Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1
This Richard Bayfilde being in the Colehouse was woorser handled then he was before in the Lollards tower, for there he was tied both by the neck, middle and legs, standing upright by y e walls, diverse times manacled, to accuse other y t had bought his books, but he accused none but stood to his religion and confession of his faith unto the very end, and was in the consistorye of Paul's, thrice put to his trial, whether he would abjure or no. He said he would dispute for his faith, & so did to their great shame. Stokesley then being his judge, with the assistance of Winchester and other Bishops, whereof here followeth now the circumstance in order to be seen.
The articles laid to Richard Bayfield, by the foresaid Bishops were these, an. 1531. Nouemb. x,
Articles laid to Richard Bayfield.
FIrst, that he had been many years a Monk professed of the order of S. Benet, of S. Edmundes Bury in the diocese of Norwich.
2. That he was a priest and had ministered and continued in the same order, the space of 9. or x. years.
3. That sithens the feast of Easter last, he being beyond the sea, brought and procured to have diverse and many books and treatises of sundry sortes, as well of Martyne Luther's own works, as of diverse other of his damnable sect, and of Oecolampadius the great heretic, and diverse other heretics, both in Latin and English, y e names of which books were contained in a little bill written with his own hand.
4. That in the year of our Lord. 1528. he was detected & accused to Cutb. then B. of London, for affirming and holding certain Articles contrary to the holy Church, and specially that all laud and praise should be given to God alone and not to saints or creatures.
5. That every priest might preach the word of God by y e authority of the Gospel, and not to run to the Pope or Cardinals for license as it appeared (said they) by his confession before the said Bishop.
6. That he judicially abjured the said articles before the said Bishop, and did renounce and forswear them and all other articles contrary to the determination of holy Church, promising that from thenceforth he would not fall into any of them, nor any other errors.
7. That he made a solemn oath upon a book, & the holy Evangelists, to fulfill such penance as should be enjoined him by the said bishop.
8. After his abjuration it was enjoined to him for penance that he should go before the cross in procession, in the parish church of S. Buttolphes at Billings gate, and to bear a fagot of wood upon his shoulder.
9. It was enjoined him in penance, that he should provide an habit requisite and meet for his order and profession, as shortly as he might, and that he should come or go nowhere without such an habit, the which he had not fulfilled.
10. That it was likewise enjoined him in penance, that sometime before the feast of the ascension then next ensuing, his abjuration, he should go home unto the Monastery of Bury, and there remain according to the vow of his profession, which he had not fulfilled.
11. That he was appointed by the said bishop of Londō to appear before the said bishop, the 25. day of April, next after his abjuration, to receive the residue of his penance, and after his abjuration, he fled beyond the sea, and appeared not.
11. That the 20. day of June, next following his abjuration, he did appear before the said Bysh. Tonstall in the Chapel of the Bishop of Norwich his place, and there it was newly enjoined him in part of penance, that he should provide him an habit convenient for his order, & profession, w t in 8. days then next following, which he had not done.
That it was there again enjoined him, that he should depart from the city, diocese, & jurisdiction of London, and no more to come within it, without the special license of the bishop of London, or his successor for the time being, which he had not fulfilled.
The answer of Richard Bayfield to the Articles prefixed.
TO the first Article he confessed that he was professed a Monk in the monastery aforesaid, in the year .1414.
To the ii. Article he answered that he was a priest, and took orders. An. 1518.
To the third Article he confessed the bill and scedule to be written with his hand, which is annexed thereunto, and that he brought over the said books and works a year and a half past, & a great number of every sort. Being further demanded for what intent he brought them into the realm, he answered, to the intent y t the Gospel of Christ might be set forward, and God the more glorified in this realm amongst Christian people, and that he had sold and dispersed many of those books before named, to sundry persons within this Realm, and to diverse of the diocese of London. Being further demanded whether Martin Luther were condemned as an heretic by the Pope, he answered that he heard say, that Martin Luther with all his sect and adherents, were and are condemned as heretics by y e Pope. And being demanded, whether Zwinglius was of Luther's sect: he answered that he never spake with him. Being asked whether Zwinglius was a Catholic: he answered, that he could not tell. Being inquired whether the books contained in the scedules, did cōtain any errors in thē: he said, he could not tell, neither could he judge. Also he confessed that the common fame hath been within these ii. or iii. years, that Oecolampadius & Zwinglius be heretics: also y t such as leave to Martin Luther be heretics. Also he confessed that being beyond the sea, he heard say before be brought into this realm the books contained in the said bills, that y e king had by proclamation prohibited that no man should bring into this realm any of Martin Luther's books, or of his sect. Which confession thus ended, y e Bishop appointed him to appear the next day.
Saturday being the xi. of November, Richard Baifield appeared & acknowledged the answers, that he had made in the Session the day before. Which thing done, y e Officiall objected the 4, Article unto him: whereunto he answered, y t he could not tell whether there be any heresies in thē, for he had read no heresies in thē. And being demanded whether he had read any of those books, he answered, y t he had read y e greater part of thē here & there, but not throughout.
He was demanded, whether he believed the forenamed books to be good, and of the true faith. He answered that he judged they were good, and of the true faith. Beyng inquired, what books he read in the realm, he said that he had read the new Testament in Latin, and other books mentioned in the bills, but he read none translated: notwithstanding he did confess that he read a book called Thorpe, in the presence and audience of others, and also a book of John Friths purgatory, which he had read to himself alone as he said, and also had read to himself a book called the practice of Prelates, & also said, that he had read a book called the parable of y e wicked Mammon, but in y e presence and hearing of others, which he knew not.
Also he confessed that he had read the obedience of a Christian man, and the sum of scripture among company, & also the dialogue betwixt the Plowman & the Gentleman among company, as he thought: also he had read a piece of y e answer of Tyndale made to sir Thomas More: likewise he had read the dialogue of Frith to himself: he had read also the Prologues of the v. books of Moses contained in y e long scedule, and in company, as he thought.
All which books he had read under manner aforesaid within these ii. years last past. And as for y e new testament in english, he read it before he had these books specified in the scedules before rehearsed.
To the third article, as touching Zwinglius and others he supposed that they held y e same doctrine that Luther did but that he thought them to vary in some points.
The 16. day of November, Richard Bayfield appeared again before the Bishop, who inquired of him of what sect Zwinglius was. He said, he thought y t he held with Luther in some points &c.
Also he confessed that first he brought books of y e sortes abovenamed into this realm, about Midsomer was xii. month, & landed them at Colchester, & afterward brought part of them to this city, & some he dispersed and sold in this city. The second time that he brought books, was about all Hollowntide was xii. month, and landed them at S. Catherines, the which books y t L. Chaūcelor took frō him. Also that at Easter last, was the 3. time y t he brought over the books now shown unto him, & contained in these two bills, & landed with them in Norffolke, & from thence brought them to the city of London in a male.
To the v. vi. and vii. articles, he answered and confessed them to be true,
To the viii. he answered, that it was enjoined him, as is contained in the article, y e which injunction he fulfilled.
To the ix. he answered, that he did not remember it.
To the x. he answered, that it was adjoined him that he should go to the Abbey of Bery, & there continue: the which he said he did 3. times, but he did not wear his Monks cowle, as he was enjoined.
The xi. Article he confessed.
For the xii. Article, y t he did not wear his monks habit according to the abjuration, he referred himself to y e acts whether he were so enjoined or no.
To y e xiii. Article he said, y t he did not remember y e contents thereof, but referred him self to the acts. Notwithstāding he confessed, that he had no license of the Bishop of Londō, to come to the city or diocese of London, nor to make any abode there. Ex Registro Lond.
The sentence given against him in a case of relapse.
IN the name of God Amen. We John by the sufferance of God, Bishop of London, in a case of inquisition of heresy and relapse of the same, first begun before M. Rich. Foxfard, Doctor of both laws, our official, now dependynge before us undecided, against thee Rich. Bayfild Priest and Monk, professed to the order & rule of S. Benedict, in the Monastery of S. Edmondes Bery, in the diocese of Norwich, and by the means of the causes within written under our jurisdiction, & withal favor rightly and lawfullye proceeding, with all favor possible y e merits and circumstances of the cause of this inquisition heard, waied, understand & fully discussed by us the said Bishop, reserving unto our selves, y e which by law ought to be reserved: have thought good to proceed in this manner to the pronoūcing of our definitive sentence.
Forsomuch as by the Acts enacted, inquired, propounded, and alleged, & by thee judicially confessed, we do find that thou hast abjured certain errors & heresies & damnable opinions, by thee confessed, as well particularly as generally, before our reverent fellow and brother, then thy Ordinary, according to the form and order of the Church and that one M. Luther together with his adherents and complices, receivers and favorers whatsoever they be, was condemned as an heriticke by the authority of Pope Leo the x. of most happy memory, and by the authority of the Apostolic Sea, and the books & all writings, scedules and Sermons of the said master Luther, his adherents and complices whether they be found in Latin or in any other languages imprinted or translated, for the manifold heresies and errors, and damnable opinions that are in them, are condemned, reproved, and utterly rejected, and inhibition made by the authority of the said Sea to all faithful Christians, under the pain of excommunication and other punishments in that behalf to be incurred by the law, that no man by any means presume to read, teache, hear, imprint, or publish, or by any means do defend, directly or vndirectly, secretly or openly, in their houses or in any other public or private places, any such manner of writings, books, errors or Articles, as are contained more at large in the Apostolic letters, drawn out in form of a public instrument, whereunto and to the contents thereof, we refer our selves as far as is expedient, and no otherwise: And for so much as we do perceive that thou diddest understand the premisses, and yet these things notwithstanding, after thy abjuration made (as is aforesaid) thou hast brought in diverse & sundry times, many books of y e said Martin Luther and his adherents and complices, and of other heretics, the names, titles, and authors of which books here follow and are these, Martin Luther of the abrogating of the private Mass. The declarations of M. Luther upon the Epistles of Peter. Luther upon the Epystles of Paul and Jude. Luther upon monastical vowers. Luther's commentary upon the Epistle of S. Paul to the Galatians.
Johannes Oecolampadius upon the exposition of these words: Hoc est corpus meum. The Annotations of Oecolāpadius upon the Epistles of Paul unto the Romans, Oecolāpadius his Commētarry upon the 3. last prophets, Aggeus, Zechariah, and Malachi. The Sermons of Oecolampadius upon the Catholic Epistles of John. A book of Annotations upon Genesis, gathered of Huldecus Zwinglius. The Commentaries of Pomeran upon four chapters of the 1. Epistle to the Corinth. Annotations of Pomeran upon Deut. and Samuel. Pomeran upon the Psalms. The Commentaries of Frances Lambert of Avigno, upon the Gospel of S. Luke. A Congest of all matters of Divinity by Francis Lambert. The Commentaries of Francis Lambert upon the Prophet Joel. The Commentaries of Francis Lambert vpō the Prophets, Micah, Naum, Abacuc, Sophonias, Aggeus, Zacharias, Amos, Abdias, Jonah, and Osee. A new G • ose of Philip Melanchthon upon the Proverbs of Solomon. The Comentaries of Philip Melanchthon, upon the Epistle of S. Paul to the Colos. The Annotations of Philip Melanchthon, upon the Epistle of S. Paul to the Romans, and vpō y e Epistle to the Colo. Solomon's sentences translated according to the Hebrew by Philip Melanchthon. Most wholesome Annotations upon the Gospel of S. Mark, by Christopher Hegendorphinus. The Cōmentaries of John Brenz upon Job. The Commentary of John Brenz vpō Ecclesiastes of Solomon. Homilies of Brenz vpō the Gospel of S. John. The Annotations of Andrew Althomarus, & Brenz upon the Epistle of S. James. The Commentaries of Bucer upon Sophonias. Bucer upon the 4. Evangelists. The process Cōsistorial of the Martyrdom of John Hus. A brief commendatory of M. Luther unto Otho Brunfelsius, as touching the life, doctrine and Martirdome of John Hus. Felmus upon the psalter, his exposition upon Isaiah, his expositions upon Jeremiah. Capito upon Oseas. Capito upon Abacuc. Vnio dissidentium. The Pandect of Otho. The Cataloge of famous men. An answer of Tyndale unto Syr Thomas More. A disputation of Purgatory made by John. Frith in English. A prologue to the v. book of Moses called Deuteronomy. The first book of Moses called Genesis. A prologue to the iii. book of Moses called Leviticus. A prologue to the iv. book of Moses Num. A prologue to the ii. book of Moses called Exod. The practice of prelates. The New Testament in English, with an introductiō to the Romaines. The parable of the wicked Mammon. The obedience of a Christian man. A. B. C. of Thorpes. The Sum of Scripture. The primer in English. The Psalter in English. A Dialogue betwixt the Gentleman and the Plowman: Of all which kind of books both in Latin and English, translated, set forth and imprinted, containing not only Lutherian heresies, but also the damnable heresies of other heretics condemned, for as much as thou hast brought over from the parties beyond the Sea a great number into this Realm of England, & specially to our City and Dioces of London, and hast procured them to be brought and conveyed over, also hast kept by thee and studied those books, and hast published & read them unto diverse men, and many of those books also hast dispersed and given unto diverse persons dwelling within our City and Dioces of London, & hast confessed and affirmed before our Officiall, that those books of M. Luther and other heretics his complices and adherents, and all the conten • es in them are good & agreeable to the true faith, saying thus, that they are good and of the true faith, and by this means and pretence, hast commonded and praised M. Luther, his adherents and complices, and hast favored & believed their errors, heresies and opinions: Therefore we John the Bishop aforesaid, first calling upon the name of Christ, and setting God only before our eyes, by the counsel and consent of the Divines, and Lawiers, with whom in this behalf we have conferred, do declare and decree thee the foresaid Richard Bayfild, otherwise called Somersam, for the contempt of thy abjuration, as a fauorer of the foresaid M. Luther, his adherents, complices, favorers, and other condemned heretics, and for commending and studying, reading, having, retaining, publishing, selling, giving, and dispersing the books and writings, as well of the said M. Luther, his adherents and disciples, as of other heretics before named, and also for crediting, and maintaining the errors and heresies, and damnable opinions contained in the said books and writings, worthily to be and have been an heretic, and that thou by the pretence of the premisses art fallen again most damnably into heresy, and we pronounce that thou art and hast been a relapsed heretic, and hast incurred and oughtest to incur the pain and punishment of a relapse, and we so decree & declare, and also condemn thee thereunto, and that by the pretence of the premisses, thou hast even by the law, incurred the sentence of greater excommunication, and thereby we pronounce and declare thee to have been and to be excommunicate, and clearly discharge, exonerate and disgrade thee from all privilege and prerogative of the Ecclesiastical orders, and also deprive thee of all Ecclesiastical office and benefice: also we pronounce and declare thee by this our sentence or decree, the which we here promulgate and declare in these writings, that though • art actually to be disgraded, deposed, and deprived as followeth.
IN the name of God. Amen. We John by the permission of God, Bishop of London, rightly and lawfully proceeding in this behalf, do dimisse thee Richard Bayfild, alias Somersam, being pronounced by us a relapsed heretic, and disgraded by us frō all Ecclesiastical privilege, out of the Ecclesiastical Court, pronouncing that the secular power here present should receive thee under their jurisdiction, earnestly requiring and desiring in the bowels of Jesus Christ, that the execution of this worthy punishment, to be done upon thee, and against thee in this behalf, may be so moderated, that there be neither overmuch cruelty, neither to much favorable gentleness, but y t it may be to the health and salvation of thy soul, and to the extirpation, fear, terror, and conversion of all other heretics unto the unity of the Catholic faith. This our final decree by this our sentence definitive, we have caused to be published in form aforesaid.
Monday the xx. of November. 1531. In the Queere of the Cathedral Church of S. Paul before the said John Bishop of London judicially sitting, being assisted with John Abbot of Westminster, and Robert Abbot of Waltham, Nicholas Prior of Christ's Church in London, these honorable Lord's being also present, Henry Earl of Essex, Richard Gray, brother of the Marques of Somerset, John Lambert Major of London, Richard Gresham and Edward Altam Shrieffes (the which Major and Shriues were required to be there present by the Bishop of London's letters hereafter written, and by virtue of a statute of king Henry the fourth king of England) also in the presence of diverse Canons, the Chancellor, Officiall, and Archdeacon of London, with the Bishops Chaplains, and a great number both of the Clergy and Laity, Matthew Grefton the Register being also there present: M. Rich. Bayfild alias Somersam, was brought forth by Thomas Turnor the Aparator his keeper, in whose presence the transumpt of the Apostolic Bull of Pope Leo the x. upon the condemnation of Martin Luther and his adherents, was brought forth and shown, sealed with the seal of Thomas Wolsey late Legate de Latere, and subscribed with the sign and name of M. Robert Tunnes, public Notary, and also the decree upon the condemnation of certain books brought in by him, sealed with the seal of the Archbyshop of Canterbury, and subscribed by three Notaries.
Then the Bishop of London repeated in effect before him, his abjuration which he had before made, and other his demerits committed and done, beside his abjuration: and the said Baifield said, that he was not culpable in the articles that were objected against him, and desired that the heresies contained in the books which he brought over, might be declared in open audience. Then the Bishop, after certain talk had with the said Bayfield as touching the desert of his cause, asked him whether he could show any cause why he should not be delivered over unto the secular power, and be pronounced as a relapse, and suffer punishment as a relapse. The said Baifield declared or propounded no cause, but said, y t he brought over those books for lack of money, and not to sow any heresies. And incontinent the said Bayfield with a vehement spirit (as it appeared) said unto the Bishop of Lond. the life of you of the spiritualty is so evil, that ye be heretics, and ye do not only live evil, but do maintain evil living, and also do let, that what true living is, may not be known, & said that their living is against Christ's Gospel, and that their belief was never taken of Christ's Church. Then the said Bishop, after long deliberation had, for so much as the said Rich. Bayfield (he said) could show no cause why he should not be declared as relapse, he read the decree and sentence against him: by the which amongst other things, he condemned him as an heretic, and pronounced him to be punished with the punishment due unto such as fall again into heresy, and by his words did disgrade him, and also declared that he should be actually disgraded, as is more at large contained in the long sentence.
The foresaid sentence being so read by the Bishop of London, he proceeded immediately to the actual & solemn disgradyng of the said Richard Bayfild, alias Somersam, and there solemnly and actually disgraded him before the people, the which thing being done, he dismissed him by the sentence aforesaid, from the Ecclesiastical Court. Wherupon the secular power being there present, received him unto their jurisdiction, without any writ in that behalf obtained, but only by virtue of the Bishops letters by the statute of king Henry the .4. in that behalf provided and directed unto them under the Bishops seal. The tenor o • which letters here after follow.
*The Letters of requirie directed to the Major and Sheriffs of the City of London, that they should be present that day, when the sentence should be given, to receive the heretic (as they called him) that was condemned.
IHon by the permission of God Bishop of London, unto our dearly beloved in Christ, the right honorable Lord Major of the City of London, and the Sheriffs of the same, health, grace, and benediction. Whereas we have already by our Vicar general proceeded in a certain cause of heresy and relapse into the same, against one Richayd Bayfilde, alias Somersam, and intend upon Monday next being the xx. day of this present month of November, to give a sentence definitive against the said Richard Bayfild alias Somersam, and to leave and deliver him over unto the secular power: We require you the Lord Major and Sheriffs aforesaid, the Kings Majesty's Vicegerentes, even in the bowels of Jesus Christ, that according to the form and effect of the statute of our most noble and famous prince in Christ our Lord, the Lord Henry the fourth by the grace of God late King of England, that you will be personally present in the Queere of the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul, with your favorable aid and assistance in this behalf, the day that the sentence shall be given, and to receive the said Richard Bayfild, alias Somersam, after his sentence so given, to discharge us and our Officers, and to do further according to the tenor and effect of the said statute, as far as shall be required of you according to the Canonical Sanctions, and the laudable custom of the famous kingdom of England, in this behalf accustomed.
In witness whereof we have set our seal unto this present, Dated the 19 day of November. An. 1531. and in the first year of our consecration.
On Monday the xx. day of November in the year aforesaid, in the Queere of the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul, the bishop of London calling unto him John Abbot of Westminster, Robert Abbot of Waltam, Nicholas Prior of Christ's Church of the City of London, master John Coxe Auditor and Vicar general to the Archebyshop of Canterbury, Peter Ligham Official of the Court of Canterbury. Thomas Baghe Chancellor of the Church of S. Paul's, William Clief, Archdeacon of London, John Incent Chanon residentary of the same, William Brytton, Robert Birch, and Hugh Aprice, Doctors of both laws, in the presence of us Matthew Grefton Register, Antony Hussy, Richard Martin and Thomas Shadwall public Notaries and Scribes appointed in this behalf, briefly rehearsed the answers of the same Bayfild in effect, and his abjuration, & other his demerits by him done beside his abjuration. The which religious persons and other Ecclesiastical men above said, thought it good and agreed y t the said Bishop should proceed against him in this case of relapse, and should pronounce and give forth the sentence against him, in case aforesaid, and so he was delivered to the Shriffes to carry to Newgate, being commanded to bring him again upon Monday following, into Paul's upper Queere, there to give attendaunce upon the bishop of London with the residue till they have done with him, & by and by the Sheriffs were commanded to have him into the Uestry, and then to bring him forth again in Antichrists apparel to be disgraded afore them. When he had disgraded him kneeling upon the highest step of the alter, he took his Crosier staff, and smote him on the breast, that he threw him down backewardes, and brake his head that he sounded, and when he came to himself again, he thanked God that he was delivered from the malignaunt Church of Antichrist, & that he was come into the true sincere Church of Jesus Christ militaunt here in earth, and I trust anon (said he) to be in heaven with Jesus Christ, & the Church triumphaunt forever, and so was he lead forth through y e Queere to Newgate, and there rested about an hour in prayer, and so went to the fire in his apparel manfully & joyfully, and there for lack of a speedy fire, was two quarters of an hour alive. And when the left arm was on fire and burned, he rubbed it with his right hand, & it fell from his body, and he continued in prayer to the end without moving.
Syr Thomas More, after he had brought this good man to his end, ceased not after his death, to rave in his ashes, to prye and spy out what sparks he could find of reproach and contumely, whereby to rase out all good memory of his name and fame. In searching whereof, he hath found out two things to lay against him. The one is, that he saith, he went about to sure himself to two wives at once, one in Brabant, another in England. The second, that after his taking, all the while that he was not in utter despair of his pardon, he was content to forswear hs doctrine, & letted not to disclose his brethren. For y e answer whereof, although there were no more to be said, yet
*John Teukesbery Leatherseller of London Martyr.
John Tewksbery was converted by the reading of Tindals Testament, and the wicked Mammon. He had the Bible written. In all points of religion he openly did dispute in the Bishops Chapel in his palace. Who in y e doctrine of justification and all other articles of his faith was very expert, and prompt in his answers, in such sort as Tonstall and all his learned men were ashamed, y t a Leatherseller should so dispute with them, with such power of the Scriptures and heavenly wisdom, that they were not able to resist him. This disputation continued a seuennight. The process of whose examinations, Articles and answers, here follow as they are out of the bishops Register extracted.
On Wensday the 21. day of April, in the year of our Lord. 1529. John Stewkesbery was brought into the Cōsistory at London before Cutbert Bishop of London and his assistaunces, Henry Bishop of S. Ass, and John Abbot of Westminster. Unto whom the Bishop of London declared that he had at diverse times exhorted him to recant the errors and heresies, which he held and defended, even as he did thē again exhort him, not to trust to much to his own wit & learning, but unto the doctrine of y e holy mother the Church. Who made answer that in his judgment, he did not err from the doctrine of y e holy mother the Church. And at the last, being examined upon errors, which (they said) were in the said book called y t wicked Mammon, he answered thus: Take ye the book and read it over, and I think in my conscience, ye shall find no fault in it. And being asked by the said bysh. whether he did rather give credit to his book or to the Gospel: he answered that the gospel is and ever hath been true. And moreover being particularly examined what he thought of this article, that the Jews of good intent and zeal slue Christ, he answered, look ye the book through, before and after, as it lieth, and ye shall find a better tale in it, then ye make of it, & further thought that whosoever translated y e new testament, and made the book, meaning the wicked Mammon, he did it of good zeal, and by the spirit of god.
Also being farther asked by the said Bishop of Londō, whether he would stand to the contents of his book, he answered: look ye the book before and after, and I will be content to stand to it. The being examined, whether that all good works must be done without respect of anything, he answer, that a man should do good works for the love of God only, & for no hope of any reward higher nor lower in heaven: for if he should, it were presumption. Also being demanded whether that Christ with all his works did not deserve heaven. He answered and said: that it was plain enough. Which things being done, the Bishoppe said further to John Tewkesbery thus: I tell thee before God and those which are here present, in examination of my conscience, that the Articles above named, and many other more contained in the same book, are false heretical, and condemned by the holy Church: howe thinkest thou? And further, the said Bishop of London said unto him again: I tell thee before God and those which are here present. &c. and so asked him again what he thought of those Articles. And after many exhortations, he commanded him to answer determinately under pain of the law, saying further unto him, that if he refused to answer, he must declare him an open and obstinate heretic according to the order of the law. Which things so done, the Bishop asked John Tewkesbery again, whether the said book called the wicked Mammon were good?
To which interrogatory he answereth, that he thinketh in his conscience, there is nothing in the book, but that which is true. And to this article objected, that is, that faith only justifieth without works, he answereth that it is well said. Wherunto the Bishop inferred again, that the articles before objected, with diverse other contained in the book called the wicked Mammon, were false, erroneous, damnable and heretical, and reproved and condemned by the Church: and before God and all those that were present, for the discharge of his conscience, he had often & very gently exhorted the said John Tewkesbery, that he would revoke and renounce his errors, otherwise if he did intend to persevere in them, he must declare him an heretic, which he would be very sory to do. These things thus done, the Bishop oftentimes offered him, that he should choose what spiritual or temporal man he would to be his Counselor, and gave him time as before, to deliberate with himself until the next sitting.
Also in the same month of April, in the year of our Lord aforesaid, the Bishop of London Cutbert Tonstal sitting in the Consistory, with Nicolas of Eli, John of Lincoln, and John of Bathe and Welles. &c. This John Tewkesbery was brought before them. After certain Articles being repeated unto him, the Byshoppe of London brought out before him a certain book called the wicked Mammon, asking him whether the book was of the same impression and making, as was his book that he had sold to others. Who answered and said, it was the same. Whervpon the bishop of London asked him again, whether the book contained the same errors or no. Who answered again, saying, I pray God, that the condemnation of the Gospel and translation of the Testament, be not to your shame, and that ye be not in peril for it: for the cōdemnatiō of it, and of the other is all one, Further he said, that he had studied holy Scripture by the space of these 17. years, and as he may see the spots of his face through the glass, so in reading the New Testament he knoweth the faults of his soul. Further, he was examined upon certain points and articles, extracted out of the said book of the wicked Mammon, as followeth.
FIrst, that Antichrist is not an outward thing, that is to say, a man that should suddenly appere with wonders, as your forefathers talked of him, but Antichrist is a spiritual thing. Whereunto he answered and said that he findeth no fault in it, Agayne it was demanded of him touching the article, whether faith only justifieth a man. To this he said, that if he should look to deserve heaven by works, he should do wickedly, for works follow faith, and Christ redeemed us all with the merits of his passion.
That the devil holdeth our harts so hard, that it is impossible for us to consent to God's law. To that he answered, that he findeth no fault in it.
That the law of God suffereth no merits, neither any man to be justified in the sight of God. To that he answered, that it is plain enough considering what the law is, and he saith, that he findeth no ill in it.
That the law of God requireth of us things impossible. To that he answered, that the law of God doth command, that thou shalt love God above all things, and thy neyghbors as thyself, which never man could do, and in that he doth find no fault in his conscience.
That as the good tree bringeth forth fruit, so there is no law put to him that believeth & is justified through faith. To that he answered and said, he findeth no ill in it.
All good works must be done without respect of anything, or any profit to be had thereof. To that he answered, it is truth.
Christ with all his works did not deserve heaven. To that he answered, that the text is true as it lieth, and findeth no fault in it.
Peter and Paul and Saynts that be dead, are not our friends, but their friends whom they did help when they were alive. To that he said, he findeth no ill in it.
Alms deserveth no reward of God To that he answered, that the text of the book is true.
The devil is not cast out by merits of fasting or prayer. To that he answered, thinking it good enough.
We cannot love except we see some benefit and kindness, as long as we live under the law of God only, where we see but sin and damnation, and the wrath of God up on us, yea where we were damned afore we were borne. We cannot love God, nor cannot but hate him as a tyrant, unrighteous & unjust, and flee from him, as did Cain. To that he answereth, and thinketh it good & plain enough.
We are damned by nature, as a tode is a tode by nature and a Serpent is a Serpent by nature. To that he answered it to be true as it is in the book.
Item, as concerning the article of fasting. To that he answered and said, the book declareth it self.
Everyone man is a Lord, of whatsoever another man hath. To that he answered, what law can be better then that, for it is plainly meant there.
Love in Christ putteth no difference betwixt one and another. To that he answered and said, it is plain enough of it self.
As concerning the preaching of the word of God, and washing of dishes, there is no difference, as concerning salvation, and as touching the pleasing of God To that he answered saying, it is a plain text, and as for pleasing of God, it is all one.
That the Jews of good intent and zeal put Christ to death. To that he answered, that it is true, and the text is plain enough.
The sects of S. Francis, S. Dominic, and others be damnable. To that he answered and said S. Paul repugneth against them. Which articles being so abiected & answer made unto them by John Tewkesbery, the said Bishop of London asked him whether he would continue in his heresies and errors above rehearsed, or renounce and forsake them. Who answered thus: I pray you reform yourself, and if there be any error in the book, let it be reformed: I think the book be good enough.
Further, the Bishop exhorted him to recant his errors. To the which the said John Tewkesbery answered as is above written: to wit, I pray you reform yourself, and if there be any error in the book, let it be reformed, I think it be good enough. Which thing being done, the bishop appointed him to determine better with himself against the morrow, in the presence of M. John Cox, Uicar general to the Archbishop of Canterbury, M. Balfride Warton, Rouland Philip's, Wiliam Philow, and Robert Ridley, professors of divinity.
The 13. day of April, in the year of our Lord abouesayde, in the Chapel within the Palace of Londō, before Cutbert bishop of Londō with his assistance, Nicolas, bishop of Eli. &c. Tewkesbery again appeared and was examined upon the articles drawn out of the book, called the wicked Mammon, as followeth.
First, Christ is thine and all his deeds be thy deeds: Christ is in thee and thou so knit in him inseparably: neither canst thou be damned, except Christ be damned with thee, neither canst thou be saved except Christ be saved with thee. To this he answered, that he found no fault in it.
Item, we desire one another to pray for us. That done, we must put our neighbor in remembrance of his duty, and that we trust not in his holiness. To this he answered, take ye it as ye will, I will take it well enough.
Item, now seest thou what alms meaneth and wherefor it serveth. He that seeketh with his alms, more then to be merciful: to be a neighbor, to succor his brothers need: to do his duty to his brother: to give his brother that he ought him: the same is blind & seeth not Christ's blood. Here he answereth, that he findeth no fault throughout all the book, but all the book is good, and it hath given him great comfort and light to his conscience.
Item that ye do nothing to please God, but that he commanded. To that he answereth and thinketh it good, by his truth.
Item, so God is honored on all sides, in that we count him righteous in all his laws and ordinances. And to worship him otherwise then so, it is Idolatry. To that he answered, that it pleaseth him well.
The examination of these Articles being done, the Bishop of London did exhort the said John Tewkesbery to recant his errors abouesayde: and after some other communication had by the Bishop with him, the said Bishop did exhort him again to recant his errors, and appointed him to determine with himself against the next Session, what he would do.
IN this next Session he submitted himself and abjured his opinions, and was enjoined penance, as followeth, which was the 8. of May.
In primis, that he should keep well his abjuration under pain of relapse.
Secondly, that the next Sunday following in Paul's Church in the open procession, he should carry a Fagot, and stand at Paul's Cross with the same.
That the Wednesday following he should carry the same Fagot about Newgate market and Chepeside.
That on Friday after, he should take the same fagot again at S. Peters church in Cornehill, and carry it about the market of Ledenhall.
That he should have 2. signs of Fagots embrothered, one on his left sleue, & the other on his right sleue, which he should wear all his life time, unless he were otherwise dispensed withal.
That on Whitsonday evē he should enter into the Monastery of S. Bartholomew in Smithfield, and there to abide, and not to come out unless he were released by the bishop of London.
That he should not depart out of y e city or diocese of London, without the special license of the B. or his successors. Which penance he entered into the 8 day of May. an. 1229.
And thus much concerning his first examinatiō, which was in the year .1529. at what time he was enforced thorough infirmitye as is before expressed to retract and abjure his doctrine. Notwithstāding, the same John Tewkesbery, afterward confirmed by the grace of God, and moved by y e example of Bayfild aforesaid that was burned in smithfield, did return and constantly abide in the testimony of the truth and suffered for the same. Who recovering more grace, & better strength at the hand of the Lord, two years after being apprehended again, was brought before Syr Thomas More, and the Bishop of Londō, where certain Articles were objected to him: the chief whereof we intend briefly to recite, for the matter is prolixe.
In primis, that he confesseth that he was baptized, and intendeth to keep the Catholic faith.
Secondly that he affirmeth that the abjuration, oath, & subscription that he made before Cutbert late Bishop of London, was done by compulsion.
Thirdlye, that he had the books of the obedience of a Christian man, and of the wicked Mammon in his custody, and hath read them since his abjuration.
Fourthly, that he affirmeth that he suffered the two fagots that were embrothered upon his sleue, to be taken frō him for that he deserved not to wear them.
Fifthly, he saith that faith only justifieth, which lacketh not charity.
Sixthly, he saith that Christ is a sufficient Mediator for us, & therefore no prayer is to be made unto any Saints. Wherupon they laid unto him this verse of the Anthem. Salue Regina, aduocata nostra. &c. To the which he answered, that he knew no other Advocate but Christ alone.
Seventhly, he affirmeth that there is no Purgatory after this life, but that Christ our Savior is a sufficient purgation for us.
Eighthly, he affirmeth that the souls of the faithful departing this life, rest with Christ.
Ninthly, he affirmeth y t a priest by receiving of orders, receiveth more grace, if his faith be increased, or else not.
Tenthly, and last of all, he believeth that the sacrament, of the flesh & blood of Christ, is not the very body of Christ, in flesh & blood as it was borne of y e virgin Mary. Whervpon the Bishops Chancellor asked the said Tewkesbery, if he could show any cause why he should not be takē for an heretic falling into his heresy again, and receive the punishment of an heretic. Wherunto he answered, that he had wrong before, and if he be condemned now, he reckoneth that he hath wrong again.
Then the Chancelor caused the articles to be read openlie, with the answers unto the same, the which the said Tewkesbery confessed, & thereupon the Bishop pronounced sentence against him, & delivered him unto the Shyriffes of Londō for y e time being, who were Rich. Greshā, & Edward Altam, who burned him in Smithfield vpō S. Thomas even, being the 20. of December, in the year aforesaid, the tenor of whose sentence pronounced against him by the Bishop, doth here ensue word for word.
IN the name of God, Amen. The deseruinges and circumstances of a certain cause of heretical pravity, & falling again thereunto by thee John Tewkesbery of the Parish of S. Michaels in the Querne, of the City of Londō, & of our jurisdiction, appearing before us sitting in judgment, being heard, seen, & understand, & fully discussed by us John by the sufferance of God, bishop of Londō, because we do find by inquisitions manifestly enough, that thou didst abjure freely & voluntarily before Cutbert, late Bishop of Londō thy ordinary, diverse & sundry heresies errors & damnable opinions, contrary to y e determination of our mother holy church, as well special, as general, & that since and beside thy foresaid abjuration, thou art again fallen into y e same damnable heresies, opinions, & errors, (which is greatly to be lamented) & the same doest hold, affirm & believe: we therefore John the Bishop aforesaid, the name of God first being called upon, & the same only God set before our eyes, & with the counsel of learned men assisting us in this behalf (with whō in this cause we have communicated of our definitive sentence & final decree, in this behalf to be done) do intend to proceed & do proceed in this manner. Because as it is aforesaid, we do find thee, the foresaid John Tewkesbery of our jurisdiction, to be a contēner of the first abjuration, & moreover, before & after the foresaid first errors, and other damnable opinions, to have fallen & to be an heretic fallen, & to have incurred the pain of such fallen heretics: we do pronounce, determine, declare, & condemn thee of y e premisses, to have incurred the danger of the greac excommunication, & do pronounce thee to be excommunicated, & also do declare thee the said Tewkesbery so dānably fall̄ again into heresy, to be in the secular power & in their judgment, (as the holy Canons have decreed) & here we do leave thee to the foresaid secular power & to their judgment, beseeching them earnestly in the bowels of Jesus Christ, that such severe punishment and execution as in this behalf is to be done against thee, may be so moderated, that no rigorous rigor be used, but to the health and salvation of thy soul, and to the terror, fear, and rooting out of heretics & their conversion to the Catholic faith & unity, by this our final decree, which we declare by these our writings.
This foresaid sentence definitive against John Tewkesbery was read and pronounced by the Bishop of London, the 16, day of the month of December, the year aforesaid, in the house of Syr Thomas More high Chancellor of England, in the Parish of Chelsey. After the which sentence, the Sheriffs received the foresaid Tewkesbery into their custody, and carried him away with them, and afterwards burned him in Smithfield, as is aforesaid, having no writ of the king for their warrant.
*The apprehension of one Edward. Frese, a Paynter.
EDward Freese was borne in York, and was Prentise to a Paynter in the same Citty, and by the reason of working for his master in Bearsy Abbay, or by some such occasion, was known unto the Abbot of the same house, for he was a boy of a pregnaunt wit, and the Abbot favored him so much, that he bought his years of his master, and would have made him a Monk. And the ladde not liking that kind of living, and not knowing how to get out, because he was a Nouice, ran away after a long space and came to Colchester in Essex, and remaining there according to his former vocation, was married and lived like an honest man. After he had been there a good time, he was hired to paint certain clothes for the new Inn in Colchester, which is in the middle of the market place, & in the upper border of the clothes, he wrote certain sentences of the Scripture, and by that he was plainly known to be one of them which they call heretics.
And on a time he being at his work in the same Inn they of the Town, when they had seen his work, went about to take him, & he having some incling thereof, thought to shift for himself, but yet was taken forcibly in y e yarde of the same Inn, & after this he was brought to London, and so to Fulham to the bishops house, where he was cruelly imprisoned, with certain others of Essex, that is to wit one Johnson and his wife, Wylye, his wife and his son, & father Bate of Rowshedge. They were fed with fine manchet made of saw dust, or at the least, a great part thereof, and were so straightly kept, that their wives and their friends could not come at them.
After the Painter had been there a long space, by much suit he was removed to Lollards tower. His wife in the time of her suit, whiles he was yet at Fulham, being desirous to see her husband, & preasing to come in at the gate, being then big with child, the porter lift up his foot and stroke her on the belly, that at length she died of y e same, but the child was destroyed immediately.
After that, they were all stocked for a long time, & then they were let lose in their prisons again. Some had horse locks on their legs, & some had other irons. This painter would ever be writing on the walls with chauke or a coal, & in one place he wrote Doct. Dodipall would make me believe that the Moon were made of grene cheese. And because he would be writing many things, he was manacled by the wrestes, so long till the flesh of his arms was grown higher then his irons. By the means of his manicles he could not kemme his head, and he remained so long manacled that his hear was felded together.
After the death of his wife, his brother sued to the king for him, and after long suit, he was brought out in the Consistory at Paul's, and as his brother did report, they kept him three days without meat, before he came to his answer. Then, what by the long imprisonment and much evil handling, and for lack of sustenance, the man was in that case, that he could say nothing, but look and gase upon the people like a wild man, and they asked him any questiō, he could say nothing, but my Lord is a good man. And thus, when they had spilled his body, and destroyed his wits, they sent him back again to Bersie Abbey, but he came away again from thence, and would not tarry amongst them: albeit he never came to his perfect mind, to his dying day.
His brother, of whom I before spake, whose name was Ualentine Freese & his wife, gave their lives at one stake in York, for the testimony of Jesus Christ.
Also the wife of the said father Bate, while he was at Fulham, made many supplications to the king, without redress, & at the last she delivered one to his own hands, and he read it himself, whereupon she was appointed to go into Chaūcery lane, to one whose came (as is thought) was M. Selyard, & at the last, she got a letter of the same Selyard to the Bishop, and when she had it, she thought all her suit welbestowed, hopinge that some good should come to her husband thereby. And because the wicked officers in those days, were crafty and desirous of his blood, as some others had proved their practice, some of her friends would needs see the content of her letter, and not suffer her to deliver it to the bishop, & as they thought, so they found in deed, for it was after this manner.
After commendations had▪ &c. Look what you can gather against Father Bate, send me word by your trustye friend Syr William Saxy, that I may certify the kings Majesty. &c. Thus the poor woman, when she thought he • suit had been done, was in less hope of her husbands life thē before. But within short space after, it pleased God to deliver him: for he gate out in a dark night & so was caught no more, but died within a short time after.
In this year also, as we do understand by diverse notes of old Registers and otherwise, Frier Roy was burned in Portugale: but what his examination, or articles, or order of his death was, we can have no understanding: but what his doctrine was it may be easily judged by the testimonies, which he left here in England.
In y e beginning of this year which we are now about, through the complaint of the Clergy made to the king, the translation of the New Testament with a great number of other books, were forbid̄. For the Bishops coming into Star chamber the 25· day of May, and communing with the kings Counsel, after many pretences and long debating, alleged that the translation of Tyndale and Joy were not truly translated, and moreover that in thē were Prologues and Prefaces, that smelled of heresy, and railed against the Bishops, wherefore all such books were prohibited, and commandment given by the king to the bishops, that they calling to them the best learned men of the Universities, should cause a new translation to be made, so that the people might not be ignorant in the law of God. Notwithstanding this commandment, the bishops did nothing at all, to the setting forth of any new translation, which caused the people much to study Tyndals translation, by reason whereof many things came to light, as ye shall hereafter hear.
This year also, in the month of May, the Bishop of London caused all the new Testaments of Tindals translation, and many other books which he had bought, to be brought • nto Paul's Churchyard, and there openly to be burned.
James Bainham Lawyer and Martyr.
James Bainham Gentleman, son to one M. Bainhā a knight of Glocestershyre, being virtuously brought up by his parents, in the studies of good letters, had knowledge both of the Latin & the Greek tongue. After that, he gave himself to the study of the law, being a man of virtuous disposition, & godly conversation, mightily addicted to prayer, an earnest reader of y e Scriptures, a great mainteiner of the godly, a visitor of the prisoners, liberal to scholars, very merciful to his clients, using equity and justice to the poor, very diligent in giving counsel to all the needy, widows, fatherless, and afflicted, without money or reward, briefly a singular example to all Lawyers.
This M. Bainham, as is above noted, married the wife of Simon Fish aforesaid, for the which he was the more suspected, and at last was accused to Syr Tho. More Chancellor of England, and arrested with a Sergeant at Arms, and carried out of the middle Temple▪ to the Chauncellors house at Chelsey, where he continued in free prison a while, till the time that Syr Tho. More saw he could not prevail in perverting of him to his sect. Then he cast him in prison in his own house, and whipped him at the tree in his garden, called the tree of troath, and after sent him to the Tower to be racked, and so he was, Syr Tho. More being present himself, till in a manner he had lamed him, because he would not accuse the Gentlemen of the Temple of his acquaintance, nor would not show where his books lay: and because his wife denied them to be at his house, she was sent to the Fleet, & their goods confiscate.
After they had thus practiced against him what they could, by tortures and torments. then was he brought before John Stokesly Bishop of London, the 15. of December, an. 1531. in the said town of Chelsey, and there examined upon these Articles and interrogatories ensuing.
FIrst whether he believed there were any Purgatory of souls hence departed.
Wherunto he made answer as followeth: If we walk in light even as he is in light, we have society together with him, and the blood of Jesus Christ his son, hath cleansed us from all sin. If we say we have no sin, we deceive our selves and the truth is not in us. If we confess our sin, he is fathfull and just, and will forgive us our sins, and will purge us from all our iniquityes,
2. Secondly, whether the Saints hence departed, are to to be honored and prayed unto, to pray for us.
To which he answered on this wise: My little children, I write this unto you, that you sin not. If any man do sin, we have an Advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the just, and he is the propitiation for our sins, and not only for our sins, but also the sins of the whole world. And further, upon occasion of these words: Omnes sancti Dei orate pro nobis, being demanded what he meant by these words. Omnes sancti, he answered: that he meant them by those that were alive, as S. Paul did by the Corinthians, and not by those that be dead: for he prayed not to them (he said) because he thought that they which be dead cannot pray for him. Item, when the whole church is gathered together, they use to pray one for another, or desire one to pray for another, with one heart: and that the will of the Lord may be fulfilled and not ours: and I pray, said he, as our Savior Christ prayed at his last hour. Father, take this cup frō me if it be possible, yet thy will be fulfilled.
3 Thirdly, he was demanded whether he thought that any souls departed were yet in heaven or no.
To this he answered and said: That he believed that they be thete as it pleaseth god to have them, that is to say, in the faith of Abraham, and that herein he would: commit himself to the Church.
4. Fourthlye, it was demanded of him, whether he thought it necessary to salvation, for a man to confess his sins to a Priest.
Whereunto his answer was this: That it was lawful for one to confess and knowledge his sins to another. As for any other confession he knew none. And further he said that if he came to a Sermon, or any other where, where as the word of God is preached, and there take repentance for his sins, he believed his sins, forthwith to be forgiven of God, & that he needed not to go to any confession.
5. Fiftely, that he should say and affirm, that the truth of holy Scripture hath been hid, and appeared not these 800. years, neither was known before now.
To this he said: That he meant no otherwise, but that the truth of holy Scripture was never, these 800 years past, so plainly and expressly declared unto the people, as it hath been within these 6. years.
6. He was demanded further, for what cause holy Scripture hath been better declared within these 6. years, then it hath been these 800. years before.
Wherunto he answered: To say plainly, he knew no mā to have preached the word of God sincerely & purely, and after the vain of Scripture, except M. Crome and M. Latimer, and said moreover, that the New Testament now translated into English, doth preach and teach the word of God, & that before that time, men did preach but only: that folks should believe as the church did believe, and then if the Church erred, men should err to. Howbeit the church said he, of Christ cannot err: & that there were 2. Churches, that is, the Church of Christ militant, and the Church of Antichrist, and that this church of Antichrist may & doth err, but the Church of Christ doth not.
7. Seventhly, whether he knew any person that died in the true faith of Christ, since the Apostles time.
He said: He knew Bayfild, and thought that he died, in the true faith of Christ.
8. Eighthly, he was asked what he thought of Purgatory and of vows.
He answered: If any such thing had been moved to Saynct Paul of Purgatory after this life, he thought S. Paul would have condemnede it for an heresy. And when he heard M. Crome preach and say, that he thought there was a Purgatory after this life, he thought in his mind that the said M. Crome lied, & spake against his conscience, and that there was a hundredth moe, which thought the same as he did: saying moreover that he had seen the confession of M. Crome in print, God wot a very foolish thing, as he judged.
And as concerning vows, he granted that there was lawful vows as Ananias vowed Act. 5. for it was in his own power, whether he would have sold his possession or not, & therefore he did offend. But vows of chastity, and all godliness is given of God by his abundant grace, the which no man of himself can keep, but it must be givē him of God. And therefore a Monk, Frier, or Nun, that have vowed the vows of Religion, if they think, after their vows made, that they cannot keep their promises that they made at Baptism, they may go forth and mary, so that they keep after their marriage, the promise that they made at Baptism. And finally he concluded, that he thought there were no other vows, but only the vow of Baptism.
9. Ninthly, he was demanded whether Luther being a Frier, & taking a Nun out of religion, & afterward marrying her, did well or no, and what he thought therein.
He answered: That he thought nothing. And when they asked him, whether it was lechery or no. He made answer he could not say so.
As concerning the Sacrament of anneling, being willed to say his mind.
He answered & said: It was but a ceremony, neither did he wotte what a man should be the better for such an oyling and anointing The best was, that some good prayers he saw to be said thereat.
Likewise, touching the Sacrament of Baptism, his words were these.
That as many as repent, and do on them Christ, shall be saved: that is, as many as die concerning sin, shall live by faith with Christ. Therefore it is not we that live after that, but Christ in us. And so whether we live, or die, we are God's by adoption, & not by the water only, but by water and faith: that is by keeping the promise made For ye are kept by grace and faith, saith S. Paul, & that not of yourself: for it is the gift of God.
He was asked moreover of matrimony, whether it was a Sacrament or not, and whether it conferreth grace, being commanded in the old law, and not yet taken away.
His answer was: that Matrimony is an order or law, that the Church of Christ hath made, and ordained, by the which men may take to them women and sin not.
Lastly, for his books of scripture, & for his judgment of Tyndale, because he was urged to confess the troth, he said: That he had the New Testament translated into the English tongue by Tyndale, within this month, and thought he offended not God in using and keeping the same, notwithstanding that he knew the kings proclamation to the contrary, and that it was prohibited in the name of the Church at Paul's cross. But for all that he thought the word of God had not forbid it: confessing moreover, that he had in his keeping within this month, these books: the wicked Mammon, the obedience of a Christian man, the practice of Prelates, the answer of Tyndale to Tho. Mores Dialogue, the book of Frith against Purgatory, the Epistle of George Gee, alias George Clerke: adding furthermore, that in all these books he never saw any errors And if there were any such in them, then if they were corrected, it were good that the people had the said books. And as concerning the new Testament in English, he thought it utterly good, and that the people should have it, as it is· Neither did he ever know (said he) that Tyndale was a noughtye fellow. And to these answers he subscribed his name. This examination (as is said) was the 15. day of December.
The next day following, which was the 16. day of December, the said James Bainham appeared again before the Bishop of London, in the foresaid place of Syr Thomas More at Chelsey, where, after the guise and form of their proceedings, first his former Articles with his answers were again repeated, and his hand brought forth. Which done, they asked him whether he would persiste in that which he had said, or else would return to the Catholic Church from whence he was fallen, and to the which he might be yet received, as they said: adding moreover many fair enticing & alluring words, that he would reconcile himself, saying the time was yet that he might be received: the bosom of his mother was open for him. Otherwise if he would continue stubbern, there was no remedy.
Now was the time either to save, or else utterly to cast himself away. Which of these ways he would take, the case present now required a present answer, for else the sentence definitive was there ready to be read. &c.
To conclude long matter in few words, Bainhā wavering in a doubtful perplexity between life on y e one hand, & death on y e other, at length giving over to the adversaries, gave answer unto thē that he was cōtēted to submit himself, in those things wherein he had offended, excusing that he was deceived by ignorance. Thē y e bishop requiring him to say his mind plainly of his answers above declared demanded what he thought thereof, whether they were true, or no.
To this Bainham said, that it was to high for him to judge. And then being asked of the Bishop, whether there was any Purgatory, he answered, and said: he could not believe that there was any Purgatory after this life.
Upon other Articles being examined and demanded, he granted as followeth: That he could not judge whether Bayfild died in the true faith of Christ or no. That a man making a vow, cannot break it without deadly sin. That a Prieste promising to live chaste, may not mary a wife. That he thinketh the Apostles to be in heaven. That Luther did naught in marrying a Nun. That a child is the better for confyrmation. That it is an offense to God, if any man keep books prohibited by the Church, the pope, the Bishop, or the King, and said that he pondered those points more now, then he did before. &c.
Upon these answers the Bishop thinking to keep him in safe custody, to further trial, committed him to one of the Counters.
The time thus passing on, which bringeth all things to their end, in the month of Febr. next following in y e yere of our Lord 1532. the foresaid I. Bainham was called for again to the bishops Cōsistory, before his Uicar general, & other his assistance: to whō Foxford the bishops Chancelor recited again his articles & answers above mentioned, protesting that he intended not to receive him to y e unity of y e holy mother church, unless he knew the said Bainhā to be returned again purely & unfeignedly to the catholic faith, and to submit himself penitently to the judgment of the Church. To whom Bainham spake in this effect, saying that he hath and doth believe the holy Church, and holdeth the faith of the holy mother the Catholic Church.
Wherunto the Chancelor offering to him a Bill of his abiuratiō, after y e form of y e Popes church conceived, required him to read it. Who was contented & read to y e clause of y e abiuratiō, containing these words: I voluntarily, as a true penitent persō returned frō my heresies, utterly abjure. &c. & there he staid & would read no farther, saying y t he knew not y e articles contained in his abiuratiō to be heresy, therefore he could not see why he should refuse thē. Which done, y e Chancelor proceeded to the reading of this sentence definitive, coming to y e place of this sentence: y e doctrine & determinatiō of the church. &c. & there paused, saying he would reserve y e rest till he saw his time. Whō then Bainhā desired to be good unto him, affirming that he did acknowledge y t there was a Purgatory: that y e souls of the apostles were in heaven. &c. Then began he again to read the sentence but Bainham again desired him to be good unto him. Whereupon he ceased the sentence, & said that he would accept this his confession for that time as sufficient.
So Bainhā for that present was returned to his prison again. Who then the 5. day after, which was the 8. day of February, appeared as before, in the consistory. Whom the foresaid Chancellor repeating again his articles & answers, asked if he would abjure and submit himself: who answered that he would submit himself, and as a good Christian man should. Agayne the Chancellor the second time asked if he would abjure. I will (said he) forsake all my Articles, and will meddle no more with them, & so being commanded to lay his hands upon the book, read his abjuration openlie. After y e reading whereof he burst out into these words, saying, that because there were many words in the said abjuration, which he thought obscure & difficile, he protested that by his oth he intended not to go from such defense, which he might have had before his oth. Which done y e Chancelor asked him why he made that protestation? Bainhā said, for fear least any man of ill will do accuse me hereafter. Thē y e Chancelor taking y e definitive, sentence in his hand, disposing himself (as appeared) to read the same: Well M. Baynham (said he) take your oath, and kille the book, or else I will do mine office against you, & so immadiatly he took the book in his hand and kissed it, and subscribed the same with his hand.
Which done, the Chancelor receiving the abiuratiō at his hand, put him to his fine, first to pay xx.li. to the king. After that, he enjoined him penance, to go before the Cross in procession at Paul's, & to stand before the preacher during the sermons at Paul's cross, with a fagot vpō his shoulder the next Sunday, & so to return w t the Sumner
The process against James Baynham, in case of relapse.
THe 19. day of April. 1532. M. Rich. Foxford Uicar general to the bishop of London, accompanied with certain Divines, & Matthew Grefton the Register sitting judicially, James Bainhā was brought before him by the Lieutenant of the tower, before whō y e vicar general rehearsed y e articles contained in his abjuration before made & shown him a bound book, which the said Bainhā acknowledged to be his own writing, saying that it was good. Then he shown him more of a certain letter sent unto the bishop of Londō, y t which also he acknowledged to be his: objecting also to the said Bainhā, that he had made & read the abjuration which he had before recited: showing him moreover certain letters which he had written unto his brother, the which he confessed to be his own writing, saying moreover, that though he wrote it, yet there is no thing in the same that is naught, if it be as my Lord Chancellor saith. Then he asked of Bainham how he understood this which followeth, which was in his letters: yet could they not see nor know him for God, when in deed he was both God & man, yea he was three persons in one, the father, the son & the holy ghost: & Bainham said it was naught. Whych things thus done, there was further objected unto him these words, that he had as leave pray to Joan his wife, as to our Lady. The which article Bainhā denied. The said Bainhā amongst other talk as touching the sacrament of y e alter, said: Christ's body is not chewed w t teeth, but received by faith. Further it was objected against him, that notw t standing his abjuration, he had said that the Sacrament of the altar was but a mystical or memorial body: y t which article Bainham denied. It was further laid unto him, that he should say, that S. Thomas of Canterbury was a thief and murderer, and a devil in hell. Whereunto he answered thus, that S. Thomas of Canterbury was a murderer, and if he did not repent him of his murder, he was rather a devil in hell, then a saint in heaven.
The 20. day of April, in the yere aforesaid, y e said James Bainhā was brought before the vicar general in y e church or all saints of Barking, where as he ministered these interrogatories unto him. First y t since y e feast of Easter last past he said, affirmed and believed, that the sacrament of the altar, was but a mystical body of Christ, and afterward he said, it was but a memorial: y t which article Bainham denied. The the vicar general declared unto him, that our holy mother y e catholic church determineth & teacheth in this manner: that in the sacrament of the altar, after the words of consecration, there remaineth no bread. The official asked Bainhā whether he did so believe or not. Wherunto Bainham answered, saying that S. Paul calleth it bread, rehearsing these words: Quotiescunque comederitis panem hunc, & de poculo biberitis, mortem Domini annunciabitis: and in that point he saith, as S. Paul saith, and believeth as y e church believeth. And being demanded twice afterward what he thought therein, he would give no other answer.
Item, that since the feast of Easter aforesaid, he had affirmed & believed that every man that would take vpō him to preach the Gospel of Christ clearly, had as much power as the Pope. To the which article he answered thus: He that preacheth the word of God, whatsoever he be, and liveth thereafter, he hath the key that bindeth and looseth both in heaven and earth. The which key is the same scripture that is preached, and the Pope hath no other power to bind and to loose, but by the key of the Scripture.
Item, that he affirmed that S. Thomas of Canterbury was a thief and a murderer, & in hell. Wherunto he answered as before.
Item, that he said he had as leave pray to Joan his wife, as to our Lady: the which he denied as before.
Item, that he affirmed & believed, that Christ himself was but a man, the which article he also denied.
The premisses thus passed, the vicar general received Frances Realms, John Edwards, Raphe Hilton, John Ridley, Frances Dryland, and Raphe Noble, as witnesses to be sworn upon the articles aforesaid, and to speak the truth before the face of the said James Bainhā, in the presence of M. John Nayler Uicar of Barking, M. John Rode Bachelor of divinity, Williā Smith, Richard Griuel, Tho. Wimple, and Richard Gill.
The 26. day of April in the year aforesaid, before M. John. Foxford vicar general of the bish. of Londō, in y e presence of Matthew Greftō Register, and Nicolas Wilson, & Will. Philley, professors of divinity, John Oliuer, Williā Midleton, & Hugh Apprise, doctors of the law, M. Richard Gresham Sheriff of London, & a great cōpanye of others, James Bainham was brought forth by the Lieutenaunt of the Tower, in whose presence the vicar general rehearsed the merits of the cause of inquisition of heresy against him, & proceeded to y e reading of the abiuratiō. And whē the Judge read this article following contained in the abjuration: Itē, that I have said that I will not determine whether any souls departed be yet in heaven or no, but I believe that they be there as it pleaseth God to have them, that is to say, in the faith of Abraham: & I wote not whether the souls of the apostles or any other be in heaven or no. To this James answered, that I did abjure, and if that had not been, I would not have abjured at all.
After all the articles were read contained in the abjuration, & certain talk had as touching the sacrament of baptism, the said James Bainham spake these words: If a Turk, a Jew, or Sarasen do trust in God & keep his law, he is a good Christian man. Then the Officiall shown unto him the letters which he sent unto his Brother, written with his own hand, and asked him what he thought, as touching this clause following: Yet could they not see and know him for God, when in deed he was both God & man, yea he was three persons in one, the father, y e son and the holy ghost. Wherunto Bainham said, that it was naught, & that he did it by ignorance, & did not oversee his letters. Thē M. Nicholas Wilson amongst other talk as touching the sacrament of the alter, declared unto him that the church did believe the very body of Christ to be in the Sacrament of the alter. Bainham answered: The bread is not Jesus Christ, for Christ's body is not chewed with teeth, therefore it is but bread. Being further demanded whether in the sacrament of the altar, is the very body of Christ God and man in flesh and blood: after diverse doubtful answers, Bainham answered thus: He is there very God and man in form of bread.
This done, the Officiall declared unto him the depositions of the witnesses which were come in against him, & objected unto him, that a little before Easter he had abjured all heresies, as well particularly as generally. Then the said vicar general, after he had takē deliberation & advise with the learned his assistantes, did proceed to the reading of the definitive sentence against him, & also published the same in writing: whereby amongst other things besides his abjuration, he pronounced & condemned him as a relapsed heretic, damnably fallen into sundry heresies, & so to be left unto the secular power, that is to say, to one of y e Sherifs being there present. After the pronoūcing of which sentence, M. Nicolas Wilson counseled & admonished tha said James, y t he would conform himself unto the church. To whō he answered, that he trusted that he is the very child of God, which ye blind Asses (said he) do not perceive. And last of all, departing frō his judgment, he spake these words: M. Wilson, nor you my Lord Chancellor, shall not prove by scripture, that there is any Purgatorye. Then the sentence of condemnation was given against him, the which here to repeat word for word, is not necessary, for so much as the tenor thereof is all one with that which passed before in the story of Bayfeld, alias Somersam. Here also should ensue the letter of the Bishop of London, directed unto the Major and Sheriffs of the same city, for the receiving of him into their power, & that putting of him to death, the tenor whereof is also of like effect to that before written in the story of Bayfeld. After this sentence given, James Bainham was delivered into the hands of Syr Richard Gresham Sheriff, then being present, who caused him by his Officers to be carried unto Newegate, & the said James Baynham was burned in Smithfielde the last day of April, in the year aforesaid, at three a clock at afternoon.
This M. Bainham during his imprisonment was very cruelly handled. For almost the space of a fortnight he lay in the bishops colehouse in the stocks, with irons upon his legs. Thē he was carried to the Lord Chaūcellors, and there chayned to a post 2. nights. Thē he was carried to Fulham, where he was cruelly handled by y e space of a seven night. Thē to the Tower, where he lay a fortnight scourged with whips, to make him revoke his opinions. Frō thence he was carried to Barking, thē to Chelsey, and there condemned, and so to Newgate to be burned.
At whose burning here is notoriously to be observed, that as he was at the stake in the midst of the flaming fire which fire had half consumed his arms & legs, he spake these words: O ye Papists, behold, ye look for miracles, and here now you may see a miracle, for in this fire I feel no more pain, then if I were in a bed of Down: but it is to me as sweet as a bed of roses. These words spake he in the midst of the flaminge fire, when his legs and his arms (as I said) were half consumed.
John Bent Martyr.
AT the writing hereof, came to our hands a certain notice of one John Bent, who about this present time or not long before, being a Tailor, & dwelled in a village called Urcheuaunt, was burnt in the Town of the Deuises
*The History of three men hanged for the burning of the Rood of Douercourt, collected out of a letter of Robert Gardner, which was one of the doers of the same.
IN the same year of our Lord 1532. there was an Idol named the Rood of Douercourt, whereunto was much and great resort of people. For at that time there was great rumour blown abroad amongst the ignorant sort, that the power of the Idol of Douercourt was so great, that no man had power to shut the Church door where he stood, and therefore they let the Church door both night and day continually stand open, for the more credit unto their blind rumour. Which once being conceived in the heads of the vulgare sort, seemed a great marvel unto many men, but to many again, whom God had blessed with his spirit, was greatly suspected, especially unto these, whose names here follow, as Robert King of Dedham, Robert Debnam of Estbergholt, Nicholas Marshe of Dedham, and Robert Gardner of Dedham, whose consciences were sore burdened to see the honor and power of the almighty living God so to be blasphemed by such an Idol. Wherefore they were moved by the spirit of God, to travel out of Dedham in a woondrous goodlye night, both hard frost and fair moon shine, although the nigh before, and the night after were exceeding foul and rayny. It was from the town of Dedham, to the place where the filthy Rood stood x. miles. Notw t standing they were so willing in that their enterprise, that they went these x. miles without pain, and found the Church door open, according to the blind talk of the ignorant people: for there durst no unfaithful body shut it. Which happened well for their purpose, for they found the Idol, which had as much power to keep the door shut, as to keep it open. And for proof thereof, they took the Idol from his shrine, and carried him a quarter of a mile from the place where he stood, without any resistance of the said Idol. Whereuppon they strake fire with a Flint stone, and suddenly set him on fire, who burned out so brym, that he lighted them homeward one good mile of the ten.
This done, there went a great talk abroad, that they should have great riches in that place, but it was very untrue, for it was not their thought or enterprise, as they themselves afterward confessed, for there was nothing taken away but his coat, his shoes and tapers. The tapers did help to burn him, the shoes they had again, and the coat one sir Thomas Rose did burn, but they had neither penny, half penny, gold, grote, nor jewel.
Notwithstanding three of them were afterward indyted of felony, and hanged in chains within half a yere after, or thereabout. Robert Kyng was hanged in Dedham at Burther. Robert Debnam was hanged at Cattawaye Causey: Nicholas Marshe was hanged at Douercourt. Which three persons, through the spirit of God at their death, did more edify y e people in godly learning, then all the Sermons that had been preached there a long
The fourth man of this company named Robert Gardner, escaped their hands and fled. Albeit he was cruelly sought for, to have had the like death, but y e living Lord preserved him, to whom be all honor & glory world without ende.
The same year, and the year before, there were many Images cast down and destroyed in many places: as the Image of the Crucifix in the high way by Cogshall, the Image of saint Petronil in the Church of great Horksleigh, the Image of saint Christopher by Sudburye, and another Image of saint Petronil in a Chapel by Ipswiche.
Also John Seward of Dedham, overthrew a Cross in Stoke Park, and took two Images out of a chapel in the same park, and cast them into the water.
The story, examination, death, and martyrdom of John Frith.
AMongest all other chaunces lamentable, there hath ben none a great time which seemed unto me more grievous, then the lamentable death and cruel handlinge of John Frith, so learned and excellent a young man, which had so profited in all kind of learning and knowledge, that scarcely there was his equal amongst all his companions and besides withal had such a godliness of life joined with his doctrine, that it was hard to judge, in whether of them he was more commendable, being greatly praise worthy in them both. But as touching his doctrine, by the grace of Christ, we will speak hereafter. Of the great godliness which was in him, this may serve for experiment sufficient for that notwithstanding his other manifold and singular gifts & ornaments of y e mind in him most pregnant where withal he might have opened an easy way unto honor & dignity, notwithstanding he chose rather wholly to consecrate himself unto the Church of Christ, excellently showing forth & practicing in himself the precept so highly commended of the Philosophers, touching the life of man, which life they say, is given unto us in such sort, that how much better the man is, so much y e less he should live unto himself, but unto other, serving for the common utility, & that we should think a great parte of our birth to be due unto our parents, a greater part unto our country, & the greatest part of all to be bestowed upon the Church if we will be counted good men. First of all he begā his study at Cambridge. In whō nature had planted being but a child marvelous instructions & love unto learning, whereunto he was addict. He had also a wonderful promptnes of wit & a ready capacity to receive and understand anything, in so much that he seemed not to be sent unto learning, but also borne for the same purpose: neither was there any diligence wanting in him, equal unto that towardness, or worthy of his disposition. Whereby it came to pass that he was not only a lover of learning, but also became an exquisite learned man. In the which exercise, whē he had diligently labored certain years, not without great profit both of Latin and Greek, at the last he fell into knowledge and acquaintance with William Tyndale, through whose instructions, he first received into his heart the seed of the Gospel and sincere godliness.
At that time Tho. Wolsey Cardinal of York prepared to build a College in Oxford, marvelous sumptuous which had the name & title of Frideswide, but now named Christ's Church, not so much (as it is thought) for y e love & zeal that he bare unto learning, as for an ambitious desire of glory & renown, & to leave a perpetual name unto the posterity. But that building, he being cut of by y e stroke of death (for he was sent for unto y e king, accused upon certain crimes, and in the way by immoderate purgations killed himself) least partly begun, partly half ended & imperfect, and nothing else save only the kitchen was fully finished. Wherupon Rodulphus Gualterus a learned mā, being then in Oxford, & beholding the College, said these words in Latin. Egregium opus Cardinalis iste instituit collegium, et absolute popinam. Howe large & ample those buildings should have ben, what sumptuous cost should have been bestowed upon the same, may easily be perceived by y t that which is already builded, as the kitchen, the hall, and certain chambers, where as there is such curious grauing and workmanship of stone cutters, that all things on every side did glitter for the excellency of the workmāship, for the finesse of y t matter, with the gilt antikes, & embossings, in so much that if all the rest had been finyshed to that determinate end as it was begun, it might well have excelled not only all Colleges of students, but also palaces of Princes. This ambitious Cardinal gathered together into that College, whatsoever excellent thing there was in the whole realm, either vestments, vessels, or other ornaments, beside provision of all kind of precious things. Besides that, he also appointed unto that company all such men as were found to excel in any kind of learning & knowledge. Whose names to recite all in order, would be to long. The chief of them which were called from Cambridge were these.
- M▪ Clarke, Master of art, of xxxiiij. years of age.
- M. Friar, afterward Doctor of Physic, after that a strong papist.
- M. Sumner, master of Art.
- M. Harman, master of Art, and after fellow of Eaton College, after that a papist.
- M. Bettes, master of Art, a good man and zealous, and so remained.
- M. Coxe, master of Art, who conveyed him self away toward the North, and aftrr was Schoolmaster of Eaton, and then Chaplayne to Doctor Goodrich Bishop of Eli, and by him preferred to king Henry, and late Bishop of Eli.
- John Frith, Bachelor of Art.
- Bayly, Bachelor of Art.
- Goodman, who being sick in the prison with the other, was had out, and died in the town.
- Drumme, who afterwards fell away, and forsook the truth.
- Thomas Lawney, Chapleine of the house, prisoner with John Frith.
To these join also Tauerner of Boston, the good Musician, besides many other called also out of other places moste pyked young men of grave judgment and sharp wits, who conferring together upon the abuses of religion, being at y t time crept into y e Church, were therefore accused of heresy unto the Cardinal, and cast into a prison, within a deep cave under the ground, of the same College where their salt fyshe was laid, so that through the fylthie stinche thereof, they were all infected, and certain of them taking their death in the same prison, shortly upon y e same being taken out of the prison into their chambers, there deceased.
The troublers and examiners of these good men were these, Doct. London, Doctor Higdon, Dean of the same College, and Doct. Cottesford, Commissary.
Master Clarke, master Sumner, and Syr Bayly, eating nothing but saltfishe from February, to the midst of August, died all three together within the compass of one week.
Master Bettes a witty man, having no books found in his chamber, through entreaty and surety gote out of prison, and so remaining a space in y e College, at last slipped away to Cambridge, and after was Chapleine to Queen Anne, and in great favor with her.
Tauerner, although he was accused and suspected for hidinge of Clerks books under the bordes in his school, yet the Cardinal for his music excused him, saying, that he was but a Musician, and so he escaped.
After the death of these men, John Frith, with other, by the Cardinals letter, which sent word that he would not have them so straightly handled, were dismissed out of prison upon condition, not to pass above ten miles out of Oxford. Which Frith after hearing of the examination of Dalaber and Garret, which bare then fagottes, went over the sea, and after two years he came over for exhibition of the Prior of Reading (as is thought) and had y • Prior • uer with him.
B • yng at Reading, it happened that he was there taken for a vacabond, & brought to examination: where the simple man which could not craftily enough color him self, was set in the stocks. Where after he had sitten a long time, and was almost pined with hunger, and would not for all that declare what he was, at the last he desired that the Scholemaister of the town might be brought to him, which at that time was one Leonard Coxe, a mā very well learned. As soon as he came unto him, Frith by and by began in the Latin tongue to bewail his captivity.
The Schoolmaster by and by being overcome with his eloquence, did not only take pity and compassion upon him, but also began to love and embrace such an excellent wit and disposition unlooked for, especially in such a state & misery. Afterward, they conferring more together upon many things as touching the Universities, schools, and tongues, fell from the Latin into the Greek, Wherein Frith did so inflame the love of that Schoolmaster towards him, that he brought him into a marvelous admiration, especially when the Schoolmaster heard him so promptly by heart, rehearse Homers verses out of his first book of Illiades. Whereuppon the Shoolemaister went with all speed, unto the Magistrates, grievously complaining of the injury which they did show unto so excellent and innocent a young man.
Thus Frith, through the help of the schoolmaster, was freely dimitted out of the stocks, & set at liberty without punishment. Albeit this his safety continued not long, thorough the great hatred and deadly pursuit of sir Tho. More, who at that time being Chancelor of England, persecuted him both by land and sea, besetting all the ways and hauens, yea & promising great rewards, if any mā could bring him any news or tidings of him.
Thus Frith being on every part beset with toubles, not knowing which way to turn him, seeketh for some place to hyde him in. Thus fleeting from one place to another, and often changing both his garments and place, yet could he be in safety in no place, no not long amongst his frindes: so that at the last, being trayterouslye taken, (as ye shall after hear) he was sent unto the Tower of London, whereas he had many conflicts with the bishops, but specially in writing with Syr Thomas Moore. The first occasion of his writing was this: Uppon a time he had communicatiō with a certain old familiar friend of his, touching the Sacrament of the body & blood of Christ. The whole effect of which disputation, consisted specially in these four points.
1 FIrst that the matter of the sacrament is no necessary article of faith under pain of damnation.
2. Secondly, that for so much as Christ's natural body in like condition hath all properties of our body, sin only except, it it cannot be, neither is it agreeable unto reason, that he should be in two places or moe at once, contrary to the nature of our body.
3. Moreover it shall not seem meet or necessary, that we should in this place understand Christ's words, according to the literal sense, but rather according to the order and phrase of speech, comparing phrase with phrase, according to the Analogy of the Scripture.
4. Last of all, how that it ought to be received according to the true and right institution of Christ, albeit that the order which at this time is crept into the Church, and is used now a days by the Priests, do never so much differ from it.
And for so much as the treatise of this disputation seemed somewhat long, his friend desired him that such things as he had reasoned upon, he would briefly committee unto writing, and give unto him for the help of his memory. Frith, albeit he was unwilling, and not ignorant howe dangerous a thing it was to enter into such a contentious matter, at y e last notwithstanding he being overcome by the entreaty of his friend, rather followed his will, then looked to his own safeguard.
There was at that time in London a Taylor named William Holt, which feigning a great frendshyp toward this party, instantly required of him to give him license to read over that same writing of Frithes, which when he unadvisedly did, the other by and by carried it unto More being thē Chancellor, which thing afterward was occasion of great trouble, and also of death unto y e said Frith. For More having gotten a copy of this book, not only of this Sicophant, but also two other copies, which at the same time, in a manner were sent him by other promoters he whetted his wits, and called his spirits together as much as he might, meaning to refute his opiniō by a contrary book.
This in a manner was the whole sum of the reasons of Frithes book: First to declare the Popes belief of the Sacrament, to be no necessary article of our faith, that is to say, that it is no article of our faith necessary to be believed under pain of damnation, that the Sacrament should be the natural body of Christ. Whych he thus proveth: For many so believe, & yet in so believing the Sacrament to be y e natural body, are not thereby saved but receive it to their damnation.
Agayne, in believing the Sacrament to be the natural body, yet that natural presence of his body in the bread, is not that which saveth us, but his presence in our harts by faith. And likewise the not believing of his bodily presence in the Sacrament, is not the thing that shall damn us, but the absence of him out of our heart, through unbelief. And if it be objected, y t it is necessary to believe gods word under pain of damnation: to that he answereth, that the word taken in the right sense as Christ meant, mayntayneth no such bodily presence as the Popes church doth teache, but rather a Sacramental presence. And that (saith he) may be further confirmed thus.
-
Argument.
- None of the old fathers before Christ's incarnation, were bound under pain of damnatiō to believe this point:
- All we be saved by the same faith that the old fathers were.
- Ergo, none of us are bound to believe this point under pa •• e of damnation.
The first parte (saith he) is euydent of it self. For howe could they believe that which they never heard nor saw?
The seconde part (saith he) appeareth plainly by saint Augustine, writing ad Dardanum, and also by an hundredth places more. Neither is there anything that he doth more often inculcate thē this, that the same faith y t saved our Fathers, saveth us also. And therefore upon the truth of these two parts thus proved, must the conclusion (saith he) needs follow.
-
An other Argument.
- None of y t old fathers before Christ's incarnation, did eat Christ corporally in their signs, but only mystically & spiritually, and were saved:
- Al we do eat Christ even as they did, and are saved as they were:
- Ergo, none of us do eat Christ corporally, but mystycally, and spiritually in our signs as they did.
For the probation of the first part, Frith proceeding in his discourse, declared howe the ancient fathers before Christ's Incarnation, did never believe any such point of this gross and carnal eating of Christ's body: and yet notwithstanding they did eat him spiritually, and were saved: as Adam, Abraham, Moses, Aaron, Phinehas, and other godly Israelites besides. All which (saith he) did eat the body of Christ, and did drink his blood, as we do. But this eating and drinking of theirs was spiritual, pertaining only to faith, and not to the teeth: For they were all under the cloud, and drank of the rock which followed them, this rock was Christ, which was promised them to come into the world. And this promise was first made unto Adam, when as it was said unto the Serpent: I will put hatred between thee and the woman, between her seed and thy seed &c. And afterward again unto Abraham: In thy seed shall all people be blessed &c. Addyng also the Sacrament of Circumcision, which was called the covenant, not because it was so in deed, but because it was a sign and a tokē of y e covenant made between God & Abrahā, admonyshing us thereby how we should judge & think touching the Sacrament of his body & blodd: to wit, that albeit it be called the body of Christ, yet we should properly understand thereby y e fruit of our justification, which plentifully floweth unto all faithful by his most healthful body & blood. Likewise the same promise was made unto Moses the moste meek & gentle captain of the Israelites, which did not only himself believe vpō Christ, which was so often̄ promised, but also did prefigurate him by divers means, both by y e Manna which came down from heaven, and also by the water which issued out of the rock, for the refreshing of the bodies of his people.
Neither is it to be doubted, but that both Manna and this water had a Prophetical mystery in them, declaring the very self same thing then, which the bread & the wyne do now declare unto us in the sacrament. For this saith S. Augustine: Who soever did understand Christ in the Manna, did eat the spiritual food that we do. But they which by that Manna sought only to fill their bellies, did eat thereof, and are dead. So likewise saith he of the drink: For the rock was Christ. And by and by after he inferreth thus: Moses did eat Manna and Phinehas also, and many other also did eat thereof which pleased God, and are not dead. Why? because they did understand the visible meat spiritually. They did spiritually hunger, and did spiritually taste of it, that they might spiritually be satisfied. They all did eat the same spiritual meat, and all did drink the same spiritual drink: all one spiritual thing, but not all one corporal matter (for they did eat Manna, and we another thing) but the self same spiritual thing that we do, and although they drank the same spiritual drink that we do, yet they drank one thing, and we another: which nevertheless signified all one thing in spiritual effect. Howe did they drink all one thing? The Apostle answereth: Of the spiritual rock which followed them, for the rock was Christ. And Bede also adding these words, saith: Behold the signs are altered, and yet the faith remaineth one. Thereby a man may perceive that the Manna, which came down from heaven, was the same unto them, y t our Sacrament is unto us, and that by either of them is sygnifyed that the body of Christ came down from heaven, & yet notw t standing never any of thē said, that Manna was the very body of Messias, as our Sacramental bread is not in deed the body of Christ, but a mystical representation of the same. For like as the Manna which came down from heaven, and the bread which is received in the Supper, doth nourish the body, even so the body of Christ coming down from heaven, and being geeuen for us, doth quicken up the spirits of the believers unto life everlasting. Then if the salvation of both people be alike, and their faith also one, there is no cause why we should add transubstantiation unto our Sacrament, more then they believed their Manna to be altered and changed. Moreover, for because they are named Sacraments even by the significatyon of the name, they must needs be signs of things, or else of necessity they can be no Sacraments.
But some may here object and say: If only faith, both unto them & also unto us, be sufficient for salvation, what need then any sacraments to be instituted? He answered that there are three causes why Sacraments are instituted. The first S. Agustine declareth in these words, writing against Faustus: Men (saith he) cannot be knit together into one name of religion, be it true, or be it false, except they be knit by the society of signs and visible sacraments the power whereof doth wonderfully prevail, in so much that such as contemn them are wicked: for that is wickedly contemned, without the which godliness cannot be made perfect. &c. An other cause is that they should be helpers to grafte and plant faith in our hearts, and for the confirmation of God's promises. But this use of Sacraments many are yet ignorant of, and more there be which do preposterously judge of the same, taking the signs for the thing itself, and worshipping the same: even by like reason in a manner, as if a man would take the bushe that hangeth at the Tavern door, and suck it for to slake his thirst, and will not go to the Tavern where the wyne is. Thirdly, they do serve unto this use, to stir up the minds and hearts of the faithfully to give thanks unto God for his benefits. And these in a manner are the principal points of his books.
When More (as is before said) had gotten a copy of this treatise, he sharped his pen all that he might, to make answer unto this young man (for so he calleth him through out his whole book) but in such sort, that whē the book was once set forth, and shown unto y e world, then he endeavored himself all that he might, to keep it from printing, peradventure least that any copy thereof should come unto Frythes hands. But notwithstanding, when at the last Frith had got̄ a copy thereof by means of his friends, he answered him out of the prison, omitting nothing y t any man could desire to the perfect & absolute handling of the matter. And as it were a great labor, so do I think it not much necessary to repeat all his reasons and arguments, or the testimonies which he had gathered out of y e Doctors: specially for so much as y e Archb. of Canterbury Cranmer, in his Apology against the Bishop of Winchester, seemeth to have collected them abundantly, gathering the principal and chiefest helps from thence that he leaned unto against the other: and I doubt much whether the Archbishop ever gave anymore credit unto any author of that doctrine, then unto this aforesaid Frythe.
What dexteritye of wit was in him, and excellencye of doctrine, it may appear, not only by his books which he wrote of the Sacrament, but also in them which he entitled of Purgatory. In the which quarrel he withstood the violence of three most obstinate enemies, y t is to say, of Rochester, More, and Rastall, whereof the one by the help of the Doctors, the other by wresting of the scripture, and the third by the help of natural philosophy had conspired against him. But he, as a Hercules, fighting not against two only, but even▪ with them all three at once, did so over throw & confound thē, y t he converted Rastall to his part.
Besides all these cōmendatiōs of this young man, there was also in him a friendly & prudent moderatiō in uttering of the truth, joined with a learned godliness. Which virtue hath always so much prevailed in the Church of Christ, that without it all other good gifts of knowledge, be they never so great, cannot greatly profit, but oftentimes do very much hurt. And would God that all things in all places were so free frō all kind of dissension, that there were no mention made amongst Christians, of Zwinglians & Lutherians, when as neither Zwingli, neither Luther died for us, but y t we might be all one in Christ. Neither do I think y t anything could happen more grievous unto those worthy men, then their names so to be abused to sects and factions, which so greatly withstood and strove against all factions. Neither do I here discourse which part came nearest unto the truth, neither so rashly intermeddle in this matter, that I will detract anything from either part, but rather wish of God I might join either part unto other. But now for so much as we entreat of the story of John Frith, I cannot choose but must needs earnestly and heartily embrace the prudent and godly moderatiō which was in that man, who maynteyning this quarrel of the Sacrament of the Lord's supper, no less godly, then learnedly (and so as no man in a manner had done it more learnedly (and pithily) yet he did it so moderately, w t out any contention, the he would never seem to strive against y e papists except he had been driven to it evē of necessity, In all other matters, where necessity did not move him to contend, he was ready to grant all things for quietness sake, as his most modest reasons and answers did declare.
For when as More disputing in a certain place upon the Sacrament, laid against him y e authority of Doctor Barns, for the presence of the body and blood in y e sacrament, he answered unto More & his companions, that he would promise under this condition, that y e sentence of Luther & Barns might be hold̄ as ratified, he would never speak more words of it: for in that point they did both agree with him, that y e sacrament was not to be worshipped, & that Idolatry being taken away, he was content to permit every man to judge of the sacrament, as God should put into their harts: for then there remained no more poison, that any man ought or might be afraid on. Wherefore if they did agree in that which was the chief point of y e sacrament, they should easily accord & agree in the rest.
This much he wrote in the treatise, entitled, The exile of Barns against More. Which words of this most meek martyr in Christ, if they would take place in the seditious dyuysions and factions of these our days, with great ease and little labor men might be brought to a unity in this controversy, and much more concord and love should be in the Church, & much less offense given abroad then there is.
But to our story again of John Frith, who after he had now sufficiently contended in his writings with More, Rochester, and Rastal Mores son in law, he was at the last carried to Lambeth, first before the Bishop of Canterbury, and afterward unto Croydon, before the Bishop of Winchester to plead his cause. Last of all, he was called before the Bishops in a common assemble at London, where as he constantly defended himself, if he might have been heard.
The order of his judgment, with the manner of his examination and articles which were objected against him, are comprised and set forth by him self, in a letter written and sent unto his friends, whilst he was prisoner in the Tower.
A Letter of John Frith to his friends, concerning his troubles: wherein after he had first with a brief preface saluted them entering then into the matter, thus he writeth.
I Doubt not dear breath̄, but that it doth some deal vex you, to see the one part have all the words, & freely to speak what they list, and the other to be put to silence, and nor to be heard indifferently. But refer your matters to God, which shortly shall judge after another fashion. In the mean time I have written unto you as briefly as I may, what articles were objected against me, and what were the principal points of my condemnation, that ye might understand the matter certainly.
The whole matter of this my examination was comprehended in two special articles, that is to say, of Purgatory, and of the substance of the Sacrament.
And first of all, as touching Purgatory, they inquired of me, whether I did believe there was any place to purge the spotts and filthe of the soul after this life. But I said that I thought there was no such place. For man (said I) doth consist, and is made only of two partes, that is to say, of the body and the soul, whereof the one is purged here in this world, by the cross of Christ, which he layeth vpō every child that he receiveth: as affliction worldly oppression, persecution, imprisonment &c. and last of all the reward of sin, which is death, is laid upon us: but the soul is purged with the word of God, which we receive through faith, to the salvation both of body and soul. Now if ye can show me a third part of men beside the body & the soul, I will also grant unto you the 3. place, which you do call Purgatory. But ye cā not do this, I must also of necessity deny unto you the Bishop of Rome's Purgatory. Nevertheless I count neither part a necessary article of our faith, to be believed under pain of damnation, whether there be such a Purgarie or no.
Secondly, they examined me touching the sacrament of the alter, whether it was the very body of Christ, or no.
I answered, that I thought it was both Christ's body & also our body, as Saint Paul teacheth us in the first Epistle to the Corinthians, and tenth Chapter. For in that it is made one bread of many corns, it is called our body, which being diverse and many members, are associate and gathered together into one fellowship or body. Likewise of the wine which is gathered of many clusters of grapes, & is made into one licour. But the same bread again, in that it is broken, is the body of Christ, declaringe his body to be broken and delivered unto death, to redeem us from our iniquities.
Furthermore, in that the Sacrament is distributed, it is Christ's body, signifying that as verily as the Sacrament is distributed unto us, so verily as Christ's body & the fruit of his passiō dystributed unto all faithful people.
In that it is received, it is Christ's body, signyfying that as verily as the outward man receiveth the sacrament with his teeth & mouth, so verilye doth the inward man through faith receive Christ's body and fruit of his passion, and is as sure of it, as of the bread which he eateth.
Well (said they) doest thou not think that his very natural bode flesh, blood and bone, is really contained under the Sacrament, and there present without all figure or similitude? No, said I, I do not so think. Notwithstanding I would not that any should count, that I make my saying (which is the negative) any article of faith. For even as I say, that you ought not to make any necessary article of the faith of your part (which is the affirmative) so I say again, that we make no necessary article of the faith of our part, but leave it indifferent for all men to judge therein, as God shall open his heart, and no side to condemn or despise the other, but to nourish in all things brotherly love, and one to bear an others infirmity.
After this they alleged the place of Saint Augustine, where he saith: Ferebatur In manibus proprijs. That is to say, he was carried in his own hands.
Whereunto I answered, that Saint Augustine was a plain Interpreter of him self: for he hath in another place: Ferebatur tanquam in manibus suis: That is to say, he was carried as it were in his own hands: which is a phrase of speech, not of one that doth simply affirm, but only of one expressing a thing by a similitude And albeit that Saint Augustine had not thus expounded him self, yet he writing unto Boniface, doth plainly admonish all men, that the Sacraments do represent and signify those things whereof they are Sacraments, and many times even of the similitudes of the things them selves they do take their names: and therefore according to this rule it may be said, he was borne in his own hands, when as he bare in his hands the Sacrament of his body & blood.
Then they alleged a place of Chrysostom, which at the first blush may seem to make much for them: who in a certain Homilie upon the Supper writeth thus: Doest thou see bread and wine? Do they depart from thee into the draught as other meats do? No, God forbid. For as in wax when it cometh to the fire, nothing of the substance remaineth nor abideth: so likewise think that the mysteries are consumed by the substance of the body &c.
These words I expounded by the words of the same Doctor, which in another Homilie saith on this manner. The inwardeies (saith he) as sone as they see the bread, they flee over all creatures, and do not think of the bread that is baken of the baker, but of the bread of everlasting life, which is signified by the mystical bread. Now confer these places together, & you shall perceive that the last expoundeth the first plainly. For he saith, Doest thou see the bread and wine? I answer by the second, nay. For the inward eyes as soon as they see the bread, do pass over all creatures, and do not any longer think upon the breead but upon him which is signified by the bread. And after this manner he seeth it, and again he seeth it not: for as he seeth it with his outward and carnal eyes, so with his inward eye he seeth it not, that is to say regardeth not the bread, or thinketh not upon it, but is otherwise occupied. Even as when we play or do any thing else negligently, we commonly are wont to say, we see not what we do: not that in deed we do not see that which we go about but because our mind is fixed on some other thing, and doth not attend unto that which the eyes do see.
In like manner may it be answered unto that which followeth: Do they avoid from thee (saith he) into the draught as other meats do? I will not so say. For other meats passing through the bowels, after they have of them selves given nourishment unto the body, be voided into the draught, but this is a spiritual meat, which is received by faith, and nourisheth both body and soul unto everlasting life, neither is it at any time avoided as other meats are.
And as before I said, that the external eyes do behold the bread, which the inward eyes being otherwise occupied do not behold or think upon, even so our outward man doth digest the bread, and void into the draught but the inward man doth neither regard nor think upon it, but thinketh upon the thing it self that is signified by that bread. And therefore Chrysostom a little before the words which they alleged, saith: Lifte up your minds and hearts. Whereby he admonysheth us to look upon and consider those heavenly things which are represented and signified by the bread and wyne, and not to mark the bread and wyne it self.
Here they said, that was not Chrisostomes mind: but that by this example he declareth that there remained no bread nor wine. I answered, that was false: for the example that he taketh, tendeth to no other purpose, but to call away our spiritual eyes from the beholding of visible things, and to transport them another way: as if the things that are seen, were of no force. Therefore he draweth away our mind from the consideration of these things, and fixeth it upon him, which is signified unto us by the same. The very words which follow, sufficiently declare this to be the true meaning of the author, where as he commandeth us to consider all things with our inward eyes, that is to say, spiritually.
But whether Chrisostomes words▪ do tend either to to this or that sense, yet do they indifferently make on our part against our adversaries, which way so ever we do understand them. For if he thought that the bread and wyne do remain we have no further to travail: but if he meant contrariwyse, that they do not remain, but that the natures of the bread and wyne are altered, then are the bread and wyne falsely named Sacraments and mysteries, which can be said in no place to be in the nature of things: For that which is in no place, howe can it be a Sacrament, or supplye the room of a mystery? Finally, if he speak only of the outward fourmes and shapes (as we call them) it is most certain that they do continually remain, and that they by the substance of the body are not consumed in any place, wherefore it must necessarily follow the words of Chrysostom to be understanded in such sense as I have declared.
Here peradventure many would marvel, that for so much as the matter touching the substance of the Sacrament, being separate from the articles of faith, and binding no man of necessity either unto salvation or damnation, whether he believe it or not, but rather may be left indifferently unto all men, freely to judge either on the one part or on the other, according to his own mind, so that neither part do contemn or despise the other, but that all love and charity be still holden and kept in this dissension of opinions: what then the cause is, why I would therefore so willingly suffer death. The cause why I die is this, for that I cannot agree with the divines & other head Prelates, that it should be necessarily determined to be an article of faith, and that we should believe under pain of damnation, the substance of the bread and wyne to be changed into the body and blood of our savior Jesus Christ, the form and shape only not being changed. Which thing if it were most true (as they shall never be able to prove it by any authority of the Scripture or Doctors) yet shall they not so bring to pass, that that doctrine, were it never so true, should be holden for a necessary article of faith. For there are many things both in the Scriptures and other places, which we are not bound of necessity to believe as an article of faith.
So it is true, that I was a prisoner and in bonds when I wrote these things, and yet for all that I will not hold it as an article of faith, but that you may without danger or damnation, either believe it, or think the contrary.
But as touching the cause why I cannot affirm the doctrine of Transubstantiation, diverse reasons do lead me thereunto. First, for that I do playnelye see it to be false and vain, and not to be grounded upon any reason, either of the Scriptures, or of approved Doctors.
Secondly, for that by my example I would not be an author unto Christians to admit anything as a matter of faith, more then the necessary points of there Creed, wherein the whole sum of our salvation doth consist, specially such things, the belief whereof have no certain argument of authority or reason.
I added moreover, that their Church (as they call it) hath no such power and authority, that it either ought or may bind us under the peril of our souls, to the believing of any such articles.
Thirdlye, because I will not for the favor of our Diuynes or Priests, be prejudicial in this point, unto so many nations of Germans, Heluetians, and other, which altogether rejecting the transubstantiation of the bread and wyne into the bolye and blood of Christ, are all of the same opinion that I am, as well those that take Luther's part, as those which hold with Oecolampadius. Which things standing in this case, I suppose there is no mā of any upright conscience, which will not allow the reason of my death, which I am put unto for this only cause, that I do not think transubstantiation, although it were true in deed, to be establyshed for an article of faith.
And thus much hitherto as touching the articles and whole disputation of John Frith, which was done with all moderation and uprightness. But when as no reason would prevail against the force and cruelty of these furious foes, the xx. day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1533. he was brought before the Bishops of London, Winchester, and Lincoln, who sitting in Paul's vpō Friday, the xx. day of June, ministered certain interrogatories upon the Sacrament of the Supper, and Purgatory, unto the said Frith, as is above declared. To the which when he had answered & shown his mind in form and effect, as by his own words above doth appear, he afterward subscribed to his answears with his own hand, in these words.
I Frith thus do think, and as I think, so have I said, written, taught, and affirmed, and in my books have published.
But when as by no means he could be persuaded to recant these articles aforesaid, neither be brought to believe that the sacrament is an article of faith, but said, Fiat Iudicium & iustitia: he was condemned by the Bishop of London to be burned, and sentence given against him: the tenor whereof here ensueth.
The sentence given against John Frith.
IN the name of God, Amen. We John by the permission of God, Bishop of London, lawfully and rightly proceeding with all godly favor by authority and virtue of our office, against thee John Frith, of our iurisdictiō, before us personally here present, being accused and detected, and notoriously slandered of heresy, having heard, seen, and understand, and with diligent deliberation weighed, discussed, and considered the merits of the cause, all things being observed which by us in this behalf, by order of law ought to be observed, sitting in our judgment seat, the name of Christ being first called upon, and having God only before our eyes, because by y e acts enacted, propounded, and exhibited in this matter, and by thine own confession judicially made before us, we do find that thou hast taught, holden, and affirmed, and obstinately defended divers errors and heresies, and damnable opinions, contrary to the doctrine and determinatiō of the holy Church, and specially against the reverend Sacrament, and albeit that we following the example of Christ, which would not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should convert and live, have oftentimes gone about to correct thee, and by all lawful means that we could, and moste wholesome admonitions that we did know, to reduce thee again to y e true faith, and the unity of the universal Catholic Church, notwithstanding we have found thee obstinate and stiff necked, willingly continuing in thy damnable opinions & heresies, and refusing to return again unto the true faith and unity of the holy mother Church, and as the child of wickedness and darkness, so to have hardened thy heart that thou wilt not understand the voice of thy sheapeheard, which with a fatherly affection doth seek after thee, nor wilt not be allured with his godly and fatherly admonitions. We therefore John the Bishop aforesaid, not willing that thou which art wicked, shouldest become more wicked, and infecte the Lord's flock with thy heresy, which we are greatly afraid of, do judge thee, and definitively condemn thee, the said John Frith, thy demerits and faults being aggravate through thy damnable obstinacy, as gyltie of most detestable heresies, and as an obstinate unpenitent sinner, refusing penitently to return to y e lap and unity of the holy mother Church, and that thou haste been, and art by Law excommunicate, and pronounce and declare thee to be an excommunicate person: also we pronounce and declare thee to be an heretic to be cast out from the Church, and left unto the judgment of the secular power, and now presentlye so do leave thee unto the secular power, and their judgment, moste earnestly requiring them in the bowels of our Lord Jesus Christ, that this execution and punishment worthily to be done upon thee, may so be moderate, that the rigor thereof be not too extreme, nor yet the gentleness too much mitigated, but that it may be to the salvation of thy soul, to the extirpation, terror, and conversion of heretics, to the unity of the Catholic faith, by this our sentence definitive or final decree, which we here promulgate in this form aforesaid.
This sentence thus readde, the Bishop of London directed his letter to Syr Stephen Pecocke, Mayor of London, and the Sheriffs of the same City, for the receyuyng of the foresaid John Frith into their charge. Who being so delivered over unto them the fourth day of July, in the year aforesaid, was by them carried into Smithfield to be burned, and when he was tied unto the stake, there it sufficiently appeared with what constancye and courage he suffered death: for when as the fagots and fire were put unto him, he willingly embraced the same, thereby declaring with what uprightness of mind he suffered his death for Christ's sake, and the true doctrine, whereof that day he gave with his blood, a perfect and firm testimony. The wind made his death somewhat the more longer, which bare away the flame from him unto his fellow that was tied to his back: but he had established his mind with such patience, God giving him strength, that even as though he had felt no pain in that long torment, he seemed rather to rejoice for his fellow, thē to be careful for himself.
This truly is the power and strength of Christ, stryuing & vanquishing in his Saints: who sanctifye us together with them, and direct us in all things to the glory of his holy name. Amen.
This day before the burning of these worthy men of God, the Bishop of London certified king Henry the eight of his worthy, ye rather wooluish proceeding against these men: the tenor whereof, for as much as it proceedeth as the other do before, we therefore omit it, referryng the reader to the same.
Andrew Hewet burned with Master Frith.
ANdrewe Hewet borne in Feuersham, in the county of Kent, a young man of the age of four and twenty years, was apprentice with one master Warren Taylor, in Watlyng street. And as it happened that he went upon a holy day into Fleet streate, toward Saint Dunstanes, he met with one William Holt, which was foreman with the kings Taylor at that present, called master Malte: and being suspected by the same Holt, (which was a dissembling wretch) to be one that favored the Gospel, after a little talk had with him, he went into an honest house about Fleet Bridge, which was a bookesellers house. Then Holt thynking he had found good occasion to show forth some fruit of his wickedness, sent for certain officers, and searched the house, & fynding the same Andrew, apprehended him, and carried him to the Bishops house, where he was cast into irons, and being there a good space by the means of a certain honest man, he had a File conveyed unto him, wherewith he fyled of his irons, & when he spied his time, he got out of the gate. But being a man unskillful to hyde him self, for lack of good acquaintance he went into Smythfielde, and there met with one Wythers, which was an hypocrite as Holt was, Which Wythers understanding howe he had escaped, and that he knew not whither to go, pretendyng a fair countenance unto him, willed him to go with him, promysing that he should be provided for, and so kept him in the country where he had to do, from Lowe Sunday til Whitsuntide, and then brought him to London, to y e house of one John Chapman in Hosier lane beside Smithfielde, and there left him by the space of two days.
Then he came to the laid Chapmans house again, and brought Holt with him. And when they met with the said Andrew, they seemed as though they meant to do him very much good: and Holt for his part said, that if he should bring any man in trouble (as the voice was that he had done the said Andrew) it were pity but that the earth should open and swallow him up: in so much that they would needs sup there that night, & prepared meat of their own charges. At night they came & brought certain geasts with them, because they would have the matter to seem as though it had come out by others. When they had supped, they went their way, and Holt took out of his purse two groates, and gave them to the said Andrew, and embraced him in his arms. As they were gone out, there came in one John Tibaulde, which was banished from his own house by an Iniunction, for he had been four times in prison for Christ's Cause. And within an hour after that Holt and Wythers were gone, the Bishops Chancelor, and one called Sergeaunt Weuer came and brought with them the watch, and searched the house, where they found the said John Chapman and the forenamed Andrew, and John Tibalde, whom they bound with ropes, which Sergeaunt weuer had brought with him, and so carried them unto the Bishops house: but Andrew Hewet they sent unto the Lollards Tower, and kept Chapman and Tibaulde asunder,, watched with two Priests servants. The next day Bishop Stokesley came from Fulham, and after they were examined with a few threatnynge words, Chapman was committed to the stocks with this threate, that he should tell another tale, or else he should sit there till his heels did drop from his arse, and Tibaulde was shut up in a close chamber, but by God's prouisyon he was well delivered out of prison: albeit he could not enjoy his house and lande, because of the Bishops Iniunction, but was fain to sell all that he had in Essex, for the tenor of his Iniūction was, that he should not come within seven miles of his own house, and the foresaid Chapman, after five weeks imprisonment (whereof three weeks he sat in the stocks) by much suit made unto the Lord Chancelor, which at that time was Lord Audley, after many threatenings was delivered: but the said Andrew Hewet after long & cruel imprisonment, was condemned to death, & burned with John Frith: whose examination here followeth.
The twenty day of the month of April, Andrew Hewet was brought before the Chancelor of London, where was objected against him, that he believed the Sacrament of the alter after the consecration, to be but a signification of the body of Christ, and that the host consecrated was not the very body of Christ. Now for so much as this article seemed heinous unto them, their would do nothing in it without the consent of learned counsel. whereupon the Byshoppe of London, associate with the Bishops of Lincoln and Winchester, called him again before him. Where he being demanded what he thought as touching the Sacrament of the last Supper, answered: even as John Frith doth. Then said one of the Bishops unto him: dost thou not believe that it is really the body of Christ, borne of the virgin Mary? So (saith he) do not I believe. Why not, said the Bishop? Because (saith he) Christ commanded me, not to give credit rashly unto all mē, which saith: Behold here is Christ, & there is Christ, for many false prophets shall rise up, saith the Lord.
Then certain of the Bishops smyled at him, and Stokesley the Bishop of London said: Why, Fryth is an heretic, and already judged to be burned, & except thou revoke thine opiniō, thou shalt be burned also with him. Truelye (saith he) I am contented therewithal. Then the Bishop asked him if he would forsake his opinions, Whereunto he answered, that he would do as Frith did. Whereupon he was sent unto the prison to Frith, and afterward they were carried together to the fire. The Bishops used many persuasions to allure this good man frō the truth, to follow them: but he manfully persisting in the truth, would not recant. Wherefore the fourth day of July at after noon, he was carried into Smythfilde with Frith, and there burned. When they were at y t stake, one Doctor Cook a person in London, openly admonished all the people, that they should in no wise pray for them, no more thē they would do for a dog. At which words Fryth
The History of the persecution and death of Thomas Benet, burned in Exeter, collected and testified by John Vowel, alias Hoker.
THys Thomas Benet was borne in Cambridge, and by order of degree of the University, there made master of Art, and (as some think) was also a Priest, a man doubtless very well learned, and of a godly disposition, being of the acquaintance and familiarity of Thomas Bilney, the famous and glorious Martyr of Christ. Thys man, the more he did grow and increase in the knowledge of God and his holy word, the more he did mislike and abhor the corrupt state of religion then used, and therefore thinking his own country to be no safe place for him to remain in, and being desirous to live in more freedom of conscience, he did forsake the University, and went into Devonshire, in the year of our Lord. 1524. and first dwelled in a market town named Torriton, both town and country being to him altogether unknown, as he also was unknown to all men there. Where for y e better maintenance of himself and his wife, he did practice to teache young children, and kept a school for the same purpose. But that Town not serving his expectation, after his abode one year there, he came to the city of Exceter, and there hyring an house in a streate called the Bocher row, did exercise the teaching of children, and by that means sustained his wife and family. He was of a quiet behavior, of a godly conversation, and a very courteous nature, humble to all men, and offensive to nobody. Hys greatest delight was to be at all Sermones and preachings, whereof he was a diligent and an attentive hearer. The time which he had to spare from teaching, he gave wholly to his private study in the Scriptures, having no dealings nor cōferences with anybody, saving with such as he could learn and understand to be favorers of the Gospel, and zealous of God's true religion: of such he would be inquisitive and most desirous to join him self unto them. And therefore understanding that one William Strowde of Newnham, in the County of Devonshire Esquire, was committed to the Bishops prison in Exeter, upon suspicion of heresy, although he were never before acquainted w t him, yet did he send his letters of comfort and consolation unto him. Wherein, to avoid all suspicion which might be conceived of him, he did disclose himself, and utter what he was, and the causes of his being in the Country▪ wrytyng among other things these words: Vt ne scortator aut immundus essem, vxorem duxi, cum qua hisce sex annis, ab istorū Antichristianorum manibus in deuonia latitaui. That is to say, because I would not be a whoremonger, or an unclean person, therefore I married a wise, with whom I have hidden myself in Devonshire, from the tyranny of the Antichristians, these 6. years.
But as every tree and Hearbe hath his due time to bring forth his fruit, so did it appear by this man. For he daily seeing the glory of God to be so blasphemed, idolatrous religion so embraced and maintained, & that most false usurped power of the Bishop of Rome so extolled, was so grieved in conscience, and troubled in his spirit, that he could not be quiet till he did utter his mind therein. Wherefore dealing privately with certain of his friends, he did plainly open and disclose howe blasphemously and abominably God was dishonored, his word contemned, and his people whom he so dearly bought, were by blind guides carried headlong to everlasting damnation, and therefore he could no longer endure, but must needs and would utter their abominations, and for his own parte, for the testimony of his conscience, and for the defense of God's true religion, would yield himself moste patiently (as near as God would give him grace) to die and to shed his blood therein, alleging that his death should be more profitable to the Church of God, and for the edifying of his people, then his life should be. To whose persuasions when his friends had yielded, they promised to pray to God for him, that he might be strong in the cause, and continue a faithful soldier to the ende. Which done, he gave order for the bestowing of such books as he had, and very shortly after, in the month of October, he wrote his mind in certain scrolles of Paper, which in secreate manner he set up upon the doors of the Cathedral church of the City, in which was written: The Pope is Antichrist, and we ought to worship God only, and no Saints.
These bills being found, there was no small add, and no little search made for the inquiry of the heretic that should set up these bills: and the Major & his officers were not so busy to make searches to find this heretic, but the bishop and all his doctors were as hot as coals, & enkindled as though they had been stong w t a sort of wasps. Wherefore to keep y e people in their former blindness, order was taken that the doctors should in hast up to the pulpit every day, and confute this heresy. Nevertheless this Thom. Benet keeping his own doings in secret, went the Sunday following to the cathedral church to the Sermon, and by chance sat down by 2. men, which were the busiest in all the city, in seeking & searching for this heretic, and they beholding this Benet, said the one to the other. Surely this fellow by all likelihood is the heretic that hath set up the bills, and it is good to examine him. Neuertheles whē they had well beheld him, and saw the quiet and sober behavior of the man, his attentiuenes to the preacher, his godliness in the Church, being always occupied in his Book, which was a Testament in the Latin tongue, were astonied and had no power to speak unto him, but departed & left him reading in his book. As touching this point of Benets behavior in the Church, I find the reports of some other a little to vary, and yet not much contrary one to the other. For in receiving the letters and writings of a certain minister, which at the same time was present at the doing hereof in Exeter, thus I find moreover added concerning the behavior of this Thomas Benet in the Church.
At that time (saith he) as I remember, doct. Moreman Crispin, Caseley with such other, bare the swinge there. Beside these were there also preachers there, one Doctor Bascauild, an unlearned doctor God knoweth, and one D. David, as well learned as he, both Gray friers, and doctor I know not who, a Black frier, not much inferior unto them. Moreover there was one Bachelor of Divinity, a Gray frier, named Gregory Bassed, in deed learned more then they all, but as blind and superstitious as he which was most. Whych Gregory not long before, was revolted from the way of righteousness, to the way of Belial: for in Bristow (saith the author) he lay in prison long, & almost famished, for having a book of M. Luther, called his questions, which he a long time privily had studied, & for teaching of youth a certain Catechism. To be short, the brains of the Canons and Priests, the officers and commons of that City were very earnestly busied, howe or by what means such an enormious heretic, which had pricked up those bills, might be espied and known, but it was long first. At last the Priests found out a toye to curse him whatsoever he were, with book, bel and candle, which curse at that day seemed most fearful and terrible. The manner of the curse was after this sort.
One of the Priests, appareled all in white, ascended up into the pulpit. The other rabblement, with certain of the two orders of Friers, and certain superstitious Monks of S. Nicholas house standing round about, and the Cross (as the custom was) being hold̄ up, with holy candles of wax fixed to the same, he began his sermon w t this Theame of Joshua: Est blasphemia in Castris. There is blasphemy in the army: and so made a long protestation, but not so long as tedious and superstitious, and so concluded, that that foul and abominable heretic, which had put up such blasphemous bills, was for that his blasphemy, damnably accursed, and besought God, our Lady, S. Peter Patron of that church, with all the holy company of martyrs, confessors, and virgins, that it might be known what heretic had put up such blasphemous bills, that God's people might avoid the vengeance.
The manner of the cursing of the said Benet was marvelous to behold, for as much as at that time there was few or none, unless a Sherman or two (whose houses I well remember were searched for bills at that time, and for books) that knew anything of God's matters, or how God doeth bless their curses in such cases. Then said the Prelate, by the authority of God the father almighty, and of the blessed virgin Mary, of S. Peter and Paul, and of the holy Saints, we excommunicate, we utterly curse and banne, commit and deliver to the devil of hell, him or her, whatsoever he or she be, that have in spite of God and of S. Peter, whose church this is, in spite of all holy saints, and in spite of our most holy father the Pope God's vicar here in earth, and in spite of the reverend father in God, John our Diocesan, and the worshipful Canons, Masters, and Priests, and Clerks, which serve God daily in this Cathedral Church, fixed up with wax such cursed and heretical Billes full of blasphemy, upon the doors of this and other holy Churches within this City. Excommunicate plainly be he or she plenally, or they and delivered over to the devil, as perpetual malefactors and schismatiques. Accursed might they be, and given body & soul to the devil. Cursed be they, he, or she in Cities and towns, in fields, in ways, in paths, in houses, out of houses, and in all other places, standing, lying, or risinge, walking, running, waking, sleeping, eating, drinking, and what so ever thing they do besides. We separate them, him, or her, from the threshold, and from all the good prayers of the church, from the participation of the holy mass, from all Sacraments, Chapels, and aultars, from holy bread, and holy water, from all y e merits of God's priests, and religious men, and from all their Cloisters, from all their pardones, privileges, grauntes, and unmunityes, which all the holy fathers Popes of Rome have granted to them: and we give them over utterly to the power of the feend, and let us quench their souls, if they be dead, this night in the pains of hell fire, as this candle is now quenched, and put out (and with that he put out one of the candles) and let us pray to God, (if they be alive) that their eyes may be put out, as this candle light is) so he put out the other candle) and let us pray to God and to our Lady, and to S. Peter and Paul, and all holy Saints, that all the senses of their bodies may fail them, and that they may have no feeling, as now the light of this candle is gone (and so he put out the third candle) except they, he, or she, come openly now and confess their blasphemy, and by repentance (as much as in them shall lie) make satisfaction to God, our Lady, S. Peter, & the worshipful company of this Cathedral Church, and as this holy Cross staff now falleth down, so might they, except they repent and show them selves: and one first taking away the Cross, the staff fell down. But Lord what a shout and noise was there, what terrible fear, what holding up of hands to heaven, that curse was so terrible.
Now this fond foolish fantasy and mockery being done and played, which was to a Christian heart a thing ridiculous, Benet could no longer forbear, but fell to great laughter, but within him self, and for a great space could not cease: by the which thing the poor man was espied. For those that were next to him, wondryng at that great curse, and believing that it could not but light on one or other, asked good Benet for what cause he should so laugh. My friends (said he) who can forbear, seeing such merry conceits and interludes plaid of the priests? Straitway a noise was made, Here is the heretic, here is the heretic, hold him fast, hold him fast. With that there was a great confusion of voices, and much clapping of hands, and yet they were uncertain whether he were the heretic or no. Some say, that upon the same he was taken and apprehended. Other report, that his enemies being uncertain of him, departed, and so he went home to his house. Where he being not able to digest the lies there preached, renewed his former bills, and caused his boy early in the morning following, to set the said bills upon the gates of the Churchyarde. As the boy was setting one of the said bills upon a gate called the little style, it chanced that one W.S. going to the Cathedral church to hear a Mass called Bartons Mass, which was then daily said about 5. of the clock in the morning, found the boy at the gate, and asking him whose boy he was, did charge him to be the heretic, which had set up the bills upon the gates, wherefore pulling down the bill, he brought the same together with the boy before the Major of the city, and thereupon Benet being known and taken, was violently committed to ward.
On the morrow began both the Canons and heads of the city joined w t them, to fall to examination. With whom for y e day he had not much communication, but confessed & said to them, it was even I that put up those bills, and if it were to do, I would yet do it again, for in them have I written nothing but that is very truth. Couldste not thou (said they) as well have declared thy mind by mouth, as by putting up bills of blasphemy? No (said he) I put up the bills that many should read and hear what abominable blasphemers ye are, and that they might the better know your Antichrist the Pope to be the Bore out of the wood, which destroyeth & throweth down the hedges of God's church, for if I had ben heard to speak but one word, I should have been clapped fast in prison, and the matter of God hidden. But now I trust more of your blasphemous doings will thereby be opened and come to light, for God will so have it, and no longer will suffer you.
The next day after he was sent unto the bish. who first committed him unto prison called the bishops prison, where he was kept in stocks & strong iron, with as much favor as a dog should find. Then the B. associating unto him one D. Brewer his chancelor, & other of his lewd clergy and friers, began to examine him & burden him, that contrary to the catholic faith, he denied praying to the saints, and also denied y e supremacy of the Pope. Whereunto he answered in such sober manner, & so learnedly proved & defended his assertions, that he did not only confound and put to silence his adversaries, but also brought thē in great admiratiō of him, the most part having pity & compassion on him. The friers took great pains with him, to persuade him from his erroneous opinions, to recant & acknowledge his fault touching the bills, but they did but dig after day, for God had appointed him to be a blessed witness of his holy name, and to be at defiance withal their falls persuasions.
To declare here with what cruelty the officers searched his house for bills and books, how cruelly and shamefully they handled his wife, charging her w t diverse enormities, it were too long to write. But she like a good woman took all things patiently that they did to her: like as in other things she was contented to bear the cross with him, as to fare hardly with him at home, and to live with course meat and drink, that they might be the more able somewhat to help the poor, as they did to the uttermost of their power. Amongst all other priests and Friers, Gregory Basset was most busy with him. This Gregory Basset, as is partly touched before, was learned, and had a pleasant tongue, and not long before, was fallen from the truth, for the which he was prisoned in Bristow long time, at whose examinatiō was ordained a great pan of fire, where his holy brethren (as report went abroad) menaced him to burn his hands of, whereupon he there before them recāted, and became afterward a mortal enemy to the truth all his life. This Gregory (as it is said) was fervent with the poor man, to please the Canons o • that Church, and marvelously tormented his brains, howe to turn him from his opinions, yea and he was so diligent and fervent with him, that he would not depart the prison, but lay there night and day, who notwithstanding lost his labor: for good Benet was at a point not to deny Christ before men. So Gregory, as well as y e other holy fathers, lost his spurs, in so much that he said in open audience, that there was never so obstinate an heretic.
The principal point between Basset & him, was touching the supremacy of the B. of Rome, whom in his bills he named Antichrist, the thief, the mercenary, & the murderer of Christ's flock: and these disputations lasted about 8. days, where at sundry times repaired to him both the black and gray Friers, with priests and Monks of that City. They that had some learning, persuaded him to believe the Church, and shown by what tokens she is known. The other unlearned railed, & said that the devil tempted him, and spit upon him, calling him heretic: who prayed God to give them a better mind, & to forgive them: For (said he) I will rather die, then worship such a beast, the very whore of Babylon, and a false usurper, as manifestly it doeth appear by his doings. They asked what he did, that he had not power and authority to do, being gods vicar? He doth (quoth he) sell the sacraments of the Church for money, he selleth remissiō of sins daily for money, and so do you likewise: for there is no day but ye say diverse Masses for souls in feigned Purgatory, yea, and ye spare not to make lying sermons to y e people, to maintain your false traditions and foul gains. The whole world doth begin now to note your doings, to your utter confusion & shame. The shame (said they) shall be to thee and to such as thou art, thou foul heretic. Wilt thou allow nothing done in holy Church? What a perverse heretic art thou? I am (said he) no heretic, but a Christian man, I thank Christ, and with all my heart will allow all things done & used in the church to the glory of God, and edifying of my soul: but I see nothing in your church, but that maintaineth the devil. What is our church, said they? It is not my church (quoth Benet) God give me grace to be of a better church, for verily your church is the plain church of Antichrist, the malignant church, the second church, a den of thieves, an awmry of poison, and as far wide from the true universal & Apostolic church, as heaven is distant from the earth.
Dost not thou think (said they) that we pertain to the universal church? Yes (quoth he) but as dead menbers, unto whom the church is not beneficial, for your works are the devises of man, and your Church a weak foundation▪ for ye say & preach, y t the popes word is equal with God's word in every degree. Why (said they) did not Christ say to Peter, To thee I will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven? He said that (quoth he) to all, as well as to Peter, and Peter had no more authority given him then they, or else y e churches planted in every kingdom by their preaching, are no churches. Doth not S. Paul say, Upon the foundations of the apostles and prophets? Therefore I say plainly, that the church that is built upon a mā, is the devils church or congregation, & not God's. And as every Church this day is appointed to be ruled by a bishop or pastor, ordained by y e word of God in preaching & ministration of the sacraments under the prince the supreme governor under God: so to say, y t all the churches with their princes & governors be subject to one bishop, is detestable heresy, & the pope your God challenging this power to him self, is the greatest schismatic that ever was in the church, & most foul whore of whom John in the Revelation speaketh.
O thou blind & unlearned fool (said they) is not y e confession & consent of all the world as we confess & consent, y t the popes holiness is the supreme head & vicar of Christ? That is (said Benet) because they are blinded & know not the scriptures, but if God would of his mercy open the eyes of princes to know their office, his false supremacy would sone decay. We think (said they) thou art so malicious that thou wilt confess no church. Loke (said he) where they are that confess the true name of Jesus Christ, & where only Christ is y e head, & under him the prince of the realm, to order all bishops, ministers, & preachers, and to see them do their duties in setting forth the only glory of God by preaching the word of God, & where it is preached that Christ is our only advocate, mediator, & patron before God his father, making intercession for us, and where the true faith and confidence in Christ's death and passion, and his only merits and deservings are extolled, & our own depressed, where the sacrament is duly w t out superstition or idolatry administered in remembrance of his blessed passion and only sacrifice upon the cross once for all, and where no superstition reigneth, of that Church will I be.
Doth not the Pope (said they) confess the true Gospel? do not we all the same? Yes (said he) but ye deny the fruits thereof in every point. Ye build upon the sands, not upon the rock. And wilt thou not believe in deed (said they) that the pope is God's vicar? No (said he) in deed. And why, said they? Because (quoth he) he usurpeth a power not given him of Christ, no more then to other Apostles, and also because he doeth by force of that usurped supremacy, blind the whole world, and doeth contrary to all that ever Christ ordained or commanded. What, said they, if he do all things after God's ordinance and commandment, should he then be his vicar? Then (said he) would I believe him to be a good bishop at Rome over his own Diocese, and to have no further power. And if it pleased God, I would every bishop did this in their diocese: then should we live a peaceable life in the Church of Christ, and there should be no such seditions therein. If every Bishop would seek no further power then over his own diocese, it were a goodly thing.
Now, because all are subject to one, all must do and consent to all wickedness, as he doth, or be none of his. This is the cause of great Superstition in every kingdom. And what Bishoppe soever he be that preacheth the Gospel, & mainteyneth the truth, is a true Bishop of y e church. And doth not (said they) our holy father the pope maintain the Gospel? Yes (said he) I think he doth read it, & peradventure believe it, & so do you also, but neitheir he nor you do fixe the anker of your saluatiō therein. Besides that ye bear such a good will to it, that ye keep it close, that no man may read it, but yourselves: & when you preach god knoweth how you handle it: in so much that the people of Christ knoweth no Gospel well near, but the popes Gospel, & so the blind lead the blind, & both fall into y e pit. In the true Gospel of Christ, confidence is none, but only in your popish traditions and fantastical inventions.
Thē said a black Friar to him, God knoweth a blockhead: do we not preach the Gospel daily? Yes (said he) but what preaching of the Gospel is that, when therwyth ye extol superstitious things, and make us believe y t we have redemption through pardons and bulls of Rome, à poena & culpa, as ye term it, and by the merits of your orders ye make many brethren and sisters, ye take yearly money of them, ye bury them in your coats, and in shrift ye beguile them: yea and do a thousand superstitious things more: a man may be weary to speak of them: I see (said the Friar) that thou art a damned wretch: I will have no more talk with thee.
Then stepped to him a gray fryer, a doctor (God knoweth) of small intelligence, & laid before him great and many dangers. I take God to record said Benet, my life is not dear to me. I am content to depart from it, for I am weary of it, seeing your detestable doings, to y e utter destructiō of gods flock, & for my part, I can no longer forbear: I had rather by death (which I know is not far of) depart this life, y t I may no longer be partaker of your detestable idolatries & superstitions, or be subject to Antichrist your pope. Our pope (said the Friar) is the vicar of God, & our ways are the ways of God. I pray you (said Benet) depart frō me, & tell not me of your ways. He is only my way which saith: I am the way, the truth and the life. In his way will I walk, his doings shall be my example, not yours, nor your false popes. His truth will I embrace, not the lies and falsehood of you and your Pope. His everlasting life will I seek, y e true reward of all faithful people. Away frō me I pray you. Uexe my soul no longer: ye shall not prevail. There is no good example in you, no truth in you, no life to be hoped for at your hands▪ Ye are all more vain then vanity it self. If I should hear & follow you this day, everlasting death should hang over me, a just reward for all them that love the life of this world. Away from me, your company liketh me not.
Thus a whole week, night and day was Benet applied of these and such other hypocrites. It were an infinite matter to declare all things done & said to him in the time of his imprisonment, and y e hate of the people y t time, by means of ignorance, was hot against him: notwithstanding they could never move his patience. He answered to every matter soberly, and that more by the aid of God's spirit, then by any worldly study. I think he was at the least 50. years old. Being in prison, his wife provided sustenance for him, & when she lamented, he comforted her, and gave her many good and godly exhortations, and prayed her to move him nothing, to apply unto his adversaries.
Thus when these godly Canons & priests with the monks & friers had done what they could, and perceived y t he would by no means relent, then they proceeding unto judgment, drew out their bloody sentence against him, condemning him (as the manner is) to be burned. Whyche being done, and the wryt which they had procured De comburendo, being brought from London, they delivered him the 15. of January 1531. unto sir Tho. Denis Knyght, then sherife of Deuonsh. to be burned. The mild martyr rejoicing his ende to approach so near, as the sheep before the shearer, yielded himself w t all humbleness to abide and suffer the cross of persecution. And being brought to his execution, in a place called Linerie dole, without Exeter, he made his most humble confession and prayer unto almighty God, and requested all the people to do the like for him, whom he exhorted with such gravity and sobriety, & with such a pithy oration to seek the true honoring of God, and y e true knowledge of him, as also to leave the devises, fantasies, and imaginations of man's inventions, that all the hearers and beholders of him were astonied & in great admiration: In so much that the moste part of the people, as also the Scribe who wrote the sentence of condemnation against him, did pronounce and confess that he was God's servant, and a good man.
Nevertheless two Esquiers, namely Thomas Carew and John Barnehouse standing at the stake by him, first with fair promises & goodly words, but at length rough threatenings, willed him to revoke his errors, and to call to our Lady and the Saints, and to say, Precor sanctam Mariam & omnes Sanctos Dei. &c. To whom he with all mekenesse answered, saying: No, no, it is God only, upon whose name we must call, and we have no other advocate unto him, but only Jesus Christ: Who died for us, and now sitteth at the right hand of the father, to be an advocate for us, and by him must we offer & make our prayers to God, if we will have them to take place and to be heard. Wyth which answer the foresaid Barnehouse was so enkindled, that he took a furse bush upon a pike, and being set on fire, thrust it unto his face, saying, Ah whoresone heretic, pray to our Lady, and say, Sancta Maria, ora pro nobis, or by
To whom the said Thomas Benet with an humble and a meek spirit, most patiently answered: Alas Syr, trouble me not. And holding up his hands, said: Pater ignosce illis. Whereuppon the Gentlemen caused the wood and furses to be set a fire, and therewith this godly man lifted up his eyes and hands to heaven, saying, O Domine, recipe spiritum meum: and so continuing in his prayers, did never stir nor strive, but most patiently abode the cruelty of the fire, until his life was ended. For the which the Lord God be praised, and send us his grace and blessing, that at the latter day we may with him enjoy the bless and joy provided and prepared for the elect children of God.
This Benet was burned in a Ierkine of neates leather, at whose burning, such was the deuilishe rage of the blind people, that well was he or she that could catch a stick or furse to cast into the fire.
HItherto we have run over (good reader) the names, y e Acts and doings of them which have sustained death and the torment of burning for Christ's cause, through the rigorous proclamation above specified, set out (as is said) in the name of K. Henry, but in deed procured by the Bishops. Which proclamation was so straitly looked upon & executed so to the uttermost in every point, by the said popish Prelates, that no good man habens spiramentum, whereof Esdras speaketh) could peep out with his head never so little, but he was caught by the back, & brought either to the fire, as were these above mentioned: or else compelled to abjure. Wherof there was a great multitude, as well men as women: whose names if they were sought out through all registers in England, no doubt it would make too long a discourse. Nevertheless omitting the rest, it shall content us at this present, briefly as in a short Table, to insinuate the names, with the special Articles, of such as in the diocese of London under Bishop Stokesley, were molested and vexed, and at last compelled to abjure, as here under may appear.
The revocation of Doct. Will. Goodrige read at Paul's Cross.
MAisters, so it is that where in my late Sermon at S. Mary spittle, the Tewsday in Easter week last past, I did pray specially for the soul of Richard Hunne, late of London Merchant Tailer, an heretic by the laws of holy Church justly condemned, by reason whereof I greatly offended God and his Church, and the laws of the same, for the which I have submitted me to my Ordinary, and done penance therefore: for as much as peradventure the audience that was there offended by my said words, might take any occasion thereby to think that I did favor the said heretic or any other, I desire you at the instance of almighty God to forgive me, and not so to think of me, for I did it unadvisedly. Therefore here before God and you, I declare myself that I have not favored him or any other heretic, nor hereafter intend to do, but at all times shall defend the Catholic faith of holy church, according to my profession to the best of my power.
*A letter directed to Thomas Phillip in the name of the brethren, and given him by the way going to the Tower.
THe favor of him that is able to keep you that you fall not, and to confess your name in the kingdom of glory, and to give you strength by his spirit to confess him before all his adversaries, be with you ever, Amen.
Syr, the brethren think that there be diverse false brethren craftily crept in among them, to seek out their freedom in the Lord, that they may accuse them to the Lord's adversaries, as they suppose they have done you. Wherefore if so be it, that the spirit of God move you thereunto, they as counsailors desire you above all things to be steadfast in the Lord's verity without fear, for he shall and will be your help according to his promise, so that they shall not minish the least heir of your head without his will: unto the which will, submit yourself, and rejoice: for the Lord knoweth how to deliver the godly out of temptation, and howe to reserve the unjust unto the day of judgment to be punished: and therefore, cast all your care on him, for he careth for you. And in that you suffer as a Christian man, be not ashamed, but rather glorify God on that behalf: looking upon Christ the author and finisher of our faith: which for the joy that was set before him, abode the Cross & despised the shame. Notwithstanding, though we suffer the wrong, after the example of our master Christ, yet we be not bound to suffer the wrong cause, for Christ himself suffered it not, but reproved him that smit him wrongfully. And so likewise saith S. Paul also: So that we must not suffer the wrong, but boldly reprove them that sit as righteous judges, and do contrary to righteousness. Therefore according both to God's law and man's, ye be not bound to make no answer in no cause, till your accusers come before you. Which if you require, and thereon do stick, the false brethren shall be known to the great comfort of those that now stand in doubt whom they may trust: and also it shall be a mean that they shall not craftily by questions take you in snares. And that you may this do lawfully, in the 20. chapter of the Acts it is written. It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man that he should perish before that he which is accused, have his accusers before him, and have license to answer for himself, as pertaining to the crime whereof he is accused. And also Christ will, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all things shall stand. And in the 5. chap. to Timoth. the first epistle it is written: Against a Seniour receive none accusation but under two or three witnesses. A Seniour in this place is any man that hath an house to govern. And also their own law is agreeable to this Wherefore seeing it is agreeable to the word of God, that in accusations such witnesses should be, you may with a good conscience require it. And this the God of grace which hath called you unto his eternal glory by Christ Jesus, shall his own self after a little affliction, make you perfect, shall settle, strengthen, and stablish you, that to him may be glory and praise forever. Amen.
Thus ye have heard the letter delivered to Th. Philip. Now followeth the Testament of William Tracie.
*Tracie his Testament.
A Little before this time, William Tracie a worshipful Esquire in Glocestershire, and then dwelling at Todington, made in his will, that he would have no funeral pomp at his burying, neither passed he upon Mass, and farther said that he trusted in God only, and hoped by him to be saved, and not by any Saint. Thys Gentlemā died, and his son as executor, brought the will to the Bysh. of Canterbury to prove, which he shown to the convocation, and there most cruelly they judged that he should be taken out of the ground and be brent as an heretic, anno. 1532. This commission was sent to Doc. Parker Chancellor of the Diocese of Worcester, to execute their wicked sentence, which accomplished the same. The king hearing his subject to be taken out of the ground and brent without his knowledge or order of his law, sent for the Chancellor, and laid high offense to his charge: who excused him self by the Archbishop of Caunterburye which was late dead, but in conclusion it cost him CCC. pound to have his pardon. The will and Testament of this Gentleman thus condemned by the Clergy, was as here under followeth.
IN the name of God, Amen. I William Tracie of Todington in the County of Gloucester Esquire, make my Testament & last will, as hereafter followeth. First and before all other things, I commit myself unto God & to his mercy, believing without any doubt or mistrust that by his grace and the merits of Jesus Christ, and by the virtue of his passion and of his resurrection, I have and shall have remission of all my sins and resurrection of body & soul, according as it is written: I believe that my redeemer liveth, & that in the last day I shall rise out of the earth, and in my flesh shall see my Savior: this my hope is laid up in my bosom.
And touching the wealth of my soul, the faith that I have taken and rehearsed is sufficient (as I suppose) without any other man's works or merits. My ground and belief is, that there is but one God and one Mediator between God and man, which is Jesus Christ: so that I accept none in heaven nor in earth to be Mediator between me and God, but only Jesus Christ: all other to be but as peticioners in receiving of grace, but none able to give influence of grace: And therefore will I bestow no part of my goods for that intent that any man should say or do, to help my soul, for therein I trust only to the promises of Christ: He that believeth and is baptized, shall be saved, and he that believeth not, shall be damned.
As touching the burying of my body it availeth me not whatsoever be done thereto, for S. Agustine saith De cura agenda pro mortuis, that the funeral pomps are rather the solace of them that live, then the wealth and comfort of them that are dead, and therefore I remit it only to the discretion of mine executors.
And touching the distribution of my temporal goods, my purpose is, by the grace of God, to bestow them to be accepted as the fruits of faith, so that I do not suppose y t my merit shall be by the good bestowing of them, but my merit is the faith of Jesus Christ only, by whom such works are good according to the words of our Lord: I was hungry and thou gavest me to eat, &c. And it followeth: that ye have done to the least of my brethren, ye have done it to me, &c. And ever we should consider that true saying: that a good work maketh not a good man, but a good man maketh a good work: for faith maketh the man both good and righteous: for a righteous man liveth by faith: and whatsoever springeth not of faith is sin, &c.
And all my temporal goods that I have not given or delivered, or not given by writing of mine own hand, bearing the date of this present writing, I do leave and give to Margaret my wife, and to Richard my son, whom I make mine Executors. Witnes hereof mine own hand, the tenth of October, in the xxij. year of the reign of King Henry the eyght.
This is the true copy of his will, for the which, as you heard before, after he was almost two years dead, they took him up and burned him.
*The recantation of Thomas Topley.
ALl Christian men beware of consentyng to Erasmus fables, for by consentyng to them, they have caused me to shrink in my faith that I promised to God at my Christenyng by my witnesses. First, as touching these Fables, I read in Colloquium by the instruction of Syr Richard Fox, of certain Pilgrimes, which (as the book doth say) made a vow to go to S. James, & as they went, one of them died & he desired his fellows to salute S. James in his name: and another died homeward, and he desired that they would salute his wife and his childrē, and the third died at Florence, & his fellow said he supposed that he was in heaven, and yet he said that he was a great liar. Thus I mused of these opinions so greatly, that my mind was almost withdrawn from devotion to Saints. Notwithstandyng I cōsēted that the divine service of them was very good, and is though I have not had such sweetness in it as I should have had, because of such Fables, & also because of other foolish pastimes, as daūcing, ten's and such other, which I think have been great occasions that the goodness of God hath been void in me, and vice in strength.
Moreover, it fortuned thus about half a year a go, that the said Syr Richard went forth and desired me to serve his Cure for him, and as I was in his chamber, I found a certain book called Wickleffes Wicket, whereby I felt in my conscience a great waueryng for the time that I did read upon it, and afterward also when I remembered it, it wounded my conscience very sore. Nevertheless I consented not to it, until I had heard him preach, and that was vpō S. Anthony's day: yet my mind was still much troubled with the said book (which did make the Sacrament of Christ's body, in form of bread, but a remembrance of Christ's Passion) till I heard Syr Myles Coverdale preach, and then my mind was sore withdrawn from that blessed Sacrament, in so much that I took it then but for the remembrance of Christ's body. Thus have I wretchedly wrapped my soul with sin, for because I have not been steadfast in y t holy order that God hath called me unto by Baptism, neither in y e holy order that God & S. Augustine hath called me to by my Religion. &c.
Furthermore he said and confessed, that in the Lent last past, as he was walking in the field at Bumstede with Syr Myles Coverdale late Frier of the same order, going in y e habit of a secular Priest, which had preached the iv. Sunday in Lent at Būstead, they did common together of Erasmus works, and also upon confession: the which Syr Myles said & did hold, that it was sufficient for a man to be contrite for his sins betwixt God and his conscience, without confession made to a Priest: which opinion this respondent thought to be true and did affirm and hold the same at that time. Also he saith that at the said Sermon made by the said Syr Myles Coverdale at Bumstede, he heard him preach against worshipping of Images in the Church, saying and preaching that men in no wise should honor or worship thē: which likewise he thought to be true, because he had no learning to defend it.
| Will. Gardener Agustine Frier of Clare. | With this Topley I may also join William Gardener one of the same order and house of Clare, who likewise by y e motion of the said Rich. Fox Curate of Bumstede, & by showing him certain Books to read was brought likewise to the like learning & judgment, and was for the same abjured by Cuthbert Bysh. the same year .1528. |
|
Richard Johnson of Bocstede and Alyce his wife. 1531. |
This Richard and his wife were favorers of God's word, and had ben troubled for the same of long time. They came from Salisbury to Bocstede by reason of persecution, where they continued a good space. At length by resort of good men, they began to be suspected, & specially for a book of Wickleffes Wicket which was in their house, they were convented before Stokesly Bishop of London, and there abjured. |
So great was the trouble of those times, that it would overcharge any story to recite the names of all thē, which during those bitter days before the coming in of Queen Anne, either were driven out of the Realm, or were cast out frō their goods and houses, or brought to open shame by abjuration. Such decrees and Injunctions then were set forth by the Bishops, such laws and proclamations were provided, such watch and narrow search was used, such ways were taken by force of oath to make one detect another so subtelly, that vnneth any good mā could or did escape their hands, but either his name was known, or else his person was takē. Yet nevertheless so mightily the power of God's Gospel did work in the hearts of good men, that the mumber of them did nothing lessen for all this violence or policy of the adversaries, but rather increased in such sort, as our story almost suffereth not to recite y e particular names of all and singular such as then groaned under the same Cross of affliction and persecution of those days: as of which number were these.
- Arthur.
- Geffray Lome.
- John Tibold, his mother, his wife, his two sons, and his two daughters.
- Edmond Tibold, and his wife.
- Henry Butcher, and his wife.
- William Butcher, and his wife.
- George Preston, and his wife.
- Joan Smith, widow.
- Robert Smith, her son.
- Richard Smith, her son.
- Margaret Smith, her daughter.
- Elizabeth Smith, her daughter.
- Rob. Hempstede, and his wife.
- Tho. Hempstede, and his wife.
- John Hempstede, his son.
- Robert fair.
- William Chatwals.
- Joan Smith widow, otherwise called Agnes widow.
- John her son.
- Thomas her son.
- Christopher her son:
- Alyce her daughter.
- Joan her daughter.
- John Wiggen.
- Nicholas Holdens wife.
- Alyce Shypwright.
- Henry Brown.
- John Craneford.
All these were of the Town of Bumstede, who being detected by Syr Richard Fox their Curate, and partly by Tibold, were brought up to the Bishop of London, and all put together in one house, to the number of xxxv. to be examined and abjured by the said Bishop.
Moreover, in other towns about Suffolk and Essex, other also were detected, as in the town of Byrbroke, these following.
- Isabell Choote widow.
- John Choote her son.
- William Choote her son.
- Christopher Choote her son.
- Robert Choote her son.
- Margeret Choote her daughter.
- Katherine her maid.
- Thomas Choote, and his wife.
- Haruy, and his wife.
- Agnes his daughter.
- Thomas his son.
- Bateman, and his wife.
- John Smith, and his wife.
- Thomas Butcher, and his wife.
- Robert Catlyn, a spone maker.
- Christmas, and his wife.
- William Bechwith, his wife, and his two sons.
- John Pickas, and his wife.
- William Pickas, his brother.
- Girling, his wife, & his daughter.
- Matthews wife.
- Johnson, his wife, and his son.
- Thomas Hilles.
- Roger Tanner.
- Christopher Raven, and his wife.
- John Chapman, his servant.
- Richard Chapman, his servant, and brother to John Chapman.
Who remaineth yet alive, & hath been of a long time a great harberour of many good men & women that were in trouble & distress, & received thē to his house, as Tho. Bate, Simon Smith, the Priests wife, Roger Tanner, with a mumber mo, which ye may see & read in our first edition, pa. 419.
Touching this Richard Chapman, this by the way is to be noted, that as he was in his coat and shyrt enjoined bare head, bare foot, and bare leg, to go before the procession, and to kneel upon the cold steps in the Church all the Sermon time, a little ladde seeing him kneel upon the cold stone with his bare knees, & having pity on him, came to him, and having nothing else to give him, brought him his cap to kneel upon. For the which the boy immediately was taken into the Uestry, and there unmercifully beaten for his mercy shown to the poor penitent.
Besides these, diverse other were about London, Colchester, and other places also partakers of the same Cross and affliction for the like cause of the Gospel, in which number cometh in these which hereafter follow.
- Peter Fenne, Priest.
- John Turk.
- Robert Best.
- William Raylond of Colchester.
- Henry Raylond, his son.
- Marion Matthew, or Westden.
- Dorothe Long.
- Thomas Parker.
- Alyce Gardener.
- John Tomson. of Colchester.
- John. Bradley, and his wife. of Colchester.
- John Hubert of Estdoneland, and his wife.
- M. Forman, Bachelor of Diuitie, Parson of Honey lane.
- Robert Necton.
- Katherine Swane.
- Master Cowbrige, of Colchester.
- Wydow Denby.
- Robert Hedill, of Colchester.
- William Butcher, whose fathers graundfather was burned for the same Religion.
- Abraham Water, of Colchester.
- Robert Wygge. of London.
- William Bull. of London.
- George Cooper. of London.
- John Toy, of S. Faith. of London.
- Richard Foster. of London.
- Sebastian Harrys, Curate of Kensington.
- Ex Regist. Lond.
All these in this table contained, were troubled and abjured. an. 1527. and 1528.
- John. Wyly the elder.
- Catherine Wyly, his wife.
- Io. Wyly, his son.
- Christian Wyly, his wife.
- W. Wyly, his son.
- Margaret Wyly, his wife.
- Lucy Wyly.
- Agnes Wyly, two young gyrles.
- An. 1532.
These eight persons were accused, an. 1532. for eating potage and fleshmeate five years before, upon S. James even.
Also another time, upon S. Peters even, as Catherine Wyly did lie in childbed, the other wives, with the two gyrles, were found eating altogether of a brothe made with the fore part of a rack of Mutton.
Item, the foresaid John Wyly the elder, had a Primmer in English in his house, and other books.
Also, he had a young daughter of ten years old, which could render by heart the most part of the 24. Chapter of S. Matthew. Also, could rehearse without book, the disputation between the clarke and the Frier.
Item, the said John Wyly had in his house a treatise of William Thorpe, and Syr John Oldcastle.
A note of Richard Bayfilde above mentioned.
MEntion was made before of Richard Bayfild Monk of Bury, pag 1024. who in these perilous days, amongst other good Saints of God, suffered death, as ye have heard, but how and by whom he was detected, hath not been shown: which now in searching out of Registers, as we have found, so we thought good here to adjoin y e same with the words & confession of the same Edmund Peerson, which detected him in manner as followeth.
*The accusation of Edmund Peerson against Bayfilde.
THe xiii. day of September at iv. of the clock at after noon, the year of our Lord. 1527. Sir Richard Bayfilde said that my Lord of London's Commissary was a plain Pharisey, wherefor he would speak with him, and by his wholesome doctrine he trusted in God, he should make him a perfect Christian man and me also, for I was a Pharisey as yet, he said.
Also he said, that he cared not and if the Commissary and the Chancellor heard him both, for the Chancellor he said, was also a Pharisey, and trusted to make him a Christian man.
Also he said, he was entreated by his friends, and in manner constrained to abide in the City against his will, to make the Chancellor and many moe, perfect Christian men, for as yet many were Pharisees, and knew not the perfect declaration of the Scripture.
Also he said, that M. Arthur and Bilney were and be more pure and more perfecter in their living to God, then was or is the Commissary, the Chancellor, my Lord of London, or my Lord Cardinal.
Also he said, that if Arthur and Bilney suffer death in the quarrels and opinions that they be in, or hold, they shall be Martyrs before God in heaven.
Also he said, after Arthur and Bilney were put cruelly to death, yet should there be hundreds of men, that should preach the same that they have preached.
Also he said, that he would favor Arthur and Bilney, he knew their living to be so good: for they did wear no shyrtes of linen cloth, but shyrts of hear, and ever were fasting, prayeng, or doing some other good deeds: and as for one of them, whatsoever he have of money in his purse, he will distribute it for the love of God, to poor people.
Also he said, that no man should give laud nor praise in no manner of wise, to no creature, nor to no Saint in heaven, but only to God. Soli Deo honor & gloria, that is. To God alone be all honor and glory.
Also he said, ah good Sir Edmund, ye be far from the knowledge and understanding of the Scripture, for as yet ye be a Pharisey with many other of your company: but I trust in God I shall make you and many other mo, good and perfect Christian men ere I depart from the City, for I purpose to read a common lecture every day at S. Fosters Church, which lecture shall be to the edifyeng of your souls that be false Phariseys.
Also he said, that Bilney preached nothing at Wilsedone, but that was true.
Also he said, that Bilney preached true at Wilsedone, if he said that our Ladies crown of Wilsedone, her rings & beads, that were offered to her, were bestowed amongst harlots, by the Ministers of Christ's Church: for that have I seen myself, he said, here in London, and that will I abide by.
Also he said, he did not fear to common and argue in Arthur and Bilneys opinions and Articles, and if it were with my Lord Cardinal.