Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

The Oration of the kings Ambassador before the Emperor in defense of his cause.

SIr, the king my master taking and reputing you as his perfect friend, confederate, and allye, and not doubting but you remembering the mutual kindness between you in times past, will show yourself in all ocurrents to be of such mind and disposition, as justice, truth and equity doeth require: hath willed me by his letters, to open and declare unto you, what he hath done, and in what wise he hath proceeded concerning such Marriage as by many years was supposed to have been between your Aunte and his grace. In which matter being two principal points specially to be regarded & considered: that is to say, the justice of the cause, and the order of the process therein, his highness hath so used him in both, as no man may right wisely complain of the same.

First, as touching the iustnes of the cause, that is to say, of that Marriage between him and your said Aunte to be naught, and of no moment ne effect, but against the law of God, nature, and man, and indispensable by the Pope, and in no wise vailable: his highness hath done therein, as much as becometh him for discharge of his conscience, and hath found so certain, so evident, so manifest, so open, and approved truth, as whereunto his majesty ought of good congruence to give place, & which by all other ought to be allowed and received, not as a matter doutful, disputable, or depending in question and ambiguity: but as a plain determined and discussed verity of the true understanding of gods word and law, which all Christian men must follow and obey, and before all other worldly respects, prefer and execute. In attaining the knowledge whereof, if his highness had used only his own particular judgment & sentence, or the mind only & opinion of his own natural subjects, (although the same might in his conscience have suffised) would not much have repugned, if some other had made difficulty to assent to him in the same, till further discussion had been made thereupon. But now, forasmuch as besides his own certain understanding, and the agreement of this whole Clergy to the same in both Provinces of his realm, his majesty hath also for him the determinations of the moste famous universities of Christendom, and most indifferent to pronounce and give judgment in this case, and among them, the University of Bonony, (all fear of the Pope set apart) concluding against his power: and also Padua (the Uenetians threats not regarded) giving their sentence for the truth & evident words of God's law: there should no man, as seemeth to him, gainsay or wythstand, either in word or deed, the truth thus opened, but for his honor and duty to the observation of God's law, willingly embrace and receive the same.

According whereunto his grace perceiveth also as well in his Realm, as else where, a notable consent and agreement amongst all Divines, and such as have studied for knowledge of God's law without contradiction of any number, unless it be such applying their mind to y ^e maintenance of worldly affections, do either in defense of such laws as they have studied, either for satisfaction of their private appetite, forbear to agree unto y ^e same. The number of whō is so small, as in the discerning of truth, it ought not to be regarded in a case so plainly described and determined by God's word, as this is.

And if percase your Majesty here not regarding the number, but the matter, shall seme to consider in this case, not so much who speaketh, as what is spoken, to answer thereunto, I say: Syr, the king my master is of the same mind, for his own satisfactiō, & taketh himself to be in the right, not because so many saith it, but because he being learned, knoweth the matter to be right. Neuertheles, reason would, and enforceth also, that strangers to the cause, and not parties therein, should be induced to believe that to be truth, that such a number of Clerks do so constantly affirm, specially not being otherwise learned to be judges of their sayings, as your majesty is not. And if you were, then could your highness show such reasons, authorities, and grounds as cannot be taken away, and be so firm and stable, as they ought not of Christian men in any part to be impugned, like as hath been partly heretofore shown by his sundry ambassadors to your Imperial majesty, and should eftsoons be done, were it not too great an injury to y ^t is already passed in the Realm, to dispute the same again in any other country: which being contrarious to the laws and ordinances of his realm, he trusteth your prudēcie will not require, but take that is past, for a thing done, and justly done: and as for God's part, to leave his conscience to himself, qui Domino sua stat aut cadit: and for y ^e world to pass over as a friend, that which nothing toucheth you, and not to marvel though the said king my master regarding the wealth of his soul principally, with the commodity of his person, and so great benefit & quiet of his realm, have percase done y ^t he for his private fantasie, would not had chanced: like as his highness also would wish it had not happened that such cause had been given unto him to compel him so to do.

But these things in their outward visage be but worldly, and inwardly touch and concern the soul. Quid autem prodest homini si vniuersum mundum lucretur, animae vero suae detrimentum patiatur. Primum quaerite regnum Dei. &c. And yet neither his highness ignorant what respect is to be had unto the world: and how much he hath labored and travailed therein, he hath sufficiently declared and shown to the world in his acts and proceedings. For if he had utterly contempned the order and process of the world, or the frendshippe and amity of your Majesty: he needed not to have sent so often and sundry Ambassates to the Pope, and to you both, nor continued and spente his time in delays, as he hath done hitherto, but might many years past, have done that he hath don now, if it had so liked him, and with as little difficulty then as now, if he would have without such respect, followed his pleasure in that behalf. But now I doubt not, your majesty doth well remember how often the king my master hath sent unto your highness, and that your majesty hath heard also what suits he hath made to the Pope, and how the said Pope hath handled him again only in delay and daliance, with open commission given to his Legates to determine and give sentence for him by a commission decretal, and secretly to give them instructions to suspend and put over the same. By which means and other semblable, he perceived plainly himself to be brought in such a labirinth as going forward that way, he were like to come to no end, and was therefore compelled to step right forth at once to the mazes end, there to quiet and repose himself at the last.

And is it not time to have end in seven year, or else to seek for it another way? The pope hath shown himself both unwilling to have an ende, and also ready and prone to do him injury, as well in citing him to Rome, as also sending forth certain breues to his grace sclaunderous, and for the injustice and iniquity of them, to himself dishonorable: as he gave his highness good and just cause to suspect, least any end to be made at his hand (if any he would make) might be in his conscience received and followed. For the pope doing injury in some point, why should he be thought convenient Judge, not using himself indifferently in this matter, (as many moe particularities may be shown and declared) considering, there is a general Council, willing all matters to be determined where they first began, and that the whole body of our Realm hath for the wealth of the same, by a law established the determination of such causes? By reason whereof the Bishop of Canterbury as metropolitan of our Realm, hath given sentence in due judgment for the kings party. It is not to be asked nor questioned, whether that matter hath been determined after the common fashion, but whether it hath in it common justice, truth and equity of God's law. For obseruatiō of the common order, his grace hath done that lay in him, and enforced by necessity hath found the true order mayntainable by God's word & general Councils which he hath in substance followed with effect, and hath done as becometh him, tendering either God's law, or his person, or the wealth of his Realm, like as he doubteth not but your majesty (as a wise Prince) remembering his cause from the beginning hitherto, will of yourself consider and think, y ^t among mortal men, nothing should be immortal, & suites must once have an end: Si possis recte, si non, quocunque modo. And if he cannot as he would, his hignesse thē to do as he may, & he y ^t hath a journey to be perfected, must if he cannot go one way▪ assay another. What soever hath been herein done, necessity hath enforced him (that is to say God's law) in the matter, and such manner of dealing of the Pope, as he hath shown unto him in the same, doing sundry injuries w ^t out effect of justice, wherein he promised the same. But as for the kings matter to the Pope: he shall entreat with him a parte. As touching your majesty, he taketh you for his friend, & as to a friend he openeth these matters unto you, trusting to find your majesty no les friendly hereafter unto him, then he hath done heretofore.

By these matters thus passed and discoursed to and fro between the King and these foreign Princes above rehearsed, many things are to be understanded of the reader, who so is disposed to behold and consider the state & proceeding of public affairs, as well to the church appertaining, as to the common wealth. First howe the king cleareth himself both justly and reasonably for his divorce made w ^t the Lady Katherine the Emperors aunt. Secondly, how he proveth and defendeth his marriage with Queen Anne, to be just & lawful, both by the authority of God's word, and the comprobation of the best & most famous learned men and universities, and also by the assent of the whole realm.

Furthermore for the stablishing of the kings succession in the Imperial crown of this Realm, for the suppression of the pope, and uniting the title of supremacy unto the kings Crown, what order therein was taken, and what penalty was set upon the same, as may appear by the Act of Parliament set forth. An. 1534. Ex Henr. Reg. 26. cap. 13. in these words following.

If any person or persons after the 1. of February next, do maliciously imagine, invent, practice, or attempt to deprive the king of the dignity, title, or name of his royal estate. &c. that then every such person and persons so offending in any of the premisses, their aiders, counsellors, cōsenters, and abbettours being thereof lawfully convict, according to the laws and customs of this Realm, shall be reputed, accepted, and adjudged traitors, and that every such offense in any the premisses committed or done after the said first day of February, shall be reputed, accepted, and adjudged high treason: and the offenders, therein their aiders, consenters, counsellors and abbettors being lawfully convict of any such offense, shall have & suffer such pains of death and other penalties, as is limited and accustomed in cases of high treason.

Uppon this and such other Acts concluded in those Parlamentes, what stomach the Pope took, what stir he kept, and what practices he wrought with Cardinal Poole, to stir up other nations to war against us, what difficulty also there was w ^t the Emperor, with the French king, and with the king of Scots about the matter, and what labor was used on the kings parte, to concile these Princes for his own indemnity, to keep him from their wars and invasions, and especially to obtain the Popes approbation, and to avoid his censures of excommunication, and finally, what despiteful injuries & open wrongs the Pope wrought against him, upon the which Pope the king had bestowed so much money, and great treasors before, all this likewise by the premisses may appear.

Wherefore, to end now with these, and to go forward in our story, as the order and computation of years do give, we have now consequently to enter into the story of the good Martyr of God, William Tindal, being this present year falsely betrayed and put to death. Whych William Tyndale, as he was a special organe of the Lord appointed, and as God's mattock to shake the inward roots and foundation of the Popes proud prelacy: so the great prince of darkness, with his impious imps, having a special malice against him, left no way unsought, how craftily to entrap him, and falsely to betray him, & maliciously to spil his life: as by the process of his story here following may apear.

The life and story of the true servant and Martyr of God William Tyndale: Who for his notable pains and travel may well be called the Apostle of England in this our latter age.

WIlliam Tyndale the faithful Minister and constant Martyr of Christ, was borne about the borders of Wales, and brought up from a child in the University of Oxford, where he by long continuance grew up, and increased as well in the knowledge of tongues, and other liberal Arts, as especially in the knowledge of the Scriptures: whereunto his mind was singularly addicted: In so much that he lying then in Magdalene Hall, read privily to certain students and fellows of Magdalene College, some parcel of Divinity: instructinge them in the knowledge and truth of the Scriptures. Whose manners also and conversation being correspondent to the same, were such, that all they which knew him, reputed and esteemed him to be a man of most virtuous disposition, and of life unspotted.

Thus he in the University of Oxford increasing more and more in learning and proceeding in degrees of the schools, spying his time, removed from thence to the University of Cambridge, where after he had likewise made his abode a certain space, being now further ripened in the knowledge of God's word, leaving that University also, he resorted to one M. Welche a Knight of Glocestershire, and was there Scholemaister to his children, and in good favor with his master. This Gentleman, as he kept a good ordinary commonly at his table, there resorted to him many times sundry Abbots, Deans, Archdeacons, with other diverse Doctors and great beneficed men: who there together with M. Tyndale sitting at the same table, did use many times to enter communication and talk of learned men, as of Luther and of Erasmus: Also of diverse other controversies and questions upon the Scripture.

Then master Tyndale, as he was learned and well practiced in God's matters, so he spared not to show unto them simply and plainly his judgment in matters, as he thought: and when as they at any time did vary from Tyndale in opinions and judgment, he would show them in the book, and lay plainly before them the open and manifest places of the Scriptures, to confute their errors, and to confirm his sayings. And thus continued they for a certain season, reasoning and contēding together diverse and sundry times, till at length they waxed weary, and bare a secrete grudge in their hearts against him.

Not longe after this, it happened that certain of these great Doctors had invited M. Welche and his wife to a banket: where they had talk at will and pleasure, uttering their blindness and ignorance without any resistance or gainsaying. Then M. Welche and his wife coming home and calling for M. Tyndale, began to reason w ^t him about those matters, whereof the Priests had talked before at their banket. M. Tyndale answering by scriptures, maintained the truth, and reproved their false opinions. Then said the Lady Welche, a stout and a wise woman (as Tyndale reported). Well (said she) there was such a Doctor which may dispend a C.li. and another CC.li. & another CCC.li. and what? were it reason, think you, that we should believe you before them? Master Tyndale gave her no answer at that time, nor also after that (because he saw it would not avail) he talked but little in those matters. At that time he was about the translation of a book called Enchiridion milit • s Christiani, which being translated, he delivered to his master and Lady. Who after they had read & well perused the same, the Doctorly Prelates were no more so often called to the house, neither had they the cheare & countenance when they came, as before they had. Which thing they marking and well perceiving, and supposing no less but it came by the means of M. Tyndale, refrained them selves, and at last utterly withdrew themselves, and came no more there.

As this grew on, the Priests of the Country clustring together, began to grudge and storm against Tyndale, railing against him in Alehouses and other places. Of whom Tyndale him self in his Prologue before the first book of Moses, this testifieth in his own words, and reporteth that he suffered much in that country by a sort of unlearned Priests, being full rude and ignorant (saith he) God knoweth: which have seen no more Latin then that only which they read in their Portesses & Missalles: (which yet many of them can scarcely read) except it be Albertus de secretis mulierum, in which yet though they be never so sorily learned, they pore day and night, and make notes therein, and all to teache the midwives, as they say: and also another called Lynwood, a book of constitutions to gather tithes, mortuaries, offerings, customs, and other pillage, which they call not theirs, but God's part, the duty of holy Church, to discharge their consciences withal. For they are bound that they shall not diminish but increase all things unto y ^e uttermost of their powers, which pertain to holy church. Thus these blind & rude Priests flocking together to the Alehouse (for that was their preaching place) raged and rai • ed against him, affirming that his sayings were heresy: adding moreover unto his sayings of their own heads: more then ever he spake, and so accused him secretly to the Chancelor and other of the Bishops Officers.

It followed not long after this, that there was a sitting of the bishops Chancellor appointed, and warning was given to the priests to appear: amongst whom M. Tyndale was also warned to be there. And whether he had any misdoubte by their threatenings, or knowledge given him that they would lay some things to his charge it is uncertain: but certain this is (as he him self declared) that he doubted their privy accusations: so y ^t he by the way in going thetherwards, cried in his mind heartily to God, to give him strength fast to stand in the truth of his word.

Then when the time came of his appearance before the Chancellor, he threatened him grievously, reviling and rating him as though he had ben a dog, & laid to his charge many things, whereof no accuser yet could be brought forth (as commonly their manner is, not to bring forth the accuser) notwithstanding that the Priests of the country the same time were there present. And thus M. Tindal after those examinations escaping out of their hands, departed home and returned to his master again.

There dwelt not far off a certain Doctor that had been an old Chancellor before to a Bishop, who had been of old familiar acquaintance with M. Tyndale, and also favored him well. Unto whom M. Tyndale went and opened his mind upon diverse questions of the scripture: for to him he durst be bold to disclose his heart. Unto whom the Doctor said: do you not know that the Pope is very Antichrist, whom the Scripture speaketh of. But beware what you say: for if you shall be perceived to be of that opinion, it will cost you your life: and said moreover, I have been an officer of his, But I have given it up and defy him and all his works.

It was not long after, but M. Tindal happened to be in the company of a certain divine recounted for a learned man, and in commoning and disputing with him, he drove him to that issue, that the said great Doctor burst out into these blasphemous words, and said: we were better to be without God's law then the Popes. M. Tyndale hearing this, full of godly zeal, and not bearing that blasphemous say • ng, replied again & said: I de • ie the Pope and all his laws: and further added, that i • God spared him life, ere many years he would cause a boy that driveth the plough to know more of the Scripture, then he did.

After this, the grudge of the priests increasing still more and more against Tyndale, they never ceased barking and rating at him, and laid many sore things to his charge, saying that he was an heretic in Sophistry, an heretic in Logic, an heretic in Divinity: and said moreover to him, that he bare himself bold of the Gentlemen there in that country: but notwithstanding, shortly he should be otherwise talked withal. To whom M. Tyndale answering again thus said, that he was contented they should bring him into any country in all England, giving him x.li. a yere to live with, and binding him to no more but to teache children and to preach.

To be short, M. Tyndale being so molested and vexed in the country by the Priests, was constrained to leave that country and to seek another place: and so coming to M. Welche, he desired him of his good will, that he might depart from him, saying on this wise to him: Syr I perceive I shall not be suffered to tarry long here in this country, neither shall you be able though you would, to keep me out of the hands of the spiritualty, & also what displeasure might grow thereby to you by keeping me, God knoweth: for the which I should be right sorry. So that in fine, M. Tyndale with the good will of his master, departed, & eftsoons came up to London, and there preached a while, according as he had done in the country before, and specially about the town of Bristow, and also in the said town, in the common place called S. Augustine's Green. At length he bethinking him self of Cutbert Tonstall, then Bishop of London, and especially for the great commendation of Erasmus, who in his annotations so extolleth him for his learning, thus cast with himself, that if he might attain unto his service he were a happy man. And so coming to Syr Henry Gilford the kings controller, and bringing with him an Oration of Isocrates, which he had then translated out of Greke into English, he desired him to speak to the said B. of London for him. Which he also did, and willed him moreover to write an Epistle to the Bishop, and to go himself with him. Which he did likewise, and delivered his Epistle to a servant of his, named William Hebilthwaite, a man of his old acquaintance. But God who secretly disposeth the course of things, saw that was not the best for Tyndals purpose, nor for the profit of his Church, and therefore gave him to find little favor in the Bishops sight. The answer of whom was this, that his house was full, he had mo then he could well find, and advised him to seek in London abroad, where he said he could lack no service. &c. and so remained he in London the space almost of a year, beholding and marking with him self the course of the world, and especially the demeanour of the preachers, howe they boasted them selves and set up their authority and kingdom: beholding also the pomp of the Prelates, with other things moe which greatly misliked him: In so much that he understood, not only there to be no room in the Bishops house for him to translate the New Testament: but also that there was no place to do it in all England. And therefore finding no place for his purpose within the realm, and having some aid and provision, by God's providence ministered unto him by Humphrey Mummoth above recited, as you may see before, pag. 1076. and certain other good men, he took his leave of the realm, & departed into Germany. Where the good man being inflamed with a tender care and zeal of his country, refused no travel nor diligence howe by all means possible, to reduce his brethren and coūtreymen of England to y ^e same taste and understanding of God's holy word and verity, which the Lord had endued him withal.

Whereupon he considering in his mind, and partly also conferring with John Frith, thought with him self no way more to conduce thereunto, then if the Scripture were turned into the vulgar speech, that the poor people might also read and see the simple plain word of God. For first he wisely casting in his mind, perceived by experience, how that it was not possible to stablish the lay people in any truth, except the Scripture were so plainly laid before their eyes in their mother tongue, that they might see the process, order, and meaning of the text: For else what so ever truth should be taught them, these enemies of the truth would quench it again, either with apparent reasons of Sophistry, and traditions of their own making, founded without all ground of Scripture: either else iuggling with the text, expounding it in such a sense, as impossible it were to gather of the text, if the right process, order, & meaning thereof were seen.

Again, right well he perceived and considered this only, or most chiefly to be y ^e cause of all mischief in the church, that the Scriptures of God were hidden from the people's eyes: For so long the abhominable doings and idolatries maintained by the Pharisaical Clergy, could not be espied, and therefore all their labor was with might & main to keep it down, so that either it should not be red at all, or if it were, they would darken the right sense with y ^e mis • of their Sophistry, and so entangle them which rebuked or despised their abominations, with arguments of philosophy, and with worldly similitudes, and apparent reasons of natural wisdom: and with wresting the scriptur • unto their own purpose, contrary unto the process, order, and meaning of the text, would so delude them in descanting upon it with Allegories, and amaze them, expounding it in many senses laid before the unlearned lay people, that though thou felt in thy heart, & were sure that all were false that they said yet couldest not thou solue their subtle riddles.

For these and such other considerations, this good man was moved (and no doubt stirred up of God) to translate the Scripture into his mother tongue, for the public utility and profit of the simple vulgar people of the country: first, setting in hand with the new Testament, which he first translated about the year of our Lord 1527. After that he took in hand to translate the old Testament, finishing the five books of Moses, with sundry most learned and godly prologues prefixed before everyone, most worthy to be read and read again of all good Christians: as the like also he did upon the New Testament.

He wrote also diverse other works under sundry titles, among the which is that most worthy monument of his, entitled: The obedience of a Christian man: wherein with singular dexterity he instructeth all men in the office and duty of Christian obedience, with diverse other treatises: as The wicked Mammon: The practice of Prelates, with expositions upon certain partes of the Scripture, and other Books also aunswearing to Syr Thom. More and other adversaries of the truth, no less delectable, then also most fruitful to be read, which partly before being unknown unto many, partly also being almost abolished and worn out by time, the Printer hereof (good Reader) for conseruing and restoring such singular treasures, hath collected and set forth in Print the same in one general volume, all and whole together, as also the works of John Frith, Barns, and other, as are to be seen most special and profitable for thy reading.

These books of W. Tyndale being compiled, published & sent over into England, it cannot be spoken what a door of light they opened to the eyes of the whole English nation, which before were many years shut up in darkness.

At his first departing out of y ^e realm, he toke his iorny into y ^e further parts of Germany, as into Saxony, where he had conference w ^t Luther and other learned mē in those quarters. Where, after y ^t he had continued a certain season, he came down from thence into the netherlands, & had his most abiding in the town of Antwerp, until y ^e time of his apprehēsiō: whereof more shall be said god willing hereafter.

Amongst his other books which he compiled, one work he made also for the declaration of the sacrament (as it was then called) of the alter: the which he kept by him, considering how the people were not as yet fully persuaded in other matters tending to superstitious ceremonies & gross idolatry. Wherefore he thought as yet time was not come, to put forth that work, but rather that it should hinder the people from other instructions, supposing that it would seem to them odious to hear any such thing spoken or set forth at that time, sounding against their great Goddess Diana, that is, against their Mass, being had everywhere in great estimation, as was the Goddess Diana amongst the Ephesians whom they thought to come from heaven.

Wherefore M. Tyndale being a man both prudent in his doings, and no less zealous in the setting forth of God's holy truth, after such sort as it might take most effect with the people, did forbear the putting forth of that work, not doubting but by God's merciful grace, a time should come, to have that abomination openly declared, as it is at this present day: the Lord almighty be always praised therefore. Amen.

These godly books of Tyndale, and specially the new Testament of his translation, after that they begā to come into men's hands, and to spread abroad, as they wrought great and singular profit to the godly: so the ungodly envying and disdaining that the people should be anything wiser then they, & again fearing least by the shining beams of truth, their false hypocrisy & works of darkness should be discerned: began to stir with no small ado, like as at the birth of Christ, Herod & all Jerusalem was troubled with him. But especially Satan the prince of darkness, maligning y ^e happy course and success of the Gospel, set to his might also, how to empeache and hinder y ^e blessed travails of that man: as by this, and also by sundry other ways may appear. For at what time Tyndale had translated the fifth book of Moses called Deuteronomium, minding to Printe the same at Hamborough, he sailed thereward: where by the way upon the coast of Holland, he suffered shipwreck, by the which he lost all his books, writings and copies, and so was compelled to begin all again a new, to his hinderāce and doubling of his labors. Thus having lost by that ship, both money, his copies and time, he came in another ship to Hamborough, where at his appointment M. Coverdale tarried for him, and helped him in the translating of the whole 5. books of Moses, from Easter till Decemb. in the house of a worshipful widow, Maistres Margaret van Emmerson. Anno 1529. a great sweating sickness being the same time in the Town. So having dispatched his business at Hamborough, he returned afterward to Antwerpe again.

Thus as Satan is, and ever hath been an enemy to all godly endeavors, and chiefly to the promoting & furtherance of God's word, as by this & many other experimēts may be seen: so his ministers and members following the like quality of their master, be not altogether idle for their partes: as also by the Popes Chapleins and God's enemies, and by their cruel handling of the said M. Tyndale the same time, both here in England and in Flāders, may well appear.

When God's will was, that the new Testament in the common tongue should come abroad, Tyndale the translator thereof added to the latter ende a certain Epistle, wherein he desired them that were learned to amende, if ought were found amiss. Wherefore, if any such default had been, deserving correction, it had been the parte of courtesy and gentleness, for men of knowledge and judgment to have shown their learning therein, and to have redressed y ^t was to be amended. But the spiritual fathers then of the clergy being not willing to have that book to prosper, cried out upon it, bearing men in hand, that there were a thousand heresies in it, & that it was not to be corrected, but utterly to be suppressed. Some said it was not possible to translate the Scripture into English: some that it was not lawful for the lay people to have it in their mother tongue, some y ^t it would make them all heretics. And to the intent to induce the temporal rulers also unto their purpose, they made more matter, & said, that it would make the people to rebel and rise against the king. All this Tyndale himself in his own prologue before the first book of Moses declareth: and addeth further, showing what great pains was taken in examining that translation, & comparing it with their own imaginations and terms, that with less labor (he supposeth) they might have translated them selves a great part of the Bible: Showing moreover, that they scāned and examined every title and point in the said translation, in such sort and so narrowly, that there was not one i. therein, but if it lacked a prick over his head, they did note it, and numbered it unto the ignorant people for an heresy. So great was then the froward devises of y ^e English Clergy (who should have ben the guides of light unto the people) to drive the people from the text & knowledge of the scripture, which neither they would translate themselves, nor yet abide it to be translated of others: to the intent (as Tyndale saith) that the word being kept still in darkness, they might sit in the consciences of the people through vain superstition & false doctrine, to satisfy their lusts, their ambition, and vnsaciable covetousness, and to exalte their own honor above King and Emperor, yea and above God him self. Haec ill.

The Bishops and Prelates of the realm, thus (as ye have hard) incensed and inflamed in their minds, although having no cause against the old and new Testament of the Lord newly translated by Tyndale, and conspiring together w ^t all their heads and counsails, how to repeal the same, never rested before they had brought the king at last to their consent. By reason whereof a proclamatiō in all hast was devised and set forth under public authority: but no just reason shown, that the testament of Tindals translation, with other works mo both of his and of other writers, were inhibited and abandoned, as ye heard before, page 1018. Which was about the yere of our Lord. 1527. And yet not contented heerewith, they proceeded further, howe to entangle him in their nets, and to bereft him of his life. Which howe they brought to pass, now it remaineth to be declared.

In the registers of London it appeareth manifest, how that the Bishops & sir Tho. More having any poor man under Coram, to be examined before them, namely, such as had been at Antwerpe, most studiously would search and examine all things belonging to Tyndale, where and with whom he hosted, where aboutes stood the house, what was his stature, in what apparel he went, what resort he had. &c. All which things when they had diligently learned (as may appear by the examination of Simon Smith, and others) then began they to work their fears, as you shall hear by the relation of his own host.

William Tyndale being in the town of Antwerp, had ben lodged about one whole yere in the house of Thomas Pointz an Englishmā, who kept there an house of english Marchauntes. About which time came thither one out of England, whose name was Henry Philip's, his father being customer of Poole, a comely fellow, like as he had been a Gentleman, having a servant with him: but wherefor he came, or for what purpose he was sent thither, no man could tell.

Master Tyndale diverse times was desired forth to diner and supper amongst merchants: by y ^e means whereof this Henry Philip's became acquainted with him, so that within short space M. Tyndale had a great confidence in him: and brought him to his lodging to the house of Tho. Pointz, and had him also with him once or twice to dinner & supper, and further entered such friendship with him that through his procurement, he lay in the same house of the said Pointz: To whom he shown moreover his books and other secrets of his study, so little did Tyndale then mistrust this Traitor.

But Pointz having no great confidence in the fellow, asked Mayster Tyndale howe he came acquainted with this Philip's. Master Tyndale answered, that he was an honest man handsomely learned, and very comfortable. Then Pointz perceiving that he bare such favor to him, said no more, thinking that he was brought acquainted with him by some friend of his. The said Phillippes being in the Town iii. or iv. days, upon a time desired Pointz to walk with him forth of the Town to show him the commodities thereof, and in walking together w ^t out the town, had communication of diverse things, and some of the kings affairs. By the which talk Pointz as yet suspected nothing, but after by the sequel of y ^e matter he perceived more what he intended. In the mean time this he well perceived, that he bare no great favor, either to the setting forth of any good thing, either to the proceedings of the king of England. But after when the time was past, Pointz perceived this to be his mind, to feel if he could perceive by him, whether he might break with him in the matter for lucre of money, to help him to his purpose: for he perceived before that he was monied & would that Pointz should think no less: but by whom, it was unknown: For he had desired Pointz before to help him to diverse things, and such things as he named, he required might be of the best, for said he, I have money enough, But of this talk came nothing but y ^e men should think he had some things to do, for nothing else followed of his talk. So it was to be suspected, that Philip's was in doubt to move this matter for his purpose to any of the rulers or Officers of the town of Antwarpe, for doubt it should come to the knowledge of some Englishmen, & by the mean thereof, M. Tyndale should have had warning.

So Phillippes went from Antwarpe to the Court of Bruxelles, which is from thence 24. English miles, the K. having there no Ambassador: for at that time the king of England and the Emperor were at a controuersye for the question betwixt the King and the Lady Katherine, which was Aunt to the Emperor: and the discord grew so much, that it was doubted least there should have been war between the Emperor and the king, so that Phillippes as a traitor both against God and the king, was there the better retained, as also other traitors moe besides him: who after he had betrayed master Tindal into their hands, shown himself against the kings own person, and there set forth things against the king, to make short, the said Philip's did so much there: that he procured to bring from thence w ^t him to Antwerpe that Procurour general, which is the Emperors Attorney, with other certain officers: as after followeth. The which was not done with small charges and expenses, from whom so ever it came.

Within a while after, Pointz sitting at his door, Phillippes man came unto him, and asked whether Master Tyndale were there, and said his master would come, to him, and so departed. But whether his M. Phillippes were in the town or not, it was not known: but at that time Pointz heard no more, neither of the master nor of the man. Within 3. or 4. days after, Pointz went forth to the Town of Barrow, being 18. English miles from Antwerpe, where he had business to do for the space of a month or six weeks, and in the time of his absence, Henry Philip's came again to Antwerpe to the house of Pointz, and coming in, spake with his wife, askinge her for M. Tyndale, and whether he would dine there with him, saying: what good meat shall we have? She answered, such as the market will give. Then went he forth again (as it is thought) to provide, and set the Officers which he brought with him from Bruxelles, in the street, and about the door. Then about noon he came again and went to M. Tyndale, and desired him to lend him 40. shillings, for (said he) I lost my purse this morning, coming over at the passage between this and Machelyn. So M. Tyndale took him 40. shillings, the which was easy to be had of him, if he had it: for in the wily subtilities of this world he was simple and vnexperte.

Then said Philip's, M. Tyndale you shall be my gest here this day. No said M. Tyndale, I go forth this day to dinner, and you shall go with me and be my gest, where you shall be welcome. So when it was dinner time, master Tindal went forth with Philippes, and at the going forth of Pointz house, was a long narrow entry, so that 2. could not go in a frount. M. Tindal would have put Philippes before him, but Philippes would in no wise, but put M. Tyndale afore, for that he pretended to show great humanity. So master Tyndale being a man of no great stature, went before, and Philip's a tall comely person followed behind him, who had set Officers on either side of the door upon 2. seats: which being there, might see who came in the entry, and coming through the same entry, Philip's pointed with his finger over M. Tindals head down to him, that the Officers which sat at the door, might see that it was he whom they should take, as the officers that took M. Tyndale, afterward told Pointz, and said to Pointz whē they had laid him in prison, that they pitied to see his simplicity when they took him. Then they took him and brought him to the Emperors Attorney or Procurour general, where he dined. Then came the Procuror general to the house of Pointz, and sent away all that was there of master Tindals, as well his books as other things: and from thence Tyndale was had to the Castle of Filforde, 18. English miles from Antwerp, and there he remained until he was put to death.

Then incontinent by the help of English merchants, were letters sent in the favor of Tyndale, to the Court of Brussels. Also not long after, letters were directed out of England to the counsel at Brussels, and sent to the merchants adventurers to Antwerpe, commanding them to see that with speed they should be delivered. Then such of the chiefest of the marchaunts as were there at that time being called together, required the said Pointz to take in hand the delivery of those letters, w ^t letters also from them in the favor of M. Tyndale, to the Lord of Barrowe and others, the which lord of Barrow (as it was told Pointz by the way) at that time was departed from Brussels, as the chiefest conductor of the eldest daughter of the King of Denmark, to be married to the Palsgraue, whose mother was sister to the Emperor, she being chief Princesse of Denmark. Who after he heard of his departure, did ride after the next way, and overtook him at Akon, where he delivered to him his letters. The which whē he had received and red, he made no direct answer, but somewhat objecting, said: there was of their coūtriemen that were burned in England not long before, as in deed there were Anabaptists burnt in Smithfield, and so Pointz said to him: howbeit said he, what so ever the crime was, if his Lordship or any other noble man had written, requiring to have had them, he thought they should not have been denied. Well said he, I have no leisure to write, for the Princesse is ready to ride.

Then said Pointz, if it shall please your Lordship, I will attend upon you unto y ^e next baiting place, which was at Mastright. If you so do, said the Lord, I will advise myself by the way what to write. So Pointz followed him from Akon to Mastright, the which are 15. English miles asonder, & there he received letters of him, one to the counsel there, another to the company of the merchants aduēturers, & another also, to the Lord Cromwell, in England.

So Pointz road from thence to Brussels, and then and there delivered to the counsel, the letters out of England, with the Lord of Barrowes letters also: and received eftsoons answer into England of the same by letters, which he brought to Antwerpe to the English merchants, who required him to go with them into England, and he very desirous to have M. Tindal out of prison, let not for to take pains with loss of time in his own business and occupying, but diligently followed with y ^e said letters, which he there delivered to the counsel, and was commanded by them to tarry until he had other letters, of the which he was not dispatched thence in a month after. At length the letters being delivered him, he returned again & delivered them to the Emperors counsel at Brussels, and there tarried for answer of the same.

When the said Pointz had tarried 3. or 4. days, it was told him of one that belonged to the Chauncerie, that M. Tyndale should have been delivered to him according to the tenor of the letters: But Phillippes being there, followed the suite against master Tyndale, and hearing that he should be delivered to Pointz, and doubting lease he should be put from his purpose, he knew none other remedy but to accuse Pointz, saying: that he was a dweller in the town of Antwerpe, and there had been a succourer of Tindal, and was one of the same opinion, and that all this was only his own labor and suit, to have M. Tyndale at liberty, and no man's else.

Thus upon his information and accusation, Pointz was attached by the Procurour general, the Emperors Attorny, and delivered to the keeping of two Sergeants of arms: and the same evening was sent to him one of the Chancery with the Procuror general, who ministered unto him an oath, that he should truly make answer to all such things as should be inquired of him, thinking they would have had no other examinations of him but of his Message. The next day likewise they came again and had him in examination, and so five or six days one after another, upon not so few as an hundredth Articles, as well of the kings affairs as of the message concerning Tindal of his aiders and of his religion. Out of the which examinations, the Procurer general drew 23. or 24. articles, and declared the same against the said Pointz: the copy whereof he delivered to him to make answer thereunto, and permitted him to have an Advocate and Proctor, that is a doctor and Proctor in the law: and order was taken, that 8. days after, he should deliver unto them his answer, and from 8. days to 8. days, to proceed til the process were ended: Also that he should send no Messenger to Antwerpe, where as his house was, being 24. Engiishe miles from Brussels, where he was prisonner, nor to any other place, but by the post of the town of Brussels: nor to send any letters, nor any to be delivered to him, but writ̄ in dutch, and the Procurour general, who was party against him, to read them, to peruse & to examine them thoroughly, contrary to all right and equity, before they were sent or delivered: Neither might any be suffered to speak or talk w ^t Pointz in any other tongue or language, except only in the Dutch tongue, so that his keepers who were Dutchmen, might understand what the contents of the letters or talk should be, saving that at one certain time the Provincial of the white friers came to dinner where Pointz was prisoner, and brought with him a young Nouice being an englishman, whom the Provincial after dinner, of his own accord, did bid to talk with the said Pointz, and so with him he was licenced to talk. The purpose and great policy therein was easy to be perceived. Betwene Pointz & the Nouice was much pretty talk, as of sir Tho. More, and of y ^e bishop of Rochester, and of their putting to death: whose death he seemed greatly to lament, especially dyeng in such a quarrel, worthy (as he said) to be accounted for Martyrs, with other noble doctrine and deep learning in divinity, meet to feed swine withal. Such blindness then in those days reigned amongst them. After this, Pointz delivered up his answer to the Procurour general, and then after, at the days appointed, went forth with replication duplicke, with other answers eche to other in writing what they could.

As the Commissioners came to Pointz, Philip's the traitor accompanied them to the door in following the process against him, as he also did against M. Tyndale, for so they that had Pointz in keeping, shown him. Thus Pointz for Master Tyndale was sore troubled, and long kept in prison: but at length, when he saw no other remedy, by night he made his escape, and avoided their hands. But good Tyndale could not escape their hands, but remained in prison still, who being brought unto his answer, was offered to have an advocate and a proctor: for in any criminal cause there, it shall be permitted to have counsel, to make answer in the law. But he refused to have any such, saying: that he would answer for himself: and so he did.

At last, after much reasoning, when no reason would serve, although he deserved no death, he was condemned by virtue of the Emperors decree made in the assemble at Ausbrough (as is before signified) and upon the same, brought forth to the place of execution, was there tied to y ^e stake, and then strangled first by the hangman, and afterward with fire consumed in the morning at the town of Filford, an. 1536. crying thus at the stake with a feruente zeal; and a loud voice: Lord open the King of England's eyes.

Such was the power of his doctrine, and sincerity of his life, that during the time of his imprisonment (which endured a year and a half) it is said, he converted his keeper, his daughter, and other of his household. Also the rest that were with him conversant in the Castle, reported of him, that if he were not a good christen man, they could not tell whom to trust.

The Procuror general the Emperors Attorney being there, left this testimony of him, that he was Homo doctus, pius, & bonus: that is, a learned, a good, and a godly man.

The same morning in which he was had to the fire, he delivered a letter to the keeper of the castle, which y ^e keeper himself brought to the house of y ^e foresaid Pointz in Autwerpe, shortly after: which letter, with his examinations & other his disputations, I would might have come to our hands: all which I understand did remain, & yet perhaps do, in the hands of the keepers daughter. For so it is of him reported that as he was in the Castle prisoner, there was much writing, and great disputation to and fro, between him and them of the University of Louaine (which was not past ix. or x. miles from the place where he was prisoner) in such sort, that they all had enough to do, and more then they could well weld, to answer the authorities and testimonies of the Scripture, whereupō he most pithely grounded his doctrine.

Of Judas that betrayed Christ, it is written: that he returned the money again to the Pharisees, & afterward did hang him self: So Philippes this miserable traitor, after he had been received of Tyndale, & borrowed money of him, & yet betrayed him and pursued him to death: albeit he rejoiced a while after y ^t he had done, yet y ^e saying so goeth, that he not long time after enjoyed the price of innocent blood, but was consumed at last with lyce.

The worthy virtues and doings of this blessed Martyr, who for his painful travails, and singular zeal to his country, may be called in these our days, an Apostle of England, it were long to recite. Amongest many other, this because it seemeth to me worthy of remembrance, I thought not in silence to overpass, which hath unto me credibly been testified by certain grave Marchauntes, & some of thē also such as were present the same time at the fact, and men yet alive. The story whereof is this.

There was at Antwerpe on a time, amongst a company of Marchauntes as they were at supper, a certain iuggler, which through his diabolical inchaūtementes or Art Magicall, would fetch all kinds of viandes, & wyne from any place they would, and set it upon the table incontinent before them, with many other such like things. The same of this iuggler being much talked of, it chanced that as M. Tyndale heard of it, he desired certain of the Merchants, that he might also be present at supper, to see him play his partes.

To be brief, the supper was appointed, and the Marchauntes with Tyndale were there present. Then the iuggler being required to play his feats, and to show his cunning, after his wonted boldness began, to utter all that he could do, but all was in vain. At the last, with his labor, sweating, and toiling, when he saw that nothing would go forward, but that all his enchauntmentes were void, he was compelled openly to confess, that there was some man present at supper, which disturbed and letted all his doings. So that a man even in the Martyrs of these our days, cannot lack the miracles of true faith, if miracles were now to be desired.

As concerning y ^e works and books of Tyndale, which extend to a great number, thou wast told before (loving reader) howe the Printer hereof mindeth by the Lord's leave, to collect them all in one Uolume together, and put them out in print. Wherefore it shall not greatly at this time be needful to make any several rehearsal of them.

And as touching his translation of the New Testament, because his enemies did so much carpe at it, pretending it to be so full of heresies, to answer therefore to their sclanderous tongs and lieng lips, thou shalt hear and understand, what faithful dealing, and sincere conscience he used in the same, by the testimony & allegation of his own words, written in his Epistle to John Frith as followeth: I call God to record against the day we shall appear before our Lord Jesus, to give a reckoning of our doings, y ^t I never altered one syllable of God's word against my conscience, nor would do this day, if all that is in earth, whether it be honor, pleasure, or riches might be givē me, &c.

And as ye have heard Tyndals own words thus protesting for himself: now let us hear likewise the faithful testimony of John Frith, for Tyndale his dear companion and brother, thus declaring in his answer to master More, as followeth.

The testimony of John Frith in his book of the Sacrament concerning William Tyndale.

ANd Tyndale I trust liveth, well content with such a poor Apostles life, as God gave his son Christ, and his faithful Ministers in this world, which is not sure of so many mites, as ye be yearly of pounds, although I am sure that for his learning and judgment in Scripture, he were more worthy to be promoted, then all the Bishops in England. I received a letter from him, which was written since Christmas, wherein among other matters he writeth this: I call God to record against the day we shall appear before our Lord Jesus to give a reckoning of our doings, that I never altered one syllable of God's word against my conscience, nor would do this day, if all that is in earth, whether it be honor, pleasure, or riches, might be given me.

Moreover, I take God to witness to my conscience, that I desire of God to myself in this world, no more then that without which I cannot keep his laws, &c. Judge Christian Reader whether these words be not spoken of a faithful clear innocent heart. And as for his behavior, is such, that I am sure no man can reprove him of any sin, howbeit, no man is innocent before God, which beholdeth the heart. This much out of Frith.

And thus being about to conclude and finish with the life and story of William Tyndale, it shall be requisite now that the Reader do hear something likewise of his supplication made to the King, and nobles of the Realm, as they are yet extant in his works to be seen, and worthy in all ages to be marked, the tenor whereof tendeth to this effect as followeth.

Tyndals supplications to the King, Nobles, and subjects of England.

I Beseech the Kings most noble grace, well to consider all the ways, by the which the Cardinal, and our holy Bishops have led him since he was first King, and to see whereunto all the pride, pomp, and vain boast of y ^e Cardinal is come, and how God hath resisted him and our Prelates in all their wiles. We having nothing to do at all, have meddled yet with all matters, and have spente for our Prelates causes, more then all Christendom, even unto the utter beggering of our selves, and have gotten nothing but rebuke and hate among all nations, & a mock and a scorn of them, whom we have most holpen. For the Frenchmen (as the saying is) of late days made a play, or a disguising at Paris, in which the Emperor daunsed with the Pope, and the French King, and weeryed them: the King of England sitting on a hye bench, and looking on. And when it was asked why he daunced not, it was answered, that he sat there, but to pay the minstrels their wages. As who should say, we paid for all men's dancing. We monied the Emperor openly, and gave y ^e french King double and treble secretly: and to the Pope also. Yea and though Ferdinandus had money sent openly to blind the world withal, yet the saying is through all Dutchland that we sent money to the King of Pole, &c.

Furthermore, I beseech his grace also to have mercy of his own soul, and not to suffer Christ and his holy Testament to be persecuted under his name any longer: that the sword of the wrath of God may be put up again, which for that cause, no doubt, is most chiefly drawn.

Thirdly, my petition is to his grace, to have compassion on his poor subjects, that the Realm utterly perish not with the wicked counsel of our pestilente Prelates. For if his grace, which is but a man, should die, the Lord's and commons not knowing who hath most right to enjoy the crown, the realm could not but stand in great danger.

My fourth suit and exhortation is to all the Lord's temporal of the realm, that they come and fall before y ^e kings grace, and humbly desire his Majesty, to suffer it to be tried, who of right ought to succeed: And if he or she fail, who next, and who third. And let it be proclaimed openly: and let all the Lord's temporal be sworn thereto, and all y ^e knights and squiers and gentlmen, and the commons above xviij. years old, that there be no strife for the succession. If they try it by the sword, I promise them, I see no other likelihood but it will cost the realm of England, &c.

Further, of all the subjects of England this I crave: that they repent. For the cause of evil rulers is the sin of the subjects as testifieth the Scripture. And the cause of false Preachers is, that the people have no love unto the truth, saith Paul in the 2. Chapter of the 2. Epistle to the Thessalonians. We be all sinners an hundred times greater then all that we suffer. Let us therefore eche forgive other, remembering the greater sinners, the more welcome if we repent according to the similitude of the riotous son, Luk. xv. For Christ died for sinners and is their Savior, and his blood their treasure to pay for their sins. He is that fatted calf which is slain to make them good cheare withal, if they will repent and come to their father again: and his merits is the goodly raiment to cover the naked deformities of their sins.

Finally, if the persecution of the Kings grace and of other temporal persons conspiring with the spiritualty, be of ignorance, I doubt not but that their eyes shall be opened shortly, and they shall see & repent, and God shall show them mercy. But if it be of a set malice against the truth, and of a grounded hate against the law of God, by the reason of a full consent they have to sin and to walk in their old ways of ignorance, whereunto being now past all repentance, they have utterly yielded themselves, to follow with full lust without bridle or snaffle, which is the sin against the holy Ghost: then ye shall see even shortly, that God shall turn the point of the sword wherewith they now shed Christ's blood, homeward to shed their own again, after all the examples of the Bible.

These things thus discoursed pertaining to the story and doings of Tyndale, finally it remaineth to infer certain of his private letters and epistles, whereof among diverse other which have not come to our hands, two special he wrote to John Frith, one properly under his own name, another under the name of Jacob, but in very deed was written and delivered to John Frith, being prisoner then in the Tower, as ye shall further understand by the sequeale hereafter. The copy and tenor of the Epistles here followeth.

A letter sent from Tyndale, unto Mayster Frith being in the Tower.

Another notable and worthy letter of Master William Tyndale sent to the said John Frith, under the name of Jacob.

The grace of our Savior Jesus, his patience, meekness, humbleness, circumspection, and wisdom, be with your heart, Amen.

This letter was written an. 1533. in the month of January. Which letter although it do pretend the name of Jacob, yet understand (good Reader) that it was written in very deed to John Frith, as is above told thee. For the more proof and evidence whereof, read Frithes book of the Sacrament, and there thou shalt find a certain place of this Epistle repeated word for word, beginning thus: I call God to record, against the day we shall appear before our Lord Jesus to give a reckoning of our doings, that I never altered one syllable of God's word against my conscience, &c. Which Epistle John Frith himself witnesseth that he received from Tyndale, as in his testimony above appeareth.

The death of the Lady Katherine and of Queen Anne.

THe same year in the which W. Tyndale was burned, which was the year of our Lord 1536. in the beginning of the year, first died Lady Katherine Princes Dowager in the month of January.

After whom the same year also, in the month of May next following, followed the death also of Queen Anne, who had now been married to the King the space of three years. In certain records thus we find, that the Kyng being in his Justs at Greenewich, suddenly with a few persons, departed to Westminster, and the next day after Queen Anne his wife was had to the Tower, with the Lord Rochford her brother, and certain other: and the xix. day after was beheaded. The words of this worthy and Christian Lady at her death, were these:

Good Christian people, I am come hither to die, for according to the Law, and by y ^e Law I am judged to death, and therefore I will speak nothing against it. I am come hither to accuse no man, nor to speak anything of that, whereof I am accused and condemned to die, but I pray God save the King, and send him long to reign over you, for a gentler, or a more merciful Prince was there never: and to me he was ever a good, a gentle, and sovereign Lord. And if any person will meddle of my cause, I require them to judge the best. And thus I take my leave of the world, and of you all, and I heartily desire you all to pray for me. O Lord have mercy on me. To God I commend my soul. And so she kneeled down, saying: To Christ I commend my soul: Jesus receive my soul: repeating the same diverse times, till at length the stroke was given, and her head was stricken off.

And this was the end of that godly Lady and Queen. Godly I call her, for sundry respects, whatsoever the cause was, or quarrel objected against her. Fyrst, her last words spoken at her death, declared no less her sincere faith and trust in Christ, then did her quiet modesty utter forth the goodness of the cause and matter, whatsoever it was. Besides that, to such as wisely can judge upon cases occurrent, this also may seem to give a great clearing unto her, that the King the third day after was married in his whites unto another. Certain this was, that for the rare and singular gifts of her mind so well instructed, and given toward God, with such a fervent desire unto the truth and setting forth of sincere Religion, joined with like gentleness, modesty, and pity toward all men, there hath not many such Queens before her borne the Crown of England. Principally this one commendation she left behind her, that during her life, the Religion of Christ most happily flourished, and had a right prosperous course.

Many things might be written more of the manifold virtues, and the quiet moderation of her mild nature, how lowly she would bear, not only to be admonished, but also of her own accord would require her Chapleynes plainly and freely to tell whatsoever they saw in her amiss. Also, how bountiful she was to the poor, passing not only the common example of other Queens, but also the revenues almost of her estate: in so much that the almose which she gave in three quarters of a year, in distribution, is summed to the number of xiv. or xv. thousand pounds. Beside the great piece of money which her grace intended to impart into four sundry quarters of the Realm, as for a stock there to be employed to the behoove of poor artificers and occupyers. Agayne, what a zealous defender she was of Christ's Gospel, all the world doth know, and her acts do and will declare to the worlds ende. Amongst which other her acts, this is one, that she placed M. Hugh Latimer in the Byshopricke of Worcester, and also preferred Doctor Shaxton to his Byshopricke, being then accounted a good man. Furthermore, what a true faith she bare unto the Lord, this one example may stand for many: for that when King Henry was with her at Wodstocke, and there being afraid of an old blind prophesy, for the which neither he, nor other Kings before him, durst hunt in the said park of Woodstock, nor enter into the Town of Oxford, at last thorough the Christian and faithful counsel of that Queen, he was so armed against all infidelity, that both he hunted in the foresaid park, and also entered in the Town of Oxford, and had no harm. But because touching the memorable virtues of this worthy Queen, partly we have said something before, partly because more also is promised to be declared of her virtuous life (the Lord so permitting) by other who then were about her: I will cease in this matter further to proceed.

This I cannot but marvel, why the Parliament holden this year, that is, the xxviij. year of the King, (which Parliament three years before had established and confirmed this Marriage as most lawful) should now so sodeinly and contrary to their own doings, repeal and disable the said Marriage again as unlawful, being so lawfully before contracted. But more I marvel, why the said Parliament, after the illegitimation of the Marriage enacted, not contented with that, should further proceed, and charge her with such carnal desires of her body, as to misuse her self with her own natural brother the Lord Rochford, and others, being so contrary to all nature that no natural man will believe it.

But in this Acte of Parliament did lie (no doubt) some great mistery, which here I will not stand to discuss, but only that it may be suspected some secrete practicing of the Papists here not to be lacking, considering what a mighty stop she was to their purposes and proceedings, and on the contrary side, what a strong Bulwark she was for the maintenance of Christ's Gospel and sincere religion, which they then in no case could abide. By reason whereof, it may easily be considered that this Christian and devout Deborah could lack no enemies amongst such a number of Philistines, both within the Realm and without.

Agayne, neither is it unlike but that Stephen Winchester, being then abroad in Ambassie, was not altogether asleep. The suspicion whereof may be the more conjectural, for that Edmund Boner Archdeacon of Leicester, and then Ambassador in France succeeding after Stephen Winchester, did manifestly detect him of plain Papistry, as in the sequeale of their stories, when we come to the time, more ample (the Lord granting) shall be expressed.

And as touching the Kings mind and assent, although at that time through crafty setters on, he seemed to be sore bent both against that Queen, and to the disheriting of his own daughter: yet unto that former will of the King so set against her then, I will oppose again the last will of the King, wherein expressly and by name he did accept, and by plain ratification did allow the succession of his Marriage to stand good and lawful.

Furthermore, to all other sinister judgments and opinions, whatsoever can be conceived of man against that virtuous Queen: I object and oppose again (as in stead of answer) the evident demonstration of God's favor, in maintaining, preserving, & aduaunsing the offspring of her body, the Lady ELIZABETH, now Queen, whom the Lord hath so marvelously conserved from so manifold dangers, so royally hath exalted, so happily hath blessed with such virtuous patience, and with such a quiet reign hitherto, that neither the reign of her brother EDWARD, nor of her sister Mary, to her is to be compared, whether we consider the number of the years of their reigns, or the peaceablenes of their state. In whose royal and flourishing regiment we have to behold, not so much the natural disposition of her mothers qualities, as the secrete judgment of God in preserving and magnifieng the fruit and offspring of that godly Queen.

And finally, as for the blasphemous mouth both of Cardinal Poole, and of Paulus Iouius, that Popish Cardinal, who measuring belike other womē by his curtesanes of Rome, so impudently abuseth his pen in lieng and railing against this noble Queen: to answer again in defense of her cause to that Italian, I object and oppose the consent and judgment of so many noble Protestants and Princes of Germany, who being in league before with King Henry, and minding no less but to have made him the head of their confederation, afterward hearing of the death of this Queen, utterly brake from him and refused him, only for the same cause.

But all this seemeth (as is said) to be the drift of the wily Papists, who seeing the Pope to be repulsed out of England by the means chiefly of this Queen, and fearing always the succession of this Marriage in time to come: thought by sinister practice to prevent that peril before, whispering in the Kings ears, what possibly they could, to make that Matrimony unlawful, and all for the disheriting of that succession.

Again, Stephen Gardener (who was a secret worker against that marriage, and a perpetual enemy against Lady Elizabeth) being then abroad with the French Kyng and the great Master of France, ceased not in his letters still to put the King in fear, that the foreine Princes and powers of the world, with the Pope, would never be reconciled to the King, neither should he be ever in any perfect security, unless he undid again such acts before passed for the ratification of that succession. Which thing when they had now brought to pass after their own desire, that both now the Queen was beheaded, and Elizabeth the Kings daughter disherited, they thought all things to be sure forever. But yet God's providence still went beyond them, and deceived them. For incontinently after the suffering of Queen Anne, the King within three days after, married Lady Jane Semer, of whom came King Edward, as great an enemy to God's enemy the Pope, as ever his father was, and greater too.

In the mean time, as these troublous tumults were in doing in England, Paul the third Bishop of Rome, for his part was not behind to help forward for his own advantage. Who seeing his usurped kingdom & seat to be darkened in the countries of Germany, & also in England, thought it high time to bestir him, and therefore, to provide some remedy against further dangers, appointed a general Council at Mantua in Italy, requiring all kings and princes either personally to be there, or else to send their Ambassadors, under fair pre • enses, as to suppress heresies, and to restore the Church▪ and to war against the Turk, &c. This Bull was subscribed with the hands of 26. Cardinals, and set up in diverse great Cities, that it might be known and published to the whole world. Unto the which Bull, first the Protestants of Germany do answer, declaring sufficient causes why they refused to resort to that Council, being indicted at Mantua in the Popes own Country. Whose declaration, with their causes grave and effectual, being set forth in print, and in the English tongue, although they were worthy here to be inserted, yet for brevity, and more speed in our story, I will pretermit the same, and only take the Oration or answer of our King here: Wherein he likewise rendereth reasons and causes most reasonable, why he refuseth to come or to send at the Popes call to his Council, indicted at Mantua. Whose Oration or Protestation, because it containeth matter of some w • ight and great experience, I thought here good to express, as followeth.

A Protestation in the name of the King, and the whole Counsaile, and Clergy of England, why they refuse to come to the Popes Council at his call.

SEing that the Bishop of Rome calleth learned men frō all parties, conducting them by great rewards, making as many of them Cardinals as he thinketh most meet and most ready to defend fra • des and untruths: we could not but with much anxiety cast with our selves, what so great a preparance of wits should mean. As chance was, we gessed even as it followed. We have ben so long acquainted with Romaine subtleties and popish deceits, that we well and easily judged y ^e Bishop of Rome to intend an assemble of his adherents and men sworn to think all his lusts to be laws. We were not deceived. Paul the Bishop of Rome hath called a Council, to the which he knew well either few or none of the Christian Princes could come. Both the time that he indicted it, and also the place where he appointed it to be, might assure him of this. But whether wandereth not these Popish Bulls? whether go they not astray? what King is not cited and summoned by a proud Minister and servant of Kings, to come to bolster up errors, frauds, deceits, and untruths, and to set forth this feigned general Council? For who will not think that Paul the Bishop of Rome goeth sooner about to make men believe that he intendeth a general Council, then that he desireth one in deed: No, who can less desire it, thē they that do despair of their cause, except they be judges, and give sentence themselves against their adversaries? We, which very sore against our will, at any time leave off the procurement of the Realm and common weal, need neither to come our selves, nor yet to send our procuratours thither, no nor yet to make our excuse for either of both. For who can accuse us, that we come not at his call, which hath no authority to call us?

But for a season let us (as a sort of blyndlynges do) grant that he may call us, and that he hath authority so to do: yet (we pray you) may not all men see, what availeth it to come to this Council, where ye shall have no place, except ye be known both willing to oppress truth, and also ready to confirm and stablish errors? Do not all mē perceive as well as we, with what integrity, fidelity, and Religion, these men go about to discuss matters in controversy, that take them in hand in so troublesome a time as this is? Is it not plain what fruit the common weal of Christendom may look for there, where as Mantua is chosen the place to keep this Council at? Is there any Prince, not being of Italy, yea, is there any of Italy, Prince or other dissenting frō the Pope, that dareth come to this assemble, and to this place? If there come none, that dare speak for trodden truth, none that will venture his life, is it marvel if the Bishop of Rome being judge, no man repining, no man gainesaieng, the defenders of the Papacie obtain that Popish authority now quayling and almost fallen, be set up again?

Is this the way to help things afflict? to redress troubled Religion? to lift up oppressed truth? Shall men this way know, whether the Roman Bishops (which in very deed are, if ye look either upon their doctrine or life, far under other Bishops) ought to be made like their fellows, that is, to be pastors in their own Dioces, and so to use no further power: or else whether they may make laws, not only unto other Bishops, but also to Kings & Emperors? O boldness, meet to be beaten down with force, and not to be convinced with arguments. Can either Paul that now Lordeth, or any of his, earnestly go about (if they alone, or at y ^e least without any adversary, be thus in a corner assembled together) to heal the sicknesses, to take away the errors, to pluck down the abuses that now are crept into the Church, and there be bolstered up, by such Councils as now is like to be at Mantua?

It is very like, that these, which prole for nothing but profit, will right gladly pul down all such things, as their forefathers made, only for y ^e increase of money. Whereas their forefathers, whē their honor, power, primacy, was called into question, would either in spite of God's law, maintain their dignity, or (to say better) their intolerable pride: is it like, that these will not trede in their steps, and make naughty new Canons, whereby they may defend old evil decrees? Howbeit, what need we to care, either what they have done, or what they intend to do hereafter, for as much as England hath taken her leave of Popish crafts forever, never to be deluded w ^t them hereafter? Romaine Bishops have nothing to do with English people: the one doth not trafike with the other: at y ^e least, though they will have to do with us, yet we will none of their merchandise, none of their stuff. We will receive them of our Council no more. We have sought our hurt, and bought our loss a great while too long. Surely their Decrees, either touching things set up, or put down, shall have none other place w ^t us, then all Bishops Decrees have, that is, if we like them, we admit them: if we do not, we refuse them. But lest peradventure mē shall think us to follow our senses too much, & that we, moved by small or no just causes, forsake the authority, censures, Decrees, and Popish Councelles, we thought it best here to show our mind to the whole world.

Wherefore we protest before God and all men, that we 〈1 page missing〉 down of his usurped power, and proud primacy: for expelling of his usurped jurisdiction: and for delivering of our realm from his grievous bondage and pollage? Who seeth not him even inflamed w ^t hatred against us, and y ^e flames to be much greater, then he can now keep them in? He is an open enemy, he dissembleth no longer, provoking all men by all the means that he can to endammage us and our country. These 3. years he hath been occupied in no one thing so much, as how he might stir up the commons of England, now corrupting some with money, some with dignities. We let pass, what letters he hath written to Christian Princes: with howe great fervent study, he hath exhorted men to set upon us. The good Vicar of Christ, by his doing showeth how he understandeth the words of Christ. He thinketh, he playeth Christ's part well, when he may say as Christ did: Non veni pacem mittere in terram, sed gladium: I come not to make peace in earth, but to send swords about: and not such swords, as Christ would his to be armed with all, but such as cruel manquellers, abuse in the slaughter of their neighbors. We marvel little, though they vex other Princes oft, seeing they recompense our favor shown to them, with contumelies, our benefits with injuries.

We will not rehearse here, how many our benefits bestowed upon Romaine bishops, be lost. God be with such vngrate earles, unworthy to be numbered amongst men: Cer • es, such that a man may well doubt, whether God or man hath better cause to hate them. But y ^t we have learned to owe good will, evē to them that immortally hate us, what could we wish them so evil, but they have deserved much worse? We wish them this hurt alone, that God send them a better mind. God be thanked, we have made all their seditious ententes, sooner to show their great malice towards us, then to do us much hurt: yet they have well taught us, evermore to take good heed of our enemies. Undoubtedly it were good going to Mantua, and to leave their whelps amongst the lambes of our flock. When we be weary of our wealth, we will even do then, as they would have us now do. No, no, as long as we shall see his heart so good towards us, we trust upon his warning, we shall well provide to withstand his cruel malice. No, let him now, spend his deceits, when they can hurt none but such as would deceive, and are deceived.

They have by sundry ways, made us privy, howe much we be bound to them. It went nigh their hearts, to see the judgment of Iulye, of Clement the 7. of Paul the 3. nothing to be regarded w ^t us. They be afraid, if we should sustain no hurt because we justly rejected their primacy, that other Princes would begin to do likewise, and to shake of their shoulders, the heavy burdens that they so long have borne, against Scripture, all right and reason▪ They be sory to see the way stopped, y ^t now their tyranny, avarice, and pride cā have no passage into England, which was wont to walk, to triumph, to toss, to trouble all men. They can scarce suffer privileges, that is to say, license to spoil our Citizens, given them by our forefathers, and brought in by errorful custom, to be taken frō them. They think it unlawful, that we require things lawful of them that will be under no laws. They think, we do them wrong, because we will not suffer them to do us wrong any longer. They see their merchandise to be banished, to be forbidden. They see, that we will buy no longer, chalk for cheese. They see they have lost a fair flese, vengeable sorry, that they can dispatch no more pardons, dispensations, tot quots, with the rest of their baggage and tromperie. England is no more a babe. There is no man here, but now he knoweth that they do foolishly, that give gold for lead, more weight of that then they receive of this. They pass not, though Peter & Paul's faces be graven in the lead, to make fools fain. No, we be sorry that they should abuse holy Saints visages, to the begiling of the world.

Surely, except God take away our right wits, not only his authority shall be drivē out forever, but his name also shortly shall be forgotten in England. We will from henceforth, ask counsel of him and his, when we lust to be deceived, when we covet to be in error, when we desire to offend God, truth, and honesty. If a man may guess the whole work by the foundation, where deceits beginneth the work, can any other then deceits be built vpō this foundation? What can you look for in this Mantuan council, other then the oppression of truth & true religion? If there be anything well done, think as every mā doth, bishops of Rome to be accustomed to do a few things well that many evil may the better be taken at their hands. They when they lust, can yield some part of their right. They are content, that some of their decrees, some of their errors & abuses be reprehended: but they are never more to be s • ared, then when they show themselves most gentle. For if they grant a few, they ask many: if they leave a little, they will be sure of a great deal. Scarse a man he may know how to handle himself, that he take no hurt at their hands, yea when they bless him: which seldom do good, but for an intent to do evil. Certainly come who so will to these shops of deceits, to these taires of frauds, we will loose no parte of our right in coming at his call, that ought to be called, and not to fall. We will neither come at Mantua, nor send thither for this matter. &c.

And so the king proceeding in the said his Protestation, declareth moreover, how the Pope, after he had summoned his Council first to be kept at Mantua, the 23. of May, An. 1537. shortly after directed out another Bull, to prorogate the same Council to the month of November, pretending for his excuse, y ^t the Duke of Mantua would not suffer him to keep any Council there, unless he maintained a number of warriors, for defense of the town. And therefore in his latter bull, he prorogeth this assemble, commanding Patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, and other of the spiritualty, by the virtue of obedience and under pain of cursing, to be present, but showeth no place at all where he would be, nor whether they should come. And in very deed no great matter, though no place were named. For as good council nowhere to be called, as where it could not be. And as well no place served him, that intended no Council, as all places. And to say truth, much better no place to be named, then to name such, as he purposed not to come too: for so should he break no promise, which maketh none. And so going forward in his oration, toward the latter ende, he thus inferreth by his words of Protestation, saying.

No, we will the Pope and his adherents to understand that, that we oft have said, and now say, and ever will say: He nor his hath no authority, no jurisdiction in England. We give him no more then he hath, that is never a deal. That which he hath usurped against God's law, & extorted by violence, we by good right, take from him again. But he & his will say: we gave them a primacy. We hear them well. We gave it you in deed. If you have authority upon us, as long as our consent giveth it you, and you evermore will make your plee upon our consent, then let it have even an ende, where it began: we consent no longer, your authority must needs be gone. If we being deceived by falls pretense of evil alleged scriptures, gave to you y ^t ye ought to have refused: why may we not, our error now perceived, your deceit espied, take it again? We princes wrote our selves to be inferours to popes. As long as we thought so, we obeyed them as our superiors. Now we write not as we did, and therefore they have no great cause to maruill, if we hereafter do not as we did, both the laws civil, and also the laws of God, be on our side. For a free man borne doth not lose his liberty, no nor hurt the plee of his liberty, though he write himself a bond man.

Again, if they lean to custom, we send them to saint Cyprian, which saith that custom, if truth be not joined with it is nothing, but erroris vetustas, that is, an old error. Christ said: Ego sum via, veritas, & vita: I am y ^e way truth and life. He never said: Ego sum consuetudo, I am the custom. Wherefore, seeing custom serveth you on y ^e one side, and Scripture us upon the other, are ye able to match us? In how many places doth Christ monish you to seek no primacy, to prefer yourselves before nobody? no, to be obedient unto all creatures? Your old title, Seruus seruorum, evil agreeth with your new forged dignity. But we will not tarry in matters plain: We only desire God, y ^t Caesar & other Christian Princes, would agree vpō some holy Council, where truth may be tried and Religiō set up, which hath been hurt by nothing so sore, as by general not general Councils. Errors and abuses grow to fast. Erudimini, erudimini qui iudicatis terram : Get you learning you y ^t judge the earth: & excogitate some remedy for these so many diseases of y ^e sick Church. They that be wisest, do despair of a general Council. Wherefore we think it now best, that every Prince call a Council provincial, and every Prince to redress his own Realm. We make all men privy, what we think best to be done for the redress of religion. If they like it, we doubt not, but they will follow it, or some other better. Our trust is, that all Princes will so handle themselves in this behalf, that Princes may enjoy their own, and Priests of Rome content themselves with that they ought to have. Princes as we trust, will no longer nourish Wolves whelps: they will subscribe no more to popish pride, to the Papacie. &c.

Favor our doings, O Christian Princes. Your honor & ancient Majesty is restored. Remēber, there is nothing pertaining so much to a Princes honor, as to set forth truth, and to help religion. Take you heed that their deceit work not more mischief, then your virtue can do good: & everlasting war we would all Princes had with this Papacie. As for their Decrees, so hearken to them, that if in this Mantua assemble, things be well done, ye take them, but not as authorised by them, but that truth and things that maintain Religiō, are to be taken at all mens hands. And evē as we will admit things well made, so if there be any thing determined in prejudice of truth, for mainteinaūce of their evil grounded primacy, or that may hurt y ^e authority of kings, we protest unto y ^e whole world, that we neither allow it, nor will at any time allow it.

Ye have, Christian Readers, our mind concerning the general Council. We think you all see, that Paul & his Cardinals, Bishops, Abbots, Monks, Friers, with the rest of the rablemēt, do nothing less intend, then the knowledge or search of truth. Ye see, this is no time meet, Mātua no place meet, for a general Council. And though they were both meet, yet except some other cal this Council, you see, that we neither need to come, nor to send. You have heard how every Prince in his own Realm, may quiet things amiss. If there be any of you, that can show us a better way, we promise w ^t all hearty desire, to do that, that shall be thought best for the setlyng of Religion, & that we will leave our own aduises, if any mā show us better. Which mind of ours, we most hartly pray GOD, that gave it us, not only to increase in us, but also to send it unto all Christian Princes, all Christian Prelates, and all Christian people.

A little before the death of Queen Anne, there was a Parliament at Westminster, wherein was givē to the king by consent of the Abbots, all such houses of religiō, as were under 300. marks. Which was a shrewde prognosticate of the ruin of greater houses, which in deed followed shortly after, as was & might easily be perceived before of many, who thē said: that the low bushes and brambles were cut down before, but great okes would follow after.

Although the proceeding of these things did not well like the minds of the Popes friends in England, yet notwithstanding they began again to take some breath of comfort, when they saw the foresaid Queen Anne dispatched. Nevertheless they were frustrate of their purpose (as is aforeshewed) and that doblewise. For first, after they had their willes of Queen Anne, the Lord raised up another Queen, not greatly for their purpose, with her son king Edward. And also for that the Lord Crōwell the same time began to grow in authority. Who like a mighty pillar set up in the Church of Christ, was enough alone to confound and overthrow all the malignant devises of the adversaries, so long as God gave him in life here to continue: whose story hereafter followeth more at large.

Shortly after this foresaid Marriage of the king with this Queen Jane Semer above mentioned, in y ^e month of June, during the continuation of the Parliament, by the consent of the Clergy holding thē a solemn convocation in the Church of S. Paul, a book was set forth containing certain Articles of religion necessary to be taught to the people, wherein they entreated specially but of three Sacraments: Baptism, Penaunce, & the Lord's Supper. Where also diverse other things were published concerning the alteration of certain pointes of Religion, as that certain holy days were forbid̄, and many Abbayes began to be suppressed. For the which cause, the rude multitude of Lincolneshyre fearing the utter subversion of their old Religion, wherein they had been so long nousled, did rise up in a great commotion, to the mumber: welneare of 20. thousand, having for their Captain, a Monk named D. Makerell, calling himself then Captain Cobbler: but these rebels being repressed by the kings power, and desiring pardon, soon brake up their assembly. For they hearing of the royal army of the king coming against them with his own person there present, & fearing what would follow of this, first the noble men and Gentlemen, which before favored them, began to w ^t draw themselves, so that they were destitute of Captains: and at the last, they in writing made certain petitions to the king, protesting that they never intended hurt toward his royal person. These petitions the king received, and made this answer again to them as followeth.

The kings answer to the rebels.

FIrst, we begin and make answer to the fourth and sixth articles, because upon them dependeth much of the rest. Concerning choosing of Counsailours, I never have red, heard, nor known, that Princes, Counsailours and Prelates, should be appointed by rude and ignorant common people, nor that they were persons meet, or of ability to discern and choose meet and sufficient Counsailours for a Prince: How presumptuous then are ye the rude commons of one shire, and that one the most base of y ^e whole realm, and of the least experience, to find fault with your Prince, for the electing of his Counsailours and Prelates, and to take upon you, contrary to God's law, and man's laws, to rule your Prince, whom ye are bound by all law, to obey and serve with both your lives, lands and goods, and for no worldly cause, to withstand?

As to the suppression of religious houses & Monasteries, we will that ye and all our subjects should well know, that this is granted us by all the nobles spiritual & temporal of this realm, and by all the commons in the same, by Acte of Parliament, and not set forth by any Counselor or Counsailours upon their mere will and fantasy, as ye full falsely would persuade our realm to believe.

And where ye allege, that the service of God is much diminished, the truth thereof is contrary: for there be no houses suppressed where God was well served, but where most vice, mischief, and abomination of living was used, and that doth well appear by their own confessions subscribed with their own hands in the time of their visitations, and yet we suffered a great many of them (more then we needed by the Acte) to stand: wherein, if they amend not their living, we fear, we have more to answer for, then for the suppression of all the rest. And as for the hospitality for the relief of the poor, we wonder ye be not ashamed to affirm, that they have been a great relief of poor people, when a great many or the most parte hath not past four or five religious persons in them, & diverse but one, which spent the substance of the goods of their houses in nourishing of vice and abhominable living. Now, what unkindness and vnnaturalitie may we impute to you and all our subjects that be of that mind, which had leuer such an unthrifty sort of vicious persons should enjoy such possessions, profits and emoluments, as grow of the said houses, to the maintenance of their unthrifty life, then we your natural Prince, sovereign Lord and King, which doth & hath spent more in your defences of our own, then six times they be worth?

As touching the act of uses, we marvel what madness is in your brain, or upon what ground ye would take authority upon you, to cause us to break those laws and statutes, which by all the noble Knightes and Gentlemen of this Realm (whom the same chiefly touched) hath been granted and assented too: seeing in no manner of things, it toucheth you the base commons of our realm.

Also, the grounds of all those uses were false, and never admitted by law, but usurped upon the prince, contrary to all equity and justice, as it hath been openly both disputed & declared by all the well learned mē in the Realm of England, in Westminster Hall: whereby ye may well perceive, howe mad and unreasonable your demands be, both in that and in the rest, and howe unmeet it is for us, & dishonorable, to grant or assent unto, and less mete and decent for you in such a rebellious sort, to demand the same of your Prince.

As touching the fifteen which ye demand of us to be released, think ye that we be so faint hearted, that perforce ye of one shire (were ye a great many mo) could compel us with your insurrections & such rebellious demeanour, to remit the same? or think ye that any man will or may take you to be true subjects, that first make & show a loving grant, and then perforce would compel your sovereign Lord and King to release the same? The time of payment whereof is not yet come: yea and seeing the same will not countervail the tenth penny of the charges, which we have and daily do sustain for your tuition & safeguard: make you sure by your occasions of these your ingratitudes, vnnaturalnes, and unkindness to us now administered, ye give us cause (which hath always been as much dedicate to your wealth, as ever was King) not so much to set our study for y ^e setting forward of the same, seeing how unkindly and untruly ye deal now with us, without any cause or occasion. And doubt ye not, though you have no grace nor naturalnes in you to consider your duty of allegiāce to your king & sovereign Lord, the rest of our Realm (we doubt not) hath, & we and they shall so look on this cause, y ^t we trust it shall be to your confusion, if according to your former letters you submit not yourselves.

As touching the first fruits, we let you to wit, it is a thing granted us by Acte of Parliament also, for the supportation of part of the great and excessive charges, which we support & bear for the maintenance of your wealths and other our subjects: and we have known also that ye our commons have much complained in times passed, that the most part of our goods, lands, and possessions of the Realm, were in the spiritual men's hands: and yet bearing us in hand, that ye be as loving subjects to us as may be, ye cannot find in your hearts, that your Prince and sovereign Lord should have any part thereof (and yet it is nothing prejudicial unto you our commons) but do rebel and unlawfully rise against your Prince, contrary to the due • y of allegiaunce & God's commandment. Syrs, remember your follies and traitorous demeanors, and shame not your native country of England, nor offend no more so grievously your undoubted king & natural prince, which always hath shown him self most loving unto you, and remember your duty of allegiance, and that ye are bound to obey us your king, both by God's commandment, and law of nature.

Wherefore we charge you eftsoons upon the foresaid bonds and pains, that ye withdraw yourselves to your own houses every man, and no more to assemble contrary to our laws and your allegiaunces, and to cause the provokers of you to this mischief, to • e delivered to our Lieutenaunts hands or ours, and you yourselves to submit you to such condign punishment, as we and our nobles shall think you worthy: for doubt you not else, that we & our nobles can nor will suffer this injury at your hands vnreuēged, if ye give not place to us of soueraignetie, & show yourselves as bounden and obedient subjects, and no more to entermeddle yourselves from henceforth with the weighty affairs of the Realm, the direction whereof only appertaineth to us your king, and such noble men and counsailours, as we list to elect and choose to have the ordering of the same.

And thus we pray unto almighty God, to give you graee to do your duties, to use yourselves towards us like true and faithful subjects, so as we may have cause to order you thereafter: and rather obediently to consent amongst you, to deliver into the hands of our Lieutenant, a hundredth persons to be ordered according to their demerits, at our will and pleasure, then by your obstinacy and willfulness, to put yourselves, your wines, children, lands, goods and cattels, beside the indignation of God, in the utter adventure of total destruction, & utter ruin, by force and violence of the sword.

After the Lyncolneshyre men had received this the Kynges answer aforesaid, made to their petitions, eche mistrusting other who should be noted to be the greatest meddler, even very sodeinly they began to shrink and out of hand, they were all divided, and every man at home in his own house in peace: but the Captains of these rebels escaped not all clear, but were after apprehended, and had as they deserved. Ex Edw. Hallo.

After this, immediately within six days, upon the same, followed a new insurrection in Yorkshire for the same causes, through the instigation and lying tales of seditious persons, especially Monks and Priests, making them believe, that their silver chalices, crosses, jewels, and other ornaments should be taken out of their Churches, and that no man should be married, or eat any good meat in his house, but should give tribute therefore to the King: but their special malice was against Cromwell, and certain other Counsailours.

The number of these rebels were near about 40. M. having for their badges the 5. wounds, with the sign of the Sacrament, and Jesus written in the midst.

This their devilish rebellion, they termed by the name of a holy pilgrimage, but they served a wrong and a naughty Saint. They had also in the field their streamers and banners, whereupon was painted Christ hanging upon the Cross on the one side, and a chalice with a painted cake in it, on the other side, with other such ensigns of like hypocrisy and feigned sanctity, pretending thereby to fight for the faith, and right of holy Church.

As soon as the king was certified of this new seditious insurrection, he sent with all speed against them, the Duke of Norfolk, Duke of Suffolk, Marques of Excetor, Earl of Shrewsbury & other, with a great army, forthwith to encounter with the rebels.

These noble Captains and Counsailours thus well furnished with habilement of war, approaching toward the rebels, and understanding both their number, and howe they were full bent to battle, first with policy went about to assay and practice how to appease all without bloudsheding: but the Northern men stoutly and sturdely standing to their wicked cause and wretched enterprise, would in no case relent frō their attempts. Which when the nobles perceived, & saw no other way to pacify their furious minds utterly set on mischief, determined upon a battle. The place was appointed, the day assigned, and the hour set, but see y ^t wanderous work of God's gracious providence.

The night before the day of battle came (as testifieth Edward Hall) fell a small rain, nothing to speak of: but yet, as it were by a great miracle of God, the water which was but a very small forde, and that men, in manner y ^e day before, might have gone brishod over, suddenly rose of such a height, deepenes, and breadth, that the like no man that there did inhabit, could tell that ever they saw afore: so y ^t the day, even when the hour of battle should come, it was impossible for the one army to come at the other.

After this, y ^e appointment made between both y ^e armies being thus disappointed, as it is to be thought, only by God (who extended his great mercy, and had compassion on the great number of innocent persons, that in that deadly slaughter had like to have been murdered) could take no place: then by the great wisdom and policy of y ^e said Captains, a communication was had, & a pardon of the kings Majesty obtained, for all the captayns and chief doers of this insurrection, and they promised y ^t such things as they found themselves aggrieved with all they should gently be heard, and their reasonable petitions granted, & that their articles should be presented to the king, that by his highness authority, and wisdom of his Counsayle, all things should be brought to good order and conclusion: and with this order every man quietly departed, and those which before were bent as hot as fire, to fight, being letted thereof by God; went now peaceably to their houses, and were as cold as water. A Domino factum est istud.

In the time of this ruffle in Yorkeshyre, and the king lying the same time at Windsore there was a Butcher dwelling within 5. miles of the said town of Windsore, which caused a Priest to preach, that all they that took part with the Yorkshire men, whom he called God's people did fight in God's quarrel: for the which both he and the priest were apprehended, and executed.

Divers other priests also, with other, about the same time committing in like sort treason against the king, suffered the like execution. Such a business had the Kyng then to rid the realm from the servitude of the Romish yokes.

The yere next after this, which was of the Lord. 1537. after that great execution had been done upon certain rebellious Priests and a few other lay men, with certain noble persons also and gentlemen, amongst whom was the Lord Darcy, the Lord Hussy, Syr Robert Constable Syr Thomas Percy, Syr Frances Bygot, Syr Stephen Hamelton, Syr John Bulmer, and his wife, William Lomeley, Nicholas Tempest, with the Abbottes of Gerney, and of Rivers. &c. in the month of October, the same year following, was borne Prince Edward. Shortly after whose birth, Queen Jane his mother, the second day after, died in childbed, & left the king again a widower, which so continued the space of two years together. Upon the death of which Queen Jane, and upon the birth of prince Edward her son, these two verses were made which follow.

Here is by the way to be understand, that during all this season, since the time that the king of England had rejected the pope out of the Realm, both the Emperor, y ^e French king, and the king of Scots, with other foreign potentates (which were yet in subjection under the Pope) bare no him do great good favor inwardly, whatsoever outwardly they pretended. Neither was here lacking pryuy setters on, nor secret working among themselves, how to compass ungracious mischiefs, if God by contrary occasions had not stopped their intended devises. For first y ^e Pope had sent Cardinal Poole to the French king, to stir him to war against the realm of England.

Secondly where as the French king, by treaty of perpetual peace, was bound yearly to pay to the king of England at the first days of May, and November about xcv. thousand crowns of the sum, and odd money, and over, that 10000. crowns at y ^e said ii. terms, for recōpēce of salt due, as the treats thereof did purporte: that pension remained now vnpayed iv. years and more.

Furthermore, the Emperor and the French K. both retained Grancetor a traitorous rebel against the king, & condemned by Act of Parliament, with certain other traitors moe, and yet would not deliver him to the king at his earnest suite and request.

The French king also digressing from his promise and treaty, made alliance with the Bishop of Rome, Clement in marrying the Dolphine to his Niece, called Katherine de Medicis.

The said French king moreover, contrary to his contracte made, married his daughter to the king of Scots. All which were prejudicial: and put the king (no doubt) in some fear and perplexity (though otherwise a stout and valiant Prince) to see the Pope, the Emperor, the French king, and king of Scots so bent against him.

And yet all this notwithstanding, the Lord still defended the iustnes of his cause against them all. For although the French king was so set on by the Pope, and so linked in marriage with the Scots, and sacked nothing now but only occasion to invade the realm of England: yet notwithstanding he hearing now of the birth of Prince Edward, the kings son by Queen Jane, and understanding also by the death of the said Queen Jane, that the Kyng was a widower, and perceiving moreover, talk to be that the king would join in marriage with the Germains, began to wax more calm and cold, and to give much more gentle words, and to demean him self more curtuously, laboring to mary the Queen of Nauare his sister to the king.

The Ambassadors resident then in France for the king, were Ste. Gardener, with Docto • Thirleby, &c. Whyche Stephen Gard. what he wrought secreately for the Popes devotion, I have not expressly to charge him. Whether he so did, or what he did, the Lord knoweth all. But this is certain, that when D. Boner Archedeacon then of Leicester, was sent into France by the Kinge (through the means of the Lord Cromwell (to succeed Stephen Gardinar in Ambassie, which was about the year of our Lord 1538. he found such dealing in the said Bishop of Winchester, as was not greatly to be trusted, beside the unkind partes of the said Bishop against the foresaid Boner, coming then from the King and Lord Cromwell, as was not to be liked.

Long it is to recite from the beginning, & few men peruenture would believe, the brawling matters, the privy complaints, the contentious quarrels, and bitter dissensions between these two, and especially what despightful contumelies D. Boner received at the hands of Winchester. For understand (good Reader) that this doctor Boner all this while remained yet (as he seemed) a good man, and was a great furtherer of the kings proceedings, and a favorer of Luther's doctrine, and was advanced only by the Lord Cromwell. Whose promotions here to rehearse: first he was Archdeacon of Leycester, person of Bledon, of Dereham, Cheswike, and Cheriburton. Then was made Bishop of Hereford, and at last preferred to be Bish. of London. The chief of which preferments and dignities were conferred unto him only by the means and favor of the L. Cromwell, who was then his chief and only patron, and setter up: as the said Boner himself in all his letters doth manifestly protest and declare. The Copies of which his letters I could here produce and exhibit, but for prolonging my story with superfluous matter. Yet that the world and all posterity may see, how the coming up of D. Boner was only by the Gospel (howsoever he was after unkind unto the Gospel) this one letter of his, which I will here infer, written to the Lord Cromwell out of France, may stand for a perpetual testimony, the tenor whereof here ensueth.

Divers other Letters beside this, of Doct. Boner remain in writing upon the like effect and purport, which here also I might add for a further demonstration hereof: but this one in stead of many, may suffice. Now to our purpose again: which is to declare how this Doct. Boner in the time of his first springyng up, shown him self a good man, & a fast friend to the Gospel of Christ & to the kings proceedynges & contrariwise, how Stephen Gardener did halt then both with God & with the king. Also what unkindness and contumelies the said Boner received at his hands: what rancor and hartburnyng was between them: and what complaints the one moveth against the other, remaineth consequently by their writings & records to be opened. For the more evident demonstration whereof, they that have the letters of y ^e said Doct. Boner written from France to the king, and the Lord Cromwell may right well perceive. And first to note what a Gospeller he was, in his letter from Roan, he speaking of his trusty companion, and bearer of his letters (who was belike D▪ Heines) he giveth this report both of him, and of himself, saying:

If this bearer had been so much desirous to please the Emperor and follow his religion, as he was studious to serve truly your grace: and to advance the truth: he had not wanted, &c. And again:

And besides that he hath not wanted the evil report of naughty fellows, naming him a Lutheran: wherein for company I was joined, such was their goodness, &c.

Again in another letter written to the Lord Cromwell these words he hath, speaking of his companion Doctor Heines:

Especially for that the said D. Heines by his upright dealing herein, and professing the truth, neither gate thanks nor reward, but was blased abroad by honest folks to be a Lutheran. The les he pleaseth in Spain, the better argument it is, that his intent was to serve none but the kings highness, and the truth, &c.

And furthermore in another minute writing to the L. Cromwell of Stephen Win. and of his churlishnes toward him, thus he saith:

And there found I in M. Doct. Thirlby much kindness, and in the Bishop of Winchester as little. &c: And in the same letter it followeth:

And if I had received any entertainment of the Bish. of Winchester, I would likewise have sent you word. I thank God, I need not, for I had nothing of him. &c.

Also in another letter the said Boner writing to the L. Cromwell concerning one Barnabe, and himself, what cold welcome they both had at the hands of Winchester, useth these words following.

And my good Lord I beseech you to continue your good favor to this honest poor man Barnabe, who is body and soul assuredly your own, and as well beloved of the B. of Winchester as I am: and of my truth I suppose and believe verily, one of the chief grudges the Bishop hath against him, is because your Lordship of your charitable goodness doth love and favor him.

When the king, by the advise of the Lord Cromwell and other of his Counsaile had appointed D. Edmunde Boner to return from the Emperor, and to be resident in France, in the place of Winchester and of Doct. Thirleby he sent his letters to the said B. of Winchester, and to M. Thirleby showing his pleasure unto them in that behalf, with this clause in the same letters contained in express words as followeth.

And where the said M Boner wanteth furniture of stuff and plate meet for that office, our pleasure is, that you M. Thirleby shall deliver unto him by indenture, all the plate you have of ours in your custody, and that you my Lord of Winchester shall furnish him with all such other stuff, as shall be necessary for him. Wherein as you shall do unto us pleasure, so we shall be content at your return, to satisfy you for the same. &c.

The Bishop of Winchester receiving these letters from the king, and being loath to come into England (whatsoever the matter was) also hearing that Doctoure Boner should succeed him, his disdainful nature did stomach him exceedingly. But because there was no other remedy but the kings commandment must be done, first he sendeth the kings letter, with his also to the Emperors court, unto M. Boner, and to D. Heynes, willing them in all haste to repair to Lions within 2. days. Beside these letters of Winchester, D. Thirleby adjoined his letters also with like quickness to the said D. Heyns and to Boner, the contents whereof here followeth.

At the recept of these letters, Doctor Boner and Doctor Heynes did put themselves in a readiness to repair incontinent unto Lions, thinking there to have found Win. and Thirleby, according to y ^e purport of their letters. But Wint. and Thirlby not abiding their coming, made hast away from Lions to la Barella: where Boner riding in post after him, over took him. With whō what entertainment and talk he had, and what accusations he laid to his charge, & what brauling words passed between them, and what great misliking Boner had of him for special causes here in this brabling matter, or brauling dialogue under following may appear, which for thy recreation, and the further understanding of Winchesters qualities, I wish thee (loving Reader) to peruse and consider.

But first here is to be noted, that the King and the L. Cromwell, at what time they had appointed D. Edmund Boner to be resident ambassador in France, required in their letters, that he should adverse them by writing, what he misliked in the doings and behavior of certain persons whom they did note then unto him. Whereupon the said D. Boner sendeth this declaration of Stephen Gardener B. of Wint. as followeth.

In this declaration of D. Edmund Boner sent to the Lord Cromwell above prefixed, diverse things we have to note: First, as touching Stephen Gardener, Bish. of Wint. here we have a plain demonstration of his vile nature and pestilent pride, joined with malice and disdain intolerable: whereof worthily complaineth D. Boner aforesaid, showing six special causes, why and wherefore he misliketh that person, according as he was willed before by the Kings commandment so to do.

Secondly, in the said Stephen Wint. this we have also to note and understand, that as he here declareth a secret [ 1] inclination from the truth (which he defended before in his book De obedientia ) to papistry, joining part and side with such as were known papists: so he seemeth likewise to bear a like secret grudge against the Lord Cromwell, and all such whomsoever he favored.

Thirdly, as concerning the forenamed D. Edmund Boner the author of this declaration, here is to be seen [ 3] and noted, that he all this while appeared a good man and diligent friend to the truth, and that he was favored of the Lord Cromwell for the same.

Fourthly, that the said D. Boner was not only favored of the Lord Cromwell, but also by him was advanced [ 4] first to the office of Legation, then to the Bishoprike of Hereford, and lastly to the Bishoprike of London, whom the said D. Boner in his letters agniseth and confesseth to be his only Patron, and singular Mecaenas.

Which being so, we have in this said D. Boner, greatly to marvel, what should be the cause, that he, seeing all his [ 5] setting up, making, and preferring, came only by the Gospel and by thē of the Gospels side, he being then so hated of Stephen Gardener and such as he was, being also at that time such a furtherer and defender of the Gospel (as appeared both by his Preface before Gardinars book De obedientia, and by his writings to the Lord Cromwell, also by helping forward the printed Bibles at Paris) could ever be a man so ungrateful & unkind, afterward to join part with the said Stephen Gardener against the Gospel (without y ^t which Gospel, he had never come to be bishop, neither of Hereford nor yet of London) and now to abuse y ^e same bishopric of London to persecute y ^t so vehemently, which before so openly he defended. Wherein y ^e same may well be said to him in this case, y ^t he himself was reported once to say to the french King in the cause of Grancetor: to wit, that he had done therein against his honor, against justice, against reason, against honesty, against friendship, against his own promise and his oath so often made, against his own doctrine and judgment, which then he professed, against all truth, against the treats and leagues between him and his setters up, and against all together, and to conclude, against the salvation of his own soul.

But to refer this to the book of his accounts who shall judge one day all things uprightly, let us proceed further in y ^e continue of this D. Boners legation. Who being now Ambassador in the court of France (as he have heard) had given in commission from the king, to entreat with the French King for sundry pointes, as for the printing of the New Testament in English, and the Bible at Paris: also for slanderous preachers, and malicious speakers against the King: for goods of merchaunts taken and spoiled: for the kings pension to be paid: for the matters of the Duke of Suffolk: for certain prisoners in France. Item, for Grancetor the traitor, and certain other rebels to be sent into England, &c. Touching all which affairs, the said D. Boner did employ his diligence & travail to the good satisfaction and contentment of the kings mind, and discharge of his duty, in such sort as no default could be found in him, save only that the French King one time took displeasure with him, for that the said Boner, being now made bishop of Hereford, and bearing himself somewhat more seriously and boldly before the king in the cause of Grancetor the traitor (wherein he was willed by the advertisement of the Kings pleasure, to wade more deeply and instantly) used these words to the French King, as y ^e french king himself did afterward report them) saying, that he had done in deliverance of that foresaid Grancetor being an Englishman, against God, against his honor, against justice, against reason, against honesty, against friendship, against all law, against the treats & leagues between him and his brother the King of England, yea and against all together, &c. These words of Bishop Boner, although he denieth to have spoken them in that form and quality, yet howsoever they were spoken, did stir up the stomach of the French King, to conceive high displeasure against him, in so much that he answering the Lord Ambassador again, bad him write these three things unto his master.

First, among other things that his Ambassador was a great fool.

Secondarily, that he caused to be done better justice there in his Realm in one hour, then they did in England in a whole year.

Thirdly, that if it were not for the love of his master, he should have an hundredth strokes with an Haulbard, &c.

And furthermore, the said French King beside this, sending a special messenger with his letters to the king of England, willed him to revoke and cal this Ambassador home, and to send him another. The cause why the french King took these words of Bishop Boner so to stomach (as the L. Chancelor said) was this, for that the Kings of France standing chiefly and in manner only upon their honor, can suffer that in no case to be touched. Otherwise in those words (if they had been well taken) was not so much blame perchance, as boldness, being spoken somewhat vehemently in his masters behalf. But this one thing seemeth to me much blameworthy, both in this Bishop and many other, that they in earthly matters, and to please terrene Kings, will put forth themselves to such a boldness and forwardness: and in Christ's cause the King of all kings, whose cause they should only attend upon and tender, they are so remiss cold and cowardly.

To these letters of the French King, the King of England sent answer again by other letters, in which he revoked and called home again bishop Boner, giving unto him about the same time, the Bishopric of London, and sent in supply of his place, Sir John Wallop, a great friend to Stephen Gardener. Which was in February, about the beginning of the year of our Lord 1540. Here now followeth the oath of Boner to the King, when he was made Bishop of London.

The oath of Doctor Edmund Boner, when he was made Bishop of London, against the Pope of Rome.

YE shall never consent nor agree that the Bishop of Rome shall practice, exercise, or have any manner of authority, jurisdiction, or power within this Realm, or any other the Kings dominion, but that you shall resist the same at all times, to the uttermost of your power: and that from henceforth ye shall accept, repute, and take the Kings Majesty to be the only supreme head in earth of the Church of England, and that to your cunning, wit, and uttermost of your power, without guile, fraud, or other undue mean, ye shall observe, keep, maintain, and defend the whole effects and contents of all and singular Acts and Statutes made and to be made within this Realm, in derogation, extirpation, and extinguishment of the Bishop of Rome and his authority, and all other Acts and Statutes made and to be made in reformation and corroboration of the Kings power of supreme head in earth of the Church of England, and this ye shall do against all manner of persons, of what estate, dignity, degree, or condition they be, and in no wise do, nor attempt, nor to your power, suffer to be done or attempted, directly or indirectly, anything or things, privily or apertly, to the let, hindrance, damage, or derogation thereof, or of any part thereof, by any manner of means, or for any manner of pretense: And in case any oath be made, or hath been made by you to any person or persons in maintenance or favor of the Bishop of Rome or his authority, jurisdiction, or power, ye repute the same as vain and adnihilate, so help you God, &c.

Ecclesiastical matters. an. 1538.

It will be judged, that I have lingered peradventure too much in these outward affairs of Princes and Ambassadors. Wherefore, leaving with these by matters perteynyng to the Civil state a while, I mind (the Lord willing) to put my story in order again of such occur̄ts as belong unto the Church, first showing such Injunctions and Articles, as were devised and set forth by the king, for the behoove of his subjects. Wherein first is to be understanded, that the king, when he had taken the title of supremacy from the Bishop of Rome, and had translated the same to himself, and was now a full Prince in his own realm, although he well perceived, by y ^e wisdom and advise of the Lord Cromwell and other of his Coūsails, that the corrupt state of the Church had need of reformatiō in many things: yet because he saw how stubborn and untoward the hearts of many Papists were to be brought from their old persuasions and customs, and what business he had with them, only about the matter of the Popes title, he durst not by and by reform all at once (which notwithstanding had been to be wished) but leading them fair and softely, as he might, proceeded by little and little, to bring greater purposes to perfectiō (which he no doubt would have done, if the Lord Cromwell had lived) and therefore first he began with a little book of Articles (partly above touched) bearing this title. Articles devised by the Kynges highness, to stable Christian quietness and unity among the people. &c.

*Articles devised by the king.

IN the contents of which book, first be set forth the Articles of our Christiā Creed, which are necessarely and expressly to be believed of all men. Then with the kings Preface going before, followeth the declaration of iii. Sacraments: to wit, of Baptism, of Penaunce, and of the Sacrament of the Aultar. In the tractation whereof, he altereth nothing from the old trade received heretofore frō the Church of Rome.

Further then, proc • edyng to the order and cause of our iustificatiō, he declareth, that the only mercy and grace of the father promised freely unto us for his sons sake Jesus Christ, and the merits of his Passion and blood, be the only sufficient and worthy causes of our justification: yet good works with inward contrition, hope, and charity, and all other spiritual graces and motions, be necessarily required, and must needs cōcur also in remission of our sins, that is, our justification: and afterward we being justified, must also have good works of charity, and obedience towards God, in the observing and fulfillyng outwardly of his laws and commandments. &c.

As touching Images, he willeth all Bishops & preachers to teach the people in such sort, as they may know, how they may use them safely in Churches, and not abuse them to Idolatry, as thus: that they be represēters of virtue and good example, and also by occasiō, may be styrrers of mens minds, and make them to remember themselves and to lament their sins, and so far he permitteth them to stand in Churches. But otherwise, for avoiding of Idolatry, he chargeth all Bishops & preachers diligently to instruct the people, that they commit no Idolatry unto them, in sensyng of them, in kneeling and offering to thē, with other like worshippings, which ought not to be done, but only to God.

And likewise for honoryng of Saints, the Bishops and preachers be commanded to inform the people, how Saints hence departed ought to be reverenced & honored & how not. That is, that they are to be praised & honored as the elect servants of Christ, or rather Christ to be praised in them for their excellent virtues planted in them & for their good example left us, teaching us to live in virtue & goodness, & not to fear to die for Christ, as they did: & also as aduauncers of our prayers, in that they may, but yet no confidence, nor any such honor to be given unto them, which is only due to God: And so forth charging the said spiritual persons to teache their flock that all grace and remission of sins, and salvation, can no otherwise be obtained, but of God only, by the mediation of our Savior Christ, who is only a sufficient Mediator for our sins: and that all grace and remission of sin must proceed only by mediation of Christ and no other.

From that, he cometh further to speak of rites & ceremonies in Christ's Church, as in having vestimentes used in God's service, sprinklyng of holy water, giving of holy bread, bearing of Cādles on Candlemas day, taking of ashes, bearing of Palms, creepyng to the Cross, setting up the Sepulcher, hallowing of the fonte, with other like customs, rites, & ceremonies, all which old ri • es and customs, the foresaid book doth not by and by repeal, but so far admitteth them for good and laudable, as they put men in remembrance of spiritual things: but so, that the people withal must be instructed, how the said ceremonies contain in them no such power, to remit sin, but only that to be referred unto God, by whom only our sins be forgiven us.

And so concluding with Purgatory, he maketh an ende of those Articles, thus saying thereof: that because y ^e book of Machabes alloweth praieng for souls departed, he therefore disproueth not that so laudable a custom, so long continued in the Church. But because there is no certain place named, nor kind of pains expressed in Scripture, he therefore thinketh necessary such abuses clearly to be put away, which under the name of Purgatory have been advanced: as to make men believe, that by the Bishop of Rome's pardons, or by Masses said, at Scala coeli, or other where, in any place, or before any Image, souls might clearly be delivered out of Purgatory, and from the pains thereof, to be sent straight to heaven, and such other like abuses, &c.

And these were the contents of that book of articles devised, and passed by the Kings authority, a little before the stir of Lincolneshire and Yorkshire. Wherein, although there were many and great imperfections and untruths not to be permitted in any true reformed Church: yet notwithstanding, the king and his counsel to bear with the weaklings, which were newely weyned from their mothers milk of Rome, thought it might serve somewhat for the time, in stead of a little beginning, till better might come.

And so consequently, not long after these Articles thus set forward, certain other Injunctions were also given out about the same year, 1536. whereby a number of holy days were abrogated, and especially such as fell in the harvest time: the keeping of which redounded greatly to y ^e hinderance of gathering in their corn, hay, fruit, and other such like necessary commodities. The copy and tenor of which Injunctions I have also hereunto annexed, as under followeth.

The Kings Injunctions.

FOrasmuch as the number of holy days is so excessively grown, and yet daily more and more by men's devotion yea rather superstition, was like further to increase, that the same was and should be not only prejudicial to the common weal, by reason that it is occasion as well of much sloth and idleness, the very nursse of thieves, vagabunds: and of diverse other unthriftiness and inconveniences, as of decay of good mysteries & Arts profitable & necessary for the common wealth, & loss of man's food, many times being clean destroyed through the superstitious observance of the said holy days, in not taking the opportunity of good & serene weather, offered upon the same in time of harvest, but also pernicious to the souls of many men, which (being enticed by the licentious vacation & liberty of those holy days, do upon the same, commonly use and practice more excess, riot, and superfluity, then upon any other days. And since the Sabbath day was used and ordained, but for man's use, and therefore ought to give place to the necessity and behoove of the same whensoever that shall occur, much rather any other holyday institute by man: It is therefore by the Kings highness authority as supreme head in earth of the Church of England, with the common assent and consent of the Prelates and Clergy of this his Realm, in convocation lawfully assembled and congregated, amongst other things decreed, ordained and established.

First, that the feast of dedication of Churches, shall in all places through out this Realm, be celebrate and kept on the first Sunday of the month of October, forever, and upon none other day.

Item, that the feast of the patron of every Church within this Realm, called commonly the Church holyday, shall not frō henceforth be kept or observed as a holy day, as heretofore hath been used, but that it shall be lawful to all & singular persons resident or dwelling within this Realm, to go to their work, occupation or mistery, & the same truly to exercise and occupy upon the said feast, as upon any other work day: except the said feast of Church holy day be such as must be else universally observed and kept as a holyday by this ordinance following.

Also that all those feasts or holy-days, which shall happen to fall or occur either in the harvest time, which is to be counted from the first day of July, unto the xxix. day of September, or else in the term time at Westminster, shall not be kept, or observed frō henceforth as holy days, but that it may be lawful for every man to go to his work or occupation upon the same, as upon any other work day: except always the feasts of the Apostles, of the blessed Virgin, and of Saint George: and also such feasts as wherein the Kings highness Judges at Westminster do not use to sit in Judgment. All which shall be kept holy and solemn of every man, as in time past, have been accustomed: Provided always, that it may be lawful unto all Priests and Clerks, as well secular as regular, in the foresaid holy days now abrogate, to sing or say their accustomed service for those holy-days, in their Churches: so as they do not the same solemnly, nor do ring to the same after the manner used in high holy-days, ne do command, or indict the same to be kept or observed as holy-days.

Finally, that the feasts of the Natiuitie of our Lord, of Easter day, of the Natiuitie of S. John the Baptist, and of S. Michael the Archaungell, shall be from henceforth counted, accepted, and taken for the four general offering days.

And for further declaration of the premisses, be it know̄ that Easter term beginneth always the xviij. day after Easter day, reckoning Easter day for one, and endeth the Monday next following the Ascension day.

Trinity term beginneth always the Wednesday next after the Octaues of Trinity Sunday, and endeth the xi. or xii. day of July.

Michaelmas term beginneth the ix. or x. day of October, and endeth the xxviij. or xxix. day of November.

Hilary term beginneth the xxiij. or xxiiij. day of January, and endeth the xii. or xiii. day of February.

In Easter term, upon the Ascension day: in Trinity term, upon the Natiuitie of S. John the Baptist: in Michaelmas term upon Alhalow day: in Hilary Terme, upon Candlemas day, the kings Judges at Westminster do not use to sit in judgment, nor upon any Sunday.

After these Articles and Injunctions thus given out by the King & his Counsaile, thē followed moreover (as time served) other Injunctions moe, concerning Images, relics, and blind miracles, and for abrogating of Pilgremages devised, by superstition, and maintained for luker sake, also for the Pater noster, Creed, and God's Commandments, and the Bible to be had in English, with diverse other points moe necessary for Religion. The words of which Injunctions here also ensue.

*Other Injunctions given by the authority of the Kings highness to the Clergy of this his Realm.

IN the name of God, Amen. In the yere of our Lord god 1536. and of the most noble reign of our sovereign Lord Henry the eight, king of England and of France, defendour of the faith, Lord of Ireland, and in earth supreme head of the Church of England, the xxviij. &c. I Thomas Cromwell Knight, Lord Cromwell, keeper of the privy Seal of our said sovereign Lord the King, and vicegerent to the same, for and concerning all his jurisdiction Ecclesiastical within this Realm, to the glory of Almighty God, to the Kings highness honor, the public weal of this Realm, and increase of virtue in the same: have appointed and assigned these Injunctions ensuing to be kept and observed of the Dean, Persons, Uicares, Curates, and Stipendaries, resident or having cure of souls, or any other spiritual administration within this Deanry: under the pains hereafter limited and appointed.

The first is, that the Dean, Persons, Uicares, and other having cure of soul anywhere within this Deanrye shall faithfully keep and observe, and as far as in them may lie, shall cause to be kept and observed of all other, all and singular laws and statutes of this Realm, made for the abolishing and extirpatiō of the bishop of Rome's pretensed and usurped power, and jurisdiction within this Realm, and for the stablishment and confirmation of the Kings authority and jurisdiction within the same, as of the supreme head of the Church of England, shall to the uttermost of their wit, knowledge, and learning, purely, sincerely, and without any color or dissimulation, declare manifest, and open, by the space of one quarter of a year now next ensuing, once every Sunday, and after at the leastwise, twice every quarter of a year, in their Sermons, and other collations, that the Bishop of Rome's usurped power and iurisdictiō, having no establishmēt, nor ground by the law of God, was of most just causes taken away and abolished, and that therefore they owe unto him no manner of obedience or subjection, and that the Kings power is within his dominiō, the highest potentate & power under God to whom all men within the same dominion, by God's commandment, owe most loyalty and obedience afore and above all other potentates in earth.

Item, whereas certain Articles were lately devised and put forth by the Kings highness authority, and condescended vpō by the Prelates and clergy of this his Realm in convocation (whereof part were necessary to be holden and believed for our salvation, and y ^e other part do conserne and touch certain laudable ceremonies, rites, and usages of the Church, meet and convenient to be kept, and used for a decent and politic order in the same) the said Dean, Parsons, Uicares, and other Curates, shall so open and declare in their sermons and other collations, the said Articles unto them that be under their cure, that they may plainly know and discern which of thē be necessary to be believed and observed for their salvation and which be not necessary, but only do concern the decent and politic order of the said Church, according to such commandment & admonition, as hath been given unto them heretofore by the authority of the kings highness in that behalf.

Moreover, that they shall declare unto all such as be under their cure, the Articles likewise devised, put forth and authorised of late, for and concerning the abrogation of certain superstitious holy days, according to the effect and purport of the same Articles, and persuade their parishioners to keep and observe the same inviolably as things wholesome, provided, decreed, and established by common consent and public authority for the weal commodity, and profit of all this Realm.

Besides this, to the intent that all superstition and hypocrisy crept into diverse men's hearts, may vanish away, they shall not set forth nor extol any images, relics, or miracles, for any superstitiō or lucre, nor allure the people by any intreatemēts, to the pilgrimages of any Saints, otherwise then is permitted in the Articles lately put forth by the authority of the Kings Majesty, and condescended upon by the Prelates and Clergy of this his Realm in Conuocation, as though it were proper or peculiar to that Saint to give this commodity or that, seeing all goodness, health, and grace ought to be both looked and asked for, only of God, as of the very author of the same, and of none other, for without him it cannot be given: but they shall exhort as well their parishioners, as other pilgrims, that they do rather apply themselves to the keeping of God's commandments, and fulfilling of his works of charity, persuading them that they shall please God more by the true exercising of their bodily labor, travail or occupatiō, and providing for their families, then if they went about to the said pilgrimages: and it shall profit more their soul health, if they do bestow y ^t on the poor & needy, which they would have bestowed upon the said images or relics.

Also in the same their Sermons and other collations, the Parsons, Uicares, and other Curates aforesaid, shall diligently admonish the fathers and mothers, masters & governors of youth, being within their cure, to teache or cause to be taught, their children and servants even from their infancy, the Pater noster, the Articles of our faith, and the ten commandments in their mother tongue, and the same so taught, shall cause the said youth oft to repeat & understand. And to the intent this may be the more easily done, the said Curates shall in their sermons deliberately and plainly recite of the said Pater noster, Articles, or commandments, one clause or article one day, and another another day, till the whole be taught and learned by little & little, and shall deliver y ^e same in writing, or show where printed books containing the same, be to be sold to them that can read, or will desire the same: and thereto that y ^e said fathers and mothers, masters & governors do bestow their children and servants even from their childhoode, either to learning, or to some honest exercise, occupation, or husbandry, exhorting, counsayling, and by all the ways and means they may, as well in their said sermons and collations, as otherways, the said fathers, mothers, masters, and other governors being under their cure and charge, diligently to provide and foresee, that the said youth be in no manner wise kept or brought up in idleness, least at any time afterward, they be driven, for lack of some mystery or occupation to live by, to fall to begging, stealing, or some other unthriftiness, forasmuch as we may daily see, through sloth & idleness, diverse valiant men fall, some to begging, and some to theft & murder, which after brought to calamity & misery, impute a great part thereof to their friends and governors, which suffered thē to be brought up so idly in their youth, where if they had been educated and brought up in some good literature, occupatiō or mistery, they should (being rulers of their own family) have profited as well themselves, as diverse other persons, to the great commodity and ornament of the commonweale.

Also that the said Parsons, Uicars, and other Curates, shall diligently provide, that the Sacraments and Sacramentals be duly and reverently ministered in their parishes. And if at any time it happen them other in any of the cases expressed in the statutes of this realm, or of special license given by the Kings Majesty, to be absent frō their benefices, they shall leave their cure, not to a rude and unlearned person, but to an honest, well learned, and expert Curate, that may teach the rude & unlearned of their cure, wholesome doctrine, & reduce them to the right way, that they do not err: and always let thē see, that neither they nor their Uicares do seek more their own profit, promotion or advantage, then the profit of the souls that they have under their cur • or the glory of God.

Item, that every person or proprietary of any Parish Church within this realm, shall on this side y ^e feast of S. Peter ad vincula, next coming, provide a book of the whole Bible both in Latin and also in English, and lay the same in the quire for every mā that will, to look and read thereon, & shall discourage no mā from the reading of any part of the Bible either in Latin or English, but rather comfort exhort, & admonish every man to read the same, as the very word of God, & the spiritual food of mans soul, whereby they may the better know their duties to God, to their sovereign Lord the king & their neighbor, ever gentlely and charitably exhorting them, that using a sober and a modest behavior in the reading & inquisition of the true sense of the same, they do in no wise stiffly or eagerly contēd or strive one with another, about the same, but refer the declaration of those places that be in controversy, to the judgment of them that be better learned.

Also the said Dean, Persons, Uicares, Curates and other Priests shall in no wise at any unlawful time, nor for any cause then for their honest necessity, haunt or resort to any Taverns or Alehouses, and alter their dinner and supper, they shall not give themselves to drinking or riot, spendyng their time idly by day or by night, at tables or cards playing, or any other unlawful game: but at such times as they shall have such leisure, they shall read or hear somewhat of holy Scripture, or shall occupy thenselves with some honest exercise, & y ^t they always do those things which appertain to good congruence & honesty, w ^t profit of the common weal, having always in mind, that they ought to excel all other in purity of life, & should be example to all other, to live well and Christianly.

Furthermore, because the goods of the Church are called the goods of the poor, and in these days nothing is less seen then the poor to be sustained with the same, all Persons, Uicares, Prebendaries, and other beneficed mē within this Deanery, not being resident upon their benefices, which may dispend yearly xx.li. or above, either within this Deanry or else where, shall distribute hereafter yearly amongst their poor Parishioners or other inhabitauntes there, in the presence of the Churchwardens, or some other honest men of the Parishe, the xl. part of the fruits and revenues of their said benefices, least they be worthily noted of ingratitude, which reseruyng so many partes to thenselves cannot vouchsafe to impart the xl. portion thereof, amongst the poor people of that Parish, that is so fruitful and profitable unto them,

And to y ^e intent that learned men may hearafter spring the more, for the executing of the said premisses, every Parson, Vicar, Clarke, or beneficed man within this Deanry, having yearly to spend in benefices or other promotions of the Church, an C. pounds, shall give competent exhibition to one Scholar, & for as many C.li. more as he may dispēd, to so many scholars more shall give like exhibitiō in the university of Oxford or Cambridge, or some Grammar School, which after they have profited in good learning, may be parteners of their patrons cure and charge, as well in preaching, or otherwise in the execution of their offices, or may when need shall be, otherwise profit the common wealth with their counsel and wisdom.

Also, that all Parsons, Uicares, and Clerks, having Churches, Chapels, or mansions within this Deanery, shall bestow yearly hereafter upon the same mansions or Chauncels of their Churches being in decay, the fifth part of those their benefices, till they shall be fully repaired, and the same so repaired they shall always keep and maintain in good estate.

All which and singular Injunctions shall be inviolably observed of the said Dean, Parsons, Uicares, Curates, Stipendaries, & other Clerks and beneficed men, under pain of suspension, and sequestratiō of the fruits of their benefices, until they have done their duties, according to these Injunctions.

After these Injunctions and Articles afore expressed (which were given about the year of our Lord. 1536. and 1537.) it was not above the space of a year, but other Iniunctiōs also were published, to the further instruction of the people in the proceedynges of religion, whereby both y ^e Parsōs of Churches, & the Parishes together were enjoined to provide in every Church to be a Bible in English, also for every Parishoner to be taught by the Minister, to understand and say the Lord's Prayer and Creed in their own vulgare tongue, with other necessary & most fruitful Injunctions, the tenor whereof here followeth.

Injunctions exhibited. ann. 1538.

IN the name of God Amen. By the authority & commission of the most excellent Prince, Henry by the grace of God, King of England, & of France, defendour of y ^e faith, Lord of Ireland. and in earth supreme head under Christ, of the Church of England, I Thomas Lord Cromwell, Lord privy seal, Uicegerent to the kings said highness for all his jurisdiction Ecclesiastical within this Realm, do for the advancement of the true honor of almighty God, increase of virtue, & discharge of the Kings majesty, give and exhibit unto you N. these Iniunctiōs following to be kept, observed, & fulfilled vpō the pain hereafter declared.

First, that ye shall truly observe and keep all & singular the Kings highness Injunctions givē unto you heretofore in my name by his graces authority, not only upon the pains therein expressed, but also in your default now after this second monition continued, upon further punishment to be straightly extended towards you by the Kings highness arbitrement or his vicegerent aforesaid.

Item, that ye shall provide on this side the feast of N. next coming, one book of the whole Bible of the largest volume in English, and the same set up in some convenient place within the said Church that ye have cure of, whereas your parishioners may most cōmodiously resort to y ^e same & read it. The charges of which book shall be ratably borne between you, the parson and parishoners aforesaid: that is to say, the one half by you, & the other half by thē.

Item, that ye shall discourage no man, privily nor apertly, from the reading or hearing of the said Bible, but shall expressly provoke, stir & exhort every person to read the same, as that which is y ^e very lively word of God, that every Christian persons is bounden to embrace, believe, & follow, if he look to be saved, admonishing them nevertheless to avoid all contention and alteration therein, and to use an honest sobriety in the inquisition of the true sense of the same, and to refer the explication of the obscure places, to men of higher judgment in scripture.

Item, that ye shall every Sunday and holyday through the year, openly & plainly recite to your parishners, twice or thrice together, or oftener if need require, one Article or sentence of the Pater noster, or Creed in English, to the entēt they may learn y ^e same by heart, & so frō day today, to give thē one like lesson or sentence of the same, till they have learned the whole Pater noster, and Creed in English by rote, and as they be taught every sentence of the same by rote, ye shall expound & declare the understanding of y ^e same unto them, exhorting all parents and householders, to teach their children and servants the same, as they are bound in conscience to do: and that done, ye shall declare unto them the ten commandments, one by one, every Sunday and holyday, till they be likewise perfect in the same.

Item, that ye shall in confessions every Lent, examine every person that cometh to confession to you, whether they can recite the Articles of our faith, and the Pater noster in English, and hear them say the same particularly: wherein if they be not perfect, ye shall declare to them, that every Christian person ought to know the same before they should receive the blessed Sacrament of the Alter, and monish them to learn the same more perfectly by the next year following, or else, like as they ought not to presume to come to God's board without perfect knowledge of the same (and if they do, it is to the great peril of their souls) so ye shall declare unto them, that ye look for other Injunctions from the Kings highness by that time, to stay and repeal all such from God's board, as shall be found ignorant in the premisses: wherefore do ye thus admonish them, to the intent they should both eschew the peril of their souls, and also the worldly rebuke that they might incur hereafter by the same.

Item, that ye shall make or cause to be made in the said Church, and every other cure ye have, one Sermon every quarter of a year at the least, wherein ye shall purely and sincerely declare the very Gospel of Christ, and in y ^e same exhort your hearers to the works of charity, mercy, and faith, specially prescribed and commanded in scripture, & not to repose their trust or affiance in other works devised by men's fantasies besides scripture: as in wandering to Pilgrimages, offering of money, candles, or tapers to feigned Relics or Images, or kissing, or licking the same, saying over a number of beads not understanded ne minded on, or such like superstition: for the doing whereof, ye not only have no promise of reward in Scripture, but contrariwise great threats and maledictiōs of God, as things tending to Idolatry and superstition, which of all other offenses, God almighty doth most detest and abhor, for that the same diminisheth most his honor and glory.

Item, that such feigned Images as ye know in any of your cures to be so abused with Pilgrimages or o •• erings of anything made thereunto, ye shall for avoiding of that most detestable offense of Idolatry, forthwith take down without delay, and shall suffer from henceforth no candles, tapers, or Images of wax, to be set afore any Image or picture, but only the light that commonly goeth acrosse the Church by the roodeloft, the light afore the Sacrament of the Altar, and the light about the sepulcher: which for the adorning of the Church and divine service, ye shall suffer to remain still, admonishing youre parishners, that Images serve for none other purpose, but as the books of unlearned men that can no letters, whereby they might be admonished of the lives and conversation of them, that the said Images do represent. Which Images, if they abuse for any other intent then for such remembrances, they commit Idolatry in the same to the great danger of their souls: and therefore the Kings highness graciously tendering the weal of his subjects souls, hath in part already, & more will hereafter travail for the abolishing of such Images, as might be occasion of so great offense to God, and so great a danger to the souls of his loving subjects.

Item, that in all such benefices or cures, as ye have, whereupon ye be not yourself resident, ye shall appoint such Curates in your stead, as both can by ability, & will also promptly execute these injunctions, and do their duty otherwise, that ye are bounden to do in every behalf accordingly, and profit their cure no less with good example of living, then with declaration of the word of God, or else their lack and defaults shall be imputed unto you, who shall straightly answer for the same, if they do otherwise.

Item, that you shall admit no man to preach within any of your benefices or cures, but such as shall appear unto you to be sufficiently licenced thereunto by the Kings highness or his graces authority, or the bishop of y ^e diocese, and such as shall be so licenced, ye shall gladly receive, to declare y ^e word of God without any resistance or cōtradictiō.

Item, if ye have heretofore declared to your parishners anything to y ^e extolling & setting forth of pilgrimages, to feigned relics or images, or any such superstitiō, ye shall now openly afore the same, recant & reprove y ^e same, showing them (as the truth is) that you did the same upon no ground of Scripture, but as being led & seduced by a common error and abuse crept into the Church, thorough the sufferance and avarice of such as felt profit by the same.

Item, if ye do or shall know any within your parish, or elsewhere, that is a letter of the word of God to be read in english, or sincerely preached, or of the executiō of these injunctions or a fautor of the Bishop of Rome's pretensed power, now by the laws of this Realm justly rejected and extirped: ye shall detect the same to the Kings highness or his honorable Counsayle, or to his vicegerent aforesaid, or to the justice of peace next adjoining.

Item, that you and every Parson, Uicar, or Curate, within this diocese, shall for every Church keep one book of Register, wherein ye shall write the day and year of every wedding, christening, & burieng, made within your parish for your time, & so for every man succeeding you likewise & also therein set every persons name that shall be so wedded, christined or buried, & for the safe keeping of the same book, the parish shall be bound to provide of their common charges, one sure coffer with ii. locks and keys, whereof the one to remain with you, and the other with the Wardens of every such parish wherein the said book shall be laid up: Which book ye shall every Sunday take forth, and in the presence of the said Wardens, or one of them, write and record in the same, all the weddings, christnings, and buriengs, made the whole week before, and that done, to lay up the said book in the said coffer as afore, and for every time the same shall be omitted, the party that shall be in the fault thereof, shall forfeit to the said Church three shillings four pence, to be employed on the reparation of the same Church.

Item, that ye shall once every quarter of a year, read these and the other former injunctions given unto you by authority of the Kings highness, openly and deliberately before all your parishners, to the intent that both you may be the better admonished of your duty, and your said parishners the more incited to ensue the same for their part.

Item, for as much as by a law established, every m • n is bound to pay his tithes, no man shall by color of duty omitted by their Curates, detain their tithes, & so redub one wrong with another, or be his own judge, but shall truly pay y ^e same as hath ben accustomed to their persons & curates, without any restraint or diminutiō: & such lack and default as they can justly find in their parsons and curates, to call for reformation thereof, at their Ordinaryes & other superiors hands, who upon complaint & due proof thereof, shall reform the same accordingly.

Item, that no Person shall from henceforth alter, or change the order and manner of any fasting day that is commanded & indicted by y ^e church, nor of divine prayer nor of service, oth • rwise thē is specified in y ^e said iniūctiōs, until such time as the same shall be so ordered & transposed by y ^e kings highness authority, the Euens of such saints, whose holidays be abrogated, only excepted, which shall be declared henceforth to be no fasting days, except also the commemoratiō of Tho. Becket sometime Archbishop of Canterbury, which shall be clean omitted, and instead thereof, the feriall service used.

Item, that the knoling of the Aues after service, & certain other times, which hath been brought in & begun by the pretence of y ^e B. of Rome's pardon, henceforth be left & omitted, lest the people do hereafter trust to have pardon, for the saying of their Aues between the said knolyng, as they have done in times past.

Itē, where in times p • st, men have used in diverse plates in their Processions, to sing Ora pro nobis to so many saints, that they had no time to sing the good Suffrages, following: as Parce nobis Domine, and Libera nos Domine it must be taught and preached, y ^e better it were to omit Ora pro nobis, and to sing the other suffrages being most necessary and effectual. All which and singular Injunctions I minister unto you and to your parishners by the kings highness authority to me committed in this part, which I charge & command you by the same authority to observe and keep, upon pain of deprivation, sequestration of your fruits, or such other cohercion as to the king or his vicegerent for this time being shall be seen convenient.

By these Articles and Iniunctiōs thus coming forth one after another, for the necessary instruction of the people, it may appear, how well the king deserved then the title of his supreme government, given unto him over the church of England: by the which title and authority he did more good for the redressing and advancing of Christ's Church and religion here in England, in these three years, then the Pope, the great Uicar of Christ, w ^t all his bishops and Prelates had done the space of iii. hundredth years before. Such a vigilant care was then in the king and in his counsel, how by all ways and means, to redress religion, to reform errors, to correct corrupt customs, to help ignorance, and to reduce the misleadings of Christ's flock drowned in blind popery, superstition, customs & idolatry, to some better form of more perfect reformatiō. Wher unto he provided not only these articles, precepts, and injunctions above specified, to inform the rude people: but also procured the Bishops to help forward in the same cause of decayed doctrine, with their diligent preaching & teaching of the people, according as ye heard before pag. 1024. how that in the year 1534. during all the whole time of the parliament, there was appointed every Sunday a Bishop to preach at Paul's Cross against the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome.

Amongest which bishops, John Longland Bishop of Lincoln, the kings confessor, and a great persecutor of y ^e poor flock of Christ (as is before sufficiently recorded, pag. 952. made a Sermon before the king, upon good Friday this present yere 1538. at Grenewich, seriously and effectuously preaching on the kings behalf, against the usurped supremacy of the bishop of Rome, the contents of whose sermō wholly to express, were here to long & tedious. So much as may suffice for our purpose, I thought should remain to the posterity, beginning at his Theame, which then he took in hand to entreat upon, writ̄ in the 13. cha, to the Hebrews, as followeth.

The Sermon of John Longland Bishop of Lincoln, on good Friday, before the king at Grenewich. an. 1538.

THe words of the Apostle are these: Habemus altare de quo edere non habent potestate qui tabernaculo deseruiunt. Quorum enim animalium infertur sanguis pro peccato in sancta per pontificē: horum corpora cremantur extra castra. Propter quod, & Jesus extra portam passus est. Exeamus igitur ad eum extra castra, improperium eius portantes.

These are the words of the Apostle. Many things contained in few words, and the English thereof is this: We have an altar, we have an altar (saith the Apostle) an altar, and a sacrifice upon this altar. And they that serveth the Tabernacle, may not eat of this altar, may not eat of the Sacrifice that is offered upon this altar. For the Apostle here (Per metonymiam) doth put the altar for that that is sacrificed upon the altar. The blood of those beasts that were slain for the sacrifice, was brought into the holy secret high place of the temple where the Ark was, between the high alter (as ye will say) and the veil by the bishop, & there offered up for the sin of the people. The bodies of the beasts that were burned without the pauilions or tents for the which, Propter quod, for which what? for the fulfilling of which mistery. Also to verify and fulfill the figure, and that the thing figured, might be correspondent to the figure. Jesus suffered without the gate, to sanctify the people by his blood. Let us go out therefore and suffer with Christ bearing his opprobries and rebukes. These be the words of the Apostle now taken.

I will by the help of our Lord God, declare these words in order, evē as they do stand. Here is an alter, here is a Sacrifice, here is a Bishop which did offer this Sacrifice, here is a Tabernacle, a serving of the Tabernacle, the blood of the sacrifice which was offered by the Bishop for the sins of the people, in the moste holy place of the temple, and the bodies of the beasts (whose blood was offered) were burned without the tents. And this was done the x. day of the vii. month. Ye hear now the words of the Apostle. Wherein appeareth the manifest figure of the Passion of our savior Jesus Christ, which we this day do honor.

In these words the Apostle toucheth the figure of the law. And bringeth it to a spiritual understanding. For it was commanded in the law, in the book of Numbers, that the x. day of the vii. month, in the feast that was called the feast of the propitiation, of mercy, of remission, or the feast of purgation, when the people were purged. At which time, they should take a calf and a kid, and slay them: whose blood the only Bishop should bring, In sancta sanctorum, into the most holy, solemn, and secret place of the temple: wherein the bishop never came, unless he brought with him blood, to offer in Sacrifice. Quia omnia fere in sanguine secundum legem mundabuntur, & sine sanguinis effunone non sit remissio, saith the Apostle. Almost all things after the law, or in the law, were cleansed in blood, and by blood: & without the effusion of blood, was no remission. And in that place of the temple called Sancta Sanctorum, the Bishop prayed and offered for the people. The flesh and corps of the sacrifice was burned without the tents, without their pauilions. And it was not law full to any that did serve the tabernacle, to eat of the flesh of that sacrifice.

Here is a manifest figure (as I said) of the Passion of our Savior Christ. The alter that was consecrate and hallowed in this solemnity of the blood of the eternal. Testament, was that holy cross that Christ suffered on. Which as on this day, he did consecrate, hallow, dignify and dedicate, and did adorn and decke the same with the members of his most precious body, more gloriously then if it had been embrodered and insert with precious stones. For as gold which is the most precious metal, is made more precious when it is set with precious stones, and is dignified therewith, whether it be altar, Image, crown, ring or owch • so was the altar the holy Cross, beautified, dignified, adourned & made precious with the members of that most precious stone Christ, which is as Peter saith: Lapis viuus, ab hominibus reprobatus, a deo electus: probatus, angularis & praeciosus. This Christ is (he saith) the lively stone, which men did reprove, which God did elect for the approved stone, for a corner stone, for the chief stone in the building of his church, for the stone that joineth the walls of the Church together, for the stone whereupon the faith of Christ and his Church is built. A precious stone, a stone of price, a stone of high value, far passing in the estimation of a good Christian man, all other precious stones in the world. This precious stone Christ, with the members of his most precious body, did decke, adorn, and made precious this altar of the Cross, when his body was by the • ewes, with violency, extremely strayned upon the same, that all his bones (as testifieth the Prophet) mought be numbered. Upon this alter was the great Sacrifice of the world offered, Christ himself. He was the Sacrifice, & he was the Priest. He offered up himself to God his father, for the sin of man. Obtulit semetipsum immaculatum deo, vt sanctificaret iniquinatos, saith the Apostle. He offered himself a pure, clean, immaculate host to God, to redeem the world, to sanctify sinners, to justify man.

This Christ the Bishop of good things to come (as the Apostle witnesseth) entered once into the place called Sancta Sanctorum, not only of the temple, but in Sancta sanctorum, into that holy place of places, into heavē. He entered with sacrificed blood like a Bishop. Not with the blood of goats or calves, not with the blood of rams or bulls: but with his own precious blood. For if the blood of goats and bulls, and the ashes of the burned calf sprinkled abroad, were sufficient to the making clean of flesh: how much more then, the blood of Christ (who by the holy Ghost, did offer up himself to God, a most pure, most clean, & immaculate sacrifice) is able to purge, cleanse and make fair our consciences frō the works of death, and to live in the living God?

This is our great bishop, as the Apostle saith, Habemus pontificem magnum qui penetrauit coelos, Iesum filium dei. We have a great bishop, which did penitrate the heavens whose name is Jesus the son of God. This is our great Bishop, our high Bishop, our universal Bishop. This is the head bishop of all Bishops and of all the world, named God (as the Apostle saith) to be our great bishop, properly called Summus pontifex, the highest Bishop, the Bishop of bishops. For this is he only that is Summus, maximus & vniuersalis pontifex.

The bishop of Rome therefore ought herein to be abashed, ashamed, and to abhor his own pride. For in this he outrageously doth offend God and blasphemeth him, in that he presumeth to take this high name from our bishop Christ: In that, he taketh away (as much as lieth in him) the glory of God, the majesty appertaining unto Christ: In that he taketh upon him these names only appropriate unto Christ, Summus pontifex, maximus pontifex, vniuersalis pontifex: the highest Byshoppe, the greatest Bishop, the universal Bishop, the Bishop of all the world. I much marvel how he dare be so bold to usurp and take these great names upon him. Greater blasphemy cannot be▪ then to take frō God, that that naturally belongeth unto him: then to take from God, his glory and honor: then to vendicate and take upon him such high names, as beseemeth no Christian man to usurp. God said by his Prophet: Non dabo gloriam meam alteri: I will not give my glory awai to any other, to any creature. He doth reserve the glory, that laud & honor that belongeth only unto him, unto himself: no mā to attempt so far, no man to take so much vpō him.

Peter, Peter, thou wast once Bishop of Rome, and the first bishop of Rome: Diddest thou ever take this name upon thee, Sūmus, Maximus, Vniuersalis? No, no, no. And why? For the holy ghost was in thee. Thou wouldest take no more upon thee then God gave thee. Thou wast not desirous of worldly fame and glory. All that thou soughtest for, was for the glory of God: as all that will read thy Sermons, thy Epistles, and thy life, shall soon perceive. Look a great number of Bishops that next followed Peter in the same See: what were they? holy Martyrs, holy Liuers, which never attempted thus far. Let the Bishop of Rome therefore knowledge his great fault, his high folly, his unlawful usurpation, his vnpriestly presumption, and humble himself to Christ and God his great Bishop. Would God he would reform himself. Would God he would keep himself within that compass of his authority, and no more to encroch upon other men's jurisdictions, but diligently keep and ouerloke his own diocese and be content with that, would God he would look upon his predecessor S. Gregory in his Register, which was a Byshoppe of Rome, a holy man. Let him learn there how he did rebuke John, that time the Bishop of Constantinople, for taking on him so highly, in such names universal Bishop, highest Bishop, greatest Bishop: and how he proved it to be against the law of God. He saith there in one place to this proud Bishop John, what answer shalt thou make in that strait examination at that last judgment, to Ch • ist the head of the universal holy Chur that goest about to have subject unto thee all the members of Christ, by taking on thee the name of universal Bishop. In another place again in the same book he saith unto him, who art thou that doest presume to usurp a new name upon thee, of universal Bishop▪ contrary to the statutes of the gospel and decrees.

God forbid that ever this blasphemy should come in the hearts of Christian people, in the which the honor of all priesthood is taken away, when a man shall rashly and arrogantly take that name upon him. Let this Bishop of Rome therefore humble himself unto our great universal Bishop Christ, humble himself under the mighty hand of God, and know what the Apostle doth write of the honor and power of this Christ our great high Bishop. He is (he saith) Pontifex misericors, fidelis, potens, magnus, humilis, penetrans coelum, compatiens infirmitatibus nostris, offerens dona & sacrificia pro peccatis nostris, condolens ijs qui ignorant & errant: Qui potest saluum facere a morte, offerens preces & supplicationes cum clamore valido & lachrymis & exauditus est pro reuerentia sua: Pontifex appellatus a deo. Pontifex sanctus, innocens, impollutus, segregatus a peccatoribus, excelsior coelis: Non habens necessitatem (quemadmodum alij) prius pro suis delectis hostias offerre, deinde pro populo: Pōtifex sedens in dextris dei interpellans pro nobis, emūdans cōscientias nostras ab operibus mortuis, intrans sancta sanctorum per proprium sanguinem. Hic est pontifex confessionis nostrae.

Let all earthly Bishops learn of this heavenly bishop Christ. Some of these properties are appropriate and belongeth only to God and not to man. In some we ought to follow him. In some we cannot, ne ought to do. This our high and great Bishop is Misericors (saith the Apostle) merciful. A merciful Bishop, ready to forgive, ready to remit those that have offended him. He ie not cruel, not vengeable, but full of pity, full of mercy. And in this we ought to follow him.

He is Pontifex potens, a mighty Bishop, mighty and full of power. We be but weak and feeble bishops, not able to do anything but by his permission and help. He is able to make sick, to make whole: to make rich, to make poor: to set up, to put down. Potens, a mighty bishop, mighty and able to remit sin, to forgive, to save both body & soul from damnation. Potens, a mighty bishop and full of power. No power in this world but of him. Omnis potestas a domino deo est. All power is of him. And as he himself witnesseth: Data est mihi omnis potestas in coelo, & in terra. All power is given unto me in heaven and in earth. Potens saluare a morte. He can save the body, and save the soul. He can deliver the one, and deliver the other from everlasting death. Who can forgive sin but he? Quis potest dimittere peccatum nisi solus deus? Est potens. He is a mighty Bishop. Of him & by him, Emperors, Kings, Magistrates and Potestates, Bishops, Priests, with all other that have power, have their power and authority. Who is able to turn the wind? to make the wind blow or cease but he. Who is able to say and prove, I will now have it vain, now clear: the sun to shine, the water to flow, to ebb, with such other, but only he. This is our mighty bish▪ Pontifex potens, mighty, yea Omnipotēs, almighty. He can do all. Nothing is to him impossible. Ipse dixit & facta sunt omnia. Mandauit & creata sunt vniuersa. Potens ergo est. He is a mighty bishop. We are not so.

Fidelis Pontifex. He is a faithful bishop: faithful. He is a faithful bishop to God referring all laudes, all honor and glory to his father. In all things that he did; miracles or other, he took never the more upon himself. He was also a faithful Bishop to the world: For he did all that belonged to the office of a good Bishop. The very office of a bishop is, praedicare, orare & sacricare, sieve offerre. To preach, to pray, to do sacrifice or to offer. He preached to his people: He taught the world most wholesome doctrine, whereby he called the people to God: he converted sinners, he called them to penance. He made them weep and lament their sins. They followed his person, they followed his word they followed his ensample. They came out of all costs to see him, to hear him, to learn of him. They forsook meat and drink, house and home, and followed him wheresoever he went, as well in wilderness, as else where. In so much that after they had followed him three days, he being moved with pity least they should perish for lack of food being in wilderness far from succor, he fed them twice miraculously. Once in the desert with five loaves and two fishes▪ he fed v.M. men, besides women and children, and there were left xii. great baskets, xii. maundes full of the brokelets, and offals at that meal. At another time he fed in wilderness to the number of 4. M. men besides women and children, with seven loves and a few little fishes, and there was left of fragments, 7 maundes full.

The second office of a bishop he fulfilled also: For he prayed. He was most devout in prayer, so to teach all bishops and Preachers not to presume in their wit or learning, neither in their capacity, memory, fair tongue or utterance: but that the Preacher do studiously apply his book with all diligence to study how to speak, what to speak: afore whom he shall speak: and to shape his sermon after the audience. The preacher ought also besides his study & preaching to pray. For by devout prayer, he shall attain percase as much or more, as by study or learning. For without prayer the words will little prevail. Look in Christ his life and thou shalt find, that in everything he went about, he prayed, to show the valiancy, the virtue and strength of prayer: to show our necessities, our weakness & feblenes of nature. He prayed for his people (as Luke witnesseth) the space of one whole night. And what a marvelous devout prayer made he for his people in the Mount the night afore his passion,