Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1
3. The third cause was, that Priests being Surueyers, Stuards, and officers to Bishops, Abbots, and other spiritual heads, had and occupied Farms, Graunges, and grasing in every Country, so that the poor husbandmen could have nothing but of them, and yet for that they should pay dearly.
4. The fourth cause was, that Abbots, Priors, and spiritual men kept Tannehouses, and bought and sold wool, cloth, and all manner of Marchaundise, as other temporal Marchaunts did.
5. The fifth cause was, because the spiritual persons promoted to great benefices, and having their living of their flock, were lying in the Court of Lord's houses, and took all of their parishioners, and nothing spent on them at all, so that for lack of residence, both the poor of the parish lacked refreshing, and universally all the parishioners lacked preaching, and true instruction of God's word, to the great peril of their souls.
6. The sixth cause was, because one Priest being little learned, had ten or twelve benefices, and was resident on none, and many well learned scholars in the University, which were able to preach and teach, had neither benefice nor exhibition.
These things before this time, might in no wise be touched, nor yet talked of by any man, except he would be made an heretic, or lose all that he had: for the Bishops were Chauncellours, and had all the rule about the King, so that no man durst once presume to attempt any thing contrary to their profit, or commodity.
But now whē God had illuminated the eyes of y e king, and the time so served, that men more boldly durst express with voice such grudges, as they had long conceived in their harts against the Clergy: the Burgesses of the Parliament appointed certain of the common house, men learned in the Law, to draw one bill of the probates of testaments, another for Mortuaries, & the third for none residence, pluralities, and taking fermes by spiritual men.
And first to y e bill of Mortuaries being drawn, and being also passed the commō house, and sent up to the higher, the Spiritual Lord's shown a fair face, saying, that assuredly Priests and Curates took more then they should, and therefore it were well done to take some reasonable order. Thus they spake, because it touched them but little.
After this, within two days, was sent up the second bill, concerning probates of testaments, which bill, because it touched their profit somewhat near, both the Archbishop of Canterbury, and all other Bishops in general, began to frown and grunt, in so much as Doctor John Fisher Bishop of Rochester, standing up in the Parliament chamber, openly protested, that such bills were sent up frō the common house, tending to no other thing, but to the destruction of y e Church: which Church being down, the glory then of y e whole kingdom (said he) must needs fall, desiring therefore the Lord's, for God's sake, to take example by the kingdom of Boheme: For as it was then with the people there, so now what say the commons here, but down with y e Church. And all this (said he) seemeth only to be for lack of faith. When these words were reported to the commons of the lower house, what the Bishop had said, in noting all their doings to be for lack of faith, they took the matter grievously, so to be esteemed of the Bishop for no better then heretics, understanding moreover, how that he by those slāderous words, went about to persuade the Lord's temporal against them, and so to overthrow the two bills by them passed before, as ye have heard.
Whereupon, after long debate, it was at length agreed by the said commons, that Thomas Audeley their speaker with xxx. of the chief of that house, should be sent to the king, being then in his palace at Westminster, before called York place: where they eloquently declared, what a dishonor to the king and the realm it was, to say, that they which were elected for the wisest mē of all y e Shyres, Cities, and Boroughes within the Realm of England, should be declared in so noble and open presence, to lack faith, which was equivalent to say, that they were Infidels, and no Christians, as ill as Turks or Sarasins: so that what pain or study soever they took for the commō wealth, or what acts or laws soever they made or stablished, should be taken as laws made by Paynims and Heathen people, and not worthy to be kept by Christian men: wherefore they most humbly besought the kings hyghnesse, to call the said Bishop before him, and to cause him to speak more discretly of such a number as was in the common house.
The king not being well contented with the saying of the Bishop, yet gently answered the speaker, and sent them away. Who immediately sent for the Archbyshop of Canterbury, & vi. other Bishops, and Rochester also, signifying unto them the grudge of the commons. The Bishop of Rochester excusing himself, answered, that he in so saying, meant only the doings of the Bohemians to be for lack of faith, & not the doings of them that were in the common house, which saying was confirmed by the Bishops there present, which had him in great reputation, & so by that only saying, the king accepted his excuse, and therefore sent word to the commons by Syr Williā Fitzwilliams Knight, Treasurer of his household: which blind excuse pleased the commons nothing at all.
After this, diverse assemblies were kept between certain of the Lord's, and certain of the Commons for the Billes of the probates of Testaments, and Mortuaries. The temporality laid to the spiritualty, their own laws & Constitutions, and the Spiritualtie sore defended them by prescription & usage. To whom it was thus answered by a Gentlemā of Greyes Inn: The usage hath ever been of thieves, to rob on Shoters hill Ergo, is it lawful? With this answer the spiritual men were sore offended, because their doings were called robberies, but the temporal men stood still by their sayings, in so much that the said Gentlemā said to the Archb, of Canterbury, that both the exaction of probates of Testaments, and the taking of Mortuaries, as they were used, were open robbery and theft. After long disputation, the temporal Lord's began to lean to the commons, but for all that, the Bylles remained vnconcluded a while.
It followed shortly after in the Parliament, that a Byll was assented to, by the Lord's of the higher house, and sent down to the commons in the lower house, and by them also, with much labor agreed unto, of whō the most part were the kings servants: in the which Bill it was required, and concluded, that the king should be released of all such loan of money, which he had borrowed of his subjects, in the xv. year of his reign. The passing of which Byll went sore against the stomachs of the poor Commons, for many rested upon it, countyng and passing it over one to another for good debt, as if it had been ready money in their purses. Wherefore the king to regratifie thē again, granted to them a general pardō of all offenses, only certain great offenses & debts excepted: also he aided them for the redress of their grieves against the spiritualty, & caused two new Bylles to be made indifferently, both for the probates of Testaments, & Mortuaries, which Bylles were so reasonable, that the spiritual Lord's assēted to them all, though they were sore against their minds, and in especial the probate of Testaments sore displeased the Bishops, and the Mortuaries sore displeased the Parsons and Uicares.
After these Acts thus agreed, the commons made another Act for pluralities of benefices, none residence, buying and selling, and taking of fermes by spiritual Parsons, which Act so displeased the spiritualty, that y e priests railed on the commons of the lower house, and called them heretics and schismatics, for the which diverse Priests were punished.
This Act was sore debated above in the Parliament chamber, and the Lord's spiritual would in no wise consent. Wherefore the king perceiving the grudge of his commons, caused viii. Lord's & viii. of his Commons to mete in the star chamber at an afternoon, and there was sore debatyng of the cause, in so much that the temporal Lord's of the upper house, which were there, took part with the Commons, against the spiritual Lord's, and by force of reason caused them to assent to the Bill with a little qualifiyng, which Bill the next day was wholly agreed to, in the Lord's house to the great rejoicing of the lay people, and to the great displeasure of the spiritual persons.
And thus much concerning these Bylles against the Clergy, by the way. Now, to return to the Cardinal again: during the time of the said Parliament, there was brought down to the Commons, the book of Articles which the Lord's had put up to the King, against the Cardinal. The chief Articles were these.
1 FIrst, that he without the Kings assent had procured to be Legate, by reason whereof he took away the right of all Bishops and spiritual persons.
2 In all writings that he wrote to Rome, or to any other Prince, he wrote: Ego & rex meus, I and my King, as who would say, that the King were his servant.
3 That he slandered the Church of England to y e court of Rome: for his suggestion to be Legate, was to reform the Church of England, which (as he wrote) was Facta in reprobum sensum.
4 He without the Kings assent carried the Kings great Seal with him into Flaunders, when he was sent Ambassador to the Emperor.
5 Without the Kings consent, he sent commission to Sir Gregory de Cassalis, Knight, to conclude a league between the King and the Duke of Ferrarie.
6 That he having the French pockes, presumed to come and breathe on the King.
7 That he caused the Cardinals Hat to be put on the Kings coin.
8 That he had sent innumerable substance to Rome, for the obtaining of his dignities, to the great impouerishmēt of the Realm, with many other things, which are touched more at large in Chronicles.
These articles with many moe, being read in the common house, were confessed by the Cardinal, and signed with his hand. Also there was shown another writing sealed with his seal, by the which he gave to the Kyng all his moveables and vnmoueables.
You have heard hitherto declared how y e Cardinal was attainted in the Premunire, & how he was put out of the office of the Chancelor, & lay at Asher: which was in the year of our Lord 1530. The next year after in the Lent season, the king by the advice of his counsel, licenced him to go into his diocese of York, and gave him commandment to keep him in his diocese, and not to return Southward, without the Kings special license in writing.
So he made great provision to go Northward, & appareled his servants newly, and bought many costly things for his household, but diverse of his servants at this time departed from him, to the Kings service, and in especial Thomas Crumwell, one of his chief counsel, and chief doer for him in the suppression of Abbeys. After that all things necessary for his journey were prepared, he took his journey Northward, til he came to Southwell, which was in his diocese, and there he continued that year, ever grudging at his fall, as you shall hear hereafter: but the sands which he had given to his Colleges in Oxford and Ipswich, were now come to the Kings hands, by his attainder in the Premunire, and yet the King of his gentleness, and for favor that he bare to good learning, erected again the College in Oxford, and where it was named the Cardinals College, he called it the Kings College, and endued it with fair possessions, and ordained new statutes and ordinances, and for because the College of Ipswich was thought to be nothing profitable, therefore he left that dissolved.
Notwithstāding that the Cardinal of York was thus attainted in the Premunire, (as is above mentioned) yet the King being good unto him, had granted him the Bishoprics of York and Winchester, with great plenty of substance, & had licenced him to lie in his diocese of York, where he so continued the space of a year. But after, in the year following, which was 1531. he being in his diocese, wrote to the Court of Rome, and to diverse other Princes, letters in reproach of the King, and in as much as in him lay, he stirred them to revenge his cause against the King and his Realm, in so much, that diverse opprobrious words against the King, were spoken to Doctor Edward Keerne, the Kings Orator at Rome, and it was said to him, that for the Cardinals sake, the King should have the worse speed in the suite of his matrimony. The Cardinal also would speak fair to the people to win their harts, and declared ever, that he was unjustly and untruly ordered, which fair speaking, made many men believe that he said true: and to Gentlemen he gave great gifts, to allure them unto him: and to be had in more reputation among the people, he determined to be installed or inthronised at York, with all the pomp that might be, and caused a throne to be erected in the Cathredral Church, in such an height and fashion, as was never seen, and sent to all the Lord's, Abbots, Priors, Knightes, Esquiers and Gentlemen of his diocese, to be at his Manor of Cawood the sixth day of November, and so to bring him to York, with all manner of pomp and solemnity.
The King which knew his doings and privy conveyance, all this year dissembled the matter, to see what he would do at length, till that he saw his proud heart so highly exalted, that he would be so triumphātly installed, without making the king privy, yea and in manner, in disdain of the King, thought it not meet nor convenient to suffer him any longer, to continue in his malicious & proud purposes and attempts: wherefore he directed his letters to the Earl of Northumberland, willing him with all diligence, to arrest the Cardinal, & to deliver him to the Earl of Shrewsbury, great Steward of the Kings household. When the Earl had seen the letters, he with a convenient number came to the Manor of Cawood the fourth day of Nouemb. and whē he was brought to the Cardinal in his chamber, he said to him, My Lord, I pray you take patience, for here I arrest you. Arrest me, said y e Cardinal? Yea, said the Earl, I have a commandment so to do. You have no such power, said the Cardinal, for I am both a Cardinal and a Legate De Latere, and a Peer of the College of Rome, & ought not to be arrested by any temporal power, for I am not subject to that power, wherefore if you arrest me, I will withstand it. Well, said the Earl, here is the Kings commission (which he shown him) and therefore I charge you to obey. The Cardinal somewhat remembered himself, and said, Well my Lord, I am content to obey, but although y t I by negligence fell into the punishment of the Premunire, and lost by the law all my lands & goods, yet my person was in the Kings protection, and I was pardoned that offense, wherefore I marvel why I now should be arrested, & specially considering that I am a member of the Sea Apostolic, on whom no temporal man ought to lay violent hands. Well, I see the King lacketh good counsel. Well, said the Earl, when I was sworn Warden of y e Marches, you yourself told me, that I might with my staff arrest all mē, under the degree of a King, & now I am more stronger, for I have a commission so to do, which you have seen. The Cardinal at length obeyed, and was kept in a privy chamber, and his goods ceased, and his officers discharged, and his Phisitiō called Doctor Augustine, was likewise arrested, and brought to the Tower by Sir Walter Welsh, one of the Kings chamber. The sixth day of November he was conveyed from Cawood, to Sheffeld Castle, and there delivered to the Earl of Shrewsburies keeping, till the Kings pleasure were known. Of this attachement was much communing amongst the common people, wherefore many were glad, for he was not in the favor of the commonality.
When the Cardinal was thus arrested, the King sent sir William Kingston Knight, Captain of the Gard, and Constable of the Tower of London, with certain yeomen of the gard, to Sheffeld, to fetch y e Cardinal to the Tower. When the Cardinal saw the Captain of the Garde, he was sore astonished, and shortly became sick, for then he perceived some great trouble toward him, & for that cause mē said, that he willingly toke so much quātitle of a strong purgatiō, that his nature was not able to bear it. Also the matter that came frō him was so black, that the stayning thereof could not be got̄ out of his blākets by any means. But sir William Kingston comforted him, and by easy iorneyes he brought him to the Abbey of Leycester, the xxvij. day of November, where for very feebleness of nature, caused by purgations and vomites, he died the seconde night following, and in the same Abbey lieth buried.
It is testified by one, yet being alive, in whose arms the said Cardinal died, that his body being dead, was black as pitch, also was so heavy, that six could scarce bear it. Furthermore, it did so stink above the ground, that they were constrained to hasten the burial thereof in the night season, before it was day. At the which burial, such a tempest, with such a stench there arose, that all the torches went out, and so he was thrown into the tomb, and there was laid.
By the ambitious pride and excessive worldly wealth of this one Cardinal, all mē may easily understand & judge what the state and condition of all the rest of the same order (whom we cal spiritual men) were in those days, as well in all other places of Christendom, as especially here in England, where as the princely possessions & great pride of the Clergy, did not only far pass and exceed the common measure and order of subjects, but also surmounted over Kings and Princes, and all other estates, as may well appear by his doings and order of his story above described.
Amongst other acts of the foresaid Cardinal, this is not to be forgotten, that he founded a new College in Oxford, for the furniture whereof, he had gathered together all the best learned he could hear of, amongst which number were these: Clarke, Tyndale, Summer, Frith, and Tauerner, with other mo: which holding in assemble together in the College, were accounted to be heretics (as they called them) and thereupon were cast into a prison of the college, where saltfish lay, through the stink whereof the most part of them were infected, and the said Clarke being a tender young man, and the most singular in learning amongst them all, died in the said prison, and other in other places in the town, also of the same infection deceased.
And thus having detained the Reader enough, or rather too much, with this vainglorious Cardinal, now we will reduce our story again to more other fruiteful matter, and as the order of time requireth, first beginning with M. Humfrey Mummuth, a virtuous and a good Alderman of London, who in the time of the said Cardinal was troubled, as in the story here followeth.
The history of Thomas Hitten.
Then it was time for the Cardinal to awake, and speedily to look about his business. Neither lacked he in this point any craft or subtlety of a serpent, for he understood well enough upon how slender a foundation their ambitious dignity was grounded, neither was he ignorant that their Luciferous and proud kingdom could not long continue against the manifest word of God, especially if the light of the Gospel should once open the eyes of men. For otherwise he did not greatly fear the power and dipleasure of Kings and Princes. Only this he feared, the voice of Christ in his Gospel, least it should disclose and detect their hypocrisy and deceits, and force them to come into an order of godly discipline: wherefore he thought good, speedily in time to withstand these beginnings. Whereupon he caused the said Bilney and Arthur to be apprehended and cast in prison, as before ye have heard.
After this, the xxvij. day of November, in the year of our Lord 1527. the said Cardinal accompanied with a great number of Bishops, as the Archbyshop of Canterbury, Cuthbert of London, John of Rochester, Nicholas of Eli, John of Exeter, John of Lincoln, John of Bathe and Welles, Harry of Saint Ass, with many other both Divines and Lawyers, came into the Chapterhouse of Westminster, where the said Master Thomas Bilney, and Thomas Arthur were brought before them, and the said Cardinal there inquired of M. Bilney, whether he had privately or publicly preached or taught to the people, the opinions of Luther or any other, condemned by the Church, contrary to the determination of the Church. Whereunto Bilney answered, that wittingly he had not preached or taught any of Luther's opinions, or any other, contrary to the Catholic Church. Then the Cardinal asked him, whether he had not once made an oath before, that he should not preach, rehearse, or defend any of Luther's opinions, but should impugn the same euerywhere? He answered, that he had made such an oath, but not lawfully, which interrogatories so ministered, and answers made, the Cardinal caused him to swear, to answer plainly to the articles and errors preached and set forth by him, as well in the City and diocese of London, as in the diocese of Norwich and other places, and that he should do it without any craft, qualifying or leaving out any part of the truth.
After he was thus sworn and examined, the said Cardinal proceeded to the examination of M. Thomas Arthur there present, causing him to take the like oath, that M. Bilney did. Which done, he asked of him whether he had not once told sir Tho. More knight, y t in the Sacrament of the altar was not the very body of Christ? Which interrogatory he denied. Then the Cardinal gave him time to deliberate til noon, and to bring in his answer in writing▪ After noon the same day, what time the examination of the foresaid Thomas Arthur was ended, the Cardinal and Bishops by their authority, Ex officio, did call in for witnesses before Mayster Bilney, certain men, namely, John Huggen, chief Provincial of the Friers preachers throughout all England, Geoffrey Iulles, and Richard Iugworth, professors of Divinity of the same order▪ Also William Iecket Gentleman, William Nelson, and Thomas Williams, which were sworn, that all favor, hate, love, or reward set apart, they should without concealing of any falsehood, or omitting any truth, speak their minds upon the Articles laid against them, or preached by him, as well within the Dioces of London, as the Dioces of Norwich: and because he was otherwise occupied about the affairs of the Realm, he committed the hearing of the matter to the Bishop of London, and to other Bishops there present▪ or to three of them, to proceed against all men, as well spiritual as temporal, as also against schedules, writings, and books, set forth and translated by Martin Luther, lately condemned by Pope Leo the tenth, and by all manner of probable means, to inquire and root out their errors and opinions, and all such as were found culpable, to compel them to abjuration, according to the law, or if the matter so required, to deliver them unto the secular power, and to give them full power and authority to determine upon them.
The xxvij. of November, in the year aforesaid, the Bishop of London, with the Bishop of Eli and Rochester, came unto the Bishop of Norwiches house, whereas likewise Ex officio, they did swear certain witnesses against master Thomas Arthur, in like sort as they had done before against master Bilney, and so proceeded to the examination of master Arthur: which being ended upon certain interrogatories, the Bishop of London warned him by virtue of his oath, that he should not reveal his examinations, nor his answers, nor any parte or parcel thereof.
The seconde day of December, the Bishops assembled again in the same place, and sware more witness against Mayster Bilney. That done, they called for Mayster Arthur, unto whose charge they laid these Articles following.
Articles against Thomas Arthur.
1 IN primis, that he exhorted the people in his prayers, to pray specially for those that now be in prison, which Article he denied.
2 That he said, though men be restrained to preach nowadays (which is against God's laws) yet I may preach: First by the authority of my Lord Cardinal, for I have his license. Secondly, by the authority of the University. Thirdly, by the Pope. Fourthly, by the authority of God, where he saith: Euntes in mundum, predicate Euangelium omni creaturae. By which authority, every man may preach, and there is neither Bishop nor Ordinary, nor yet the Pope, that may make any law to let any man to preach the Gospel. This Article he confessed that he spake.
3 When he spake of Laws, he brought a similitude of Crosses, set up against the walls of London, that men should not pisse there. When there was but one Cross or a few more, men did reverence them, and pissed not there: but when there was in every corner a Cross set, then men of necessity were compelled to pisse upon the Crosses: So in like manner, when there was but a few holy and devout laws in the Church, then men were afraid to offend them. Afterwarde, they made many laws for their advantage, and such as were pecuniall, those they do observe, and such as are not pecuniall, those they call Palea, and regard them not: and so nowadays there are so many laws, that whether a man do ill or well, he shall be taken in the law. He confessed that he spake the very same, or the like words.
4 He said, Good people, if I should suffer persecution for the preaching of the Gospel of God, yet there is 7000. more that would preach y e Gospel of God, as I do now. Therefore good people, good people (which words be often rehearsed as it were lamenting) think not that if these tyrants and persecutors put a man to death, the preaching of the Gospel therefore is to be forsaken. This Article he confessed that he spake in like words and sense, saving that he made no mention of tyrants.
5 That every man, yea every lay man is a priest. He confessed that he spake such words, declaring in his Sermon, that every Christian man is a Priest, offering up the sacrifice of prayer: and if they did murmur against the order of Priesthoode, they did murmur against themselves.
6 That men should pray to no Saints in heaven, but only to God, and they should use no other Mediator for them, but Christ Jesus our redeemer only. This Article he denied.
7 He preached that they should worship no Images of Saints, which were nothing but stocks and stones. This he also denied.
8 He did preach upon Whitsonday last within the University of Cambridge, such or like words and sentences: That a Bachelor of Divinity admitted of the University, or any other person having or knowing the Gospel of God, should go forth and preach in every place, and let for no man, of what estate or degree soever he were: and if any Bishop did accurse them for so doing, their curses should turn to the harm of themselves. He confessed this.
Which answers thus made and acknowledged, the said M. Arthur did revoke and condemn the said Articles against him ministered, and submitted him self to the punishment and judgment of the Church.
The third day of December, the Bishop of London, with the other Bishops, assemblyng in the place aforesaid, after that Bilney had denied utterly to return to the Church of Rome, the Bishop of London in discharge of his conscience (as he said) least he should hide any thing that had come to his hands, he did really exhibit unto the Notaries, in the presence of the said Master Bilney, certain letters, to wit, five letters or Epistles, with one Schedule in one of the Epistles, containing his Articles and answers folded therein, and another Epistle folded in manner of a book, with six leaves, which all and everyone he commanded to be written out and registered, and the originals to be delivered to him again.
This was done in the presence of Master Bilney, desiring a Copy of them, and he bound the Notaries with an oath, for the safe keeping of the Copies, and true Registryng of the same. Which Articles and answers, with three of the same Epistles, with certain depositions deposed by the foresaid witness, here follow truly drawn out partly of his own hand writing, and partly out of the Register.
*Interrogatories whereupon Master Thomas Arthur, and Master Bilney were accused and examined.
1 WHether they did believe with their hearts, that the Assertions of Luther, which are impugned by the Bishop of Rochester, were justly and godly condemned, and that Luther with his adherents, was a wicked and detestable heretic.
2. Whether they did believe that the general Councils and Ecclesiastical Constitutions once received and not abrogate again, ought to be observed of all men, even for conscience sake, and not only for fear.
3. Whether they did believe that the Popes laws were profitable and necessary to the preferrement of godliness, not repugnaunt to the holy Scriptures, neither by any means to be abrogate, but to be reverenced of all men.
4. Whether they did believe that the Catholic Church may err in the faith or no, and whether they think that Catholic Church to be a sensible Church, which may be demonstrate and pointed out as it were with a finger, or that it is only a spiritual Church, intelligible, & known only unto God.
5. Whether they think that the Images of Saints are Christenly set in the Churches, and ought to be worshipped of all true Christians.
6. Whether that a man may believe without hurt to his faith, or note of heresy, the souls of Peter and Paul, and of our Lady, either to be, or not to be in heaven, and that there is yet no judgment given upon the souls departed.
7. Whether that a man may believe without spot of heresy, that our Lady remained not always a virgin.
8. Whether holy days & fasting days ordained and received by the Church, may be broken by any private man, at his will and pleasure, without sin or obstinacy.
9. Whether we are bound to be obedient unto Prelates, Bishops, and Kynges, by God's commandment, as we are unto our parents.
10. Whether they believe that the Church doth well and godly in praying to the Saints.
11. Whether they think that Christ only should be prayed unto, and that it is no heresy, if any man affirm that Saints should not be prayed unto.
12. Whether they do think all true Christians to be by like right Priests, and all those to have received the keys of binding and loosing, at the hands of Christ, which have obtained the spirit of God, and only such, whether they be lay men or Priests.
13. Whether they believe with their heart, that faith may be without works and charity.
14. Whether they believe that it is more agreeable to the faith, that the people should pray in their own tongue, thē in a learned unknown tongue, & whether they commend the prayer in a strange tongue or no.
15. Whether they would have the Masses and Gospels openly to be read in Churches in the vulgare tongue, rather then in the Latin tongue.
16. Whether they commend that children should only be taught the Lord's prayer, and not the Salutation of the virgins, or Creed.
17 Whether they do think the wooden beads which the common people doth use, worthy to be denied, or not.
18 Whether they do think the whole Scripture ought to be translated into English, or that it should be more profitable for the people, then as it is now read.
19 Whether they would have the Orgaines and all manner of songs to be put out of the Church of God.
20 Whether they do think that it pertaineth to the Bishops to punish any man with bonds or imprisonment, or that they have any temporal power and authority.
21 Whether they think that constitution to be godly, that no man should preach in another mans diocese, w t out letters of commendation, and license obtained of the Bishop.
22 Whether they think the vows of religious men and private religion, to be constitute and ordained by the spirit of God, neither by any means to be repugnant to a free and perfect Christian life.
23 Whether they believe that we should pray for the dead, or believe that there is a Purgatory, or that we are bound by necessity of faith, to believe neither of them: but that it is free without sin, either to believe it, or not to believe it.
24 Whether they believe that moral Philosophy and natural, to prevail anything for the better understanding of the scriptures, & for the exposition and defense of the truth.
25 Whether they think that the Popes indulgences and pardons are rather to be rejected then received.
26 Whether it be contrary to the doctrine of Christ and his Apostles, that Christians should by any means contend in the law, to seek any manner of restitution.
27 Whether they believe all things pertaining to salvation and damnation to come of necessity, and nothing to be in our own willes.
28 Whether they believe God to be the author of evil, as well of the fault, as of the punishment.
29 Whether they think Mass only to be profitable to him which saith it, & whether every mā may alter or leave out the rite and order of the Mass, without hurt of faith.
30 Whether they believe that there can be any moral virtues without the grace of Christian living, or that the virtues which Aristotle hath set out, or rather feigned.
31 Whether they think it heresy, to teache the people, that it is free to give tithes unto Priests, or to any other poor man.
32 Whether they do think it more Christianlike to take away the Images out of the Churches, or to permit them to adorn them and honor them.
33 Whether they think it the part of a Christian man, that preachers should exhort men to pilgrimage, or to the worshipping of relics.
34 Whether that thou Thomas Bilney, being cited vpō heresy to appear before my Lord Cardinal, and before y e day of thy apparance, not having made thy purgatiō upon those points that thou wast cited, hast preached openly in diverse Churches of the City and diocese of London, without sufficient license from the Bishop, or any other.
Concerning the answers unto these Articles, (gentle Reader) for so much as in the most part of them, Bilney with Arthur seemed to consent and agree (although not fully and directly, but by way and manner of qualifying) yet because he did not expressly deny them, it shall not be needful here to recite them all, save only such wherein he seemed to dissent from them.
To the first and second Articles he answered affirmatively.
To the third he said, I believe that many of the Popes Laws are profitable and necessary, and do prevail unto godliness, neither in any point are repugnant unto the Scriptures, nor by any means are to be abrogate, but of all men to be observed and reverenced. But touching all those Laws I cannot determine: for, as for such as I have not read, I trust notwithstanding they are good also: and as for those that I have read, I did never read them to the ende and purpose to reprove them, but according to my power, to learn and understand them. And as touching the multitude of Laws, S. Augustine in his time did much complain, and Gerson also, who marveled that we could by any means live in safety amongst so many snares of constitutions, when as our forefathers being pure before their fall, could not observe one only precept.
To the fourth Article he said, that the Catholic Church can by no means err in faith, for it is the whole congregation of the elect, and so known only unto God, which knoweth who are his: otherwise no man should be ascertayned of another man's salvation, or of his own, but only through faith and hope. For it is written: No man knoweth whether he be worthy of hatred or love. It is also sensible, and may be demonstrate so far • oorth as it is sufficient to establish us in all things, that are to be believed and done: For I may truly say of the general Council being congregate in the holy Ghost, Behold here the Catholic Church, denominating the whole by the most worthy part.
To the fifth Article, he answered affirmatively in these words: Cum sint libri Laicorum, adorare oportet, at non imaginem, sed prototypon.
To the sixth Article he answered, that he did not believe that they are in heaven, being so taught by the scriptures, and holy Fathers of the Church.
To the seventh Article he said, that it is not to be thought contrary.
To the eight Article, whether a man may not observe the Feasts and Fastes of the Church prescribed, he thought that there is no man, but he ought to observe them.
To the ninth Article he said, that we are likewise bound as unto parents.
To the xiv. Article he answered thus, the fourteenth Chapter of Saint Paul, in his first Epistle to the Corinthians moveth me to believe, that it is best, that the people should have the Lord's Prayer, and the Apostles Creed in English, so that their devotion might the more be furthered by the understanding thereof, and also that thereby they might be the more prompt and expert in the Articles of their faith: of the which it is to • e feared, a great number are ignorant. Surely I have heard many say, that they never heard speak of the resurrection of the body: and being certified thereof, but they became much more apt and ready unto goodness, and more fearful to do evil.
To the fifteenth Article he said, he would wish that the Gospelles and Epistles should be read in English. For I would (saith Paul) rather have five words, &c. That the Church might be edified, &c. And Chrysostom exhorteth his hearers to look upon books, that they might the better commit unto memory those things which they had heard. And S. Bede did translate S. John's Gospel into English.
Touching the eighteenth Article, for the translation of the Scripture into English, concerning the whole, he did partly doubt. Notwithstanding he wished that the Gospels & Epistles of that day might be read in English, that the people might be made y e more apt to hear Sermons. But here some will say, there might also be danger for error. Wherunto he answered, But good & vigilant pastors might easily help that matter, by adding the plain interpretation of the fathers in the margents, in English, upon the dark and obscure places, which would put away all doubts. O how great profit of souls should the vigilant pastors get thereby, which contrariwise through their slothfulness bring great rain and decay.
To the xxv. Article, as touching pardons, he said, that as they be used, and have too long ben, it were better that they should be restrained, then y t they should be any longer used as they have been, to the injury of Christ's passion.
Touching the xxvj. Article, he said, that it is not against the doctrine of Christ and his Apostles, to contend in the Law, so it be done with charity. If Saint Agustine, and the reverend father Marcus Marulus did not err, which granted that liberty to the weak Christians: albeit that true Christians ought to give ear unto S. Paul's saying. Why do ye not rather suffer injury? And to Christ himself, which saith: He that would contend with thee in the law, and take away thy coat, give him thy cloke also.
Touching the xxviij. he answered, that God is the author of that punishment only, but not of the offense, as Basilius Magnus teacheth in his Sermon upon these words of the Prophet: Non est malum in ciuitate quod non fecit dominus. And S. Augustine in another place (as I remember) prayeth: That he be not led into that temptation, that he should believe God to be the author of sin and wickedness.
Here ensueth a brief summary or collection of certain depositions, deposed by the several witnesses aforenamed, upon certain interrogatories ministered unto them, for the inquiry of Master Bilneyes doctrine and preaching.
FIrst it was deposed, that in his sermō in Christ's church in Ipswich, he should preach and say, our savior Christ is our mediator between us and the father: what should we need then to seek any Saint for remedy? Wherefore it is great injury to the blood of Christ, to make such petitions, and blasphemeth out Savior.
That man is so imperfect of himself, that he can in no wise merit by his own deeds.
Also that the coming of Christ was long prophesied before, & desired by the Prophets: But John the Baptist being more thē a prophet, did not only prophecy, but with his finger shown him saying: Ecce agnus Dei qui tollit peccata mūdi. Then if this were the very Lamb which John did demonstrate, that taketh away the sins of the world, what injury is it to our Savior Christ, that to be buried in S. Frances cowle should remit four partes of penance, what is then left to our Savior Christ, which taketh away the sins of the world? This I will justify to be a great blasphemy to the blood of Christ.
Also that it was a great folly to go on pilgrimage, and that preachers in times past have been Antichrists, and now it hath pleased God somewhat to show forth their falsehood and errors.
Also that the miracles done at Walsingham, at Canterbury, & there in Ipswich were done by the devil, thorough the sufferance of God, to blind the poor people: and that the Pope hath not the keys that Peter had, except he follow Peter in his living.
Moreover, it was deposed against him, that he was notoriously suspected as an heretic, and twice pulled out of the pulpit in the diocese of Norwich.
Also it was deposed against him, that he should in the parish church of Willesdon, exhort the people to put away their God's of silver & gold, and leave their offerings unto thē, for that such things as they offered, have been known oftentimes afterward to have been givē to whores of the slewes. Also that Jews and Sarasens would have become christē men long ago, had it not been for the idolatry of Christian men in offering of candles, wax, and money to stocks and stones.
Ouer and besides these cauelling matters, articuled & deposed against him, here follow certain other Articles, whereupon he was detected, gathered out of his sermon, which he preached in the parish Church of S. Magnus, in Whitson week, in the year of our Lord. 1527.
*Certain other Articles producted against master Thomas Bilney.
FIrst he said, pray you only to God, and to no saints rehearsing the Litany, and when he came to Sancta Maria ora pro nobis, he said, stay there.
He said that Christian men ought to worship God only and no Saints.
He said that Christian people should set up no lights before the Images of saints, for saints in heaven need no light, and the Images have no eyes to see.
He said, as Hezekiah destroyed the brazen Serpent that Moses made by the commandment of God, even so should kings and princes now a days destroy and burn the Images of Saints set up in Churches.
These five hundred years there hath been no good Pope, nor in all the time past, we can find but fiftye, for they have neither preached, ne lived well, or conformablye to their dignity: Wherefore till now they have borne the keys of Simony. Agaynst whom, good people, we must preach and teache unto you. For we can not come to them, it is great pity, they have sore sclaundered the blood of Christ.
The people hath used foolishly of late, Pilgrimages, which for them had been better to have been at home.
Many have made certain vows, which be not possible for them to fulfill, and those nothing meritorious.
The preachers before this have been Antichrists and now it hath pleased our Savior Christ, to show their false errors, and to teach another way and manner of the holy Gospel of Christ, to the comfort of your souls.
I trust that there shall and will come others besides me, which shall show and preach to you the same faith and manner of living, that I do show and preach to you, which is the very true Gospel of our Savior Christ, and the mind of the holy fathers, whereby you shall be brought from their errors, wherein you have been long seduced: for before this, there have been many that have sclaundered you, and the Gospel of our Savior Christ, of whom spake our Savior. Math. xviij. Qui scandalizauerit vnum de pusillis istis, qui in me credit. &c.
These & many other such like depositions were deposed against him by the deponentes and witnesses before sworn, which wholly to recite, would be too long and tedious: wherefor these shall suffice at this time, being the principal matters, and in manner the effect of all the rest. But now, before we will return again to the order of his examination, we think it good here to infer a certain Dialogue containing a communication between a Friar named John Brusierd, and Mayster Thomas Bilney, which we have thought meet for this place, because it was done in Ipswich, and also about the time of these examinations: the Copy whereof we have, written with the friers own hand in Latin, the Copy whereof in English here ensueth.
A Dialogue between Friar John Brusierd, and Mayster Thomas Bilney, in Ipswich, concerning worshipping of Images.
ALthough you have blasphemed most pernitiously the immaculate flock of Christ, with certain blasphemies of yours: yet being moved partly with your gentle petitions, partly pitying your case & towardly dispositiō, I am come hither to talk with you secretly, before the rumor be disclosed, upon the consideration of the threefold errors which I see in you.
First for that, when you began to shoot the dart of your pestiferous error more vehemently thē you ought, against the breast of the ignorant multitude, you seem to pour vpō the ground, the precious blood of Christ, as with a certain vehement violence out of the miserable vessel of your heart. Whereas you said, that none of the saints do make intercession for us, nor obtain for us anything, you have perilously blasphemed the efficacy of the whole church, consecrated with the precious blood of Christ. Which thing you are not able to deny, especially seeing y e same so incessantly doth knock at the gates of heavē, through the continual intercession of the saints, according as in the seuenfolde Litany manifestly appeareth to be seen.
I marvel at you, and doubtless cannot marvel enough, but that the strong & vain custom of superstitious mē, thinking themselves not to be heard but in much babbling, doth put an end of my admiration. For our heavenly father knoweth what we have need of before we ask. Also it is written: There is one mediator of God and men, the man Christ Jesus. If then there be but one mediator of God and men, the man Christ Jesus, where is our bleessed Lady? where is then S. Peter and other Saints?
I suppose that no man is ignorant, but that the divines of y e primitive church have all affirmed to be one mediator between God and man. Neither could any at that time praise or pray to the saints, whē as yet they living in the calamities of this body, and wrestling with the contrary winds of this world, were not yet come to the port of rest whereunto they were traveling. Paul (I grant) did rightly affirm to be but one mediator of God & men, what time as yet there was no saint canonised or put into y e calendar. But now seeing the church doth know, & doth certainly believe, through y e undoubted revelations of God, that y e blessed virgin & other saints are placed in the bosom of Abraham, she therefore like a good mother hath taught, and that most diligently, us her children, to praise the omnipotent Jesus in his saints: & also to offer up by the same saints, our petitions unto God. Therof it is that the Psal. saith: Praise ye the Lord in his saints. Rightly also do we say and affirm, that saints may pray for us. One man may pray for another. Ergo, much more may saints that do enjoy the fruitiō of his high majesty. For so it is writ̄: God is my witness whom I serve in my spirit, in the Gospel of his son, that without ceasing I remember you in my prayer always for you. &c.
I marvel doubtless, that you a man learned are not yet delivered out of the confuse dungeon of heresy, through the help of the holy Gospel: especially seeing y t in the same Gospel it is written: Verily, verily, I say unto you, what so ever you ask the father in my name, he will give it unto you. He saith not, whatsoever ye ask the Father in the name of S. Peter, S. Paul, or other saints, but in my name. Let us, ask therefore help in the name of him, which is able to obtain for us of his father, whatsoever we ask, least peradventure hereafter in the end of the world, at the strayt judgment we shall hear: Hitherto in my name ye have asked nothing.
Where ye marvel (with what mind, I cannot tell) that I being a learned man (as you say) am not delivered yet frō the cōfuse dungeon of heresy, through the help of the gospel: much more do you that are far better learned then I, cause me to marvel at your foolish admiratiō. Neither can I choose but laugh at you, as one being wrapped to the third heaven of such high mysteries, and yet see not those things which be done here in the lower partes of terrene Philosophy, for what a ridiculous thing is it, for a man to look so long upon the Sun, that he can see nothing else but the Sun, nor can not tell whither to turn him? Moreover, what student is there in all Cambridge, be he never so young, that knoweth not, that the argument of authority brought out nagatiuely, hath no force?
So as the Pharisees took Christ, you take my words much otherwise then I meant.
Your words which wander far from the scope of Scripture, I do not like. What is in your meaning, and lieth inwardly in your mind, I cannot tell.
Such as invocate the help either of Christ or of any other Saint, for any corporal inurmity, to be delivered frō the same, may be well resēbled to delicate pac •• ts, who being under the hand of phisitiōs, & having medicines ministered against their diseases: not abiding the pain thereof, rap all a sūder: wherefor I say, no man ought to implore y e help of God or of any saint, for corporal infirmity.
O moste pernicious & perilous heresy of all that ever I heard. Thus you fleeing the smoke, fall into the • ire, & avoiding the danger of Scylla, you run vpō Caribois. O heart of man wrapped in palpable darkness. I wish M. Bilney, that you would but once search & set out the first origin of these rogatiō days: For so we read in y e church story, that they were first ordained by pope Gregory, with fasting, prayers, & holy processions against the pestilence, by the infection of the air thē reigning among the people. At what time y e people thē going in y e procession, a certain Image like to our blessed Lady, painted w t the hands of S. Luke y e Evangelist, did go before thē, about y e which image, in y e honor of the virgin, angels did sing this Anthem: Regina coeli laetare. &c. O Queen of heaven be glad. To the which Anthem the pope also adjoined this: Ora pro nobis dominū. &c. Pray to the Lord for us. Wherefore seeing the angels did worship the image of the glorious virgin Mary, in the honor of her: & seeing moreover y e holy father pope Gregory, with all y e clergy, did pray for corporal infirmity, it appeareth manifestly that we ought to worship y e saints, & also to give honor in a manner to their Images: further also to pray to almighty God & all saints, for corporal infirmity, that we may be delivered from the same, so that they may say the like for us, which is said in the Gospel: Sende them away, because they cry after us. And although there be infinite places inexpugnable to be alleged out of the holy scripture, wherewith we might easily resist this your error: yet standing herewith content, as sufficient at this present, we will proceed now to your second pestiferous error, wherein you, like an ingrate child go about to tear out y e bowels of your mother. For in y t you say & affirm blasphemously the bish. of Rome to be the very Antichrist, & that his pryuileges have no force against the gates of hell: in so saying, what do you but like a most unkind and unnatural child, spoil your loving mother of all her treasures, & wound her being spoiled, & being wounded, pluck out her bowels most miserably vpō y e earth. But forsomuch as there is nothing so absurd or so heretical but shall be received of some itching ears: I would therefore now hear you declare, how he sitteth in the temple of god, as god, being exalted & worshipped above all y t is named god, or how that he showeth himself as Lord in power and signs, and wonders deceitful.
Although incredulitye doth not suffer you, notwithstanding your learning, to understand these things, yet I will go about something to help your incredulity herein, through the help of the Lord, beseeching you, y t setting all superstition apart, you will understand those things that are above, Do ye know the table of the ten Commaundementes?
According as the Catholic Doctors do expound them, I know them meanly. But how you do expound them, I cannot tell.
And do you know also the constitutions of men, which are devised only by the dreams of men, whereunto men are so straightly bound, that under pain of death they are compelled to observe them?
I know certain sanctions of the holy fathers, but such as you speak of to be devised by men's dreams, I know none.
Now then let us set and compare these two together, & so shall you easily understand the Bishop of Rome whom they call the Pope, to sit in the temple of God, as God, and to be extolled above all that is named God. It is written, The temple of the Lord is holy, which is you. Therefore the conscience of man is the temple of the holy Ghost: in which temple I will prove the Pope to sit as God, and to be exalted above all that is called God. For who so contemneth the decaloge or the table of the commandments of God, there is but a small punyshment for him, neither is that punishment to death: but contrariwise he that shall contemn or violate the constitutions which you call the sanctions of men, is counted by all men's judgment gilty of death. What is this, but y e high bishop of Rome to sit & to reign in the temple of God, that is, in man's conscience, as God?
Although this exposition seemeth unworthy for christē ears, yet I would hear you further how he showeth himself in signs and wonders deceitful.
These wonders (which they call miracles) be wrought daily in the Church, not by the power of God, as many think, but by the illusion of Satan rather, who (as the Scripture witnesseth) hath been lose now abroad. 500 years, according as it is written in the book of the Apocalypse: After a thousand years, Satan shall be let loose. &c. Neither are they to be called miracles of true christen men, but illusions rather, whereby to delude men's minds, to make them put their faith in our Lady, and in other saints, and not in God alone, to whom be honor and glory forever.
But that I believe and know that God and all his Saints will take everlasting revengement upon thee, I would surely with these nails of mine, be thy death, for this horrible and enorme injury against the precious blood of Christ. God saith, I will not the death of a sinner, but rather that he convert and live. And thou blasphemest him, as though he should lay privy snares of death for us secretly, that we should not espy them. Which if it were true, we might well say then with Hugh de saint Uictore in this manner: If it be an error, it is of thee (O God) that we be deceived, for these be confirmed with such signs and wonders, which cannot be done but by thee. But I am assured, it is untrue, and heretical: and therefore I will leave this matter, and will talk with you concerning the merits of Saints. For once I remember, in a certain Sermon of yours, you said; that no Saint though his suffering were never so great, and his life most pure, deserved any thing for us with God, either by his death or life, which is contrary to S. Agustine.
Christ saith one thing, Saint Augusten another. whether of these two should we believe? For Christ willing to deliver us out of this darck dungeon of ignorance, gave forth a certain parable of ten virgins, of which, five were fools, and five were wise. By the five foolish virgins wanting the oil of good works, he meant us all sinners. By the wise Uirgins he meant the company of all holy Saints. Now let us hear what the five wise Uirgynes answered to the five foolish, craving oil of them: No (say they) least peradventure we have not sufficient for us and for you. Get you rather to them that sell, and buy of them to serve your turn. Wherefore, if they had not oil sufficient for them selves, and also for the other, where then be the merits of Saints, wherewith they can deserve both for themselves and for us? Certes I cannot see.
You wrast the Scripture from the right understanding, to a reprobate sense, that I am scarce able to hold mine eyes frō tears, hearing with mine ears these words of you. Fare ye well.
The Submission of M. Thomas Bilney.
THe fourth day of December, the bishop of London with the other bishops his assistauntes, assembled again in the chapter house of Westminster, whether also M. Bilney was brought, and was exhorted & admonished to abjure and recant: who answered that he would stand to his conscience. Then the Bishop of London with the other Bishops, Ex officio, did publish the depositions of the witnesses, with his Articles and answers, commanding that they should be read. That done, the Bishop exhorted him again to deliberate with himself, whether he would return to the Church, and renounce his opinions or no, and bad him to depart into a void place, and there to deliberate with himself. Which done, the Bishoppe asked him again if he would return. Who answered: Fiat iusticia & iudicium in nomine domini, and being diverse times admonished to abjure, he would make no other answer, but Fiat iustitia. &c. And haec est dies quam fecit Dominus, exultemus & laetemur in ea. Then the Bishop, after deliberation, putting off his cap, said: In nomine patris & filij & spiritus sancti. Amen. Exurgat Deus & dissipentur inimici eius: and making a cross on his forehead and his breast, by the counsel of the other Bishops, he gave sentence against M. Bilney, being there present in this manner.
I by the consent and counsel of my brethren here present do pronounce thee Thomas Bilney who hast been accused of diverse Articles to be convict of heresy, and for the rest of the sentence, we take deliberation till tomorrow.
The 5. day of December the Bishops assembled there again, before whom Bilney was brought, whom the bishop asked if he would return to the unity of the Church, and revoke his heresies which he had preached. Wherunto Bilney answered, that he would not be a slander to the Gospel, trusting that he was not separate frō the Church, and that, if the multitude of witnesses might be credited, he might have 30. men of honest life on his part, against one to the contrary brought in against him: which witnesses, the Byshoppe said came to late, for after publication, they could not be received by the law. Then Bilney alleging the story of Susan and Daniel, the Bishop of London still exhorted him to return to the unity of the Church and to abjure his heresies, and permitted him to go into some secret place, there to consult with his friends, till one of the clock at after noon, of the same day.
At afternoon, the bishop of London again asked him whether he would return to the church and acknowledge his heresies. Bilney answered that he trusted he was not separate from the Church, and required time and place to bring in witnesses, which was refused. Then the Bishop once again required of him whether he would turn to the Catholic Church. Whereunto he answered, that if they could teach and prove sufficiently that he was convict, he would yield and submit himself, and desired again to have time and space to bring in again his refused witnesses, and other answer he would give none.
Then the Bishop put M. Bilney aside, and took counsel with his fellows, and afterward calling in M. Bilney, asked him again whether he would abjure: but he would make no other answer then before. Then the Byshoppe with the consent of the rest, did decree and determine that it was not lawful to hear a petition which was against the law and enquiring again whether he would abjure, he answered plainly no, and desired to have time to consult with his friends in whom his trust was: and being once again asked whether he would return and instanly desired thereunto, or else the sentence must be read: he required the Bishop to give him license to deliberate with himself until the next morrow, whether he might abjure the heresies wherewith he was defamed, or no. The Bishop granted him, that he should have a little time to deliberate with M. Dancaster: but Bilney required space till the next morrow, to consult with M. Farmar and Mayster Dancaster. But the Bishop would not grant him his request, for fear least he should appeal. But at the last, the Bishop inclining unto him, granted him two nights respite to deliberate: that is to say, till Saturday at 9. of the clock afore noon, and then to give a plain determinate answer, what he would do in the premisses.
The 7. day of December, in the year and place aforesaid, the Bishop of London, with the other Bishops being assembled, Bilney also personally appeared. Whom the Bishop of London asked, whether he would now return to the unity of the Church, and revoke the errors and heresies whereof he stood accused, detected, and convicted. Who answered that now he was persuaded by Master Dancaster and other his friends, he would submit himself, trusting that they would deal gently with him, both in his abjuration, & penance. Then he desired that he might read his abjuration: which the Bishop granted. When he had read the same secretly by himself, and was returned, being demanded what he would do in the premisses he answered that he would abjure and submit himself, and there openly read his abjuration, and subscribed it and delivered it to the Bishoppe, which then did absolve him: and for his penance enjoined him, that he should abide in prison, appointed by the Cardinal, till he were by him released: and moreover, the next day he should go before the procession, in the Cathedral Church of S. Paul, bare headed, with a Fagot on his shoulder, & should stand before the Preacher at Paul's Cross, all the Sermō time. Ex Regist. Lond.
Here for so much as mention is made before, of v. letters or Epistles, which this good man wrote to Cutbert Tonstall Bishop of London, and by the said Bishop delivered unto the Registers, we thought good to insert certain thereof, such as could come to our hands. The Copy of which letters, as they were written by him in Latin, because they are in the former Edition to be seen and read in the same Latin, wherein he wrote them, it shall suffice in this book to express the same only in English. Concerning the first Epistle, which containeth the whole story of his conversion, and seemeth more effectual in the Latin, then in the English, we have exhibited it in the second Edition, pag. 1141. and therefore have here only made mention of the same briefly. The copy whereof beginneth thus.
Reuerendo in Christo patri D. Cutb. Tonstallo, Lond. Episcopo, T. Bilnaeus Salutem in Christo, cum omni subiectione tanto presulidebitam.
HOc nomine, pater in Christo obseruāde, longe beatiorem me puto, quod ad tuae Paternitatis examinationem vocari me contigit. Ea enim eruditione es, ea vitae integ • itate (quod omnes fatentur) vt ipsemet non possis (alioqui diuinarum in te dotium estimator non admodum magnificus) quoties tibi succurrit, quanta tibi gratis fecerit Deus, in illius laudes non erumpere, ac tecum in cord tacitus exclamare: Fecit mihi magna qui potens est, & sanctum nomen eius. In talem nunc me iudicem incidisse gratulor, ac Deo qui moderatur omnia, gratiam pro virili habeo. Et quanquam (testis est mihi Deus) nullius in omnibus meis concionibus, erroris mihi conscius sum, nedum haereseos aut factionis (quod calumniantur quidam, quaestus sui quàm animarum lucri auidiores) tamen supra modum laetor, diuina (haud dubie) benignitate prouisum est, vt ob veritatis testimonium, ad Tunstalli tribunal sisterer: qui, si quis alius, optime nouit, nunquam defuturos Jannes ac Jambres, qui veritatem resistant: nunquam defuturos Elymates, qui conentur subuertere vias domini rectas: denique nunquam defuturos Demetrios Pythonissas, Balaamos, Nicolaitas, Caynos, Ismaeles, qui omnes, cum quae sua sunt, non quae Jesus Christi, auidissime sectentur & quaerant, qui fieri potest vt Christum sincere ac simpliciter annunciatum perferant. Nam si populus semel in Christum pro se passum, solid ac pure confidere occeperit, ruent mox in vere fidelium pectoribus, quaecunque hactenus pro Christo amplexi sunt. Tunc intelligent non hic aut illic Christum esse, sed regnum Dei in semetipsis esse. Tunc intelligent patrem neque in montibus Samariae, neque Hierosolymis adorandum esse, sed in omni loco, in spiritu & veritate. Quod si fit, actum de lucris suis putabunt bestiae agri, quorum interest impleri illud Ezechielis 34. Dispersae sunt oues meae, eo quod non esset pastor, & factae sunt in deuorationem omnium bestiarum agri, & dispersae sunt. Errauerunt greges mei in cunctis montibus, & in vniuerso colle excelso & super omnem faciem terrae: dispersi sunt greges mei, & non erat qui requireret: non erat, inquam, qui requireret. Imo si quis requirere velit, ac in caulas Christi, vnitatem dico fidei, errabundos reduc • re, mox insurgunt nomine Pastores, sed reuera lupi, qui non aliud de grege, quàm lac, lanam, pellem, quaerunt, animas cum suas, tum gregis permittentes diabolo, Insurgunt inquam, ac Demetrij instar exclamant: Hic hereticus vbiqui suadet auertit{que} multam turbam, dicens, quod non sunt dij qui manibus fiunt.
Hi sunt, hi (pater colende) sunt, qui sub pretextu persequendi Hereticos, ventris sui negotium agunt, inimici crucis Christi. Qui quiduis potius ferre possunt, quàm purā Christi pro peccatis nostris crucifixi, annunciationem. Hi funt quibus Christus aeternam minatur damnationē, cum ait: Vae vobis Scribae & Pharisei, Hypocritae, qui clauditis regnum coelorum ante homines: vos enim nō intratis, nec introeuntes sinitis intrate. Hi sunt qui, cum ipse aliunde ascenderunt, alios intrare non sinunt. Quod patet, quia si quis per me, inquit Christus, introierit, saluabitur, & ingredietur & egredietur, & pascua inueniet, & hi non inueniunt pascua (nunquam enim docēt) & alios post se trahunt, vt non per Christum, qui solus est ostium per quod ad patrem peruenitur, sed aliunde per opuscula, quae ouibus, tacito nonnunquam Christo, suadent, proponunt & iniungunt, ad suum potius quaestum, quàm animarum salutem spectantes: hoc deteriores, quàm illi qui super Christum fundamentum edificant, lignum, foenum, stipulam. Isti fatētur se Christum scire, sed factis negant. Denique hi sunt medici illi, in quos mulier illa annis duodecim sanguinis profluuio vexata, omnia sua consumpserat, nec adiumenti quicquam senserat, sed deterius se habebat, donec vix tandem ad Christum venerat: quae simulat{que} fimbriam vestimenti eius in fide tetigerat, sic sanabatur, vt statim in corpore idipsum sentiret. O mutationem dexterae excelsi: quam & ego miser peccator non semel sensu, qui tamen antea quàm ad Christum venire potui, sic omnia mea insumpseram in ignaros medicos, indoctos confessionum auditors, vt parum mihi virium (alioqui natura imbecilli) reliquum fuerit, parum pecuniae, ingenij item parum. Indicebāt enim mihi ieiunia, vigilias, indulgentiarum, ac missarum emptiones, in quibus omnibus (vt nunc intelligo) sua potius quaerebant, quàm salutem animae meae languentis.
Sed tandem de Jesus audiebam, nimirum tum, cum nouum Testamentum primum ab Erasmo aederetur. Quod cum ab eo latinius redditum accepi, latinitate potius quàm verbo Dei (quod tunc quidnam esset prorsus nesciebam) allectus, emebam, prouidentia (sine dubio) diuina, vt nunc interpretor. Incidi prima (vt memini) lection, in hanc (o mihi suauissimam Pauli sententiam) 1. ad Timo. 1. Certus sermo & dignus quem modis omnibus amplectamur, quod Christus Jesus venit in mundum vt peccatores saluos faceret, quorum primus sum ego. Haec vna sententia, Deo intus in cord meo (quod tunc fieri ignorabam) docente sic exhilerauit pectus meum, prius peccatorum conscientia saucium ac pene desperabundum, vt mox visus sum mihi, nescio quantam intus tranquillitatem sentire, adeo quod exultauerunt ossa humiliata. Postea Scriptura coepit mihi dulcior esse melle ac fauo: in qua paulatim didici omnes meos conatus, omnia ieiunia, omnes vigilias, omnes missarum & indulgentiarum redemptiones, quae sine fiducia in Iesum (qui solus saluum facit populum suum a peccatis suis) fierent: didici inquam, haec omnia nihil aliud fuisse, quàm (quod ait Augustinus) celerem cursum extra viam: quàm perizomata illa ficulnea, quibus Adam & Eve verenda olim sua frustrà tegere conati sunt: nunquam prius trāquillati, quàm promissioni Dei de Serpentis capite, per mulieris semen Christum, conterendo, credidissent: Nec ego prius a peccatorum aculeis ac morsibus sanari potui, quàm à Deo doctus essem illam lectionem, de qua loquitur Christus, Johan. 3. Sicut Moses exaltauit Serpentem in deserto, ita exaltari oportet filium hominis, vt omnis qui credit in illum, non pereat, sed habeat vitam eternam.
Hanc tandem sublimem lectionem, quam nullus docere potest nisi Deus, qui hanc Petro reuelauit, vbi pro modulo gratiae Dei mihi datae, gustare cepi, rogaui dominum vt augeret mihi fidem, ac tandem nihil magis optaui, quàm vt sic reddita mihi laeticia salutaris sui, spiritu me suo vtcunque confirmaret, vt virtute nonnulla donatus ex alto, docerem iniquos vias eius, quae sunt misericordia & veritas, vt impij ad ipsum per me olim impium, conuerterentur. Quod dum pro virili conor apud R. D. Cardinalem, ac tuam Paternitatem, blasphematur in me (haec est vnica mihi in his tribulationibus fiducia) Christus, quem pro virili doceo, factum nobis a Deo patre, sapientiam, iusticiam sanctificationem, redemptionem denique & satisfactionem. Qui factus est pro nobis peccatum. Id est, Hostia pro peccato, vt nos efficeremur iusticia Dei per illum. 2. Cor. 5. Qui factus est pro nobis maledictum, vt nos a maledicto legis redimeret. Et qui non venit ad vocandum iustos, sed peccatores ad penitentiam: iustos inquam, qui se sanos putant & falso putant (Omnes enim peccauerunt & egent gloria Dei, qua gratis remittit credentibus peccata per redemptionem quae est in Christo Jesus▪ Rom 3.) quia omne genus humanum sauciatum grauissime fuerat in eo, qui inter Jerusalem & Hierico incidit in latrones. Ideo pro virili doceo, vt omnes primum peccata sua agnoscant ac damnent, deinde esuriant ac sitiant iustitiam illam, de qua Paulus loquitur. Rom. 3. Iustitia Dei per fidem Jesus Christi in omnes & super omnes qui credunt in eum. Non est enim distinctio: omnes enim peccauerunt & egent gloria Dei, iustificantur autem gratis per gratiam ipsius, per redemptionē que est in Christo Jesus. Quā qui esuriunt ac sitiunt, haud dubie sic aliquando saturabuntur, quod neque esurient neque sitient in eternum.
Sed quoniam hanc esuriem ac sitim extinguere solet humanae iusticiae saturitas, quam parat potissimum opusculorum nostrorum electiciorum fiducia, (qualia sunt peregrinationes, veniarum redemptiones, cereorum oblationes, electa à nobis ieiunia, & interdum supersticiose, denique qualescunque (vt vocant) voluntariae deuotiones, contra quae loquitur Scriptura Dei. Deut. 4.12. non facies quod tibi rectum videtur, sed quod ego praecipio tibi, hoc tantum facito, nec addens nec minuens: ideo inquam huiusmodi opusculorum mentionem nonnunquam facio: non ea (Deum testor) vnquam damnans, sed eorum abusum reprehendens, legitimumque vsum paruulis manifestum faciens, hortans, ne sic his adhereant, vt his saturati (quod plaeri{que} faciunt) Christum fastidiant. In quo feliciter valeat Paternitas tua. Et haec omnium summa. Si indixeris mihi vt singula dilatem, non recusabo, modo tempus mihi concesseris. Nam statim hoc facere non est harum, quoad corpus, virium: paratus semper, sicubi lapsus fuero, meliora doceri.
Totus tuus T. Bilnaeus.
The same in English.
*To the reverent father in Christ, Cuthbert Bishop of London, Thomas Bilney wisheth health in Christ, with all submission due unto such a Prelate.
IN this behalf (most reverent Father in Christ) I think myself most happy, that it is my chance to be called to examination before your Reverence, for that you are of such wisdom and learning, of such integritye of life (which all men do confess to be in you) that even yourself cannot choose (if ye do not to lightely esteem God's gifts in you) as often as you shall remember the great things which God hath done unto you, but strayghte ways secretly in your heart, to his high praise, say: he that is mighty hath done great things unto me, & holy is his name. I rejoice, that I have now happened upon such a judge, & withal my heart give thanks unto God, which ruleth all things.
And albeit (God is my witness) I know not myself giltye of any error in my Sermons, neither of any heresy or sedition, which diverse do sclaūder me of, seeking rather their own luker and advantage, then the health of souls: notwithstanding I do exceedingly rejoice: that it is so foreseen by God's divine providence, that I should be brought before the tribunal seat of Tonstall, who knoweth as well as any other, that there will never be wanting Jannes and Jambres, which will resist the truth: that there shall never be lacking some Elemates, which will go about to subvert the straight ways of the Lord: and finally, that some Demetrius, Pithonesse, Balaam's, Nicolaites, Cayns, and Ishmael's, will be always at hand which will greedely hunt and seek after that which pertaineth unto themselves, and not that which pertaineth to Jesus Christ. How can it then be, that they can suffer Christ to be truly and sincerely preached (For if the people begin once wholly in every place, to put their confidence in Christ, which was for them crucified, then straight ways that which they have hitherto embraced instead of Christ shall utterly decay in the hearts of the faithful. Then they shall understand that Christ is not in this place, or in that place, but the kingdom of God to be in themselves. Then shall they plainly see that the Father is not to be worshipped, neither in the mount of Samaria, neither at Jerusalem, but in all places, in spirit and truth. Which thing if it come once to pass, the beasts of the field will think all their gain and lucre lost. In whom the saying of Ezekiel is fulfilled: My sheep are dispersed because they had no shepherd, & are devoured of the beasts of the field, & strayd abroad: my flock hath erred and wandered in every mountain, and upon every high hill, and is dispersed throughout all the earth, & there is no man which hath sought to gather thē together: no, there was no man which once sought after them. But if any man would seek to reduce those which were gone astray into the fold of Christ, that is, the unity of faith: by and by, there rise up certain against him, which are named Pastors, but in deed are wolves, which seek no other thing of their flock, but the milk, wool, and fell, leaving both their own souls, and the souls of their flock, unto the devil.
These men (I say) rise up like unto Demetrius, crying out, this heretic dissuadeth and seduceth much people every where, saying: that they are not gods, which are made with hands. These are they, these I say (most reverent father) are they, which under the pretence of persecuting heretitkes, follow their own licentious life: enemies unto the cross of Christ, which can suffer and bear anything rather, thē the sincere preaching of Christ crucified for our sins. These are they unto whō Christ threateneth eternal damnation, where he saith: Woe be unto you Scribes, Pharisees, & hypocrites, which shut up the kingdom of heaven before men, and you yourselves enter not in, neither suffer those which would ēter, to come in. These are they which have come in another way, to the charge of souls, as it appeareth. For if any man (saith Christ) come in by me, he shall be saved, and shall come in and go out, and find pasture. These men do not find pasture (for they never teach) & draw others after them, that they should not enter by Christ, which alone is the door, whereby we must come unto the father: but set before the people another way, persuading them to come unto God thorough good works, oftentimes speaking nothing at all of Christ, thereby seeking rather their own gain and lucre: then the salvation of souls: in this point being worse thē they which upon Christ being the foundation, do build wood, hey and straw. These men confess that they know Christ, but by their deeds they deny him.
These are those Physicians, upon whom that woman which was 12. years vexed with the bloody flixe, had consumed all that she had, and felt no help, but was still worse and worse, until such time as at the last, she came unto Christ, and after she had once touched the hem of his vesture through faith, she was so healed that by and by, she felt the same in her body. O mighty power of the moste h • ghost: which I also miserable sinner, have often tasted and felt. Which before that I could come unto Christ, had even likewise spent all that I had upon those ignorant Physicians, that is to say, unlearned hearers of confession so that there was but small force of strength left in me, (which of nature was but weak) small store of money, and very little wit or understanding: for they appointed me fastings, watching, buying of pardons, and Masses: in all which things (as I now understand) they sought rather their own g • yne, then the salvation of my sick and languishing soul.
But at the last I heard speak of Jesus, even then when the New Testament was first set forth by Erasmus. Which, when I understood to be eloquently done by him, being allured rather for the Latin, then for the word of God (for at that time, I knew not what it meant) I bought it even by the prouidece of God, as I do now well understand and perceive: And at the first reading, as I remember I chanced upon this sentence of S. Paul (O most sweet and comfortable sentence to my soul) in his first Epistle to Timothy and first chapiter: It is a true saying and worthy of all mē to be embraced, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners, of whom I am the chief and principal. This our sentence, through God's instruction and inward working, which I did not then perceive, did so exhilerate my heart, being before wounded with the guilt of my sins and being almost in despair, that immediately, I felt a marvelous comfort and quietness, in so much, that my bruised bones leapt for joy.
After this, the Scripture began to be more pleasant unto me thē the honey or the honey comb: wherein I learned that all my trauelles, all my fasting and watching, all the redemption of Masses and pardons, being done without trust in Christ, which only saveth his people from their sins: these (I say) I learned to be nothing else but even (as S. Augustine saith) a hasty and swift running out of the right way, or else much like to the vesture made of fig leaves, wherwithall Adam and Eve went about in vain, to cover their priuities, and could never before obtain quietness and rest, until they believed in the promise of God, that Christ the seed of the woman, should tread upon the serpentes head: Neither could I be releued or eased of the sharp stings and bitings of my sins, before that I was taught of God that lesson, which Christ speaketh of, in the third chapiter of John: Even as Moses exalted the serpent in the desert, so shall the son of man be exalted, that all which believe on him should not perish, but have life everlasting.
As soon as (according to the measure of grace given unto me of God) I began to taste & savor of this heavenly lesson, which no man can teache but only God, which revealed the same unto Peter: I desired y e Lord to increase my faith: and at last, I desired nothing more, then that I being so comforted by him, might be strengthened by his holy spirit and grace from above, that I might teache the wicked his ways, which are mercy and truth, and that y e wicked might be converted unto him by me, which sometime was also wicked, which thing, whilst that with all my power, I did endeavor before my Lord Cardinal and your fatherhoode, Christ was blasphemed in me (and this is my only comfort in these my afflictions) whom with my whole power I do teach and set forth. being made for us by God his father, our wisdom, righteousness, sanctification, & redemption, and finally, our satisfaction. Who was made sin for us (that is to say a sacrifice for sin) that we through him, should be made the righteousness of God. Who became accursed for us, to redeem us from the curse of the law: Who also came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance. The righteous (I say) which falsely judge and think themselves soe to be ( for all men have sinned and lack the glory of God, whereby he freely forgiveth sins vnro all believers, through redemption which is in Christ Jesus ) because that all mankind was greuouslye wounded in him which fell amongst thieves between Jerusalem and Ierico.
And therefore with all my whole power I teach that all men should first acknowledge their sins and condemn them, and afterward hunger and thirst for that righteousness, whereof Saint Paul speaketh: The righteousness of God by faith in Jesus Christ, is upon all them which Beleue in him, for there is no difference all have sinned, and lack the glory of God, and are justified freely thorough his grace, by the redemption which is in Jesus Christ. The which, who so ever doth hunger or thirst for, without doubt, they shall at the length so be satisfied, that they shall not hunger & thirst forever
But forsomuch as this hunger and thirst was wont to be quenched with the fullness of man's righteousness, which is wrought through the faith of our own elect and chosen works, as pilgrimages, buying of pardons, offering of candles, elect and chosen fasts, and oftentimes superstitious, & finally all kind of voluntary devotions (as they call thē) against the which gods word speaketh plainly in y e fourth of Deut. and in the 12. saying: Thou shalt not do that which seemeth good unto thyself, but that which I command thee for to do, that do thou neither adding to, neither diminishing anything from it: therefore I say oftentimes I have spoken of those works, not condemning them (as God I take to my witness) but reproving their abuse, making the law full use of them manifest, even unto children, exhorting all men not so to cleave unto them, that they being satisfied therewith, should loath or wax weary of Christ, as many do. In whom I bid your Fatherhood most prosperously well to fare.
And this is the whole some, If you will appoint me to dilate more at large the things here touched, I will not refuse to do it, so that you will grant me time: For to do it out of hand, I am not able for the weakness of my body, being ready always if I have erred in anything, to be better instructed.
An other letter or epistle of M. Bilney, to Cuthbert Tonstall B of London.
ALbeit I do not remember, reverent father in Christ, whether I have either spoken or written, that the Gospel hath not been sincerely preached now of long time, which your Lordship seemeth to have gathered either by some Momes and sinister hearers of my Sermons, who like Malchus having their right ear cut off, only bring their left ear to Sermons, or else by some words or writings of mine, which have rashly passed me, rather then upon any evil intent: yet for so much as in this behalf, your reverence doth command me, and that of a good mind. I trust (for how can I think in Tonstal any craft or doublenes to dwell:) I will briefly declare unto you, what I have learned of God through Christ, in the Scriptures, & howe that the Doctors even of great name & renown, have not taught the same of late in their sermons, referring or rather submitting all things unto your fatherly judgment, which is more quick and sharp, then that it can by any means be blinded, and so sincere, that it will not in any point seek slander or discord. Therefore I do confess that I have often̄ ben afraid, that Christ hath not been purely preached now a long time. For who hath been now a long season offended through him? Who hath now this many years suffered any persecution for the Gospels sake? Where is the sword which he came to send upon the earth? And finally where are the rest of the sincere and uncorrupt fruits of the Gospel? which, because we have not a long time seen, is it not to be feared that the tree which bringeth forth those fruits hath now a long time been wanting in our region or country? much less is it to be believed, that it hath been nourished amongst us. Have we not seen all things quiet and peaceable a long time? But what saith the church? My grief most bitter, is turned to peace &c. But the malignant church saith: Peace, peace, and there is no peace: but only that whereof it is written: When the mighty armed man keepeth his gates, he possesseth all things in quiet. But when he seeth, that he shall be vanquished of a stronger then he him self is, he spoileth and destroyeth all things. What now a days beginneth again to be attempted? I dare not say. God grant us grace that we do not refuse and reject (if it be Christ) him that cometh unto us, least that we do feel that terrible judgment against us: because (saith he) they have not received the love of truth, that they might be saved: therefore God will send upon them the blindness of error, that they shall give credit unto lies: O terrible sentence▪ (which God knoweth whether a great number have not already incurred) that all they might be judged which have not given credit unto the truth, but consented unto iniquity. The time shall come (saith he) when that they will not suffer the true doctrine to be preached. And what shall we thē say of that learning, which hath now so long time reigned and triumphed, so that no man hath once opened his mouth against it? Shall we think it sound doctrine? Truly iniquity did never more abound, nor charity was never so cold. And what should we say to be the cause thereof? hath the cause been for lack of preaching against the vices of men, and exhorting to charity? That cannot be, for many learned and great Clerks sufficiently can witness to the contrary. And yet all these notwithstanding, we see the life and manners of mē do greatly degenerate from true Christianity, and seme to cry out in deed, that it is fulfilled in us, which God in times past threatened by his Prophet Amos, saying: Behold, the day shall come (saith the Lord) that I will send hunger upon the earth, not hunger of bread, neither thirst of water, but of hearing the word of God, and the people shall be moved from sea to sea, and from the West unto East, and shall run about seekinge for the word of God, but shall not find it. In those days the fair Virgines and young men shall perish for thirst. &c. But now to pass over many things, whereby I am moved to fear, that the word of God hath not been purely preached, this is not the lease argument, that they which come and are sent, and endeavor themselves to preach Christ truly, are evil spoken of for his name, which is the rock of offense, and stumbling block unto them which stumble upon his word, and do not believe on him, on whom they are built.
But you will ask who are those men, & what is their doctrine? Truly I say, whosoever entereth in by the door Christ, into the sheepfolde: which thing all such shall do as seek nothing else but the glory of God, and salvation of souls. Of all such it may be truly said, that whom y e Lord send • th, he speaketh the word of God. And why so? Because he representeth the Aungel of the church of Philadelphia, unto whom Saint John writeth, saying: This saith he, which is holy and true, which hath the keys of David, which openeth and no man shutteth, shutteth and no man openeth behold, saith he speaking in the name of Christ (which is the door and dorekeper) I have set before thee an open door, that is to say, of the Scriptures opening thy senses, that thou shouldest understand the Scriptures, and that, because thou hast entered in by me which am the door: For whosoever, entereth in by me which am the door shall be saved, he shall go in and come out and find pasture, for the dorekeeper openeth the door unto him, and the sheep hear his voice. But contrariwise, they which have not entered in by the door, but have clymed in some other way, by ambition, avarice or desire of rule, they shall, even in a moment go down into hell, except they repent. And of them is the saying of Jeremiah verified: All beautye is gone away from the daughter of Zion, because her princes are become like rams, not finding pasture. And why so? Because like thieves & robbers they have clymed another way, not being called nor sent. And what marvel is it, if they do not preach, when as they are not sent, but run for lucre, seeking their own glory, and not the glory of God and salvation of souls? And this is y e root of all mischief in the Church, that they are not sent inwardly of God. For without this inward calling, it helpeth nothing before God to be a hundredth times elect and consecrate, by a thousand Bulls, either by Pope, King, or Emperor. God beholdeth the heart, whose judgments are according to truth, howsoever we deceive the judgment of men for a time: which also at the last, shall see their abomination. This (I say) is the original of all mischief in the Church, that we thrust in our selves into the charge of souls, whose salvation and the glory of God (which is to enter in by the door) we do not thirst nor seek for, but altogether our own lucre & profit.
Hereupon it cometh, that we know not howe to preach Christ purely: For how should they preach Christ (saith the Apostle) except they be sent? for otherwise many thieves and robbers do preach him, but with their lips only, for their heart is far from him. Neither yet do we suffer those which do know how to preach, but persecute them, and go about to oppress the Scriptures now springing, under the pretence of godliness, fearing (as I suppose) least the Romaines should come & take our place. Ah thou wicked enemy Herod, why art thou afraid that Christ should come? he taketh not away mortal and earthly kingdoms, which giveth heavenly kingdoms. O blindness, O our great blindness, yea more then that of Egypt? of the which if there be any that would admonish the people, by and by saith Pharaoh: Moses and Aaron, why do ye cause the people to cease from their labors? and truly called their labors. Get you to your burdens: Lay more work upon them, and cause them to do it, that they hearken not unto lies. Thus the people was dispersed throughout all y e land of Egypt, to gather up chaff: I say to gather up chaff. Who shall grant unto us the God shall say: I have looked down, and beholden the affliction of my people, which is in Egypt, and have heard their sighs, and am come down to deliver them. But whether hath this zeal carried me? whether after knowledge or not, I dare not say: it pertaineth to you, reverent father, to judge thereupon.
Now you do look y t I should show unto you at large (as you write) how that they ought sincerely to preach, to the better edifying hereafter, of your flock. Here I confess I was afraid, that you had spokē in some derision, until that I well perceived, that you had written it with your own hand. Then again, I began to doubt for what intent Tonstall should require that of Bilney: an old soldier, of a young beginner: the chief Pastor of London, of a poor silly sheep. But for what intent so ever you did it, I trust it was of a good mind. And albeit that I am weak of body, yet through the grace of Christ given unto me, I will attempt this matter, although it do far pass my power: under the which burden, if I be oppressed, yet I will not deceive you, for that I have promised nothing, but a prompte and ready will to do that which you have commanded.
As touching that pertaineth to y e preaching of the Gospel, I would to God you would give me leave privately to talk w t you, that I might speak freely, that which I have learned in the holy Scriptures for the consolation of my conscience: which if you will so do, I trust you shall not repent you. All things shall be submitted unto your judgment: who (except I be utterly deceived) will not break the reed that is bruised, and put out the flax that is smoking, but rather, if I shall be found in any error (as in deed I am a man) you as spiritual, shall restore me thorough y e spirit of gentleness, considering yourself, least that you also be tempted: For every Bishop which is taken from among men, is ordained for men, not violently to assaulte those which are ignorant and do err, for he himself is compassed in with infirmity, that he being not void of evils, should learn to have compassion upon other miserable people.
I desire you that you will remember me tomorrow that by your aid, I may be brought before the tribunal seat of my Lord Cardinal, before whom I had rather •• and, then before any of his deputies.
Yours Thomas Bilney.
A letter of M. Bilney fruitful and necessary for all Ministers to read.
MOst reverent father, salutations in Christ. You have required me to write unto you at large, wherein men not preached as they ought, & how they should have preached better. This is a burdē too heavy for my strength: under y t which if I shall faint, it belongeth to you which have laid this burden upon my shoulders, to ease me thereof. As touching the first part, they have not preached as they ought, which leaving the word of God, have taught their own traditions, of y e which sort there are not a few, as it is very evident, in y t they do report those which preach y e word of God sincerely to teach new doctrine. This is also no small testimony thereof, y t in all England you shall scarce find one or two that are mighty in the Scriptures, and what marvel is it if all godly things do seem new unto them unto whom the Gospel is new and strange, being nousled in men's traditions now a long time? Would to God these things were not true, which I utter unto you, but alas they are to true.
They have also preached evil, which either have wrasted the scriptures themselves, or have rashly gathered thē out of old rotten papers, being wrasted by others. And howe should it be but that they should wrast them, or else howe should they judge them being falsely interpreted by others, when as they have not once read over the bible orderly? Of this sort there is truly a very great number, frō which number many great Rabines or masters shall hardly excuse themselves, whom the people have hitherto reverenced instead of God's. And these are they which now serve their bellies, seeking their own glory, and not the true glory of God, which might be set forth even by Balaam's Ass: much less then ought we to contemn such abiectes which preach the word of God. We have (saith S. Paul) • his treasure in brickle vessels, that the glory of the power might be of God and not of us. God hath chosen the foolish things of the world, to confound the wise: and the weak things God hath chosen to confound the mighty: and vile things of the world and despised, hath he chosen, and things that are not to bring to naught things that are, that no flesh should glory in his sight. But now all men in a manner will be wise, & therefore they are ashamed of the simple Gospel, they are ashamed truly to say with Paul: and to perform it in deed: I brethren whē I came unto you, did not come with excellency of words, or of wisdom preaching the testimony of Christ, for I esteemed not myself to know anything amongst you, but only Jesus Christ and him crucified. O voice of a true Evangelist? But now we are ashamed of this foolish preaching, by the which it hath pleased God, to save all those which believe in him & being puffed up w t our own fleshly mind, choose rather, proudly to walk in those things which we have not seen, preaching fables and lies, and not the law of God, which is undefiled, converting souls.
But how should they teach the law of God, which they have not once read in the books, much less learned at the mouth of God? But in a Pastor and a Bishop this is required: Thou son of man (saith God) lay up in thy heart all my words which I do speak unto thee. &c. And shortly after he saith: Thou son of man, I have ordained and given thee a watchman unto the house of Israel. I have given thee saith he, not coming in by ambition, nor thrusting in thyself, nor clyming in another way, but I gave thee when thou lookedst not for it, that thou shouldest attend thereupon and give warning from the top of the watch Tower, if any enemies should approach. I have given thee unto the house of Israel, and not the house of Israel unto thee, that thou shouldest acknowledge thyself to be the servant of the sheep, and not their Lord, for I have not given the sheep for the shepherd, but the shepherd for the sheep. He that sitteth down is greater then he that doth minister and serve unto him. Which thing was well known of him which truly said: We are your servants for Christ's cause.
But for what purpose have I given thee unto y e house of Israel? That thou shouldest only minister the Sacraments, consecrate wood, stoones, & churchyardes? (this I take God to witness with great sighs and groans I write unto you, pouring out before you the grief of my heart. No truly. What then? First followeth the office of the bishop. Thou shalt hear the word of God out of my mouth. This is but a short lesson, but such as all the world cannot comprehend, without they be inwardly taught of GOD.
And what else meaneth this, Out of my mouth thou shalt hear the word, but that thou shalt be taught of God. Therefore as many as are not taught of God, although they be never so well exercised in the Scriptures by manns help yet are they not watchmen given by God, and much •• ue they which do not understand and know the Scriptures. And therefore such as these be, least they should keep silence and say nothing, are always harping upon the traditions and doctrines of men, that is, lies: for he that speaketh of himself, speaketh lies. Of this it is written: They would be doctors of the law, not understanding what they speak neither of whom they speak, Such of necessity they must all be, who speak that with their mouth which they do not believe, because they are not inwardly taught of God, neither are persuaded in their harts, that it is true: and therefore they are to be accounted as sheep, although they boa •• e themselves to be shepherds. But contrariwise touching the true and learned Pastors given by God, it may be truly said: we speak that which we know, and that which we have seen (even with the infallible eyes of our faith) we do witness : and these are neither deceived, neither do deceive Moreover, the deceivers proceed to worse and worse, erring themselves, and bringing others also to error, and because they are of the world, the world doth willingly hear them. They are of the world (saith S. John) and therefore they speak those things which are of the world, and the world giveth ear unto them.
Behold reverent father, this is the touchstone of our daily preaching. Hath not the world given ear unto thē now a long time with great pleasure and delight? But the flesh could never suffer y e preaching of the cross, nor yet the wisdom of the flesh, which is enemy unto God, neither is subject unto his law, nor cannot be. And why then are they accused to be heretics and Schismatics, which will not seek to please men, but only to their edifying? being mindful of that place of Scripture: God hath dispearsed the bones of them which please men, saying unto them, speak unto us pleasant things. But now setting these matters pass, we will come unto the second point, wherein you ask how a man should preach better: Forsooth, if we had heard of him whō the father spake saying: This is my dearly beloved son in whom I am well pleased, hear him. Who also speaking of himself, said it was meet that Christ should suffer and rise again the third day from death and that in his name repentance and remission of sins should be preached unto all people. What other thing is that, thē the same which the other Evangelists do write: Go ye into the whole world & preach the Gospel unto every creature: he that believeth and is Baptized, shall be saved. What can be more pleasant, sweet, or acceptable unto afflicted consciences being almost in despair, then this most joyful tidings?
But here, whether Christ have been a long time heard I know not, for that I have not heard all the preachers of England, and if I heard them, yet till it was within this year or two, I could not sufficiently judge of them, But this I dare be bold to affirm, that as many as I have heard of late preach (I speak evē of the most famous) they have preached such repentance, that if I had heard such preachers of repentance in times past, I should utterly have been in despair. And to speak of one of these famous men (not uttering his name) after he had sharply inueyed against vice, (wherein he pleased every godly man, for so much as it could not be sufficiently cried out upon) he concluded: behold (said he) thou hast lain rotten in thine own lusts, by the space of these 60. years, even as a beast in his own dung, and wilt thou presume in one year, to go forward toward beauen, and that in thine age, as much as thou wentest backwardes from heaven towards hell 60. years? Is not this think you a goodly argument? Is this the preaching of repentance in the name of Jesus? or rather to tread down Christ with Antichrists doctrine? for what other thing did he speak in effect, thē that Christ died in vain for thee? He will not be thy Jesus or savior, thou must make satisfaction for thyself, or else thou shalt perish eternally. Then doth S. John lie which saith: Behold the Lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world. And in other place: His blood hath cleansed us from all our sins And again: He is the propitiation for the sins of the whole world. Besides an infinite mumber of other places. What other thing is this, then that which was spoken by the holy Ghost, by the mouth of Peter, saying: There shall be false teachers that shall deny the Lord Jesus, which hath redeemed them. And what followeth upon such doctrine of Devils speaking lies thorough hypocrisy? a conscience dispayring and without all hope, and so givē over unto all wicked lusts, according to the saying o • S. Paul: After that they be come to this point that they sorrow no more, they give thenselves over unto wantonness, to commit all kind of filthiness, even with a greedy desire: For seeing that it is impossible for them to make satisfaction to GOD, either they murmur against God or else they do not believe him to be so cruel as they do preach and declare him to be. The want of paper will not suffer me to write anymore, and I had rather to speak it in private talk unto yourself. Wherunto if you would admit me, I trust you should not repent you thereof: and unto me (Christ I take to my witness) it would be a great comfort: in whom I wish you with all your flock heartily well to fear.
Your prisoner and humble beadman unto God for you. Tho. Bilney.
Thus have you the letters, the abjuration and articles of Thomas Bilney. After which abjuration made about y t year of our Lord. 1529. the said Bilney took such repentance & sorrow, that he was near the point of utter despair: as by y e words of M. Latimer, is credibly testified whose words for my better discharge, I thought here to annex, written in his seventh Sermon preached before K. Edward, which be these: I knew a man myself, Bilney, little Bilney y t blessed Martyr of God, who what time he had borne his fagot, & was come again to Cambridge, had such conflicts within himself (beholding this Image of death) that his friends were afraid to let him be alone. They were▪ fain to be with him day and night, and comfort him as they could, but no comforts would serve. And as for the comfortable places of Scripture, to bring thē unto him, it was as though a man should run him thorough the heart with a sword. Yet for all this, he was revived and took his death patiently, and died well against the tyrannical sea of Rome. Haec Latim Serm. 7.
Again, the said M. Latimer speaking of Bilney in another of his sermons preached in Lincolnshyre, hath these words following: That same M. Bilney, which was burnt here in England for gods words sake, was induced and persuaded by his friends to bear a fagot at the time, when the Cardinal was aloft, and bare the swinge. Now when the same Bilney came to Cambridge again, a whole year after, he was in such an anguish and agony, that nothing did him good, neither eating nor drinking, nor any other communication of God's word: for he thought that all the whole Scriptures were against him, and sounded to his condemnation. So that I many a time commoned w t him (or I was familiarly acquainted with him) but all things whatsoever any man could allege to his comfort seemed unto him to make against him. Yet for all that, afterward he came again: God endued him with such strength and perfectness of faith: that he not only confessed his faith in y e Gospel of our Savior Jesus Christ, but also suffered his body to be burned for that same Gospels sake, which we now preach in England. &c. Haec ill, Ser. 8. fol. 132
Furthermore, in the first sermon of the said M. Latimer before the Dutches of Suffolk, fol. 5. he yet speaking more of Bilney, inferreth as followeth: Here I have (saith he) occasion to tell you a story which happened at Cambridge M. Bilney or rather S. Bilney, y t suffered death for gods words sake, the same Bilney was the instrument whereby God called me to knowledge. For I may thank him next to God, for that knowledge that I have in y e word of god. For I was an obstinate papist as any was in England: insomuch that when I should be made bacheler of Divinity, my whole Oration went against Phillip Melancthon and against his opinions. Bilney heard me at that time, and perceived that I was zealous without knowledge, and came to me afterward in my study, and desired me for gods sake to hear his confession. I did so: and (to say y e truth) by his confession I learned more then afore in many years So from that time forward I began to smell the word of God, and forsake the School doctors and such fooleries. &c. And much more he hath of the same matter, which ye may see hereafter in the life of M Latimer.
By this it appeareth howe vehemently this good man was pierced with sorrow and remorse for his abjuration, y e space almost of 2. years, that is, from the year 1529. to the year 1531. It followed then that he by. God's grace & good counsel, came at length to some quiet of conscience, being fully resolved to give over his life for the confession of that truth, which before he had renounced. And thus being fully determined in his mind, and setting his time he took his leave in Trinity hall at ten of the clock at night, of certain of his friends, and said that he would go to Jerusalem, alluding belike to the words & examples of christ in the Gospel going up to Jerusalem, what time he was appointed to suffer his passion. And so Bilney meaning to give over his life for the testimony of Christ's Gospel told his friends y t he would go up to Jerusalem, and so would see thē no more, & immediately departed to Northfolk, & there preached first privily in households to confirm the brethren and sisterne, and also to confirm the anchres whom he had converted to Christ. Then preached he openlie in y e fields, confessing his fact, and preaching publicly y t doctrine, which he before had abjured, to be the very truth, & willed all men to beware by him, and never to trust to their fleshly friends in causes of religion. And so setting forward in his journey toward the celestial Jerusalem, he departed from thence to the Anchres in Norwich, & there gave her a new testament of Tindals translation, and the obedience of a Christian man, whereupon he was apprehended and carried to prison there to remain, till y t blind bishop Nixe sent up for a writ to burn him.
In the mean season, the Friars and religious men, with the residue of their Doctors, Civil and Canon resorted to him, busily laboring to persuade him not to die in those opinions, saying he should be damned body and soul, if he so continued. Among whom, first were sent to him of the bishop. Doct. Call minister: (as they call him) or Provincial of the graye Friars: and Doct. Stokes an Augustine Friar, who lay with him in prison in disputation, till the writ came that he should be burned. Doctor Call by the word of God, through the means of Bilneys doctrine, & good life, whereof he had good experience, was somewhat reclaimed to the Gospelles side. Doct. Stokes remained obdurate, and doth yet to this day, whose heart also the Lord, if it be his will, reform & open the eyes of his old age, that he may forsake the former blindness of his youth. An other great doer against him, was one Friar Byrd, with one eye, Provincial of the white Friers. This Byrde was a Suffragane in Coventry, and after, Bishop of Chester, & was he that brought, apples to Boner, mentioned in the story of Haukes. An other was a black Friar, called Hodgekins, who after, being under the Archbyshop of Canterbury, married, and afterward in Queen Mary's time, put away his wife. These 4, orders of Friars were sent (as is said) to bait Bilney: who notwithstanding, as he had planted himself upon the fyrme rock of God's word, was at a point, and so continued unto the end.
But here now cometh in sir Thomas More trumping in our way, with his painted carde, & would needs take up this Tho. Bilney from us, and make him a convert after his sect. Thus these coated cards, though they could not by plain scriptures convince him being alive, yet now after his death, by false play they will make him theirs whither he will or no. This syr Thom. More in his railing preface before his book against Tindalll doth challenge Bilney to his catholic Church, and saith that, not only at the fire, but many days before both in words and writing, revoked, abhorred, and detested his heresies before holden. And how is this proved? by 3. or 4. mighty arguments, as big as milpostes, fet out of Utopia, from whence, thou must know reader, can come no fittons but all fine Poetry.
First, he saith, that certain Norwichmen writing to London, and denying that Bilney did recant, afterward being thereupon examined, were compelled to grant, that he at his examination red a bill, but what it was, they could not tell, for they stood not so near, to hear him. And albeit they stood not so near, yet some of them perceived certain things there spoken, whereby they thought that he did revoke. Some again added to those things spoken certain additions of their own, to excuse him from recantation.
First to answer hereunto, and to try out this matter somewhat roundly with M. More, let us see with what conueyaunce he proceedeth in this narratiō. At his first examination (saith he) he waxed stiff in his opinions, but yet God was so good Lord unto him, that he was fully converted to the true Catholic faith. &c. And when might this goodly conversion begin? Many days (quoth he) before his burning. Here is no certain day assigned, but many days left at large, that he might have y e larger room, to walk invisible. Well then, but how many days could these be, I would fain learn of M. More, when he was not many days in their hands, no longer then they could send up to London for a writ to burn him? Belike then shortly after his apprehension, at the first coming of the fryers unto him, by and by he revolted. A strange matter, that he which 2. years before had layne in such a burning hell of despair, for his first abjuration, and could find no other comfort, but only in returning to the same doctrine again, which before he had denied, utterly resigning himself over to death, and taking his leave of his friends, and setting his face with Christ purposely to go to Jerusalem, voluntarily there to fall into the hands of y e Scribes & Pharisees for that doctrines sake, should now so soon, even at the first brunt, give over to the contrary doctrine again. It is not like. God was so good Lord unto him, saith M. More. That God was good Lord unto him very true it is. But that God did so turn him in deed, to be a member of that Romish Church, that hath not M. More yet sufficiently proved. To affirm without proof or demonstration, in matters of story, it is not sufficient. But what hath been done in deed, that must be proved by good evidence and special demonstration of witnesses, that we may certainly know it so to be.
It followeth moreover in M. More. And there lacked not some (saith he) that were sory for it. No doubt, but if our Bilney had so relented, some would have been very sorry therefore. But what one man in all this sum, in all Norwich was sory that M. More must specify unto us before we believe him: so well are we acquainted with his Poetical fictiōs But how else should this narratiō of M. More seem to run with probability, if it were not watered with such additions? He addeth moreover, and saith: And some wrote out of Norwich to London, that he had not revoked his heresies at all, but still did abide in them. This soundeth rather to come more near to a truth. And here is a knack of Sinons art, to interlarde a tale of untruth with some parcel of truth now and then among, that some things being found true, may win credit to the rest which is utterly false. And why then be not the letters of these Norwich men believed, for the not recanting of Bilney? Because (saith he) afterward they being called to examination: it was there proved plainly to their faces, that Bilney revoked. By whō was it proved? By those (saith he) which at his execution stood by, and heard him read his revocation himself &c. What men were these? or what were their names? or what was any one man's name in all the City of Norwich, y t heard Bilney recant? There M. More will give us leave to seek them out if we can, for he can name us none. Well, & why could not the other part hear Bilney read his revocation as well as these? Because (saith More) he read so softly, that they could not hear him.
Well, all this admitted, that Bilney read his revocation so softly, that some could hear, some could not hear him thē this would be known, what was the cause why Bilney read his revocation so softly? which must needs be either for lack of good will to read, or good voice to utter. If good will were absent in reading▪ that revocation, then it appeareth y t he recanted against his own mind and conscience. If it were by imbecility of voice & utterance, thē how followeth it M. More in this your narration, where you say, that the said persons, which could not hear him read the bill, yet notwithstanding could hear him rehearse certain other things spoken by him the same time at the fire, whereby they could not but perceive well, that he revoked his errors. &c. Ah M. More for all your powder of experience, do ye think to cast such a mist before men's eyes, that we cannot see how you iuggle with truth, and take you tardy in your own narration? unless peradventure you will excuse yourself, per licentiam Poeticam, after the privilege of Poets and paynters, for as ye know the old liberty of these two. Pictoribus atque Poetis.
Now if this vain of yours, which so extremely rayleth and fareth against the poor Martyrs & servants of Christ, be so copious that you dare take in hand any false matter to prove, and to make men believe, that Bilney died a Papist, yet the manner of handling hereof would have required some more artificial conueyaunce: Mendacem enim (vt scis) memorem esse oportet : that mē, although they see the matter to be false, yet might commend the workmanship of the handler, which (to say the truth) neither hangeth w t it self, nor beareth any semblance of any truth. But because M. More is gone and dead, I will cease any further to insult upon him, least I may seem to incur y e same vice of his in mordendo mortuos. Yet for so much as his books be not yet dead, but remain alive to the hurt of many, having therefore to do, notw t him, but with his book disciples, this would I know how hangeth this gear together: Bilney was heard, and yet not heard he spake so softly & yet not softly. Some said he did recat, some said he did not recant. Ouer and besides, how will this be answered, that for so much as the said Bilney (as he saith) revoked many days before his burning, & the same was known to him at London, then how chanced the same could not be as well known to them of Norwich? who (as his own story affirmeth) knew nothing thereof before the day of his execution, then seeing a certain bill in his hand, which some said was a bill of his revocation, some other heard it not. All this would be made • layne, especially in such a matter as this is, which he knew himself peradventure to be false, at least, he knew would be doubted, suspected, and contradicted of a great multitude.
I pass now to his second reason, where he reporteth, that the said Bilney forthwith upon his judgment and degradation, kneeled down in the presence of all the people, and asked of the Chancellor absolution from the sentence of excommunication, holding him well content with his death which he confessed himself to have deserved. &c.
As touching the patient receiving of his death. I do well assent, although I do not think that he had deserved any such for his doctrine. And as for his kneeling down in the presence of the people, upon his judgment and degradation, as I do not deny that he might so do, so I suppose again the cause of his kneeling not to be unto the Chancellor to ask absolution from his excommunicatiō. And if he were assoiled frō his excommunicatiō, yet doth it not thereupon follow that he recanted, no more then before, whē he came to M. Latimer in his study, humbly to be confessed & assoiled from his sins as the blindness of y e time then led him. But whether he kneeled down and was assoiled or no, neither was I there to see him, nor yet M. More himself. And therefore with the like authority as he affirmeth, I may deny the same, unless he brought better demonstration for his assertion then he doth, having no more for himself, but only his own 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . And yet nevertheless admit he so did, being a man of a timorous conscience of an humble spirit, and not fully resolved touching that matter of the Church, yet it followeth not thereby (as is said) that he revoked his other Articles and doctrine, by him before professed.
The like answer may also be shaped to his third reason where he saith: that certain days after his judgment, he made great labor that he might receive the blessed body of Christ in form of bread, which the Chancellor after a great sticking a while, at length did grant, perceiving his devotion thereto &c. Whereunto I answer as before, that it is not impossible, but that Bilney might both hear Mass, and desire to receive the sacrament: For in that matter it may be, that he was not resolved otherwise, then common custom then led both him and many other. Neither do I find in all the articles objected against Bilney, that ever he was charged with any such opinion, concerning either the Mass or the Sacrament: which maketh me think, that he was yet ignorant and also devout as other then were.
Also fourthly, be it admitted, as M. More saith, that in receiving of the sacrament, he holding up his hands should say the Collect: Domine Jesus Christ: and coming to these words, ecclesiae tuae pacē & concordiam, he knocked upon his breast, divers times repeatyng the same words▪ &c. all this being granted to M. More, yet it argueth no necessary alteration of his former doctrine, which he preached and taught before And yet if I listed here to stand dalying with M. More, in the state inficiall, and deny that he affirmeth: how will he make good that which he saith: He saith that Bilney kneeling before the Chancellor, desired absolution: Then coming to Mass full devoutly, required to receive the body of Christ in form of bread, repeating diverse times the words of the collect: Domine Jesus Christ &c. By what argument proveth he all this to be so? M. More in his preface before y e book against Tindal so saith, Ergo it is certain. If M. More had never made fictions in his writings beside, or had never broken the head of verity, in so many places of his books as I could show him, then might this argument go for somewhat. But here I ask, was this M. More present at y e judgment of Bilney? No, Or else what registers had he for his direction? None. Or else by what witnesses will he avouch this to be certain? Go, and seek these witnesses (good reader) where thou canst find them, for M. More nameth none. Only because M. More so saith, that is sufficient. Well, give this to M. More, (although he hath cracked his credit so often, and may always be bankrout) yet let his word go for payment at this time, & let us imagine all to be oracles, y t he saith: yet nevertheless, here must needs remain a scruple. For what will M. More (or because he is gone) what will his disciples say to this, that if Bilney was before assoiled upon his judgment, as they pretend, howe was he then afterward degraded? What assoyling is this, to be forgivē first, and then to be punished after? Again, if he were (as they surmise) converted so fully to the Catholic faith, and also assoiled, why then did the Chancellor stick so greatly for a while, to housel him with the body of Christ, in form of bread? I am sure that if Christ had been here himself in form of his own flesh, he would nothing have stuck to receive him, being so converted at the first.
To be short, if Bilney was so graciously reduced to y e holy mother the Catholic Church, repenting his errors and detesting his heresies, & now being in no Purgatory, but being a very Saint in heaven, as ye say he is: why thē did ye burn him, whom you knew yourselves should be a Saint? Thus ye burnt doth God's enemies, and God's Saints too, what cruel men are you? But here you will allege perhaps, your law of relapse, by the which the first fall is pardonable, but the second fall into heresy, is in no case pardonable: for so standeth your law, I grant. But how this law standeth with y e true church of Christ, & with his word, now let us reason. For this being a law not of political or civil government, (where such laws be • xpedient for public necessity) but only being a law mere Ecclesiastical, what a cruel mother Church is this, which will not and cannot forgive her children rising and repenting the second fault or error committed, but needs must burn their bodies, that their souls may be saved from y e painful Passion of Purgatory, whom nevertheless they know forthwith shall be blessed in heaven? If God do save them, why do you burn them? If God do pardon them why do you condemn them? And if this be the law of your Church, according to your doctrine, to burn them at the second time, though they be amended: how then doth this Church agree with the word of Christ, and nature of his true spouse, which only seeketh repentance & amendment of sinners? which once being had, she gladly openeth her bosom, and motherly receiveth them, whensoever they return.
Wherefore, if Bilney did return to your Church (as ye say he did) then was your Church a cruel mother and unnatural, which would not opē her bosom unto him, but thrust him into the fire whē he had repented. Furthermore how will you defend this law by the word of God, who in express words teaching all Bishops and Pastors, by the example of Christ the great Bishop of our souls, (being compassed about with temptations, that he might have the more compassion of them which be infirm) exhorted all other spiritual pastors by the like example saying: Hebr. 5. For every bishop, which is taken from among men, is ordained for men, in things pertaining to God, to offer gifts and sacrifice for sins, that he may be merciful to the ignorant, and to such as err, for so much as he himself is compassed about with infirmity &c. Besides which Scripture, add also that some Doctors of the Canon law, if they be well scande, will not deny but that they which be fallen in relapse, whither it be vere, or ficte, yet if they earnestly return from their errors before the sentence be given, they may be sent to perpetual prison in some monastery: &c. Wherefore, if Bilney did so earnestly retract and detest his former opinions, so many days (as More saith) before his suffering, then needed not he to suffer that death as he did, but might have been sent to perpetual prison.
Thus I although I need not to stand longer upon this matter being so plain, and having said enough: yet (briefly to repeat that before hath been said) this I say again: first if Thomas Bilney was assoiled from excommunication, and after that heard his Mass so devoutly, and at the ende of the Mass, was confessed, and consequently after confession was housseled, and lastly asked mercy for contemning of the Church, as M. More doth bear us in hand (to see now howe this tale hangeth together) why then did the Chancellor stick so greatly to give him the sacrament of the alter, whom he himself had assoiled, and received to the sacrament of penance before, which is plain against the Canon laws. Agayne the said Thomas Bilney, if he were now received to the mother Church by the Sacraments of penance and of the alter: why then was he afterward disgraded, and cut from the Church, since the Canon permitteth no degradation, but to them which only be incorrigible? Furthermore, the said Bilney, if he being converted so many days before (as More pretendeth) to the Catholic faith, was now no heretic, howe then did the sentence pronounce him for an heretic? or finally how would they, or why could they burn him being a Catholic, especially since the Canon law would bear in him to be judged rather to perpetual prison in some monastery, as is afore touched, if they had pleased?
Wherefore in three words to answer to M. More. First all this tale of his may be doubted, because of y • matter not hanging together. Secondly, it may also well be denied, for the insufficiencye of probation, and testimony. Thirdly, if all this were granted, yet neither hath master More any great advantage against Bilney to reprove him to have recanted: nor yet M. Cope against me, which by the authority of M. More seeketh to bear me down, and disprove my former story.
For be it granted that Bilney at his death, did hold with the Mass, with confession, and with the authority of their Romish Church, being an humble spirited man, and yet no further brought: yet all this notwithstanding proveth not that he recanted. For so much as he never held nor taught anything before against the premisses, therefore he could not recant that which he never did hold. For the better demonstration whereof, I will recite out of the Registers, some part of his teaching and preaching, as was objected against him by one Richard Nele, Priest: who among other witnesses, deposed against him for preaching in the Town of Wylsedone, these words following.
Put away your golden God's, your silver God's, your stonye God's, and leave your offerings, and lift up your hearts to the sacrament of the alter. Also the said Master Bilney said in his Sermon: I know certain things have been offered in such places, which have been afterward given to whores, of the stews, and I call them whores of the stews that be naught of their living &c. Ex Regist.
Item, by another witness named W. Cade, it was deposed against him, thus to preach: That Jews and Saracens would have become Christian men long ago, had not Idolatry of Christian men been, by offering of Candels, wax, or money to the stocks, and the stones of Images set and standing in the Churches. &c.
Item, by the said deponent against Bilney: That the Priests take away the offerings, and hang them about their whores necks: and after that, they take them again from the whores, if they please them not, and hange them upon the Images, and is not that a great relicke, when it is hanged there again?
Item, by the said deponent it was testified against Bilney: that going on Pilgrimage is naught, and that no man should use it, For it were better not, and rather to tarry at home & give somewhat in almose, and offer your hearts, wylles, and minds, to the sacrament, and leave your Idolatry to Saints.
Item, by W. Nelmys of Wylsedone, that Bilney should preach: They gilde their God's, and bear them about, and men say, they do speak: and if they do speak, it is the devil that speaketh in them: and not God. &c.
Item, by Thomas Daly of Wilsedone, that Bilney thus preached▪ You come hither on pilgrimage to stocks and stones, You do naught: keep you at home, and worship the sacrament at home. &c.
Item, by fryer John Hogekyn, that Bilney thus preached at Ipswich: The coming of our Savior Christ was long desired, and by diverse and many prophets prophesied, that he should come. But John the Baptist, more then a Prophet, did not only prophecy, but with his finger shown: Behold the Lamb of God that taketh away the sins of the world. Then, if this wer the very Lamb, which John did demonstrate, and shown, which taketh away the sins of the world, what injury is this Bull of the Bishop of Rome to our Savior Jesus Christ, that to be buryde in the Cowle of S. Francis, should or may remit 4. partes of the penance? What is left to our Savior Jesus Christ, which taketh away the sins of the world? This will I justify to be a great blasphemy against the blood of Christ. &c.
Item, by another Friar Iulles, that Bilney thus preached: I trust there shall and will come other beside me, the which shall show and preach to you the same faith, and manner of living that I do, which is the very true Gospel of our Savior, whereby you shall be brought from your errors, wherein you have been so long seduced: for before this, there hath been many, that hath sclaundered you, and the Gospel of our Savior Christ. Of whom speaketh our Sauioure Christ. Mat. 18. Qui scandalizauerint vnum de pusillis istis qui crediderunt. &c.
Add moreover to these the testimony of Richard Seman: that Bilney in Ipswich should preach these words: Our Sauioure Christ is our mediator between us and the father: what then should need us to seek to any Saint for remedy, inferior to Christ? Wherefore to make such petition to any, but to our Savior Christ, trustyng thereby to have rem • die, doth great injury to the blood of Christ, and deformeth our Savior Christ, like as, if a man should take and stryke o • the head, and set it under the foot, and to set the foot above.
Thus much being partly touched before, I thought here to insinuate again out of the Registers, touching the opinions of Tho. Bilney. Whereby may appear the whole sum of his preaching & doctrine to proceed chiefly against Idolatry, invocation of saints, vain worship of Images, false trust to men's merits, & such other gross points of religion, as seemed prejudicial & derogatory to y e blood of our savior Jesus Christ. As touching the Mass, and Sacrament of the alter, as he never varied from himself, so he never deferred therein frō the most grossest Catholics And as concerning his opinion of the Church of Rome, how blind it was at that time, may sufficiently appear by his own answers in time of his abjuration, written with his own hand in Latin, which I have to show, as followeth: Credo plaeras{que} legis pontificias vtiles esse, necessarias, & ad pietatem quo{que} plurimum promouentes, nec sacris Scriptures repugnantes, imo ab omnibus plurimum obseruadas. &c. De omnibus nō possum pronunciare, vtpote quas non legi, & quas legi, nunquā in hoc legi, vt reprehēderē, sed vt discerē intelligere ac pro virili facere, & docere. De multiplicitate legū questus est suo tempore S Augustinus, & item Gersonus, qui miratur quomodo nos post lapsum, inter tot laqueos Constitution ū tuti esse possimus, quum primi parents adhuc puri, & ante lapsum, & vnicum praeceptum non obseruarint. &c.
Moreover, concerning the authority of the keys, thus he writeth, answering to his 12. Article: Soli sacerdotes ordinati rite per pontifices, habent Claues, quarum virtute ligant & soluunt ( clave non errante) quod & facere eos non dubito, quam libet sint peccatores. Nam Sacramentorum efficaciam non minuit, nedum tollit ministrorum indignitas, {quam} diu ab Ecclesia tolerantur. &c.
By these words of Bilney written by him in Latin, although it may be thought how ignorant & gross he was after the rudeness of those days, yet by the same notwithstanding it may appear, how falsely he is noted & sclaundered by M. More, and Cope my friend, to have recanted the Articles, which he did never hold or maintain otherwise in all his life. And therefore (as I said) though it be granted to M. More, or in his absence, to my friend Cope, that Bilney was assoiled, was confessed, & housseled before his burning, yet all this argueth not y t he recanted.
Now that I have sufficiently (I trust) put of the reasons of M. More and of others, whereby they pretend falsely to face us out, that Bilny the second time again recanted at his death: it remaineth on y e other part, that I likewise do infer my probations, whereby I have to argue & convince, that Bilney did not the second time recant, as he is untruly slandered. And first I will begin even with the words and testimony of M. Mores own mouth, who being Lord Chancellor when message was sent to him for a writ of discharge to burn Bilney, speaking in this wise to the messengers, that came: Go your ways (said he) and burn him first, and then afterward come to me for a bill of my hand. Which words may give us evidence enough, that Bilney was not thought then to have recanted, for then y e Lord Chancellor would not have been so greedy and hasty (no doubt) to have him dispatched. And how standeth this with M. Mores words now, which beareth us in hand that he recanted many days before his burning?
The like evidence we may also take by the verdicte of the Bishop himself, that burned him, whose words were these. After he had burned him, and thē heard tell of Doct. Shaxton: Christ's mother, said he (that was his oath) I fear I have burnt Abel, & let Cain go, &c. As who would say: I had thought before, that I had punished Cain, and let Abel go: but now I fear I have burnt Abel, and let Cain escape. Whereby it is plain to understand what was the Bishops judgment of Bilney, before his burning: that is, that he was a Cain and the other an Abel. But after the burning of Bilney, the Bishop hearing now of Shaxton, turneth his judgment, and correcteth himself swearing now the contrary: that is, least he had burned Abel, and let Cayn go.
Furthermore, where the Bishop feared, in burning Bilney, that he had burned Abel, what doth this fear of the Bishop import, but a doubting of his mind uncertain? For who feareth that whereof he is sure? Wherefore y t case is plain y t Bilney at his burning did not recant, as More reporteth: For then y t Bish. knowing Bilney to die a Catholic convert, & a true member of the church, would not have feared, nor doubted, but would have constantly affirmed Bilney to have died a true Abel in deed. And to conclude this matter, if Bilney died an Abel, then the Bishop by his own confession, must needs prove himself to be a Cain, which slue him. What more clearer probation could we bring, if there were a thousand? Or what need we any other, having this alone?
Now for testimony and witness of this matter, to be produced, for so much as M. More alledgeth none to prove that Bilney at his death did recant: I will assay what testimony I have on the contrary side, to avouch and prove that Bilney did not recant.
And for so much as Bilney was a Cambrige man, and the first framer of that University in the knowledge of Christ, and was burned at Norwich, being not very far distant from Cambrige: there is no doubt, but among to many friends as he had in that University, some went thither to hear, and see him. Of whom one was Thomas Alen fellow thē of Penbroke Hall, who returning the same time, from Bilneyes burning, declared to Doct. Turner, Dean of Welles, being yet alive (a man whose authority neither is to be neglected, nor credit to be distrusted) that the said Bilney took his death most patiently, and suffered most constantly, without any recantation, for the doctrine which he before had professed.
In the City of Norwich Necton, and many other be now departed, which were then present at the burning of Bilney: nevertheless some be yet alive, whose witnesses, if need were, I could fetch with a little labor, and will (God willing) as time shall require. In the mean time▪ at the writing hereof, here was one Tho. Russell, a right honest occupyer, and a Citizen of Norwich, who lykew •• e being there present on horseback at the execution of this godly man, beholding all things that were done, did neither hear him recant any word, nor yet heard of his recantation.
I could also add hereu • to the testimony of another, being brother to the Archbyshop of Canterbury, named M. Baker, a man yet alive, who being the same time present at the examinatiō of Bilney, both heard him, and saw him, when as a certain Friar called him heretic. Whereunto Bilney replying again, made answer: if I • e an heretic (said he) then are you an Antichrist, who of late have buried a certain Gentlewoman w t you, in S. Francis cowl, assuryng her to have salvation thereby. Which fact, although the Frier the same time did deny, yet this cannot be denied, but Bilney spake these words: whereby he may easily be judged to be far from the mind of any recātation: according as by the said Gentleman, it is also testified, that after that, he never heard of any recantation that Bilney either meant or made.
If I should recite all, which here might be brought. I might sooner lack room in my book to contain them, then names enough to fill up a grand iurye. But what need I to spend time about witness, when one M. Latimer may stand for a thousand, one martyr to bear witness to another? And though my friend Cope, pressing me with the authority of M. More, saith, that he will believe him before me: yet I trust, he will not refuse to credit this so ancient a Senior, father Latimer, being both in Bilneys time, and also by Bilney converted, and familiarly w t him acquainted: who being the same time at Cambridge, I suppose would inquire as much, and could know more of this matter, then master More.
Touchyng the testimonial of which Latimer, I have noted before, how he in ii. sundry places in his sermons, hath testified of good Bilney, of that blessed Bilney of Saint Bilney, how he died patiently against the tyrannical Sea of Rome. &c. And in another Sermon also how the said Bilney suffered his body to be burned for the gospel sake. &c. Item, in another place, howe the said Bilney suffered death for God's words sake. vid. pag. 1008.
I may be thought perhaps of some, to have stayed to long about the discourse of this matter. But the cause that moved, and half constrained me thereunto, was syr Tho. More, sometimes Lord Chancellor of England, & now a great Archpiller of all our English Papists, a man otherwise of a pregnaunt wit, full of pleasant conceits, also for his learning above the common sort of his estate, esteemed industruous, no less in his studies then well exercised in his pen. Who if he had kept himself in his own shoppe, and applied the faculty, being a lay man, whereunto he was called, and had not over reached himself to prove maystryes in such matters, wherein he had little skill, less experience, and which pertained not to his profession, he had deserved, not only much more commendation, but also longer life.
But for so much as he, not contented with his own vocation, hath with Oza reached out his unmeet hand to meddle with God's Arkematters, wherein he had little cunning and while he thinketh to help religion, destroyeth religion, and is an utter enemy to Christ, and to his spiritual doctrine, and his poor afflicted Church, to the intent therefore that he being taken for a special ringleader, and a chief stay in the Popes Church, might the better be known what he is, and that the ignorant and simple may see what little credit is to be given unto him, as well in his other false facing out of matters, as namely in this present history of Bilneys recantation: I have diligently searched out and procured the true certificate of M. Bilneys burning, with all the circumstances, and points thereto belonging, testified not by some says & by heareseyes (as M. More useth) but truly witnessed, and faithfully recordeth by one, who as in a place and degree surmounteth the estate of M. More (though he were Lord Chancellor) so being also both a spiritual person, and there present the same time, coming for the same purpose the day before, to see his burning, was a present beholder of things there done, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of Martyrdom, whose credit I am sure will counterpease with the credit of M. More. The order of which martyrdom was this, as followeth.
Thomas Bilney, after his examination and condemnation before Doct. Pelles Doctor of law and Chancelor, first was degraded by Suffragan Underwoode, according to the custom of there popish manner, by the assistance of all the Friars and Doctors of the same suit▪ Which done, he was immediately committed to the • aye power, and to the two Sheriffs of the City, of whom Thomas Necton was one. This Tho. Necton was Bilneys special good friend, and sory to accept him to such execution as followed. But such was the tyranny of y e time and dread of the Chancellor and Friars, that he could no otherwise do, but needs must receive him. Who notwithstanding, as he could not bear in his conscience himself to be present at his death: so, for the time that he was in his custody, he caused him to be more friendly looked unto, and more holesomely kept, concerning his diet, then he was before.
After this, the Friday following at night, which was before the day of his execution, being S. Magnus day and Saturday, the said Bilney had diverse of his friends resorting unto him in the Guildhall, where he was kept. Amongst whom one of the said friends finding him eating of an Albrew with such a cheerful heart and quiet mind as he did, said that he was glad to see him at that time, so shortly before his heavy and painful departure, so heartily to refresh himself. Wherunto he answered: Oh said he,
The Saturday next following, when the Officers of execution (as the manner is) with their gleaues and halbardes were ready to receive him, and to lead him to the place of execution without the Citty gate, called Bishops gate, in a low valley commonly called the Lollards pit, under S. Leonards hyl environed about with great hylles (which place was chosen for the people's quiet sitting to see the executiō) at the coming forth of the said Thomas Bilney out of the prison door, one of his friends came to him with few words, as he durst, spake to him & prayed him & in God's behalf, to be constant and to take his death as patiently as he could. Whereunto the said Bilney answered, with a quiet and mild countenance: Ye see when the Mariner is entered his shyp to sail on the troublous Sea, how he for a while is tossed in the byllowes of y e same but yet in hope that he shall once come to the quiet haven, he beareth in better comfort, the perils which he feeleth: So am I now toward this sailing, & whatsoever storms I shall feel, yet shortly after shall my ship be in the havē: as I doubt not thereof by the grace of God, desiring you to help me w t your prayers to the same effect. And so he going forth in the streets, giving much alms by the way, by the hands of one of his friends, & accompanied with one D. Warner Doct. of Divinity and parson of Wintertō, whom he did choose as his old acquaintance, to be with him for his ghostly comfort: came at the last, to the place of execution, and ascended down from the hill to the same, appareled in a lay man's gown with his sleues hanging down, & his arms out, his hear being pitiously mangled at his degradation (a little single body in person, but always of a good upright countenance) and drew near to the stake prepared, & somewhat tarrying the preparation of the fire, he desired that he might speak some words to the people, and there standing, thus he said:
Good people, I am come hither to die, and borne I was to live under that condition, naturally to die again, and that ye might testify that I depart out of this present life as a true Christian man in a right belief towards almighty God, I will rehearse unto you in a fast faith, the Articles of my Creed, and then began to rehearse them in order as they be in the common Creed, with oft elevating his eyes and hands to almighty God, and at the Article of Christ's incarnatiō having a little meditation in himself, & coming to the word Crucified, he humbly bowed himself and made great reverence, and then proceeding in the Articles and coming to these words, I believe the Catholic Church, there he paused and spake these words: Good people I must here confess to have offended the Church in preaching once against the prohibition of the same, at a poor Cure belonging to Trinity hall in Cambrige where I was fellow, earnestly entreated thereunto by the Curate and other good people of the parish, showing that they had no Sermon there of lōng time before: & so in my conscience moved, I did make a poor collation unto them, and thereby ran into the disobedience of certain authority in the Church, by whom I was prohibited: howbeit I trust at the general day, charity that moved me to this act, shall bear me out at y e judgment seat of God: & so he proceeded on, without any manner of words of recantation, or charging any man for procuring him to his death.
This once done, he put of his gown, and went to the stake, and kneeling upon a little ledge coming out of the stake, whereon he should afterward stand to be better seen, he made his private prayer w t such earnest elevation of his eyes and hands to heaven, and in so good quiet behavior, that he seemed not much to consider the terror of his death, and ended at the last, his private prayers with the 143. Psalm beginning Domine exaudi orationem meam, auribus percipe obsecrationem meam. &c. That is, Hear my prayer O Lord, consider my desire: & the next verse he repeated in deep meditation thrice: Et ne intres in iudicium cum seruo tuo Domine. i. And enter not into judgment with thy servant, for in thy sight shall no man living be justified, and so finishing that Psalm he ended his private prayers.
After that, he turned himself to the officers, asking thē if they were ready, and they answered, yea. Whereupon he put of his iacket and doublet and stood in his hose & shirt, and went unto the stake, standing upon that ledge, and the chain was cast about him, and standing theron, the said D. Warner came to him to bid him farewell, which spake but few words for weeping. Upon whom the said Tho. Bilney did most gently smile, & inclined his body to speak to him a few words of thanks, and the last were these: O Master Doctor, Pasce gregem tuum, Pasce gregem tuum, vt cum venerit Dominus, inueniat te sic facientem. That is, Feede your flock, feed your flock, that when the Lord cometh, he may find you so doing, and farewell good M. Doctor, and pray for me, and so he departed without any answer, sobbing and weeping.
And while he thus stood upon the ledge at the stake, certain Friers, Doctors and Priors of their houses being there present (as they were uncharitably and maliciously present at his examination and degradation. &c.) came to him and said: O M. Bilney the people be persuaded that we be the causers of your death, and that we have procured the same, and thereupon it is like that they will withdraw their charitable alms from us all, except you declare your charity towards us and discharge us of the matter. Whervpon the said Tho. Bilney spake with a loud voice to the people, and said: I pray you good people be never y e worse to these men for my sake, as though they should be the authors of my death. It was not they, and so he ended.
Then the officers put reed and Fagots about his body and set fire on the reed, which made a very great flame, which sparcled and deformed the visour of his face, he holding up his hands and knocking upon his breast, crying sometimes Jesus, sometimes Credo. Which flame was blown away frō him by the violence of the wind, which was that day & 2. or 3. days before notable great, in which it was said that the fields were marvelously plagued by the loss of corn: and so for a little pause, he stood without flame, the flame departing & recoursing thrice ere the wood took strength to be the sharper to consume him: and thē he gave up the ghost, and his body being withered • owed downward upon the chain. Thē one of the officers with his halbard smite out the staple in the stake behind him, & suffered his body to fall into the bottom of the fire, laying wood on it, and so he was consumed.
Thus have ye (good readers) the true history, & Martyrdom of this good man, that is, of blessed Saint Bilney (as M. Latimer doth call him) without any recātation, testified and ratified by the authority abovesaid. By the which authority and party being there present & yet alive, it is furthermore constantly affirmed that Bilney not only did never recant, but also that he never had any such bill, or script or scrolle in his hand to read, either softly, or apertly, as M. More per licentiā Poeticam, would bear us down. Wherefore even as ye see M. More deal in this, so ye may trust him in the residue of his other tales, if ye will.
Mayster Stafford of Cambridge.
AS the death of this Godly Bilney did much good in Norfolk where he was burnt: so his diligent travel, in teaching and exhorting other, and example of life correspondent to his doctrine, left no small fruit behind him in Cambridge, being a great means of framing that Uniuersity, & drawing diverse unto Christ. By reason of whō, and partly also of another called M. Stafford, the word of God begā there most luckely to spread, and many toward wits to flourish. In the company of whom was M. Latimer, D. Barns, D. Thistell of Penbroke hall, M. Fooke of Benet College, and M. Soude of the same College, D. Warner above mentioned, with diverse other moe.
This M. Stafford was then the public reader of the Divinity lecture in that Uniuersity. Who, as he was an earnest professor of Christ's Gospel: so was he as diligent a folower of that which he professed, as by this example here following may appear.
For as the plague was then sore in Cambridge, and amongst other a certain Priest called Syr Henry Coniurer lay sore sick of the said plague, M. Stafford hearing thereof, and seeing the horrible danger that his soul was in, was so moved in conscience to help the dangerous case of the Priest, that he neglecting his own bodily death, to recover the other from eternal damnatiō, came unto him, exhorted and so labored him, that he would not leave him, before he had converted him, and saw his conjuring books burned before his face. Which being done, master Stafford went home, and immediately sickened, & shortly after most christianly deceased. Ex fideli testimonio D. Ridlei, & Edmund. Episcoporum Lond.
Concerning which M. Stafford, this moreover is to be noted how that M. Latimer being yet a fervent and a zealous Papist, standing in the Schools when M. Stafford read, bad the Scholers not to hear him: and also preaching against him, exhorted the people, not to believe him, and yet the said Latimer confessed himself, that he gave thanks to God, that he asked him forgiveness before he departed.
And thus much by the way of good M. Stafford, who for his constant and godly adventure in such a cause, may seem not unworthy to go with blessed Bilney, in the fellowship of holy and blessed Martyrs.
The story of M. Simon Fish.
BEfore the time of M. Bilney, and the fall of the Cardinal, I should have placed the story of Simō Fish with the book called the Supplication of Beggars, declaring how and by what means it came to the kings hand, and what effect thereof followed after, in the reformation of many things, especially of the Clergy. But the missing of a few years in this matter, breaketh no great square in our story, though it be now entered here which should have come in six years before. The manner and circumstance of the matter is this:
After that the light of the gospel working mightily in Germany, began to spread his beams here also in England, great stir & alteration followed in the harts of many: so that colored hipocrisy, and false doctrine, & painted holiness began to be espied more and more by the reading of God's word. The authority of the Bishop of Rome, and y e glory of his Cardinals was not so high, but such as had fresh wits sparcled with God's grace, began to espy Christ from Antichrist, that is, true sincerity, from counterfeit religion. In the number of whom, was the said M. Simon Fish, a gentleman of Brayes Inn. It happened the first year that this Gentleman came to Londō to dwell, which was about the year of our Lord 1525. that there was a certain play or interlude made by one M. Roo of the same Inn gentlemā, in which play partly was matter against the Cardinal Wolsey. And where none durst take vpō thē to play that part, which touched the said Cardinal, this foresaid M. Fish took upon him to do it, whereupon great displeasure ensued against him, upon the Cardinals part: In so much as he being pursued by the said Cardinal, the same night that this Tragedy was played, was compelled of force to void his own house, & so fled over the Sea unto Tyndale: upon occasion whereof the next year following this book was made (being about the year .1527.) and so not long after in the year (as I suppose) 1528. was sent over to the Lady Anne Buileyne, who then lay at a place not far from the Court. Which book her brother seeing in her hand, took it and read it, & gave it her again, willing her earnestly to give it to the king, which thing she so did.
This was (as I gather) about the year of our Lord. 1528. The king after he had received the book, demanded of her who made it. Wherunto she answered and said, a certain subject of his, one Fish, who was fled out of the Realm for fear of the Cardinal. After the king had kept the book in his bosom 3. or 4. days, as is credibly reported, such knowledge was given by the kings servants, to the wife of the said Simon Fish, that she might boldly send for her husband, without all peril or danger. Whervpon she thereby being encouraged, came first & made suit to the king for the safe return of her husband. Who understanding whose wife she was, shown a marvelous gentle & cheerful countenance towards her, asking where her husband was. She answered, if it like your grace, not far of. Then saith he, fetch him, and he shall come and go safe without peril, & no man shall do him harm, saying moreover that he had much wrong that he was from her so long: who had been absent now the space of two years and a half. In the which mean time, the Cardinal was deposed, as is aforeshewed, and M. More set in his place of the Chauncellorship.
Thus Fishes wife being emboldened by the kings words, went immediately to her husband being lately come over, and lying privily within a mile of the Courte, and brought him to the king: which appeareth to be about the year of our Lord 1530. When the king saw him, and understood he was the author of the book, he came and embraced him with loving countenance: who after long talk: for the space of 3. or 4. hours, as they were riding together on hunting, at length dimitted him and bad him take home his wife, for she had takē great pains for him. Who answered the king again and said, he durst not so do, for •• are of Syr Thomas More then Chancellor, & Stoksley then Bishop of London. This seemeth to be about the year of our Lord. 1530.
The king taking his signet of his finger, willed him to have him recommended to the Lord Chancellor, charging him not to be so hardy to work him any harm, M. Fish receiving the kings signet, went and declared his message to the Lord Chancellor, who took it as sufficient for his own discharge, but he asked him if he had anything for the discharge of his wife: for she a little before had by chance displeased the Friers, for not suffering them to say their Gospels in Latin in her house, as they did in others unless they would say it in English. Whereupon the Lord Chancellor, though he had discharged the man, yet leaving not his grudge towards the wife, the next morning sent his man for her to appear before him: who, had it not been for her young daughter, which then lay sick of the plague, had been like to come to much trouble. Of the which plague her husband, the said M. Fish deceasing w t in half a year, she afterward married to one M. James Baynham, Syr Alexander Baynhams son, a worshipful knight of glostershyre. The which foresaid M. James Baynham, not long after was burned, as incontinently after in the process of this story, shall appear.
And thus much concerning Simon Fish the author of the book of beggars, who also translated a book called the Sum of the Scripture, out of the Dutch.
Now cometh another note of one Edmund Moddys the kings footman, touching the same matter.
This M. Moddys being with the king in talk of religion, and of the new books that were come from beyond the seas, said if it might please his grace to pardon him, & such as he would bring to his grace, he should see such a book, as was marvel to hear of. The king demanded what they were. He said, two of your Marchauntes, George Elyot, & George Robinsō. The king pointed a time to speak with them. Whē they came afore his presence in a privy closet, he demanded what they had to say, or to show him. One of thē said y t there was a book come to their h •• s, which they had there to show his grace. When he saw it, he demanded if any of them could read it. Yea said George Elyot, if it please your grace to hear it. I thought so, said the king, for if need were thou canst say it without book.
The whole book being read out, the king made a long pause, & then said, if a man should pull down an old stone wall and begin at the lower part, the upper part thereof might chance to fall upon his head: and then he took the book and • ut it into his deske, and commanded them upon their allegiance, that they should not tell to any man, that he had seen the book. &c. The Copy of the foresaid book, entitled of the Beggars, here ensueth.
A certain Libell or book entitled the Supplication of Beggars, thrown and scattered at the procession in Westminster on Candlemas day, before king Henry the 8. for him to read and peruse, made & compiled by M. Fish.
To the king our Sovereign Lord.
MOst lamentably cōplayneth their woeful misery, unto your highness, your poor daily bedemen the wretched hydious monsters, on whō scarcely for horror any eye dare look, the soul unhappy sort of lepers, and other sore people, needy, impotent, blind, lame, and sick, that live only by alms, how that their mumber is daily so sore increased, that all the alms of all the well disposed people of this your realm is not half enough for to sustain them, but that for very constraint, they die for hunger. And this most pestilent mischief is come upon your said poor bedemen, by the reason y t there is in the times of your noble predecessors passed, craftily crept into this your realm, another sort, not of impotent, but of strong, puisant, and counterfeit holy and idle beggars and vagabondes, which since the time of their first entry, by all the craft and wylines of Satan, are now increased under your sight, not only into a great number, but also into a kingdom.
These are not the herdes, but y e rauinous wolves, going in herdes clothing, devouring the flock, Bishops, Abbots, Priours, Deacons, Archdeacons, Suffraga • es, Priests, Monks, Canons, Friers, Pardoners & Somners. And who is able to number this idle ravenous sort, which (setting all labor aside) have begged so importunatly, that they have gotten into their hands, more thē the third part of all your Realm. The goodlyest Lordships, manors, lands, and territories are theirs. Besides this, they have the x. part of all the corn, meadow, pasture, grass, wood, coltes, calves, lambes, pigs, geese, and chickins. Ouer and besides, the x. part of every servants wages, the x. part of wolle, milk, honey, wax, cheese, and butter: yea & they look so narrowly upon their profits, that the poor wives must be countable to them for every x. egg, or else she getteth not her rightes at Easter, and shall be taken as an heretic. Hereto have they their four offering days. What money pull they in by probates of Testaments, privy tithes, and by men's offerings to their pilgrimages, and at their first Masses. Every man and child that is buried, must pay somewhat for Masses and Diriges, to be song for him, or else they will accuse their friends and executors of heresy. What money get they by mortuaries, by hearing of confessions (and yet they will keep thereof no counsel) by halowing of Churches, altars, superaltars, Chapels, and belles, by cursing of men, and absolving them again for money? what a multitude of money gather the Pardoners in a year? How much money get the Somners by extortion in a year, by asciting the people to the Commissaries Court, and afterward releasing the apparaun • es for money? Finally, the infinite number of begging Friers, what get they in a year?
Here if it please your grace to mark, you shall see a thing far out of joint. There are within your realm of England. 52000. Parishe Churches. And this standing, that there be but x. households in every Parishe, yet are there v.c. M. & xx. M. househoulds. And of every of these householdes hath every of the five orders of Friers, a penny a quarter, for every order: that is, for all the five orders, five pence a quarter, for every house: that is, for all y e five orders, 20. d. a year of every house. Summa, v.C. and xx.M. quarters of Angels, that is, 260000. half Angels. Summa 130000. Angels. Summa totalis, 430333. poūdes. 6. s. 8. d. sterling. Wherof not 400. years passed, they had not one penny.
Oh grievous & painful exaction, thus yearly to be paid: from the which the people of your noble Predecessors the Kings of the ancient Britain's, ever stood free. And this will they have, or else they will procure him that will not give it to them to be taken as an heretic. What Tyranne ever oppressed the people, like this cruel and vengeable generation? what subjects shall be able to help their Prince, that be after this fashion yearly poled? What good Christian people cā be able to succor us poor lepers, blind, sore, and lame, that be thus yearly oppressed? Is it any marvel that your people so complain of poverty? Is it any marvel that the taxes, fiftenes and subsidies, that your grace most tēderly of great compassion, hath taken among your people to defend them from the threatened ruin of their common wealth, have been so slouthfully, yea paynefully levied seeing almost the uttermost penny that mought have been levied, hath been gathered before yearly, by this erroneous insatiable generation? Neither the Danes nor the Saxons, in the time of the ancient Britons, should ever have been able to have brought their armies from so far, hither into your land, to have conquered it, if they had had at that time such a sort of idle glottons to find at home. The noble king Arthur had never been able to have carried his army to the foot of the mountains, to resist the coming down of Lucius the Emperor, if such yearly exactions had been taken of his people. The Greeks had never been able to have so long continued at the siege of Troy, if they had had at home such an idle sort of cormorantes to find. The ancient Romaines had never been able to have put all the whole world under their obeysaunce, if their people had been thus yearly oppressed. The Turk now in your time should never been able to get so much ground of Christendom, if he had in his Empire such a sort of Locusts, to devour his substance. Lay then these sums to the foresaid third part of the possessions of the realm, that ye may see whether it draw nigh unto the half of the whole substance of the Realm, or not: so shall ye find that it draweth far above.
Now let us then compare the number of this unkind idle sort, unto the number of the lay people, & we shall see whether it be indifferently shifted or not, that they should have half. Cōpare them to the number of men, so are they not the hundredth person. Compare them to men, womē & children, then are they not the four hundredth person in mumber. One part therefore in four hundredth partes divided, were to much for them, except they did labor. What an unequal burthē is it that they have half with the multitude, and are not the four hundredth person of their number? What tongue is able to tell that ever there was any commō wealth so sore oppressed, since the world first began?
And what doth all this greedy sort of sturdy, idle, holy thieves, with these yearly exactions that they take of the people? Truly nothing but exempt themselves from the obedience of your grace. Nothing but traslate all rule, power, Lordship, authority, obedience and dignity, from your grace, unto thē. Nothing but that all your subjects should fall into disobedience and rebellion against your grace, and be under thē, as they did unto your noble predecessor king John: which for because that he would have punished certain traitors that had conspired with the French king, to have deposed him from his crown and dignity (among the which a Clerke called Stephen, whom afterward against the kings will, the Pope made Bishop of Canterbury, was one) interdicted his land. For the which matter your most noble realm wrongfully (alas for shame) hath stand tributary not unto any kind of temporal prince, but unto a cruel devilish bloudsupper, drunk̄ in the blood of the Saints and Martyrs of Christ, ever since.
Here were an holy sort of Prelates, that thus cruelly could punish such a righteous king, all his realm and succession, for doing right. Here were a charitable sort of holy men that could thus interdite a whole Realm, & pluck away the obedience of the people from their natural liege Lord and king, for none other cause, but for his righteousness. Here were a blessed sort, not of meek heardes, but of bloudsuppers, that could set the French king upon such a righteous Prince, to cause him to lose his crown and dignity, to make effusiō of the blood of his people, unless this good and blessed king, of great compassion, more fearing & lamenting the shedding of the blood of his people, then the loss of his crown and dignity, against all right and conscience, had submitted himself unto them.
O case most horrible, that ever so noble a king, realm and succession, should thus be made to stoop to such a sort of bloudsuppers. Where was his sword, power, crown, & dignity become, whereby he might have done justice in this matter? where was their obedience become that should have ben subject under his high power in this matter? Yea where was the obedience of all his subjects become, that for maintenance of the common wealth should have holpen him manfully to have resisted these bloudsuppers, to y e shedding of their blood? was it not altogether by their policy, translated from this good king unto them?
Yea, and what do they more? Truly nothing, but apply themselves by all the sleights they may, to have to do with every man's wife, every man's daughter, and every man's maid, that cukoldry and baudry should reign over all, among your subjects, that no man should know his own child. that their bastards might inherit the possessions of every man, to put the right begotten children clear beside their inheritance, in subversion of all estates and godly order. These be they that by their abstaining from Marriage, do let the generation of the people, whereby all the Realm at length, if it should be continued, shall be made desert and inhabitable.
These be they that have made an 100000. idle Whores in your realm, which would have gotten their living honestly, in the sweat of their faces, had not their superfluous riches illected them to unclean lust and idleness. These be they that corrupt the whole generatiō of mankind in your Realm, that catch the pockes of one woman, and bear them to another, that be burnt with one woman, & bear it to another, that catch the lepry of one woman, & bear it to another. Yea someone of them shall boast among his fellows, that he hath meddled with an C. women, These be they, y t when they have once drawn men's wives to such incontinency, spend away their husbands goods, make the women to run away from their husbands, yea, run away themselves both with wife and goods, bringing both man, wife and children, to idleness, theft and beggary. Yea, who is able to mumber the great and broad bottomless Occeane Sea, full of evils, that this mischievous and sinful generation may lawfully bring upon us unpunished.
Where is your sword, power, crown and dignity become, that should punish by punishment of death even as other men are punished, the felonyes, rapes, murders, and treasons committed by this sinful generatiō? Where is their obedience become that should be under your high power in this matter? It is not altogether translated and exempt from your grace unto them? Yes cruely. What an infinite mumber of people might have been increased to have peopled the Realm, if this sort of folk had been married like other men? What breach of matrimony is there brought in by them? such truly as was never since the world began, among the whole multitude of the Heathē, Who is she that will set her hands to work, to get 3. d. a day, and may have at least 20. d. a day to sleep an hour with a Frier, a Monk, or a Priest? What is he that would labor for a groat a day, and may have at least 12. d. a day to be baude to a Priest, a Monk, or a Frier? What a sort are there of them that mary Priests sovereign Ladies, but to cloak the Priests incontinency, and that they may have a living of the Priests, thenselves for their labor? How many M. doth such lubricity bring to beggary, theft and idleness: which should have kept their good name, & have set themselves to work, had not been this excessive treasure of the spiritualitye? what honest man dare take any man or woman into his service, that hath been at such a school with a spiritual man?
Oh the grievous shypwracke of the common wealth, which in ancient time before the coming of these ravenous wolves, were so prosperous, y t then there were but few thieves: yea theft was at that time so rare, that Caesar was not compelled to make penalty of death upon felony, as your grace may well perceive in his institutes. There was also at that time, but few poor people, and yet thei did not beg, but there was given them enough unasked, for there was at that time, none of these ravenous wolves to ask it from them, as it appeareth in the Acts of the Apostles. Is it any marvel though there be now so many beggars, thieves, and • ole people? Nay truly. What remedy? make laws against them? I am in doubt whether ye be able. Are they not stronger in your own Parliament house then yourself? What a number of Bishops Abbots and Priors, are Lord's of your Parliament? Are not all the learned men of your realm in fee with them, to speak in your Parliament house for them against your crown, dignity, and common wealth of your realm, a few of your own learned Counsel only excepted? What law can be made against them that may be auayleable? Who is he (though he be grieved never so sore) that for the murder of his auncester, rauishmēt of his wife, of his daughter, robbery, trespass, man, debt, or any other offense, dare lay it to their charge, by any way of action: and if he do, then is he by and by, by their wyknes, accused of heresy: yea they will so handle him ere he pass, that, except he will bear a Fagot for their pleasure, he shall be excommunicate, & then be all his actions dashed.
So captive are your laws unto them, that no man whom they list to excommunicate, may be admitted to sue any actiō in any of your Courts. If any man in your Sessions dare be so hardy to indite a Priest of any such crime, he hath ere the year go out, such a yoke of heresy laid in his neck, that it maketh him wish that he had not done it. Your grace may see what a work there is in Londō: how the Bishop rageth for inditing of certain Curates of extortion, & incontinēcy the last yere in the Wardmote quest. Had not Richard Hunne commenced action of Premunire against a Priest, he had been yet alive and no heretic at all, but an honest man. Did not diverse of your noble progenitors, seeing their crown and dignity run into ruin, and to be thus craftily translated into the hands of this mischievous generatiō, make diverse statutes for the reformation thereof: among which the statute of Mortmayne was one, to the intent that after that time they should have no more given unto them? But what auayled it? have they not gotten into their hands more lands since, thē any Duke in England hath, the statute notwithstanding? Yea, have they not for all that translated into their hands from your grace, half your kingdom thoroughly, the only name remaining to you for your aūceters sake: So you have the name and they the profit. Yea I fear, if I should wey all things to the uttermost, they would also take the name unto them, and of one kingdom make twayne: the spiritual kingdom as they call it (for they will be named first) and your temporal kingdom. And which of these 2. kingdoms suppose you, is like to ouergrow the other, yea to put y e other clear out of memory? Truly the kingdom of the bloudsuppers, for to them is given daily out of your kingdom: and that that is once given them, cometh never from them again. Such laws have they that none of them may neither give nor sell nothing. What law can be made so strong against thē, that they either with money or else with other policy, will not break or set at naught? What kingdom can endure, that ever giveth thus frō him and receiveth nothing again? Oh how all the substance of your realm, your sword, power, crown, dignity & obedience of your people, runneth headlong into the insatiable whirlepole of these greedy goulfes, to be swallowed and devoured.
Neither have they any other color to gather these yearly exactions into their hands, but that they say they pray for us to God, to deliver our souls out of the pains of Purgatory, without whose prayer they say, or at least without the Popes pardon, we could never be delivered thence. Which if it be true, then it is good reason that we give thē all these things, although it were a hundred times as much. But there be many men of great literature and judgment, that for the love they have unto the truth and unto the common wealth, have not feared to put thenselves into the greatest infamy that may be, in abjection of all the world, yea in peril of death, to declare their opinion in this matter: which is, that there is no Purgatory, but that it is a thing invented by the covetousness of the spiritualty, only to translate all kingdoms from other princes unto thē, and that there is not one word spokē of it in all holy Scripture. They say also, that if there were a Purgatory, and also if that the Pope with his pardons for money may deliver one soul thence: he may deliver him as well without money, if he may deliver one, he may deliver a thousand: if he may deliver a thousand, he may deliver them all, and so destroy Purgatory, and then he • s a cruel tyrant without all charity, if he keep them there in prison and in pain, till men will give him money.
Likewise say they of all the whole sort of the spiritualtye, that if they will pray for no man but for thē that give thē money, they are tyrants & lack charity, & suffer those souls to be punished and payned uncharitably for lack of their prayers. This sort of folks they cal heretics, these they burn, these they rage against, put to open shame and make them bear Fagots. But whether they be heretics or no, well I wot, that this Purgatory & the popes pardons are all the cause of the translatiō of your kingdom so fast into their hands: wherefore it is manifest, it cannot be of Christ, for he gave more to the temporal kingdom, he himself paid tribute to Caesar, he took nothing frō him, but taught that the high powers should be always obeyed, yea he himself (although he were most free Lord of all, & innocent) was obedient unto y e high powers unto death. This is the great skabbe, why they will not let y e new testament go abroad in your mother tongue, least men should espy that they by their cloaked hypocrisy do translate thus fast your kingdom into their hands: that they are not obedient unto your high power: that they are cruel, unclean, unmerciful and h • pocrites: that they seek not the honor of Christ but their own: that remission of sins are not given by the Popes Pardon, but by Christ, for the sure faith and trust that we have in him.
Here may your grace well perceive, that except you suffer their hipocrisy to be disclosed, all is like to run into their hands, and as long as it is covered, so long shall it seme to every man to be a great impiety, not to give them. For this I am sure your grace thinketh (as the truth is) I am as good a man as my Father: why may I not as well give them as much as my father did? And of this mind I am sure, are all the Lord's, knights, squires, gentlemē, & yeomen in England: yea and until it be disclosed, all your people will think that your statute of Mortmaine was never made with no good conscience, seeing that it taketh away the liberty of your people, in that they may not as lawfully buy their souls out of Purgatory by giving to the spiritualty, as their predecessors did in times past.
Wherefore, if you will eschew the ruin of your crown & dignity, let their hipocrisy be uttered, & that shall be more speedefull in this matter, then all the laws that may be made, be they never so strong. For to make a law for to punish any offender, except it were more for to give other mē an ensample to beware how they commit such like, offense, what should it avail? Did not Doct. Alen most presumptiously now in your time, against all his allegiance all that ever he could, to pull frō you the knowledge of such plees, as belong unto your high Courtes, unto another Court in derogation of your crown and dignity? Did not also D. Horsey and his complices most heinously (as all the world knoweth) murder in prison that honest Marchaunt Rich. Hunne, for that he sued your writ of Premunire against a priest that wrongfully held him in plee in a spiritual court, for a matter whereof the knowledge belonged unto your high Courtes? And what punishment was there done, that any man may take example of, to beware of like offense? Truly none, but that the one paid 500. pound (as it is said) to the building of your chamber, & when that payment was once passed, the Captains of his kingdom (because he fought so manfully against your crown and dignity) have heaped to him, benefice upon benefice, so that he is rewarded x. times as much. The other (as it is said) paid 600. pound for him & his complices: which for because that he had like wise fought so manfully against your crown and dignity, was immediately as he had obtained your most gracious pardon, promoted by the captaynes of his kingdom, with benefice upon benefice, to the value of four times as much. Who can take example of punishment, to beware of such like offense? Who is he of their kingdom that will not rather take courage to commit like offense, seeing the promotions that fell to these men for their so offending? so weak and blunt is your sword to strike at one of the offenders of this crooked and perverse generation.
And this is by the reason that the chief instrument of your law, yea y e chief of your Council and he which hath your sword in his hand, to whom also all the other instruments are obedient, is always a spiritual man, which hath ever such an inordinate love unto his own kingdom that he will maintain that, though all the temporal kingdoms and common wealths of the world, should therefore utterly be undone. Here leave we out the greatest matter of all, least that we declaring such an horrible caren of evil against the ministers of iniquity, should seem to declare the one only fault, or rather the ignorance of our best beloved minister of righteousness, which is to be hid till he may be learned by these small enormities that we have spoken of, to know it plainly himself.
But what remedy to releue us your poor, sick, lame, and sore bedemen? To make many hospitals for the relief of the poor people? Nay truly. The moe the worse, forever the fat of the whole foundation hangeth on the Priests beardes. Divers of your noble Predecessors, kings of this realm, have given lands to Monasteries, to give a certain sum of money yearly to the poor people, whereof for the auncienty of the time, they give never one penny, They have likewise given to them, to have a certain of masses said daily for them: whereof they say never one. If y e Abbot of Westminster should sing every day as many masses for his founders, as he is bound to do by his foundatiō a thousand Monks were to few. Wherefore, if your grace will build a sure hospital that never shall sail, to relieve us all your poor bedemen, then take frō thē all these things. Set these sturdy loubies abroad in the world to get thē wives of their own, to get their living with their labor in the sweat of their faces, according to the commandment of God, Gen. 1. to give other idle people by their example, occasion to go to labor.
Tye these holy idle thieves to the cartes, to be whipped naked about every market Town, till they fall to labor, that they by their importunate begging, take not away the alms y t y e good christē people would give unto us sore, impotent, miserable people, your bedemē. Thē shall as well y e number of our foresaid monstrous sort, as of the bands, whores, thieves, and idle people decrease. Then shall these great yearly exactions cease. Then shall not your sword, power, crown, dignity, & obedience of your people be translated from you. Thē shall you have full obedience of your people. Then shall the idle people be set to work. Then shall matrimony be much better kept. Then shall the generation of your people be increased. Then shall your commons increase in riches. Thē shall y e Gospel be preached. Then shall none beg our alms frō us. Thē shall we have enough and more then shall suffice us: which shall be the best hospital that ever was founded for us. Thē shall we daily pray to God for your most noble estate long to endure.
Against this book of the Beggers above prefixed, being written in the time of the Cardinal, another contrary book or supplication, was devised and writ̄ shortly vpō the same, by one sir Thomas More knight, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, under the name and title of the poor seely souls pewling out of Purgatory. In the which book, after that the said M. More writer thereof, had first divided y e whole world into four partes, that is, into heaven, hell, middle earth, and purgatory: then he maketh the dead men's souls by a Rhetorical Prosopopoea, to speak out of Purgatory pynfolde, sometimes lamentably complaing, sometimes pleasauntly dalying & scoffing at the author of the Beggers book, sometimes scoldyng and railing at him, calling him fool, witless, frantic, an asse, a goose, a mad dog, an heretic, & all that naught is. And no marvel, if these seely souls of purgatory seme so fumish • testy. For heat (ye know) is testy, & soon inflameth choler, but yet these Purgatory souls, must take good heed how they call a man a fool, and heretic so often. For if the sentence of the Gospel doth pronounce thē guilty of hell fire, which say fatue, fool: it may be doubted lest those poor seely melancholy souls of Purgatory, calling this man fool so oft as they have done, do bring themselves thereby out of purgatory fire, to the fire of hell, by y e just sentence of the gospel: so that neither the 5. wounds of S. Francis, nor all the merits of S. Dominic, nor yet of all the Friers can release them poor wretches. But yet for so much as I do not, nor cannot think, that those departed souls, either would so far ouershoote themselves if they were in purgatory, or else that there is any such fourth place of Purgatory at all (unless it be in M Mores Utopia) as Mayster Mores Poetical vain doth imagine, I cease therefore to burden the souls departed, and lay all the wit in master More the author and contriuer of this Poetical book, for not keeping Decorum personae, as a perfect Poet should have done, They that give precepts of Art, do note this in all Poetical fictions, as a special observation to foresee and express what is convenient for every persō, according to his degree and condition to speak and utter. Wherefore if it be true that M. More saith in the sequel of his book, that grace & charity increaseth in thē that lie in the pains of Purgatory, then is it not agreeable, that such souls lying so long in Purgatory, should so soon forget their charity, and • all a railing in their supplication so fumishly, both against this man, with such opprobrious & vn •• cting terms, & also against John Badby, Richard Howndon, John Goose, Lord Cobham and other Martyrs of y e Lord burned for his word: also against Luther, Williā Tyndale, Richard Hunne and other moe, falsely belying the doctrine by them taught & defended: which is not like that such charitably souls of Purgatory would ever do, neither were it convenient for them in that case, which in deed though their doctrine were false, should redound to the more increase of their pain. Agayne, where the B. of Rochester defineth the Angels to be ministers to Purgatory souls some will think peradventure M. More to have missed some part of his Decorum in making the evil spirit of the author & the devil to be messenger between middle earth, & Purgatory, in bringing tidings to the prisoned souls, both of the book, and of the name of the maker.
Now, as touching the manner how this devil came into Purgatory, laughing, grinning, and gnashing his teeth, in • oath it maketh me to laugh, to see the merye Antiques of M. More. Belike thē this was some merry devil, or else ha • eaten w t his teeth some Nasturcium before: which coming into Purgatory, to show the name of this man, could not tell his tale without laughing. But this was (saith he) an •• mious and an envious laughing joined with grinning and gnashing of teeth. And immediately vpō the same, was contrived this scoffing & railing supplication of the pewling souls of Purgatory, as he himself doth term them. So then here was enmying, envying, laughing, grinning gnashing of teeth, pewling, scoffing railing, and begging and altogether to make a very black Sanctus in Purgatory. In deed we read in S • ripture, that there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth in hell, where the souls and bodies of men shall be tormented. But who would ever have thought before, that the evil angel of this man, y t made the book of Beggers, being a spiritual and no corporal substance, had teeth to gnashe, and a mouth to grinne? But where then stood M. More I marvel all this mean while, to see the devil laugh with his mouth so wide, that the souls of purgatory might see all his teeth? Belike this was in Utopia, where M. Mores Purgatory is founded, but because M. More is hence departed, I leave him with his merry Antiques. And as touching his book of Purgatory, which he hath left behind, because John Frith hath learnedly and effectuously overthrown the same, I will therefore refer the reader to him, while I repair again (the Lord willing) to the history.
After that the clergy of England, and especially the Cardinal understood these books of the beggars supplications foresaid, to be strawne abroad in the streets of London, and also before the king, the said Cardinal caused not only his servants diligently to attend to gather them up, that they should not come into the kings hands but also when he understood, that the king has received one or two of them, he came unto the kings Majesty saying: If it shall please your grace, here are diverse seditious persons which have scattered abroad books containing manifest errors and heresies, desiring his grace to beware of them. Wherupon the king putting his hand in his bosom, took out one of the books and delivered it unto y e Cardinal. Thē the Cardinal together with his bishops, consulted how they might provide a speedy remedy for this mischief, & thereupon determined to give out a commissiō to forbid the reading of all English books, and namely this book of Beggers, and the new Testament of Tyndals translation: which was done out of hand by Cutbert Tonstall Bishop of London, who sent out his prohibition unto his Archdeacons, w t all speed, for the forbidding of that book and diverse other more: the tenor of which prohibition here followeth.
*A prohibition sent out by Cutbert Tonstall Bysh of London, to the Archdeacons of his diocese, for the calling in of the new Testaments translated into English, with diverse other books: the Catalogue whereof hereafter ensueth.
CVthbert by the permission of God, Bishop of London, unto our well-beloved in Christ the Archdeacon of London, or to his Officiall, health, grace & benediction. By the duty of our pastoral office, we are bound diligently with all our power, to foresee, provide for, root out, and put away all those things, which seme to tend to the peril & danger of our subjects, and specially the destruction of their souls. Wherefore we having understanding by the report of diverse credible persons, & also by the evident apparaunce of the matter, that many childrē of iniquity mainteiners of Luther's sect, blinded through extreme wickedness wandering from the way of truth and the Catholic faith, craftily have translated the New Testament into our English tongue, entermedling therewith many heretical Articles and erroneous opinions, pernicious and offensive, seducing the simple people attempting by their wicked & perverse interpretations, to prophanate the majesty of the Scripture, which hitherto hath remained undefiled, & craftily to abuse the most holy word of God, & the true sense of the same: of the which translation there are many books imprinted, some with glosses and some without, containing in the English tongue that pestiferous and most pernicious poysō dispersed throughout all our diocese of London in great number: which truly without it be speedily foresene, without doubt, will contaminate and infect the flock committed unto us, with most deadly poison and heresy, to the grievous peril & danger of the souls committed to our charge, and the offense of God's divine majesty. Wherefore we Cuthbert the bishop aforesaid, grieuouslye sorowing for the premisses, willing to withstand the craft & subtlety of the ancient enemy and his ministers, which seek the destruction of my flock, & with a diligent care, to take heed unto the flock committed to my charge, desiring to provide spedy remedies for the premisses, do charge you jointly and severally, & by virtue of your obedience, straightly enioine & command you, that by our authority you warn or cause to be warned all & singular, as well exempt as not exempt, dwelling within our Archdeaconries, that within 30. days space, whereof 10. days shall be for the first 10. for the second 10. for the third and peremptory term, under pain of excommunication, and incurring the suspitiō of heresy, they do bring in and really deliver unto our vicar general, all & singular such books as contain the translation of the New Testament in the English tongue, and that you do certefy us or our said Commissary, within a months after the day of the date of these presents, duly, personally or by your letters, together with these presents, under your seals, what you have done in the premisses, under pain of contempt given under our seal, the 23. of October, in the 5. year of our consecration an. 1526.
The like Commission in like manner and form, was sent to the three other Archdeacons of Middlesexe, Essex, and Co • chester, for the execution of the same matter, under the Bishops seal.
*The names of the books that were forbidden at this time, together with the New Testament.
- THe supplication of Beggers.
- The revelation of Antichrist, of Luther.
- The New Testament of Tyndale.
- The wicked Mammon.
- The obedience of a Christian man.
- An introduction to Paul's Epistle to the Romans.
- A Dialogue betwixt the father and the son.
- Oeconomicae Christianae.
- Vnio dissidentium.
- Piae Precationes.
- Captiuitas Babilonica.
- Johannes Hus in Oseam.
- Zwinglius in Catabaptistas.
- De pueris instituendis.
- Brenz de administranda Republica.
- Luther ad Galatas.
- De libertate Christiana.
- Luther's exposition upon the Pater noster.
Besides these books here before mentioned, within a short time after, there were a great number more of other books in like manner prohibited by the kings proclamation: but yet by the Bishops procurement. an. 1529. the Catalogue whereof with the names & the authors, are here to be seen.
-
*Libri Sectae sieve factionis Lutherianae importati ad ciuitatem London▪ per fautores eiusdem Sectae, quorum nomina & auctores sequuntur.
- IOannis Wycleffi viri pijssimi dialogorū libri quatuor, quorum primus diuinitatem & ideas tractat. Secundus vniuersarum creationem complectitur. Tertius de virtutibus vitijs{que} ipsis contrarijs copiosissime loquitur. Quartus Romanae Ecclesiae sacramēta, eius pestiferam dotationem, antechristi regnum, fratrum fraudulentam originem atque eorum hypocrisim demonstrate.
- De bonis operibus doctoris Ma. Lutheri.
- Epistola Lutheri ad Leonem .x. summum Pontificem.
- Tessaradeca consolatoria pro laborantibus & oneratis Mart. Lutheri.
- Tractatus Lutheri de libertate Christiana.
- Sermo doctors Martini Lutheri.
- Enarrationes M. Lutheri in epistolas D. Petri.
- Resposio Martini Lutheri ad librū Magistri Bartholomei Catharini desensoris Siluestri Pontificis cum exposita vision Danielis 8. de an. Christi.
- De operibus Dei, Martino Cellario autore.
- Deutronomos Mosis ex Hebreo castigatus, cum annotationibus Martini Lutheri.
- Lutheri Cathecismus Latina donatus ciuitate, per Iohannem Lonicerum.
- Jonah Propheta, Martini Lutheri commentariolo explicatus.
- In Epistolā Pauli ad Galathas, Martini Lutheri cōmmētarius.
- Mart. Lutheri epistolarū farrago pietatis & eruditionis plena, cum Psalmorum aliquot interpretation.
- Enarrationes seu Postillae Mart. Lutheri in lections qua ex Evēgelicis historijs, Apostolorū scriptis, alijs{que} sacrae scripturae literis desumpta per vniuersum annū, tam diebus dominicis, quam diuorum memory facris super missam faciendam recitantur.
- Conclusiones sedecim R. patris Domini Martini Lutheri de fide & ceremonijs.
- Eiusdem de fide & operibus saluberrima declaratio.
- Ceremoniarum eruditissima resolutio, quid sint & quomodo eis vtendum.
- Conclusiones quinquaginta eiusdē pro timoratis cōscientijs.
- Resolutio Lutheriana super propositionem suam. 13. de potestate Papae.
- Didimi Fauentini aduersus Thomam Placentinū, pro Martino Luthero Theologo oratio.
- Enarrationes nouae Domini M. Lutheri in Ionam Prophetā.
- De votis monasticis Martini Lutheri iudicium.
- Enchiridion piarum precationum Martini Lutheri.
- Conciunculae quaedam Martini Lutheri in deiparae virginis & aliquot festos dies nuper e populari lingua latin factae.
- In Esaiam Prophetam cōmentarius Ioannis Oecolampadij.
- In Danielem Prophetam Ioannis Oecolampadij libri duo.
- Appologetica Ioannis Oecolampadij de dignitate Eucharistiae. Item, Sermones duo ad Theobaldum Billicanum, quinam in verbis Cenae alienum sensum inferant.
- De non habendo pauperum delectu, Johannes Oecolāpadius.
- In postremos tres Prophetas, nempe Haggeum, Zachariā, & Malachiam, commentarius Johannes Oecolampadij.
- Quid de Eucharistia veteres tū Graeci, tum Latini senserint dialogus, in quo epistolae Philippi Melanctonis & Johannes Oecolampadij insertae sunt.
- Apologetica Ioannis Oecolampadij de dignitate Eucharistiae.
- Johannes Oecolampadius de genuina verborum Domini, Hoc est corpus meum signification.
- In epistolam Pauli Apostoli adnotationes à Ioanne Oecolāpadio recognitae.
- Accuta exegesis id est expositio Eucharistici negotij ad Martinum Lutherum Huldricho Zwinglio author.
- Complanationes Esaiae Prophetae foetura prima, cum Apologia per Huldricum Zwinglium.
- Farrago Annotationum in Genesim, ex ore Hulderichi Zwinglij. Annotatiunculae per Leonē Iudam, ex ore Zwinglij, in vtrā{que} Pauli ad Corinthios Epistolam.
- Ad Phillippenses annotatiunculae per Leonem Iudam, ex ore Huldrichi Zwinglij exceptae,
- Ad illustrissimos Germaniae principes Augusta congregatos de conuitijs Eccij.
- In Catabaptistarum Stropeas Elenchus Huldrichi Zwinglij.
- De veteri & falsa religione Huldrichi Zwinglij commontarius.
- Ad illustrissimum cattorum principem Philippum, Sermones de prouidentia Dei, Huldricho Zwinglio autore.
- Complanationes Ieremiae Prophetae foetura prima, cum Apologia, per Huldricum Zwinglium.
- Ad Theobaldi Bellicani & vrbani regij Epistolas resposio Huldrichi Zwinglij.
- Quo pacto ingenui adolescentes formādi sunt, praeceptiones pauculae, Huldricho Zwinglio autore.
- Annotationes Johannnis Bugehagij Pomerani in Epistolas Pauli ad Galatas, Ephesios, Phillippenses, Collossenses, Thessalonicenses, primam & secundam.
- In Regum duos vltimos libros annotationes Ioannis Bugēhagij pomerani post Samuelem, iam primum emissae.
- Johannes Bugenhagij pomerani annotationes in Deuteronomium, & in Samuelem Prophetam, id est duos libros Regum.
- De coniugio Episcoporum & diaconorum, ad venerandū doctorem Wolfgangum Reysenbusts, per Ioannem Bugenhagiū Pomeranum.
- Explicatio breuis, simplex, & canonica libelli Ruth, ea forma qua totius veteris test. canonici libri expofiti sunt, autore Conrado Pelicanio.
- Psalterium Dauidis, Conradi Pellicani opera elaboratum: non esse ferendas in tēplis Christianorum imagines & statuas coli solitas, autoribus ecclesiastis argentoraten.
- Epistola Martini Buceri, Euangelistarū enarrationes nuncupata. De Ebdomadis que apud Danielem sunt opusculū, in quo tractatur de sacrificio missae abolendo, incerto autore.
- Nouae doctrinae ad veterem collatio per Vrbanum Regium, in quo tractat de sacris Ecclesiae.
- Collectaneae cōmuníum troporum sacrosanctae scripturae, Batholomeo Westhemero collectore.
- In epistolam ad Romanos, Andreae Kuophen Costermensis interpretatio. Adiecta est Epistola à Phillippo Melancthone.
- Loci vtriusque testamenti cōplectentes praecipua capita totius Christianismi, cum adiectis scholijs.
- Epistola Pauli ad Titum iam recens per Iohannem Agrigolam scholijs nouis illustrata.
- In Hoseam Prophetam. 5. sermons Capitonis.
- Dispositio orationis in Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos, Philippo Melancthone autore.
- Sancti Pauli ad Colessenses Epistola, cum comentarijs Philippi Milanctonis.
- Noua scholia Philippi Melancthonis in Prouerbia Salomonis.
- De autoritate, officio, & potestate Pastorum ecclesiasticorum, ex Philippi Melancthonis editione.
- Philippi Melancthonis Annotationes in Ioannem.
- Annotationes Philippi Melancthonis in Euangelium Mathaei.
- Enarrationes perpetuae in sacra quatuor Euangelia per Martinum Bucerum.
- In Sancti Pauli Epistolam ad Epheseos, Martinus Bucerus.
- In theophaniā, quē Sophoniam vulgo vocāt, Epitomographus, ad ebraicam veritatē versus, per Martinum Bucerum.
- Job cum commentarijs Johannes Brentij.
- Ecclesiastes Salomonis cum commentarijs Ioannis Brentij.
- In Diui Ioannis Euangelium Io. Brentij exegesis.
- Francisci Lamberti Auinionensis, in diui Lucae Evēgeliū commentarij.
- Francisci Lamberti commentarij de Prophetia, eruditione, & linguis, de{que} litera & spiritu.
- In regulam Minoritarū, & contra vniuersas perditionis Sectas, Francisci Lamberti commentarij.
- Eiusdem libellus de differentia stimuli carnis Sathnae nuncij, & vstionis.
- In Cantica Canticorū Salomonis, libellū quidē sensibus altissimis, in quo sublimia sacri coniugij mysteria quae in Christo, & Ecclesia sunt, pertractantur, Francisci Lamberti commentarij
- In Amos, Abdiam, & Ionam, Prophetas, commentarij Francisci Lamberti.
- Francisci Lamberti cōmentarij in .iv. vltimos Prophetas, nēpe Sophoniam, Aggeum, Zachariam, & Malachiam.
- Wessellus de sacramēto Eucharistiae, & de audiēda missa. Farrago Wesselli Groning. Lux mundi olim vulgo dicta, in qua tractatur de prouidentia Dei, de dignitate & pietate Ecclesiastica, de Sacramēto penitētiae, & quae sūt claues Ecclesiae, & de purgatorio.
- Weselli Epistola aduersus M. Eugelbertum Lerdens, in qua tractatur quid sit tenendū de spirituū & mortuorū apparationibus, ac de suffragijs & celebrationibus.
- Tractatur Wesselli de oratione & modo orandi.
- De Christi incarnatione, de magnitudine, & amaritudine dominicae passionis, libri duo Wisselli Groningensi author.
- In Dei gratiae & Christianae fidei commendationem, contra falsam & pharisaicam multorum, de iusticijs & meritis operū doctrinam & gloriationē, fragmenta aliquot D. Johannes Gocchij, nunquam ante hac excusa.
- Dialogus D. Johannes Gocchij Mechliniensis, de quatuor errorib. circa Euangelicam legem exortis.
- Quod nō sit onerosa consefsio paradox. Ioannis Oecolāpadij. De celibatu monachatu, & viduitate, Domino Andrea Carolostadio autore.
- Francisci Lamberti cōmentarij, de causis excaecationis multorum seculorum, ac veritate denuo & nouissime dei misericordia reuelata &c. Ex Regist London.
The New Testament in the Catalogue above recited, began first to be translated by William Tyndale, & so came forth in Print, about the year of our Lord. 1529. wherew t Cutbert Tonstall Bishop of London, with Sir Thomas More being sore aggrieved, devised howe to destroy y e false erroneous translation, as he called it. It happened that one Augustine Packington a Mercer, was then at Antwarpe, where the Bishop was. This man favored Tyndale, but shown y e contrary unto y e Bishop. The Bishop being desirous to bring his purpose to pass, cōmoned how that he would gladly buy the new Testaments, Packington hearing him say so, said: my Lord I cā do more in this matter then most Merchants y t be hear, if it be your pleasure: for I know the Dutchmen & strangers that have bought thē of Tyndale, and have them here to sell, so that if it be your Lordships pleasure I must disburse money to pay for thē, or else I cannot have them, & so I will assure you to have every book of them that is printed & vnsolde. The Bishop thinking he had God by the toe, said: do your diligence gentle Master Packington, get thē for me, & I will pay whatsoever they cost, for I intend to burn & destroy them all at Paul's Cross. This Augustine Packington, went unto William Tyndale and declared the whole matter, and so upon compact made between them, the Bishop of London had the books, Packington had the thanks, & Tyndale had the money. After this Tyndale corrected the same new Testaments again, and caused them to be newly imprinted, so that they came thick and threefold over into England. When the Bishop perceived that, he sent for Packington, and said to him how cometh this y t there are so many new Testaments abroad? you promised me that you would buy them all. Then answered Packington: surely I bought all that was to be had, but I perceive the have printed more since. I see it will never be better so long as they have letters and stamps, wherefor you were best to buy the stamps too, & so you shall be sure. At which answer the Bishop smiled and so the matter ended.
In short space after: it fortuned y t George Constantine was apprehended by syr Thomas More, which was then Chancellor of England, suspected of certain heresies during the time that he was in the custody of M. More. After diverse communications amongst other things M. More asked of him, saying: Constantine I would have thee plain with me in one thing that I will ask, and I promise thee I will show thee favor in all other things, whereof thou art accused. There is beyond the Sea, Tyndale, Ioye, and a great meany of you, I know they cannot live w t out help. There are some that help and succor them with money, and thou being one of them haddest thy part thereof, and therefore knowest from whence it came. I pray thee tell me, who be they that help them thus? My Lord quoth Constantine, I will tell you truly: it is the Bishop of London that hath holpen us, for he hath bestowed among us a great deal of money upon new Testaments to burn them, and that hath been and yet is our only succor and comfort: Now by my truth, quoth More I think even the same, for so much I told the Bishop before he went about it.
Of this Georg Constantine moreover it is reported by Syr Tho. More that he being taken and in hold, seemed well content to renounce his former doctrine, & not only to disclose certain other of his fellows, but also studied & devised, how those books, which he himself and other of his fellows had brought and shipped, might come to the Bishops hands to be burned, and shown to the foresaid Syr Tho. More Chancellor, the shipmans name that had them, and the marks of the fardels, by the which the books afterward were taken & burned. Besides this he is reported also to have disclosed diverse of his companions of whom some were abjured after, some had abjured before, as Rich. Necton, who was committed to Newgate upon the same, and is thought there to have died in prison or else had not escaped their hands, but should have suffered burning, if the report of M. More be to be credited. More in his preface against Tyndale.
Notwithstanding the same Constantine afterward, by the help of some of his friends, escaped out of prison over the seas, and after that, in the time of king Edward, was one of them that troubled the good Bishop of S. David's which after in Queen Mary's time, was Burned. But of Constantine enough.
Mention was made in the leaf before. pag. 1040. how the Bishops had procured of the king a proclamation to be set forth in the year of our Lord. 990. for the abolishing of diverse books aforenamed, and also for y e withstanding of all such as taught or preached anything against the dignity and ordinances of the Church of Rome. Upon this proclamation ensued great persecution and trouble against y e poor innocent flock of Christ, as here following you may see, with the said proclamation also prefixed before y e same the tenor whereof is this.
*A proclamation for resisting and withstanding of most damnable heresies, sown within this realm by the disciples of Luther and other heretics, peruerters of Christ's religion.
THe king our sovereign Lord, of his most virtuous and gracious disposition, considering that this noble realm of England, hath of long time continued in the true Catholic faith of Christ's religion, and that his noble progenitors, kings of this his said realm, have before this time made and enacted, many devout laws, statutes and ordinances, for the maintenance and defense of the said faith against the malicious and wicked sects of heretics and Lollards, who by perversion of holy Scripture, do induce the erroneous opinions, sow sedition among Christian people, and finally disturb the peace and tranquility of Christ̄ realms, as late happened in some parties of Germany, where, by the procurement and sedition of Martin Luther and other heretics, wer slain an infinite number of Christian people: considering also, that as well by the corruption & malice of indiscrete preachers, sautors of the said erroneous sects as by certain heretical and blasphemous books lately made and privily sent into this realm, by the disciples, fautors, & adherents of the said Martin Luther & other heretics, the kings subjects are like to be corrupted, unless his highness (as the defēsor of the faith) do put to his most gracious help & authority royal to the due & speedy reformation thereof, his highness therefore, like a most gracious Prince, of his blessed & virtuous disposition, for the incomparable zeal, which he hath to Christ's religion & faith, & for the singular love & affection that he beareth to all his good subjects of this his realm, & specially to the salvation of their souls, according to his office▪ & duty in that behalf, willeth and intendeth to provide with all convenient expedition, that this his noble realm may be preserved frō the said pestiferous, cursed, & seditious errors. And for as much as his highness is credibly informed, that some of the said errors be already sown & spread within this his realm, partly by the corruption of indiscrete preachers, partly by erroneous books, compiled, printed & written, as well in the English tongue, as in latin & other languages, repleat with most venomous heresies, blasphemies & slanders, intolerable to the clean ears of any good christen man: his highness therefore, like a most gracious & Christian Prince only intending the safeguard of this his realm, the preservation of his subjects, and salvation of their souls, willeth to put now in execution, with all diligence possible, all good laws, statutes and ordinances concerning the premisses before this time provided, made and ordained by his most noble progenitors kings of England, for that purpose & intent. Which laws and statutes by our sovereign Lord, and his most honorable counsel, by long and deliberate advise for the extirpation suppressyng & withstanding of the said heresies, have been seen, examined, & by them in every part, thought good & necessary to be put in execution.
Wherefore his highness chargeth and straightly commaūdeath all and every his Lord's spiritual and temporal, Judges, Justices of peace, Sheriffs, Mayors, Baylifs, Constables, and all other his Officers, Ministers, and all his true and loving subjects, that all favor, affection, and partiality laid apart, they effectually with all diligence and study, endeavor themselves substantially for the executing of all and every of the articles hereafter ensuing, without dissimulation, intermission or excuse, as they will avoid his high indignation and displeasure.
First, that no man within the kings realm or other his domynions, subject to his highness, hereafter presume to preach, teache, or inform anything openly or privily, or cōpile and write any book, or hold, exercise, or keep any assembles or schools, in any manner of wise, contrary to the Catholic faith, or determinatyon of holy church, nor that any person within this his said realm & domininions, do presume to preach openly or secretly, without they have first obtained license of the Bishop of the diocese, where they intend to preach, curates in their parishes, persons privileged, and other by the law of the church only except.
Also that no mā wittingly hereafter favor, support, or maintain any person, which preacheth in form aforesaid, or maketh any such or like conventicles and assembles, holdeth or exerciseth any schools, maketh, writeth, or publisheth any such book, teacheth, infourmeth, or stirreth the people or any of them, in any manner of form to the said errors. Moreover, that all & every person and persons having any books or writings of any such errors, erroneous doctrine and opinion, do deliver or cause to be delivered effectually and actually, all and every such books and writings, to the Bishops of the diocese, or to the ordinary of the place, within 15 days after this proclamation pronounced. And in case any person or persons, of what estate, condition, or degree soever they be, do or attempt anything contrary to this Act and proclamation, or do not deliver or cause to be delivered such books, within the time aforesaid, that every bishop in his diocese, or ordinary, shall cause that person or persons, and every of them to be arrested in that behalf diffamed or evidently suspected, and detayne & keep thē under safe custody in their persons, until such time that the said persons & every of thē, either have purged thenselves of the said errors, or else do abjure the said erroneous sects, preachings, doctrines, or opinions, as the law of holy Church doth require.
Furthermore, if any person by the law of holy Church be convicted before the bishop of the diocese, or his Cōmissary in any case above expressed, that the said Bishop may keep in prison, the said person or persons so convicted, as it shall seem best to his discretiō, after the greuousnes or quality of the crime, and further, may set a fine to be paid to the behoufe of the king, by the persō or persons convicted, as it shall be thought convenient to the said Bishop having respect to the greuousnes of the effence of the said persō or persons the said fine to be certified by the Bishop, into the kings Exchequer, there to be levied to the kings use, except in such cases in which by the laws of holy church, the said persons convict of heresies, ought totally to be left to the secular iurisdictiō.
Also, if any person within this his realm of England or other his dominions▪ be by sentence iudicial convicted of the said preaching and doctrines prohibited, erroneous opinions, schools & informations or any of them, and before the Bishop, or his Commissary do abjure, according to the form of the laws of holy church, the foresaid erroneous sects, doctrines, schools, or informations, or else be pronounced by the bishops or their cōmissaries after their abjuration by thē before made, to be relapsed, so that after the laws of holy church, they ought to be relinquished to the jurisdiction secular (wherein faith is to be given to the Bysh. or his Cōmissaries in that behalf) then the Sheriff of the Coūtie, Major, Shirifes, or Major and Baylifes of the same city, town or borough▪ next unto the said Bishop or Commissaries shall be personally present in the sentence giving, by the said Bishop or Cōmissaries thereunto required, and after the said sentence givē, shall receive the said persons and every of them, and put them to further excution, according to the laws of this realm.
Also the Chancellor, treasurer of England, the Justice of the one Bench and the other, Justices of peace, Shirifes, Mayors and Bailiffs of cities and towns, and other Officers having governance of the people, which now be, or for the time, hereafter shall be, shall make oath in taking their charge and ministration, to put their whole power and diligence, to put away, and to make utterly to cease, and destroy all manner of heresies and errors, commonly called Lollardies, within the precinctes of their offices and administrations, from time to time with all their power.
Also they shall assist the Bishops and their Commissaries, and them shall favor and maintain as oftentimes as that to do, they or any of them, shall be required by the said Bishops or their commissaries, so that the Bishops or their commissaries, shall bear & pay the reasonable costs of the said officers and ministers, when and as often as they shall travail or ride to arrest heretics and Lollards, or to assist the said Bishops or Commissaries by virtue of the kings laws and statutes.
Moreover the Justices of the kings Bench, Justices of peace, and Justices of Assise shall inquire at their Sessions and sittings, of all those that hold any errors or heresies, and who be their mayntainers, receptors, favorers and supporters, common writers of books, as also of their sermons, schools, conventicles, congregations, confederacies.
Furthermore, if any person be endicted of any of the points abovesaid, the Justices of the peace have power to awarde against them Acapias, and the shriues be bound to arrest such persons so endicted, as sone as they may be found by themselves, or by their Officers. And forsomuch as cognisaunce of heresy, errors, and Lollardies, appertaineth to the Judge of holy church, and not to the Judge secular, the persons so indicted to be delivered to the bishops of the places or their Commissaries, by indenture between them to be made within x. days after their arrest, or sooner if it can be done, thereof to be acquit or convict by the laws of holy church, in case that those persons be not endicted of other things, whereof the knowledge appeareth to the Judges & Officers secular. In which case, after they be acquit and delivered afore the Justice seculare, of those things pertaining to the Judge seculare that they be conveyed in safeguard to ordinaries or their Commissaries, and to them to be delivered by Indentures (as is abovesaid) there to be acquit or convicted of the said heresies, errors and Lollordies, (as is abouesaide) after the laws of holy church. Provided that the Inditementes be not taken in evidence, but for an information afore the Judges spiritual, against such indicte, but that the Ordinaries cōmence their process against those indicts in the same manner as no inditement had been, having no regard to such indictments.
Moreover, that no manner of person or persons, of what estate, degree or condition he or they be, do from henceforth presume to bring into this realm, or do sell, receive take or detayne any book or work printed or written, which is made, or hereafter shall be made against the faith Catholic, or against the holy decrees, laws and ordinances of holy Church, or in reproach, rebuke, or slander of the kings, his honorable counsel, or his Lord's spiritual or temporal. And in case they have any such book or work, they shall incontinent, upon the having of them, bring the said book or work to the Bishop of the diocese, without concealment or fraud: or if they know any person having any of the said books, they shall detect them to the said bishop, all favor or affection laid apart, and that they fail not thus to do, as they will avoid the kings high indignation and displeasure.
The books which in this Proclamation generallye are restrained and forbidden, be afterward in the Register more specially named by the Bishops. Whereof the most part were in Latin, as are above recited, and some were in English, as these and other partly also above expressed.
- A disputation between the father and the son.
- A book of the old God and new.
- Godly prayers
- The Christian state of Matrimony.
- The burying of the Mass.
- The sum of the Scripture.
- Matins and Evensong, vii Psalms. and other heavenly Psalms, with the commendations, in English.
- An exposition upon the vii. Chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinth.
- The Chapters of Moses, called Genesis.
- The Chapters of Moses, called Deuteronomos.
- The Matrymonie of Tyndale.
- David's Psalter in English.
- The practice of Prelates.
- Hotlulus animae in English.
- A. B. C. against the Clergy.
- The examination of William Thorpe. &c.
Although these books withal other of the like sort by the virtue of this proclamatiō were inhibited to all english men to use or to read: yet license was granted before, to sir Tho. More by Tonstall Bishop of London, An. 1527. that he notwithstanding might have and peruse them, with a letter also sent to him from the said Bishop, or rather by y e advise of other bishyps, desiring him that he would show his cunning and play the pretty man, like a Demosthenes, in expugning the doctrine of these books & opinions: who albeit he was no great divine, yet because he saw some towardness in him by his book of Utopia, & other fine Poetry of his, therefore he thought him a meet man for their purpose, to withstand the proceedings of the Gospel, either in making some apparance of reason against it, or at least, to outface it and dash it out of countenance. Wherein there lacked in his part, neither good will nor labor to serve y e Bishops turn, so far forth as all his Rhethoricke could reach: filling up with finenes of wit, and scoffing terms, where true knowledge and judgment of Scripture did fail: as by his works & writings against Bilney, Tyndale, Frith, Fish, Barns, Luther &c. may soon be discerned, if the reasons and manner of his handling be well waied: & rightlye examined with the touchstone of the scriptures. But now to fall into our story again:
Upon this fierce and terrible proclamatiō aforesaid, thus devised and set out in the kings name, an 1529. the Bishops which were the procurers hereof, had that now, which they would have: neither did there lack on their part any study vnapplyed, any stone vnremoued, any corner vnsearched, for y e diligent execution of y e same. Wherupō ensued grievous persecution, & slaughter of the faithful. Of whom the first that went to wrack was Thomas Bilney, of whō sufficiently afore hath been said: & the next was Richard Bayfield, as in the story here followeth.
Richard Bayfield Martyr.
FOlowing the order of years and of times, as the course of our history requireth, next after the consummatiō of Tho. Bilney, we have to entreat of the Martyrdom of Rich. Bayfield, which in the month of Nouemb. the same yere, which was the yere of our Lord, 1531. was burned in Smithfield.
This Rich. Bayfield sometime a Monk of Bury, was converted by D. Barns, and ii. godly men of London, Brickemakers, M. Maxwell, and M. Stacy Wardens of their company. Who were grafted in the doctrine of Jesus Christ, and through their godly conversation of life, converted many men and women, both in London and in the country: and once a year of their own cost, went about to visit the brethren and sisterne scattered abroad. Doctor Barns at that time much resorted to the Abbey of Bery, where Bayfield was to one D. Ruffam, who had been at Louaine together students. At that time it happened that this Bayfield the Monk, was Chamberlain of the house to provide lodging for the strangers, and to see them well entertained: who delyted much in Doctor Barns talk, and in the other lay men's talk afore rehearsed, and at the last Doctor Barns gave him a New Testament in Latin, and the other two gave him Tyndals Testament in English, with a book called the wicked Mammon, and the Obedience of a christen man: wherein he prospered so mightily in two years space, that he was cast into the prison of his house: there sore whipped, with a gagge in his mouth and then stocked, and so continued in the same torment .iii. quarters of a year before D. Barns could get him out, which he brought to pass, by the means of D. Ruffam aforesaid, & so he was committed to D. Barns to go to Cambridge with him. By that time he had been there a good while, he tasted so well of good letters, that he never returned home again to his Abbey, but went to Londō to Maxwel and Stacy, and they kept him secretly a while, & so conveyed him beyond the Sea. D. Barns being then in the Fleet for God's word. This Bayfild mightily prospered in y e knowledge of God, and was beneficial to M. Tyndale and M. Frith, for he brought substance with him, and was their own hand, and sold all their works and the Germaynes works both in France & in England, and at the last coming to London to M. Smiths house in Bucklers Bury, there was he bewrayed, & dogged from that house to his Bookebynders in mark lane, and there taken and carried to Lollards Tower, & from thence to the Colehouse, by reason y