houghton, Prior of the Charterhouse in London, Robert Laurēce Prior of the Charterhouse of Beluaile, Agustine Webste • Prior of the Charterhouse of Exham.

Beside and with these three Priors, suffered likewise the same time two other Priests, one called Reignolde, brother of Zion, the other named John Hail vicar of Thistleworth.

Divers other Charterhouse monks also o • Londō were then put in prison, to the number of nine or ten, and in the same prison died, for whom we will (the Lord willing) reserve another place hereafter to entreat of more at large.

In y ^e mean time, for so much as y ^e foresaid Cope in his doughty Dialogues, speaking of these nine worthies, doth commend them so highly, and especially the three priors above recited, here by the way I would desire master Cope, simply and directly to answer me to a thing or two that I would put to him, and first, of this John Houghtō that angelical Prior of the Charterhouse, his old companion & acquaintance of whō thus he writet • 〈◊〉 qui cum Ioannem illum Houghtonum cogito non tam homi •• 〈◊〉 quàm angelum in humana forma intueri mihi videor, cuius eminentes virtutes, diuinas dotes, & heroicam animi magnitudinem, nemo vnquam poterit satis pro dignitate explicare, &c. By these his own words it must needs be confessed, that the author of these Dialogues, who so ever he was, had well seen and considered the form and personable stature, proportion and shape of his excellent body, with such admiration of his personage, that (as he saith) as oft as he calleth the said John Hughton to mind, it seemeth to him, even as though he saw an angel in the shape and form of a man. Whose eminent virtues moreover, whose divine gifts, and heroical celsitude of mind, no man (saith he) may sufficiently express. &c. And how old was this M. Cope then I would know, when he saw and discerned all this? For as I understand, M. Cope being yet at this present scarce come to the age of xl. years, he could not be then above nine year old (the other suffering ann. 1535.) in the which age, in my mind, M. Cope had small discretion to judge either of any such angelical proportion of man's personage, or of his divine qualities, and heroical celsitude of his mind, as yet he remembereth in his Dialogues. Which thing among many other probabilities, maketh me vehemently to suspect, y ^t these Dialogues printed in A • twerp, ann. 1566. were brought over by M. Cope, there to be printed, but were penned & framed by another Pseudocopus, whatsoever, or in what Fleet so ever he was, unless my marks do greatly fail me. But as the case is of no great weight, so I let it pass, returning to other matters of more importance.

Shortly after, the overthrow of the Pope consequently began by little and little to follow the ruin of Abbeys & religious houses in England, in a right order & method by God's divine providence. For neither could the fall of Monasteries have followed after, unless that suppression of the Pope had gone before, neither could any true reformation of the church have been attempted, unless y ^e subversion of those superstitious houses had ben joined withal.

Whereupon the same yere in the month of October, the king having then Tho. Cromwell of his Counsel, sent Doct. Lee to visit the Abbeys, Priories, and Nunryes in all England, & to set at liberty all such religious persons, as desired to be tree, & all other that were under the age of 24. years: Prouiding withal y ^t such Monks, Canons, & Friars as were dimissed, should have given thē by the Abbot or Prior, in steed of their habit, a secular Priests gown, and xl. shillings of money: & likewise the Nuns to have such apparel as secular women did then commonly use, and suffered to go where they would. At which time also from the said Abbeys and Monasteries were taken their chief jewels and relics.

WHen the king had thus established his supremacy, & all things were well quieted within the Realm, he like a wise prince, & having wise counsel about him, forecasting with himself, what foreign dangers might fall unto him by other countries about, which all were yet in subjection to the Bishoppe of Rome, save only a few Germane princes, and misdouting the malice of the pope: to provide therefore by time for perilles that might ensue, thought good to keep in by all means possible with other Princes.

And first to entertain the favor of the French king, who had ben sick a little before, and now was lately recovered to health, in signification of public joy and friendship, the king commanded a solemn and famous procession to be ordained through the city of London, with the Waits and children of Grammar schools, with the masters and vshers in their array: Then followed the orders of the friers and Canons, and the Priours with their pomp of Copes, Crosses, Candlesticks, and vergers before them. After these followed the next pagean of Clerks & priests of London, all in Copes likewise. Then the monks of Westminster and other Abeys, with their glorious gardeuiance of Crosses, Candlesticks, and Uergers before them in like sort. Last of all came the queere of Paul's, with their residensaries, the Bishop of London and the Abbots following after in their Pontificalibus. After these courses of the Clergy, went the companies of the city, with y ^e lord Major & Aldermē in their best apparel, after their degrees And least it might be thought this Procession of the church of London, to make but a small or beggarly show, the furniture of the gay Copes there worn, was counted to the number of 714. Moreover, to fill up the joy of this procession, and for the more high service to almighty God, beside the singing queeres, & chaunting of the priests, there lacked no minstrels withal, to pipe at the processions. Briefly here lacked nothing else, but only y ^e ordinance to shoot of also. But because that is used in the Processions at Rome, therefore for difference sake, the same is reserved only for the Popes own Processions, and for none other, in the month of October.

This grand processon was appointed, for a triumph or a thanks giving for the late recouerye of the French kings health, as is aforesaid.

Ouer and besides this, the king to nourish and retain amity with kings and princes, least the Pope being exiled now out of England, should incite them to war against him, directed sundry Ambassadors and messengers with letters and instructions. To the Emperor was sent syr Tho. Wyat, to the French king syr Francis Brian, and Doct. Edw. Fox, who was also sent to the Princes of Germany, to the Scots king was sent sir Raffe Sadler, gentleman of the kings privy chamber.

In Scotland the same time were cast abroad diverse railing ballets, and slanderous rimes against the king of England, for casting of the Lady Dowager, and for abolishing the Pope: for the which cause the foresaid Sir Raffe Sadler being sent into Scotland, with lessons and instructions howe to address himself accordingly, after he had obtained access unto the king, and audience to be heard, first declareth the effectuous & hearty commendations from the kings majesty his graces uncle, and withal delivered his letters of credence. Which done, after a few words of courtly entertainment, as occasion served him to speak, the said Syr Raffe Saddler obtaining audience, thus began in the king his masters behalf, to declare, as followeth.

*The Oration of the kings ambassador.

WHeras there is nothing after the glory of almighty God, in this world so much to be tendered by kings, Princes, or any honest persons, or so highly to be regarded and defended, as their honor, estimatiō, good fame & name, which whosoever neglecteth, is to be esteemed unnatural, and unless a man labor to avoid and extinguish the false reports, slanders, and diffamations made of him by malicious persons, he may well be suspected, in conscience to condemn himself: the king your uncle considering y ^e same, and hearing of sundry ballets, criminations, and famous libels, made and untruly forged and devised in Scotland against his grace, by your graces subjects, not only upon trust to find with your grace such natural affection, friendship and amity, as the nerenes of blood between uncle & nephew, necessitude of reverence, proximitie both of kin & of dominions together doth require: but also upon assurance, that your grace and wisdom will consider howe these slanders and diffamations, although they were but against a private person, whatsoever he were, moste commonly redound and are imputed to the whole degree and estate: as the diffamation of kings toucheth kings, and so of other degrees and dignities: doth send at this time to your grace, his nephewe (other he might have sent more worthy, but me at this time, for lack of a better hath he sent) to desire, pray, and require your grace, that according as the nearenes of blood, connection of estate, & other things before expressed, of right and justice do require: beseeching your grace, gently to weigh and balaunce, & well to ponder the malice of these the said slanderers, and to call in again all the said diffamatorie ballets, libels, and other writings, punishing the authors and setters forth thereof according to their demerits: and furthermore to cause open proclamations to be made through your realm, that none of your inhabitants there shall in any manner wise so misuse himself hereafter, upon such great pain and punishment, as to your grace and your Counsaile shall be thought convenient for the transgression thereof: so that other by their correction, and by the fearful example of the penalty, may beware howe to commit the like offense in time coming.

The example of such slanders is very pernicious to all kings. For by such slanders of other princes, y ^e slanderers take boldness so to deal afterward with their own king, as they have done with other, and the next step from such slanderous words, is to attempt deeds, and so to fall to sedition: of the importance and danger whereof no man is ignorant.

Wherefore, your grace, at the comtemplation of your dear uncle, in tendering his proceedings, shall do well to follow therein the loving steppes of his good brother and all ye the French king, who hath already at Roane and sundry places else, caused certain slanderous preathers to before punished: and further directed commissions thorough his Realm for repressing the same: As also other Princes shall be ready (his Majesty trusteth) to do the like in their dominios, if like occasion shall be given to require the same of them. In which in so doing, your grace may be assured in this your gentle dealing in that part, to win your uncles most sincere & kind heart, to y ^e increase of your amity and alliance, which, as to you shall be moste honorable, so shall it be no less profitable unto him.

And thus to conclude with the first part of my narration concerning the slanderous and diffamatorie libelles, lease I should seem with prolixity of matter more then needs, to abuse your graces silence: I will now descend to the other point of that which I have to utter unto your grace, as touching the Popes Nuntio or messenger. Of whose late arriuall, the kings Majesty your uncle having partly intelligence, but not certainly knowing the special cause of his coming from Rome, and yet fearing by the common brute and talk of your subjects, what his arrande should be,: that is to practice some annoyance by his pretended censures against the kings Majesty your uncle: he therefore premonishing your grace before, as fearing the worst, most justly maketh his complaint thereof unto your grace his nephewe, requiring you, that for as much as the foresaid brutes and reports are slanderous to his Majesty: and seeing that neither the Emperor, nor the French king, nor any other Princes have consented thereto, or understood thereof, the kings majesty therefore your uncle willing to stop those brutes & talks, desireth & most heartily prayeth your grace at his instant request, to vouchsafe, to consider & way. First, the supremacy of princes by the holy scripture granted unto him & other princes in earth under Christ, upon their churches.

Secondly to weigh what the Gospel and God's word calleth a Church.

Also what superstitious, idolatries, and blind abuses have crept into all realms, to y ^e high displeasure of almighty God by reason thereof.

Fourthly, what is to be understanded by the true censure or excommunication of the Church, and how no such can be in y ^e power of the Bishop of Rome, or of any other man, against his Majesty, or any other prince having so just ground to avoid from the root, and to abolish that execrable authority, which y ^e Bishop of Rome hath usurped and doth usurp upon all princes, to their great detriment and damage.

As touching the consideration of which four pointes, although the kings majesty your uncle douteth not your grace to be furnished & provided with sufficient knowledge, rightly to discern and judge upon the same, yet if it shall so please your grace further to know your uncles mind touching the said points, I assure your highness in the behalf of your foresaid uncle his majesty, that he will not stick to send unto you such learned, wise, and discrete men as shall amply inform you thereof, and of such other things as your grace having once a smack thereof, shall think most worthy for a prince to know.

His request therefore to your highness is, that you will consider of what moment and importance it shall be unto your grace (having the Scots your subjects so evil instructed in the premisses) for you to assent and agree to any such censure, and so by such example to give such an upper hand over yourself and other princes, to that usurper of Rome, as is very like hereafter to happen in other places of Christendom, wheresoever y ^e true declaration of y ^e truth and word of God shall have free course, to scourge them, unless they will adore, worship, and kiss the feet of that corrupt holiness, which desireth nothing else but pride, and the universal thral of Christendom under Rome's yokes.

But because the censures of that Nuntio be not yet opened, but lie secrete and uncertain under muttering, I shall cease further to proceed therein, till further occasion shall minister to me more certain matter for to say and to judge. In the mean time for so much as it is most certainly come to the intelligence of the kings majesty, that y ^e Abbot of Arbroth should be chosen of late and elected to be a Cardinal in this your Realm of Scotland, his majesty therefore for the good love & hearty good will he beareth unto your grace, as y ^e uncle is bound unto y ^e nephew, knowing y ^t you as yet perceive not so well the hypocrisy and deceitful guile and malice of the Romans and their practices, as he himself doth by his long experience: could not but hearing thereof, advertise your grace, that his advise is, you should not suffer any of your subjects to take upon him that red hatte of pride: whereby he shall incontinently, the same being received, (unless he be of a contrary nature to any man that ever was yet of y ^t sort) not only be in manner discharged of his obedien • , and become the bishop of Rome's true liege man: but also shall presume of his Cardinalshyp to be your fellow, and to have the rule as well as you. Then shall the Bishop of Rome creep into your own very bosom, know all your secretes, and at last, unless you will be yoked, and serve their pleasure in all points, your grace is like to smart for it. The thing perchance in the beginning shall seem to your grace very honorable and pleasant: but wisdom would to beware of the tail, which is very black and bitter.

His majesties father, and Grandfather to your grace, had a Cardinal, whereof he was weary, and never admitted other after his decease, knowing y ^e importable pride of them. In like manner also his highness by the experience of one, hath utterly determined to avoid all the sort: So well his grace hath known & experienced their mischief, yoke, and thralldom▪ that thereby is laid upon princes. By reason whereof, as his highness is the more able by his own experience to inform your grace: so of good will & mere propēsitie of heart, caused partly by nature and kin, partly by conjunction and vicinitie of dominions adioining so near together, he is no less ready to forewarn your grace before, wishing that God will so work in your princely heart and noble stomach, that his majesties monition & friendly warning, as it proceedeth from a sincere affection and tender care of his part unto his nephewe, so it may prevail and take place in your mind, that your grace wisely in weighing with yourself, what supreme right princes have and ought to have upon their Churches and lands where they govern, & what little cause the bishop of Rome hath thereto, to proceed by unjust censures against thē: your grace may therein not only stand to the just defense of your dear uncle, but also may endeavor to follow his steps therein, & to take his counsel, which he doubteth not, but shall redound not only to your graces honor, to the benefit, weal, & profit of your realm & subjects, but especially to y ^e glory of almighty God, and advancement of his true religion.

And thus have I expounded to your grace, the sum of my errand and message from the kings majesty your uncle, who as he would be glad to be advertised by answer, of your graces purpose, mind, and intention in this behalf so for my part, according to my charge and duty, I shall be pressed and ready with all diligence, to give mine attendāce upon your pleasure for the same accordingly.

*The sum and effect of the kings message sent to the French king, in defense of his proceedings.

THe king considering the present state of his marriage which was not yet well digested ner accepted in the Courtes of other Princes: and also having intelligence of the straight amity intended by the marriages between y ^e Emperor and the French king, and also or the Popes inclination to pleasure the Emperor, and further vnderstādyng of the order and meaning of the French kings counsel, not greatly favoring his purposes, sent therefore unto France for his ambassador Edw. Fox doct. of Divinity, his Chaplain and Coūsailour, with instructions and admonitions how to frame and attemper himself in those the kings affairs. The contents of which his instructions came to this effect: That the said Edwaad Fox, first declaring to the French king the most affectuous commendations made on the kings behalf, with declaration of the kings most entire and hearty good will to understand of his prosperity, & the good success of his affairs, which his majesty no less desired then his own: and also after the kings letters being delivered to him and to other personages of his Counsaile, then, after his access made unto the king, should utter and insinuate unto the king, his masters mind & intent in these three special pointes following.

The first was, to declare the iustnes of the kings cause, concerning the late marriage with queen Anne, & divorcement of the king, from his brothers wife.

The second, to signify and express the injuries done by the Pope, as afterward shall be declared.

The third was, to win and allure to the kings devotion the Chancelor of France.

And as touching the declaration of the iustnes of the kings cause, first he taking with him certain books printed, containing the determinations of universities in that behalf, with reasons and authorities confirming the same, should distribute the said books to the Bishop of S. Line, & to other bishops, to Monsieur de Langez, & other of the kings counsel moe, and to prove after the best fashion, to obtain their approbations of the same books, & with dexterity to assay whether he could induce thē of the University of Paris, and other learned men, to send forth this book with their authorities and approbations. That done, thē he being acquainted with all those points & articles of the kings cause, in communication and conference (as the case required) should not only make answer to such things as should be objected, but also furnish & maintain the iustnes of that opinion, with his learning in such sort as he could best invent and cogitate.

As touching the second part which contained the injuries done by y ^e pope against the king the said ambassador in that behalf being a man no less acquainted, then also well beaten and ripe in the manifold misbehauiours of the Pope, from the beginning of the cause, should declare & express to the French king, how injuriously the said Pope had demeaned himself toward the kings highness: first in sending a commission decree • all, and then commanding it to be burnt: as also in promising by schedule of his own hand, not to cal the cause out of England: and moreover approving first y ^e iustnes of the kings cause, yet notwithstanding afterward went from the same, and did contrary.

Touching all which injuries received at the Popes hand, although the king had great cause justly to complain yet other injuries there were beside these, wherewith the king most especially was moved.

The one was for calling and cyting the kings highness to appear at Rome.

The other was for rejecting the person of the kings trusty subject and Chaplayne, master Kerne his ambassador, from making such allegations, as to the king in that case apperteined: beside sundry other no small greues and inconveniences, which here might be shown and alleged: But in these two especial injuries the king thought him self most chiefly touched, and aggrieved. In opening & ripping up of which injuries, & first in the said injurious calling of the king to Rome, instructions were given to the said ambassador to explicate the open violation therein, of y ^e most ancient and general councils, the Council of Nice, the council of Aphrike, & the council of Milen. In which councils, the contrary was, for quietness of the world, provided & ordered: declaring withal, how agreeable y ^e same is to all laws, reason, & equity, that Princes should not be compelled to repair to Rome, at the Popes calling, nor be bound in a matter of such weight & moment, to send out of their realms & dominions, the writings, instruments, & monuments containing the secretes of their affairs, or to make & trust a proctor being in so far distant parties, in a matter of such importance, to abide & fulfill that which the said Proctor should agree unto there. The matter and case whereof did not so much concern y ^e estate of any one prince alone, as it touched the dignity of all other Christian kings so near, that unless they would suffer themselves to be yoked with the Popes authority, it was time (in as much as the Pope now made this enterprise on thē) to ensearch and know the bottom & ground both of his & of their authority: & if anything by negligence or misuse had ben lost, to recover the same, rather then to suffer it to decay anymore. As touching all which greues, hurts, inconveniences, prejudice, & evil example which might thereof ensue, y ^e kings highness doubted not, but that his good brother the French king would assist and concur with his highness for maintenance and defense of the same.

For declaration of the second notable grief and injury done by the Pope to the kings highness, thus furthermore he was willed to insinuate to the French king, what injury or rather contumely the kings highness received at the Popes hand, in not suffering the kings subject & ambassador to allege such matter in defense of his Prince, as by law, reason, & equity was to be heard and admitted, for as much as the said ambassador doctor Kerne the kings Chaplain being at Rome, at such time as citations were there published against y ^e kings highness, & understanding his grace by thē to be called before one Capasucha, Dean of y ^e Rote, was there ready to make answer to the queens Agents complaint, & had by the advice of other great learned men, conceived a certain matter containing causes reasonable & lawful, why the kings highness should not be bound to appear there, either by himself, or by his proctor. Which matter also he did exhibit on the kings behalf, as a true subject by law of nature is bound to maintain & to allege in defense of his prince that is absent, & ought by equity to preserve him frō condemnation. And yet this notwithstanding the said Capasuccha not regarding nor considering the matter alleged, demanded whether the said Doccor had any proxie from the king or no, for such purpose, and upon default and lack of the said Proxy (which was not necessary in this case) Proceeded in the principal cause. By reason whereof the said doctor Kerne appealed to y