Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

The first caution.

FIrst, that we through the misunderstanding of the Scriptures, do not take the law for the Gospel, nor the Gospel for the law: but skillfully discern and distinct the voice of the one, from the voice of the other. Many there be, which reading the book of the New Testament, do take and understand whatsoever they see contained in the said boke, to be only and merely the voice of the gospel. And contrariwise, whatsoever is contained in the cōpass of the Old Testament, that is, within the law, stories, Psalms and Prophets, to be only and merely the word and voice of the law: wherein many are deceived. For the preaching of the law & of the Gospel, are mixed together in both the Testaments, as well the old as the new. Neither is the order of these two doctrines to be distincted by books and leaves, but by the diversity of God's spirit speaking unto us. For sometimes in the old Testament, God doth comfort as he comforted Adam with the voice of the Gospel. Sometimes also in the new Testament he doth threaten and terrify, as when Christ threatened the Pharisees. In some places again, Moses and the Prophets play the Evangelists: In so much that Jerome doubteth whether he should call Isaiah a Prophet or an Evangelist. In some places likewise Christ and the Apostles supply the part of Moses: And as Christ himself until his death was under the law (which law he came not to break but to fulfill) so his Sermons made to the Jews, for the most part run all upon the perfect doctrine and works of the law, showing and teaching what we ought to do by the righte law of Justice, and what danger ensueth in not performing the same. Al which places though they be contained in the book of the New Testament, yet are they to be referred to the doctrine of the law, ever having in them included a privy exception of repentance and faith in Christ Jesus. As in example, where Christ thus preacheth, Blessed be they that be pure of heart, for they shall see God. &c. Mat. 5. Again, except ye be made like these children, ye shall not enter. &c. Mat. 18. Itē, But he that doth the will of my father, shall enter into the kingdom of heaven &c. Mat. 7. Item, the parable of the unkind servant justly cast into prison for not forgetting his fellow, &c. Mat. 18. The casting of the rich glutton into hell. &c. Luk 16 Item, he that denieth me here before men, I will deny him before my father. &c. Luk. 12 With such other places of like condition. All these (I say) pertaining to the doctrine of the law, do ever include in them a secrete exception of earnest repentance, and faith in Christ's precious blood. For else, Peter denied and yet repented. Many Publican's and sinners were unkind, unmerciful, and hard hearted to their fellow servants, and yet many of them repented, & by faith were saved. &c. The grace of Christ Jesus work in us earnest repentance, and faith in him unfeigned. Amen.

Briefly, to know when the law speaketh, and when the Gospel speaketh, and to discern the voice of the one, from the voice of the other, this may serve for a note: That when there is any moral work commanded to be done, either for eschewing of punyshment or upon promise of any reward temporal, or eternal, either else when any promise is made with condition of any work commanded in the law, there is to be understanded the voice of the law. Contrary, where the promise of life and salvation is offered unto us freely without all our merits, & simply without any condition annexed, of any law either natural, ceremonial, or moral, all those places, whether they be read in the old Testament, or in the new, are to be referred to the voice and doctrine of the Gospel. And this promise of God freely made to us by the merits of Jesus Christ, so long before prophesied to us in the Old Testament and afterward exhibited in the New Testament, and now requiring nothing but our faith in the son of God is called properly the voice of the Gospel, and differeth from the voice of the law in this, that it hath no condition adjoined of our merityng, but only respecteth the merits of Christ the son of God, by whose faith only we are promised of God to be saved & justified, according as we read Rom. 3. The righteousness of God cometh by faith of Jesus Christ, in all and upon all, that do believe. &c.

The second Caution or danger to be avoided is, that we now knowing how to discern rightly between the law and the Gospel, and having intelligence not to mistake the one for the other, must take hede again, that we break not the order between these two, taking and applying the law, where the Gospel is to be applied, either to our selves, or toward other. For albeit the law and the Gospel, many times are to be joined together in order of doctrine: yet case may fall sometimes, that the law must be utterly sequestered from the Gospel. As when any person or persons do feel them selves, with the majesty of the law, and judgment of God so terrified and oppressed, and with the burdenne of their sins ouerweyed and thrown down into utter discomfort, and almost even to the pit of hell, as happeneth many times, to soft and timorous consciences of God's good servants: when such mortified hearts do hear either in preaching, or in reading, any such example or place of the Scripture, which pertaineth to the law, let them think the same nothing to belong to them, no more then a mourning weed belongeth to a marriage feast: and therefore, removing utterly out of their minds all cogitation of the law, of fear, of judgment, and condemnation, let them only set before their eyes the Gospel, the sweet comforts of God's promise, free forgiveness of sins in Christ, grace, redemption, liberty, rejoicing, Psalms, thanks, singing, and a Paradise of spiritual iocundity, and nothing else: thinking thus with them selves, that the law hath done his office in them already, and now must needs give place to his better, that is, must needs give room to Christ the son of God, who is the Lord and master, the fulfiller, and also the finisher of the law: for the end of the law, is Christ. Rom. 10.

The third danger to be avoided, is, that we do not use or apply, on the contrary side, the Gospel, instead of the law. For as the other before was even as much as to put on a mournyng gown, in the feast of a Marriage: so is this but even to cast pearls before swine. Wherein is a great abuse among many. For commonly it is seen that these worldly Epicures and secure Mammonistes, to whom the doctrine of the law doth properly appertain, do receive and apply to themselves most principally, the sweet promises of the Gospel: and contrariwise, the other contrite and bruised harts: to whom belongeth only the joyful tidings of the Gospel, and not the law, for the most part, receive and retain to thenselves the terrible voice and sentences of the law▪ Whereby it cometh to pass: that many do rejoice, where they should mourn: and on the other side, many do fear and mourn, where they need not. Wherefore to conclude, in private use of life, let every person discreatly discern between the law and the Gospel, and aptly apply to him self that which he seeth convenient.

And again in public order of doctrine, let every discrete preacher put a difference between the broken heart of the mourning sinner, and the unrepentant worldling, and so conjoin both the law, with the Gospel, and the Gospel, with the law, that in throwing down the wicked, ever he spare the weak hearted: and again so spare the weak, that he do not encourage the ungodly. And thus much concerning the conjunction and difference between the law and the Gospel, upon the occasion of M. Patrikes places.

But what stand I here numbering the sand? For if all the Register books were sought, it would be an infinite thing to recite all them, which through all the other Dioceses of the Realm in these days, before and since, were troubled and pursued for these and such like matters. But these I thought for example sake, here to specify, that it might appear what doctrine it is, and long hath been in the Church, for the which the Prelates and Clergy of Rome have judged men heretics, and so wrongfully have molested poor simple Christians.

Now, passing from the abiurations of those poor men, we will something speak (God willing) of the life & doings of the contrary part, who were their persecutors, and chief Rulers then of the Church, to the intent that by those Rulers, it may better be discerned and judged, what manner of Church that was, which then so persecuted the true doctrine of Christ, and members of his Church.

*A brief discourse, concerning the story and life of Thomas Wolsey, late Cardinal of York, by way of digression, wherein is to be seen and noted the express image of the proud vayneglorious Church of Rome, how far it differeth from the true Church of Christ Jesus.

ALthough it be not greatly pertinent unto this our history, nor greatly requisite in these so weighty matters entreating of Christ's holy Martyrs, to discourse much of Thomas Wolsey Cardinal of York: notwithstanding, forsomuch as there be many, which being carried away with a wrong opinion, and estimation of that false glittering Church of Rome, do think that holiness to be in it, which in deed is not: to the intent therefore, that the vain pomp and pride of that ambitious Church, so far differing from all pure Christianity, and godliness, more notoriously may appear to all men, and partly also to refresh the Reader with some variety of matter, I thought compendiously to express the ridiculous and pompous qualities, and demeaner of this foresaid Thomas Wolsey, Cardinal and Legate of Rome, in whom alone, the Image and life of all other such like followers and professors of the same Church, may be seen and observed. For like as the Lacedemonians in times past, were accustomed to show and demonstrate droncken men unto their children, to behold and look upon, that through the foulness of that vice, they might inflame them the more to the study and desire of sobriety: even so it shall not be hurtful sometimes to set forth the examples which are not honest, that others might thereby gather the instructions of better and more upright dealing.

Wherefore thou shalt note here (good Reader) in this history, with all judgment, the great difference of life and Christian conversation, between this Church, and the other true humble Martyrs and servants of God, whom they have, and do yet persecute. And first to begin, with the first meeting and coming in of this Cardinal, and his fellow Cardinal Campeius into England: it was about the time, when Pope Leo intending to make war against the Turks, sent three Legates together from Rome, whereof one went into Germany, another into France, Laurentius Campeius was appointed to come into England. When he was come to Calais, and that the Cardinal of York had understanding thereof, he sent certain Bishops and Doctors, with as much speed as he could, to meet the Legate, and to show him that if he would have his Ambassade take effect, he should send in post to Rome, to have the said Cardinal of York made Legate, and to be joined with him in commission. Which thing he much affected, misdoubtyng least his authority thereby might perhaps be diminished through the coming of the Legate, and therefore required to be joined with him in like degree of the Ambassade. Campeius being a man light of belief, and suspecting no such matter, gave credit unto his words, and sent unto Rome with such speed, that within xxx. days after, the Bull was brought to Calais, wherein they were both equally joined in Commission: during which time, the Cardinal of York, sent to the Legate at Calais, red cloth to clothe his servants withal, which at their coming to Calais, were but meanly appareled.

When all things were ready, Campeius passed y ^e Seas & landed at Dover, and so kept forth his journey toward London. At every good town as they passed, he was received with procession, accompanied with all the Lord's & Gentlemen of Kent. And when he came to black Heath, there met him the Duke of Norfolk, with a great number of Prelates, Knightes, and Gentlemen, all richly appareled, & in y ^e way he was brought into a rich tent of cloth of gold, where he shifted himself into a Cardinals robe, furred with Ermines, and so took his Mule ryding toward Lōdō. Now mark y ^e great humility in this Church of the Pope, and compare the same with the other Church of the Martyrs, and see which of them is more Gospel like.

Thys Campeius had eight Mules of his own, laden with diverse farthelles and other preparation. The Cardinal of York, thinking them not sufficient for his estate, the night before he came to London, sent him xii. mules more, with empty cofers covered with red, to furnish his carriage withal. The next day, these xx. mules were led through the City, as though they had been loden with treasures, apparel, and other necessaries, to the great admiration of all men, that they should receive a Legate as it were a God, with such and so great treasure, and riches. For so the common people doth always judge and esteem, the majesty of the Clergy, by no other thing then by their outward shows and pomp: but in the midst of this great admiration, there happened a ridiculous spectacle, to y ^e great derision of their pride & ambition. For as the Mules passed through Cheape side, and y ^e people were pressing about them, to behold and gaze (as the manner is) it happened that one of the Mules breaking his collar that he was led in, ran upon the other Mules, whereby it happened, that they so running together, and their girthes being loosed, overthrew diverse of their burdens, and so there appeared the Cardinals gay treasure, not without great laughter and scorn of many, and specially of boys and gerles, whereof some gathered up pieces of meat, othersome pieces of bread and roasted eggs, some found horse shoes, and old bootes, with such other baggage: crying out, behold, here is my Lord Cardinals treasure. The Muliters being therewithal greatly ashamed, gathered together their treasure again as well as they could, and went forward.

About three of the clock at after noon, the xxix. day of July, the Cardinal himself was brought through the City, with great pomp and solemnity, unto Paul's church whereas, when he had blessed all men with the Bishops blessing (as the manner is) he was guided forth unto y ^e Cardinal of Yorkes house, where as he was received by the said Cardinal, and by him, on the next day being Sunday, was conducted unto the King, to fulfill his Ambassade against the Turk, which might have destroyed all Hungary, in the mean time whiles they were studieng with what solemnity to furnish out their Ambassade.

When the Cardinal of York was thus a Legate, he set up a Court, and called it the Court of the Legate, and proved testaments, and heard causes, to the great hynderance of all the Bishops of the Realm. He visited Bishops & all the Clergy, exempt and not exempt: and under color of reformatiō, he got much treasure, & nothing was reformed, but came to more mischief: for by example of his pride, Priests and all spiritual persons waxed so proud, that they wear velvet, and silk, both in gowns, iackets, dublets, and shoes, kept open lechery, & so highly bare thē selves, by reason of his authorities & faculties, that no mā durst once reprove anything in them, for fear to be called heretic, and then they would make him smoke or bear a Fagot. And the Cardinal himself was so elated, that he thought himself equal with the King: and when he had said Mass, he made Dukes & Earls to serve him of wine with a say taken, and to hold the bason at the Lauatories.

Furthermore, as he was Ambassador sent to the Emperor at Brussels, he had over with him the great Seal of England, and was served with his seruitours kneeling on their knees, and many noble men of England waiting upon him, to the great admiration of all the Germans that beheld it: such was his monstrous pomp and pride, Ex Par • lip. Abb. Vrspur.

This glorious Cardinal in his tragical doings, did exceed so far all measure of a good subject, that he became more like a Prince then a Priest: for although y ^e King bare the sword, yet he bare the stroke, making (in a manner) the whole Realm to bend at his beck, & to dance after his pipe. Such practices and fetches he had, that when he had well stored his own cofers, first he fetched the greatest part of the Kings treasure, out of the realm, in xii. great barels full of gold & silver, to serve the Popes wars. And as his auaritious mind was never satisfied in getting, so his wrestles head was so busy, ruffling in public matters, that he never ceased, before he had let both England, France, Flaunders, Spain, and Italy, together by the cares.

Thus this Legate well following the steppes of his master the Pope, and both of them well declaring the nature of their religion, under the pretence of y ^e Church, practiced great hypocrisy, and under the authority of y ^e King, he used great extortion, with excessive taxes and lones, and valuation of every man's substance, so pilling the commons and Marchaunts, that every man complained, but no redress was had. Neither yet were the Churchmen altogether free from the pillax and pollax, from the pilling & polling (I mean) of this Cardinal, who under his power Legantine, gave by preuētions, all benefices belonging to spiritual persons: by which hard it is to say, whether he purchased to himself, more riches then hatred, of the spiritualty. So far his license stretched, that he had power to suppress diverse Abbeys, Priories, and Monasteries, and so did: taking from them all their goods, moveables, and not moveables, except it were a little pension, left only to the heads of certain houses. By the said power Legantine, he kept also general visitations through y ^e Realm, sending Doctor John Alein his Chaplein, riding in his gown of velvet, & with a great train, to visit all religious houses: whereat the Friers obseruants much grudged, & would in no wise condescend thereunto: wherefor they were openly accursed at Paul's cross, by frier Forest, one of the same order: so that the Cardinal at length prevailed both against them, and all other. Against whom great disdain arose among the people, perceiving how he by visitations, making of Abbots, probates of testaments, granting of faculties, licences, and other pollings in his courts Legantine, had made his treasure equal with the Kings, and yet every year he sent great sums to Rome. And this was their daily talk against the Cardinal.

Beside many other matters and greeuances which stirred the harts of the commons against the Cardinal, this was one, which much pinched them, for that the said Cardinal had sent out certain strait commissions in the Kings name, that every man should pay the vi. part of his goods. Wherupon there followed great muttering amongst y ^e commons, in such sort, y ^t it had almost grown to some riotous commotion or tumult, especially in the partes of Suffolk, had not the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, with wisdom and gentleness stepped in and appeased the same.

Another thing that rubbed the stomachs of many, or rather which moved them to laugh at the Cardinal, was this, to see his insolent presumption, so highly to take upon him, as the Kings chief counsailer, to set a reformation in the order of the Kings household, making and establishing new ordinances in the same. He likewise made new officers, in y ^e house of the Duke of Richmond, which was then newly begun. In like manner he ordained a Counsel, & established another household for y ^e Lady Mary, then being princes: so that all thing was done by his consent, & by none other. All this, with much more, took he vpō him, making the King believe, y ^t all should be to his honor, and y ^t he needed not to take any pain, insomuch that the charge of all things was committed unto him: whereat many men smiled to see his great folly and presumption.

At this time the Cardinal gave the King the lease of the Manor of Hampton Court, which he had of the Lord of S. John's, and on which he had done great cost. Therefore y ^e King again of his gentle nature, licenced him to lie in his Manor of Richmond, & so he lay there certain times. But when the common people, and specially such as were King Henry the vii. servants, saw the Cardinal keep house in the royal Manor of Richmond, which K. Henry the vii. so much esteemed, it was a marvel to here, how they grudged, saying: See a butchers dog lie in the Manor of Richmond. These with many other opprobrious words, were spoken against the Cardinal, whose pride was so high, that he regarded nothing: yet was he hated of all men.

And now to express some part of the 〈◊〉 practices and busy intermedlynges of this Cardinal in Princes wars, first here is to be noted, that after long wars between England & France. 1524. (in the which wars, king Henry taking the Emperors part against Francis the French king, had waged with his money, y ^e Duke of Bourbon, and a great part of the Emperors army, to invade and disturb certain partes of France) it happened that the French king coming with his army toward Milan, at the siege of Pauia, was there takē by the Duke of Bourbon, & Uiceroy of Neaples, and so led prisoner into Spain.

Here note by the way, that all this while, the Cardinal held with the Emperor, hopyng by him to be made Pope: but when that would not be, he went clean from the Emperor, to the French king, as (the Lord willing) ye shall hear.

After this victory gotten, and the French king being taken prisoner, who remained in custody about a year & half: at length through great labor & solicitation, as well of other, as namely of the Cardinal, and king Henry, an order was taken, and conditions propounded between the French king and the Emperor, among which other diverse conditions, it was agreed, that they should resist the Turks, & oppress the Lutherans: and so was the king set at liberty, leaving behind him, his ii. eldest sons, for pledges: But shortly after he revoked his oath, being absolved by y ^e Bishop of Rome, & said, that he was forced to swear, or else he should never have been delivered. Which was. an. 1526. Pope Clement vii. seeing the French king restored to liberty, & misdoubting the puissance and domination of the Emperor in Italy so near under his nose, absolveth the French king frō his oath: also joineth together a confederacy of Uenetians & other Princes against the Emperor, bearing great hatred against all thē, that any thing favored the Emperors part, especially the family of Columna in Rome, which family was then Imperial, & therefore to show his hatred against them, he said to Pompey Cardinal of the same family, in threatening words, that he would take away his Cardinals hatte. To whō it was answered again of the Cardinal, that if he so did, he would put on a helmet, to overthrow the Popes triple crown. Whereby it may appear, here by the way, what holiness and virtue lieth in the Pope and Cardinals in that Catholic sea of Rome.

Thus the false Pope, under the lying title of holiness, was the father of much mischief & of great wars, which after ensued. For the Duke of Bourbon and other of the Emperors Captains, having intelligence of the Popes purpose & confederacy, gathered their army together, and after much bloodshed and fighting, about Millā, Hawde and Cremona, at length they approached & bent their siege against Rome, & after three sharp assaults obtained the City with the whole spoil thereof: where also they besieged the foresaid Pope, with his Cardinals, in the mount of Adriā and took him prisoner. an. 1527. As touching the cause of the besiegyng of Rome, now ye have heard: for the manner of taking of Rome, and of the Pope, the order thereof is thus described in Hall, and other.

The sackyng of Rome, and taking of Pope Clement.

THe Emperors army departing from Florence, to the City of Seynes, where they lost their ordinance, took counsel there to go to Rome, and so much they travailed by night and day, commonly passing xl. mile day and night (their good will was such) that the vi. day of May with bāners displayed, they came before the City of Rome being Saturday, the same day: and on Sunday the Romaines made Bulwarks, Rampires, and other defences; and laid ordinance on the walls, and shot at them without fiercely.

The Duke of Bourbō determined that it was not best to lie still without, and be slain with ordinance, cōsideryng, that they were all naked people, & without great ordinance: wherefor he determined to take the chance & to give the assault, and so manfully they approached the walls between the Burgo Nouo & old Rome. But the Romaines valiantly defended them with hādgunnes, pykes, stones, and other weapons, so that the enemies were fain to retreit. Then the Romaines were glad, and set many fair banners on their towers and bulwarks, and made great shoutes: which seeing the Duke of Bourbon, cried to a new assault. Then the drums • ades blew, and every man with a ladder mounted: and at first encounter, again the Romans put them a little back: Which the Duke of Bourbon p 〈…〉 uing, cried: God and the Emperor. Then every man manfully set on. There was a sore fight, many an arrow shot, and many a man felled, but at last the Emperors men got the wall, and between every assault fell a mist, so that they within could not see what part they without would assayle, which was profitable to the Emperors party. At the three assaults were slain three C. Swiss of the Popes gard. In this last assault was the Duke of Bourbon stricken in the thigh with a handgonne, of the which he shortly died in a chapel of S. Sist, whether his soldiers had brought him: and this chance notwithstanding, the army entered into Rome, and took the Popes palace and set up the Emperors arms.

The same day that these three assaults were made, Pope Clement passed little on the Emperors army: for he had accursed them on the Saturday before, and in his curse he called the Almaynes Lutherans, and the Spaniards Murreines or Mores: and when he was hearing of Mass, sodeinly the Almaines entered into the Church, and slue his Barde and diverse other. He seeing that, fled in all haste by a privy way, to the Castle of S. Angel: and all they that followed him that way and could not enter, were slain, and if he in that fury had been taken, he had been slain. The Cardinals and other Prelates fled to y ^e Castle of S. Angel, over the bridge, where many of the common people were ouerpressed and trodden down, as they gave way to the Cardinals and other estates, that passed toward the Castle for succor.

The Cardinal of Senes, of Sesarine, of Tudertine, of Iacobace and of the Ualle tarried so long, that they could not get to the Castle for the multitude of people: wherefor they were compelled to take another house, called the Palace of S. George, where they kept themselves for a while as secretly as they might. You must understand, through the City of Rome, runneth a famous River, called Tiber: and on the one side of the River standeth the Castle of S. Angel, or the Borough of S. Angel: and the other side is called Burgo Nouo, or, the New Borough. Thys Bridge is called, the Bridge of Sixte, which lieth directly before the Castle. At the ende of this Bridge was a wonderful strong Bulwark, well ordinanced and well manned. The Emperors men saw that they could do nothing to the Pope, nor to that porte of y ^e City, but by the bridge, determined to assault the Bulwark, and so, as men without fear, came on the bridge, and the Romans so well defended them, that they five almost iv.M. men. That seeing the Prince of Orenge, and the Marques of Gnasto, with all speed gave assault, and notwithstanding that the Romans shot great ordinances, handgunnes, quarrels, and all that might be shot: yet the Imperial persons never shrank, but manly entered the Bulwark and slue & threw down, out of the loupes, all the Romans that they found, and after rased the Bulwark to the ground. The Pope was in the Castle of S. Angel, and beheld this fight, and with him were xxiij. Cardinals, of which one called the Cardinal Sanctorum quatuor, or the Cardinal of Pouche, was slain, and with him were a M. Prelates and Priests, five hundred Gentlemen, five hundred Soldiers: wherefore immediately the Captains determined to lay siege to the Castle of S. Angel, least they within might issue out, and turn them to damage: wherefore sodeinly a siege was planted round about the Castle.

In the mean season the soldiers fell to spoil. Never was Rome so pilled, either of the Goths or Uandales, for the Soldiers were not content with the spoil of the Citizens, but they robbed y ^e Churches, brake up the houses of close religious persons, and overthrew the Cloisters, and spoiled virgins, and ravished married women. Men were tormented if they had not to give every new asker or demander: some were strangled, some were punished by the privy members, to cause them to confess their treasure. This woodnes continued a great while, & some man might think that whē they had gotten so much, then they would cease & be quiet, but that was not so, for they played continually at dyce, some v.C. some a M. Ducates at a cast: and he that came to play ladē with plate, went again almost naked, and then fell to rifeling again. Many of the Citizens which could not patiently suffer that vexation, drowned themselves in Tiber. The Soldiers daily that lay at the siege, made Iestes of the Pope. Sometime they had one riding like the Pope with a whore behind him, sometime he blessed, and sometime he cursed, & sometime they would with one voice call him Antichrist: and they went about to undermine the Castle, and to have thrown it down on his head, but the water that enuironeth the Castle, disappointed their purpose.

In this season the Duke of Urbine, with xv. M. men, came to aid the Pope: but hearing that Rome was takē, he tarried xl. mile from Rome, till he heard other word. The Marques of Saluce, and Sir Frederico de Bodso, with xv. M. footmen and a M. horsemē, were at 〈◊〉 be the tenth day of May: where they hearing that the City of Rome was taken, also tarried. The Cardinal of Colume, came with an army of Neapolitans to help the Emperors men: but when he saw the cruelty of the Soldiers, he did little to help them, but he hated them much.

The Bishop of Rome was thus besieged till the eight Ides of July, at which day he yielded himself for necessity and penury of all things in the Castle, and thē he was restored to give Graces and grant Bulls as he did before: but he tarried still in the Castle of S. Angel, and had a great number of Almaines & Spaniards to keep him: but the Spaniards bare most rule in the Castle, for no mā entered nor came out of the Castle but by them. When the month of July came, corn began to fail in Rome, and the pestilence began to wax strong: wherefor the great army removed to a place called Narma, xl. mile from Rome, leaving behind them such as kept the Bishop of Rome.

When they were departed, the Spaniards never were contented till they had gotten the Almaynes out of the Castle of S. Angel, and so they had the whole custody of the Pope. And thus much for the sacking of Rome. Ex Paralip. Abbot. Vrsper.

When the Cardinal here in England, heard how his father of Rome was taken prisoner, he began to stir coals, and hearing of his captivity, he labored with the King all that he might, to stir him up, to fight with the said Pope against the Emperor, and to be a defendour of the Church: which if he would do, the Cardinal persuaded him that he should receive great reward at God's hand. To whom the King answered again, and said in this manner: My Lord, I more lament this evil chance, then my tongue can tell, but where you say I am y ^e defendour of the faith, I assure you that this war between the Emperor & the Pope, is not for the faith, but for temporal possessions and dominions, and now since Pope Clement is taken by men of war, what should I do? My person nor my people cannot rescue him, but if my treasure may help him, take that which seemeth to you most convenient.

Thus the Cardinal, when he could not obtain at the Kings hands what he would, in stirring him up to mortal war, he made out of y ^e Kings treasure xii. score thousand pounds, which he carried over the Sea with him. After this, the Cardinal sent his commission as Legate, to all the Bishops, commanding fastings and solemn processions to be had, wherein they did sing the Litany after this sort, Sancta Maria, ora pro Clemente Papa. Sancte Petre, ora pro Clemente Papa, and so forth, all the Litany.

This Cardinal passing the Seas with the foresaid sums of money, departed out of Calais, accompanied with Cuthbert Tunstall Bishop of London, the Lord Sandes the Kings Chamberlain, the Earl of Darby, Syr Henry Guilford, and Syr Thomas Moore, with many other Knightes and Squiers, to the number of xii. hundred horse, having in his carriage lxxx. wagonnes, and threescore Moyles and sumpter horses.

It were long to discourse in this place, the manifold abuses and treasons, which he practiced whē he came to the French Court at Amias, converting the great sums of money, which before you heard he had obtained of the King, for the relief & ransom of Pope Clement, which at that time was prisoner in the Emperors army, and bestowed the same in the hyring of soldiers, & furnishing out the French Kings army, appointing also certain English Captains in the King of Englandes name, to go against the Emperor, to rescue the Pope: all which army was paid with the King of England's money.

Besides that, he privily by his letters caused Clarentius king of the arms, to join with the French Herald, and openly to defy the Emperor: whereby there began great displeasure to rise between y ^e Emperor & the King, but that the Emperor of his politic nature would take no occasion of displeasure against the Kyng of England.

Now again he uttered another of his practices, for upon the said defiaunce, the Cardinal surmising & whispering in the Kings ear, that y ^e Emperor had evil entreated and imprisoned the Kings Ambassadors in Spa • ne, caused Hugo de Mendosa the Emperors Ambassador in England, to be attached & put in safe keeping, and his house, with all his goods to be ceased. Which so remained, until y ^e manifest letters came of the gentle intreatye of the kings ambassadors in Spain, & there was again set at liberty. When as the ambassador complained hereof to y ^e Cardinal, he laid all the fault upon Clarentius, laying also that Clarentius had defied y ^e Emperor, w ^t out the kings knowledge, at the request of the Herald of France: wherefor at his return, he should lose his head at Calais. Wherof Clarentius being advertised by the captain of Bayon, in his return took shipping at Boleyn, & so privily came into England, and by means of certain of his friends of y ^e kings privy chamber, he was brought unto the kings presence, before the Cardinal knew of it, where as he shown unto y ^e king, the Cardinals letters of Commission, and declared the whole order and circumstance of their gentle entreaty. When the king heard the whole circumstance thereof, and had a while mused thereupon, he said: O Lord Jesus, he that I trusted most, told me all these things contrary. Well Clarentius, I will no more be so light of creed̄ce hereafter: for now I • ee well that I have been made believe the thing, that was never done, and from that time forward, y ^e king never put anymore confidence or trust in the Cardinal.

The cause why the Cardinal should bear the Emperor all this malice & grudge, after some writers, it appeareth to be thus. At what time as Pope Clement was takē prisoner (as is before said) the Cardinal wrote unto the Emperor, that he should make him Pope. But when he had received an answer that pleased him not, he waxed furious mad, and sought all means to displease the Emperor, writing very sharply unto him, many manacing letters, that if he would not make him Pope, he would make such a ruffling between Christian Princes, as was not this 100. years before, to make the Emperor repent, yea though it should cost the whole Realm of England.

Wherunto the Emperor made answer in a little book, Imprinted both in Spanish and Dutch, answering unto many manacings of the Cardinal, and diverse of his Articles: but specially to that his ruffling threate, wherein he manaced him, that if he would not make him Pope: he would set such a ruffling betwixt Christian Princes, as was not this 100. year, though it should cost the whole Realm of England. Wherunto the Emperor answering again, biddeth him look well about him, lest through his doings and attempts, he might bring▪ the matter in that case, y ^t it should cost him the Realm of England in deed.

You have heard before, howe that when Pope Clement was prisoner in the Emperors army, the Cardinal required the king, because he did bear the title of defendor of the faith, y ^t he would rescue the Pope: also what the kings answer was thereunto, and what sums of money he had obtained of the king. Now, because you shall not also be ignorant by what means and upon what occasion this title of the defender of the faith was given unto the King, we think it good somewhat to say in this place. When as Martin Luther had uttered the abomination of the Pope and his clergy, & diverse books were come into England, our Cardinal here thinking to find a remedy for that, sent immediately unto Rome, for this title of defendour of the faith, which afterward the vicar of Croydē preached, that the kings grace would not lose it, for all London & 20. mile about it. Neither is it marvel, for it cost more then London & 40. mile about it, considering the great sums which you have heard the Cardinal obtained of the King, for the Popes relief, beside the effusion of much innocent blood.

When this glorious title was come from Rome, the Cardinal brought it unto the kings grace at Grenewich, and though that the king had it already, and had read it, yet against the morning, were all the Lord's and Gentlemen that could in so short space be gathered, sent for, to come & receive it with honor. In the morning, the cardinal gate him through the back side, into the Frier obseruants, and parte of the Gentlemen went round about and welcomed him from Rome, parte met him half way, and some at the Court gate. The king himself, met him in the hall, and brought him up into a great chamber, whereas was a seat prepared on high, for the king and the Cardinal to sit on, whiles the Bull was read. Which pomp all men of wisdom and understanding, laughed to scorn.

Thys done, the king went to his Chapel to hear Mass accompanied with many nobles of his realm, and Ambassadors of sundry Princes. The Cardinal being reuested to sing mass, the earle of Essex brought the basen of water, the Duke of Suffolk gave the assay, & the Duke of Norfolk held the towel, & so he proceeded to mass. Whē mass was done, the bull was again published, the trumpets blew, the shawmes and suckbuts played, in honor of the kings new style. Then the king went to dinner, in the midst whereof, the king of Herauldes and his company began the largesse, crying: Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae & Franciae, defensor fidei & Dominus Hiberniae. Thus was all things ended with great solemnity.

Not much unlike to this, was the receiving of the Cardinals hatte, which when a ruffian had brought unto him to Westminster, under his cloke, he clothed the messenger in riche array, and sent him back again to Dover: appointing the Bishop of Canterbury to meet him, and then another company of the Lord's and Gentlemen, I wote not how often, before it came to Westminster, where it was set upon a cupbourd, and tapers round about it, so y ^t the greatest Duke in the lande must make courtesy thereuunto, and to his empty seat, he being away.

And for so much as we are in hand with the acts and doings of Cardinal Wolsey, among many other things, which of purpose we overpass, this is not to be exempted out of memory, touching his vncourtuous or rather currish handling of Richard Pacie, Dean of Paul's. Thys Pacie being the kings Secretary for the Latin tongue, was of such ripeness of wit, of learning & eloquence, also in foreign lāguages so expert, that for the one he was thought most meet to succeed after John Colet in the Deanery of Paul's: beside which he was also preferred to the Deanry of Excetour. For the other he was sent in the kings affairs, Ambassador to Venice. Which function there he so discharged, that it is hard to say whether he procured more commendation, or admiration among the Uenetians, both for dexterity of his wit, and especially for the singular promptness in the Italian tongue, wherein he seemed nothing inferior, neither to Peter Uanne here in England, the kings Secretary for the Italian tongue, nor yet to any other, which were the best in that tongue in all Venice. For opinion & fame of learning, he was so notoriously accepted, not only here in England w ^t Linacre, Grecinus, More, & other, but also known & reported abroad in such sort, that in all the great heap of Erasmus Epistles, he wrote almost to none, so many, as he wrote to this Richard Pacie.

As the said Pacie was resident Ambassador at Venice, the king having war the same time, with Francis the French king (as is afore rehearsed) through the conducting of the duke of Bourbon, whom he then waged w ^t his expenses, sent commandment to Pacie to give attēdance to the duke of Bourbon, concerning the receipt of that money, and other necessities & exploits to that expedition appertaining. In the mean while, as the French king with his army, and the Duke of Bourbon were approchyng in battle together, near about the city of Pauia, it so happened (some think through the crafty packing of the Cardinal) that the kings money was not so ready, as it was looked for. By reason whereof, y ^e duke of Bourbon perceiving his soldiors about to shrink from him to the French king for lack of payment, called to him the Ambassador, complaining unto him how the king of England had deceived him, and broke promise with him, to his great dishonor & utter undoing. &c. Pacie then being sure of the kings will, and suspecting the crafty fetch of the Cardinal, desired y ^e duke not to take discomfort, nor any diffidence of the Kings assured promise, excusing the delay of y ^e money, as well as he could, by intercipation, or other causes by the way incident, rather then for any lack of fidelity on the kings behalf: adding moreover, that if it would please him happily to proceed, as he had courageously begun, he should not stay for the kings money: so sure he was of the kings mind therein, that he would supply the lack of that payment upon his own credit, amongst his friends at Venice, and so did. Wherupon the soldiors being sufficiently satisfied with payment of their wages, proceeded forth with the Duke, unto the battle. In the which battle, the foresaid French king, the same time, before the City of Pauie, was taken prisoner, as is afore declared. Which being eftsoons known to the king of England, Pacie had both condign thanks for his faithful service, and also his money repaid again with the uttermost, as he well deserved. But as the laude, and the renowned praise of men, for their worthy prowesses, commonly in this world never go vnaccompanied without some privy canker of envy and disdain following after, so the singular industry of Pacie, as it wan much commendation with many, so it could not avoid the secrete sting of some Serpents. For the conceived hatred of this Cardinal so kindled against him, that he never ceased, till first he brought him out of the kings favor, and at last also, out of his perfect wits.

The occasion howe he fell beside himself, was this: for that the Cardinal after the death of Pope Adrian, hoping no less, but that he should have been advanced unto the Papacie, and yet missing thereof, he supposed with him self, the fault chiefly to rest in Pacies negligence, by whose great wit and learning, and earnest means and suit, he thought easily he might have acheued and compassed the triple crown. Wherefore he seeing it otherwise come to pass, and inflamed against Pacie for the same, wrought such ways and means, that by the space almost of two years, Pacie continuing at Venice, had neither wrytinge from the king, nor his counsel, what he should do, nor yet any manner of allowaunce for his diet (although he wrote, and sent letters for the same to England very often) for the Cardinal had altogether incensed the king against him. Whereupon the said Pacie took such an inward thought and conceit, that his wits began to fail him, he being notwithstanding in such favor among the Senators of Venice, that neither for gold nor silver he could there have lacked. By some it is reported, that the Uenitian Legate here in England, coming to the Cardinal, required if he would command any thing to the English Ambassador at Venice. To whom he should answer again in high words, saying: Paceus decepit Regem. Whyche words coming to Pacies ears, so deeply pierced his stomach, that he fell quite besides himself. I hard it moreover of another thus testified, who had a brother the same time dwelling with Pacie: that the Cardinal, about the returning of Pacie from Venice, sent him a letter so powdered (with what spices I cannot tell) that at the reading thereof, Pacie then being in the fields, fell suddenly in such a mighty running, for the space of 2, miles, that his servants had much a do, to take him, and bring him home.

This pitious case of Pacie was not a little lamented by the whole Senate, and chief learned men in Venice, in so much that the king was not only certified thereof by Thomas Lupset (who then was chief man about Pacie, and his Secretarye, for that Ambassage) but also the said Senate of Venice wrote in such sharp & vehement wise, unto their Ambassador then being in England, that he should signify to the king, touching Pacies case, that thereby the king knowing the truth, and the whole circumstance of the matter, was not a little sorrowful therefore. Whereupon Pacie was forthwith sent for home, and when he came to England, he was commanded by the king, to be specially well tended, & to lack no keeping: In so much that within a small process of time, he was pretely well come again to his wits, & began to study the Hebrew tongue, with Wakefield, so that (the Cardinal then being absent) such ways was found by his friends, that he was brought to the king, lying then at Richmond, where he and the king secretly communed together, by the space of 2. hours and more, not without great rejoicing to the king, as it was perceived, to see him so well amended, & returned to himself again, giving likewise strait charge and commandment, that he should lack nothing.

The Cardinal, being then not present, when he heard of this, fearing least he had disclosed somewhat to the king, which he would not have known, and doubting that the king should cast his favor again unto Pacie, began within a while after, to quarrel, and pike matters, and to lay certain things to Pacies charge, whereas he rather should have cleared himself of those things, which Pacie laid unto him before the King, which was contrary to all good form and order of justice. For where the king had willed the Cardinal to try himself of those things, which Pacie had rightly charged him withal, he sitting in judgment with the Duke of Norfolk, and other states of the Realm, not as a defendent, but as a Judge in his own cause, so bare out himself, and weied down Pacie, that Pacie was commanded to the tower of London, as prisoner: where he continued by the space of two years, or thereabout, and afterward by the kings commandment, was discharged. But he being there prisonner, was therewyth so deadly wounded, and strocken, that he fell worse from his wits then ever he was before, being in such a phreuesie, or lunasie, that to his dying day, he never came perfectly to himself again. Notwythstanding, this in him was no perpetual frenzy, but came by fits, and when the fit was past, he could look on his Book, and reason and talk handsomely, but that now and then he shown his disease. And thus much between the Cardinal and Pacie.

By this story of Pacie, and also by other places above mentioned, ye may partly conceive, how greedy this Cardinal was, to be made pope. Touching which matter, here by the way something to entreat, first is to be understanded, that forsomuch as Pacie either would not, or could not serve the Cardinals purpose herein, he thought to accomplysh his desire, by other names, and namely by Stephen Gardener, who was then shortly after, sent Ambassador to Rome by the king and the Cardinal, in the time of pope Clement the 7. and that for two special causes: one was about the divorcement, the other for promoting the Cardinal to be Pope. As touching the diuorcemente, we will speak (the Lord willing) hereafter. In the mean time, as concerning the advancement of the Cardinal, great labor was made, as in letters may appear sent from the Cardinal to the said Stephen Gardinar, in which letters he did solicit the said Gardinar, by all means, to pursue the suit, willing him to stick for no cost, so far as six or seven thousand pounds would stretch: for more he said he would not give for the triple crown. Mark here (Christian Reader) what an holy Catholycke Church this is, which rather may be called a Burse or Marte of Marchauntes ( ne quid dicam durius ) then any true form of a Church.

Manye, both of his, and also of the kings letters, I could here inserte, but for growing of the volume, I let them pass. One for example sake, sent by the Cardinal to Gardener, another also from the king to the said Gardinar, shall at this time suffice, concerning this matter. And first the Copy of the Cardinals ambitious letter here, in form followeth.

After this letter of the Cardinal, consequently here ensueth another letter of the king, to the foresaid Stephen Gardener, and other his Orators at Rome, containing such instructions and documentes, as they should practice with the Cardinals of Rome, in canuesynge for the said Thomas Wolsey Cardinal of York, to be elected Pope, if Pope Clement were dead. Or if he were not dead, yet at least, to instruct them, what to do, when he should die.

The contents of the letter, albeit they include no great matter worthy our knowledge, nor greatly necessary for our story, yet for the ridiculous manner of the handling, and the curious secretariship thereof, full of glorious affectation, I thought it not here unmeet for the studies and appetites of some, to exemplify the same, or at least, to make the reader some pastime by the way, in beholding the glorious style of this vain glorious Cardinal, being suit like to his glorious life. The copy of the letter, bearing the name of the king, but in deed savoring altogether of the Cardinals devise and swelling vain, doth thus proceed in form and style, as followeth.

In these so great labors, pursuits, & travails of y ^e king & of the Cardinal, as in these their instructions above inserted, may appear, thou hast for thine instruction (loving reader) to note & learn howe man purposeth one thing, & howe God disposeth another. For the kings purpose was to have the Cardinal & Legate of York placed in the See Papal, thinking by that means if this Cardinal had ben pope, y ^e cause of his divorce more easily might be compassed which otherwise he thought impossible to contrive. But God omnipotent, which only is directour of all affairs, brought it otherwise to pass, not as the king devised, but after his own wisdom, so that both the diuorcemēt was concluded, and yet neither Cardinal Wolsey made Pope, nor yet Pope Clement was dead. Yea, so he ruled the mater, that notw ^t standing Pope Clement was alive, yet both the divorce proceeded, and also the Popes authority was thereby utterly extinct and abolished out of this Realm of England, to the singular admiration of God's wondrous works, and perpetual praise to his merciful goodness. Of which divorcement, and suppressing of the Popes authority, we have likewise to make declaration. But first, as we have begun with the Cardinal of York, so we will make an ende of him. That done, we will (God willing) address our self to other matters of more importance.

As the ambassadors were thus travailing in Rome to promote the Cardinal to be Pope, although the Pope was not yet dead, in the mean time the Cardinal played the Popish persecutor here at home. For first he sitting in his Pontificalibus, in the Cathedral Church of Paul's, under his cloth of estate of rich cloth of gold caused Frier Barns, an Augustine Frier, to bear a fagot, for certain points, which he called heresy. Also he caused the same two merchants of the stilliarde likewise to bear fagottes, for eating flesh on a friday. At the which time the Bishop of Rochester made a sermon in reproof of M. Luther, who had before written against the power of the B. of Rome. This bishop in his sermon spake so much of the honor of the Pope and his Cardinals, and of their dignity and preeminence, that he forgot to speak of the Gospel which he took in hand to declare, which was about the year of our Lord. 1526.

After this the said Cardinal likewise. An. 1528. and in the month of Nouemb. sitting at Westminster, as legate, called before him the whole Clergy, and there promised that all abusions of the church should be amended, but there nothing else was done, save only he caused to be abjured, Arthur Bilney, Geoffrey Lome, and Garret, for speaking against the Popes authority, and his pompous pride. Of whom more shall be said (the Lord assisting us) hereafter. And this was, An. 1528.

The year next following, which was An. 1529. began the question of the kings marriage to be revived. Wherupon Cardinal Campegius was sent again into England from Rome, for the hearing and debating of the matter. Who then with Cardinal Wolsey consulting with y ^e king, although at first he seemed with his fellow Cardinal, to incline to the kings disposition, yet afterward perceiving the sequel of the case, whether it tended so far, as peradventure might be the occasion of a blot to the court of Rome, and might shake perhaps the chair of the Popes omnipotent authority, as well in other cases like, if this one case were thoroughly decided by learning, and truth of God's word: he therefore slipping his neck out of the collar, craftily shifted him self out of the Realm, before the day came appointed for determination, leaving his suttle fellow behind him, to wey with the king in the mean time, while the matter might be brought up to the court of Rome. The king thus seeing himself disappointed, foded with false promises, and craftily doubled withal by the Cardinals, and at last after so many delays and long expectation, nothing to be concluded, was sore aggrieved in his mind with them, but especially with Cardinal Wolsey, whom he had before so highly exalted, and promoted to so many great dignities, as to the Archbishoprike of York, the bishopric of Winchester, of Duresme, the abby of S. Albons, besides the Chancelorship of England, and many other high roumes & preferments in the realm, which caused him clearly to cast him out of his favor, so that after that time he never came more to the kings presence. Ex Hallo.

Then followed first a counsel of the nobles, called the first of Octob. During the which counsel, all the Lord's and other the kings Counsaile agreeing together, resorted to Windsore to the king, and there informed the king, that all things which he had done almost, by his power Legātine, were in the case of the Premunire, and provision: and that the Cardinal had forfaited all his lands, tenements, goods, and cattels to the king: wherefore the king willing order to him, according to the order of his laws, caused his attourney Christopher Hales to sue out a Wryt of Premunire against him, in the which he licenced him to make an Attorney.

And further, the 17. day of November he sent the two Dukes of Norffolke & Suffolk, to his place at Westminster, to fetch away the great Seal of England, which he was loath to deliver, if there had been any remedy, but in conclusion he delivered it to the two Dukes, which delivered the same to Doctor Tailor, Master of the Rolls, to carry it to the king, which so did the next day.

Besides this, the king sent Syr William Fitzwilliams Knight of the Garter, and Treasurer of his house, and doctor Stephen Gardener, newly made Secretary, to see that no goods should be embesiled out of his house: and further, ordained y ^t the Cardinal should remove to Asher, beside Kingston, there to tarry the kings pleasure, and to have all things delivered to him, which were necessary for him, but not after his old pompous and superfluous fashyon, for all his goods were ceased to the kings use. When the Seal was thus taken from the Cardinal, the Dukes of Norffolke and Suffolk, with many Earls, Bishops, and Barons came into the Star chamber, the xix. day of October, where the Duke of Norffolke declared that the kings highness, for diverse and sundry offenses: had taken from him his great Seal, and deposed him of all offices, and lest men might complain for lack of justice, he had appointed him and the Duke of Suffolk, with the assent of the other Lord's, to sit in the Star chamber, to hear and determine causes indifferently, and that of all things the kings pleasure and commandment was, that they should keep their hands close from any rewards taking, or maintenance: and so that week they sat in the Star chamber, and determined causes.

A few days after in the same month, the Cardinal removed out of his house, called York place, with • ne Cross, saying, that he would he had never borne more, meaning that by his cross, that which he bare as Legate, which degree taking, was his confusion, as you see openly: and so he took his barge, and went to Pueney by water, and there took his horse and road to Asher, where he remained till Lent after.

During which time, he being called on for an answer in the kings Bench, to the Premunire, for giving benefices by prevention, in disturbance of men's inheritance, and diverse other open causes in the Premunire, according to the kings license, constituted John Scute & Edmonde Ienny, Apprentises of the law, his attourneys, which by his own warrant signed w ^t his hand, confessed all things concerning the said suit, for they were too open to be cloaked or hidden, and so judgment was given, that he should forfeite all his lands, tenements, goods, and cattels, and should be put out of the kings protection: but for all that, the king sent him a sufficient protection, and of his gentleness left to him the bishoyprikes of York and Winchester, and gave to him plate and stuff convenient for his degree, and the Bishoprike of Duresme he gave to Doctor Tonstall Bishop of London, and the Abbey of S. Albones he gave to the Prior of Norwich, and to London he promoted Doctor John Stokesley, then Ambassadoure to the universities, for the marriage, as you heard before. For all this kindness shown to the Cardinal, yet still he maligned against the king, as you shall hereafter perceive, but first we will proceed in the course of these matters, as they passed in order.

The next year following, which was, Anno 1530. in the month of Nouemb. was summoned a general parliament, to be holden at Westminster. In the which year, about the 23. day of October, the king came to his manor of Grenwich, and there much consulted with his Counsaile, for a meet man to be his Chancelor, so that in no wise he were no man of the Spiritualtie, and so after longe debate, the king resoluted him self upon sir Thomas Moore knight, Chauncelor of the Duchy of Lancaster, a man well learned in the tongues, and also in the common law: whose wit was fine, and full of imaginations, by reason whereof he was a little too much given to mocking, more then became the person of M. More: and then on the Sunday, the 24. day of the same month, the king made him his Chauncelor, and delivered him the great seal, which Lord Chancelor the next morrow after, was led into the Chancerye, by the two Dukes of Norffolke and Suffolk, and there sworn, and then the Mace was borne before him.

Of this fall of the Cardinal, and of the placing of Syr Thomas More in the Chauncelorship, Erasmus in an Epistle to John Uergera thus writeth: The Cardinal of York hath so offended the kings mind, that he being turned out of his goods and all his dignities, is committed not into prison, but into a certain Lordship of his, with 30. servants or kepers, to give attendance upon him. Many and sundry complaints are cōmenced against him, so that he is not like to escape with his life. Such is the daliaunce of fortune, of a schoolmaster to be made a king. For so he reigned more like a king, then the king him self. He was dreaded of all men: he was loved but of a few, almost of none. A little before he was apprehended, he caused Richard Pacie to be cast in the tower. Also he threatened my Archbishop of Canterbury: Solomon saith, That before the fall of man, his spirit shall be eleuated. The Archb. of Canterbury was called or restored to be chosen Lord Chancellor, which is the chiefest office in all that realm, but he excused himself by his age, as being not able to weld such a function. Wherefore the said office was bestowed upon Tho. More, no les to the rejoicing of many, then the other was displaced from it. These news my servant brought me out of England. &c. Ex Epist. Erasm. ad John Vergeram.

You heard before, how a counsel of the Nobles was appointed by the king in the month of October, to assemble in the Star chamber, about the Cardinals matter: and also how a parliament was summoned to begin in the month of November in the year following, An. 1530. At the beginning of which Parliament, after that M. Moore the new Chancelor had finished his oration, the commons were commanded to choose them a Speaker, who was Thomas Audeley Esquire, and attorney of the Duchie of Lancaster. Thus the Parliament being begun the 6. day of the foresaid month of November at Westminster, where the king with all the Lord's were set in the Parliament chamber, the commons, after they had presented their speaker, assembling in the nether house, began to common of their grieves, wherewith the spiritualty had before time grievously oppressed them, contrary both to all righte, and to the law of the realm, and especially were sore moved with these 6. great causes.

Greeuances against the Clergy of England.

1. THe first for the excessive fines, which the Ordinaries took for probate of Testaments, in so much that Sir Henry Guilford, Knight of the Garter, and Comptrollour of the Kings house, declared in the open Parliament, of his fidelity, that he and other being executours to Syr William Compton Knight, paid for the probate of his will, to the Cardinal and the Archbishop of Canterbury, a thousand mark sterling. After this declaration, were shown so many extortions done by Ordinaries for probates of willes, that it were too much to rehearse.

2. The second cause was, the great poling & extreme exaction which y ^e spiritual men used, in taking of corps, presents, or Mortuaries: for the childrē of the dead should all die for hunger and go a begging, rather then they would of charity give to thē the seely cow which the dead mā ought, if he had but only one: such was the charity of them.

3. The third cause was, that Priests being Surueyers, Stuards, and officers to Bishops, Abbots, and other spiritual heads, had and occupied Farms, Graunges, and grasing in every Country, so that the poor husbandmen could have nothing but of them, and yet for that they should pay dearly.

4. The fourth cause was, that Abbots, Priors, and spiritual men kept Tannehouses, and bought and sold wool, cloth, and all manner of Marchaundise, as other temporal Marchaunts did.

5. The fifth cause was, because the spiritual persons promoted to great benefices, and having their living of their flock, were lying in the Court of Lord's houses, and took all of their parishioners, and nothing spent on them at all, so that for lack of residence, both the poor of the parish lacked refreshing, and universally all the parishioners lacked preaching, and true instruction of God's word, to the great peril of their souls.

6. The sixth cause was, because one Priest being little learned, had ten or twelve benefices, and was resident on none, and many well learned scholars in the University, which were able to preach and teach, had neither benefice nor exhibition.

These things before this time, might in no wise be touched, nor yet talked of by any man, except he would be made an heretic, or lose all that he had: for the Bishops were Chauncellours, and had all the rule about the King, so that no man durst once presume to attempt any thing contrary to their profit, or commodity.

But now whē God had illuminated the eyes of y ^e king, and the time so served, that men more boldly durst express with voice such grudges, as they had long conceived in their harts against the Clergy: the Burgesses of the Parliament appointed certain of the common house, men learned in the Law, to draw one bill of the probates of testaments, another for Mortuaries, & the third for none residence, pluralities, and taking fermes by spiritual men.

And first to y ^e bill of Mortuaries being drawn, and being also passed the commō house, and sent up to the higher, the Spiritual Lord's shown a fair face, saying, that assuredly Priests and Curates took more then they should, and therefore it were well done to take some reasonable order. Thus they spake, because it touched them but little.

After this, within two days, was sent up the second bill, concerning probates of testaments, which bill, because it touched their profit somewhat near, both the Archbishop of Canterbury, and all other Bishops in general, began to frown and grunt, in so much as Doctor John Fisher Bishop of Rochester, standing up in the Parliament chamber, openly protested, that such bills were sent up frō the common house, tending to no other thing, but to the destruction of y ^e Church: which Church being down, the glory then of y ^e whole kingdom (said he) must needs fall, desiring therefore the Lord's, for God's sake, to take example by the kingdom of Boheme: For as it was then with the people there, so now what say the commons here, but down with y ^e Church. And all this (said he) seemeth only to be for lack of faith. When these words were reported to the commons of the lower house, what the Bishop had said, in noting all their doings to be for lack of faith, they took the matter grievously, so to be esteemed of the Bishop for no better then heretics, understanding moreover, how that he by those slāderous words, went about to persuade the Lord's temporal against them, and so to overthrow the two bills by them passed before, as ye have heard.

Whereupon, after long debate, it was at length agreed by the said commons, that Thomas Audeley their speaker with xxx. of the chief of that house, should be sent to the king, being then in his palace at Westminster, before called York place: where they eloquently declared, what a dishonor to the king and the realm it was, to say, that they which were elected for the wisest mē of all y ^e Shyres, Cities, and Boroughes within the Realm of England, should be declared in so noble and open presence, to lack faith, which was equivalent to say, that they were Infidels, and no Christians, as ill as Turks or Sarasins: so that what pain or study soever they took for the commō wealth, or what acts or laws soever they made or stablished, should be taken as laws made by Paynims and Heathen people, and not worthy to be kept by Christian men: wherefore they most humbly besought the kings hyghnesse, to call the said Bishop before him, and to cause him to speak more discretly of such a number as was in the common house.

The king not being well contented with the saying of the Bishop, yet gently answered the speaker, and sent them away. Who immediately sent for the Archbyshop of Canterbury, & vi. other Bishops, and Rochester also, signifying unto them the grudge of the commons. The Bishop of Rochester excusing himself, answered, that he in so saying, meant only the doings of the Bohemians to be for lack of faith, & not the doings of them that were in the common house, which saying was confirmed by the Bishops there present, which had him in great reputation, & so by that only saying, the king accepted his excuse, and therefore sent word to the commons by Syr Williā Fitzwilliams Knight, Treasurer of his household: which blind excuse pleased the commons nothing at all.

After this, diverse assemblies were kept between certain of the Lord's, and certain of the Commons for the Billes of the probates of Testaments, and Mortuaries. The temporality laid to the spiritualty, their own laws & Constitutions, and the Spiritualtie sore defended them by prescription & usage. To whom it was thus answered by a Gentlemā of Greyes Inn: The usage hath ever been of thieves, to rob on Shoters hill Ergo, is it lawful? With this answer the spiritual men were sore offended, because their doings were called robberies, but the temporal men stood still by their sayings, in so much that the said Gentlemā said to the Archb, of Canterbury, that both the exaction of probates of Testaments, and the taking of Mortuaries, as they were used, were open robbery and theft. After long disputation, the temporal Lord's began to lean to the commons, but for all that, the Bylles remained vnconcluded a while.

It followed shortly after in the Parliament, that a Byll was assented to, by the Lord's of the higher house, and sent down to the commons in the lower house, and by them also, with much labor agreed unto, of whō the most part were the kings servants: in the which Bill it was required, and concluded, that the king should be released of all such loan of money, which he had borrowed of his subjects, in the xv. year of his reign. The passing of which Byll went sore against the stomachs of the poor Commons, for many rested upon it, countyng and passing it over one to another for good debt, as if it had been ready money in their purses. Wherefore the king to regratifie thē again, granted to them a general pardō of all offenses, only certain great offenses & debts excepted: also he aided them for the redress of their grieves against the spiritualty, & caused two new Bylles to be made indifferently, both for the probates of Testaments, & Mortuaries, which Bylles were so reasonable, that the spiritual Lord's assēted to them all, though they were sore against their minds, and in especial the probate of Testaments sore displeased the Bishops, and the Mortuaries sore displeased the Parsons and Uicares.

After these Acts thus agreed, the commons made another Act for pluralities of benefices, none residence, buying and selling, and taking of fermes by spiritual Parsons, which Act so displeased the spiritualty, that y ^e priests railed on the commons of the lower house, and called them heretics and schismatics, for the which diverse Priests were punished.

This Act was sore debated above in the Parliament chamber, and the Lord's spiritual would in no wise consent. Wherefore the king perceiving the grudge of his commons, caused viii. Lord's & viii. of his Commons to mete in the star chamber at an afternoon, and there was sore debatyng of the cause, in so much that the temporal Lord's of the upper house, which were there, took part with the Commons, against the spiritual Lord's, and by force of reason caused them to assent to the Bill with a little qualifiyng, which Bill the next day was wholly agreed to, in the Lord's house to the great rejoicing of the lay people, and to the great displeasure of the spiritual persons.

And thus much concerning these Bylles against the Clergy, by the way. Now, to return to the Cardinal again: during the time of the said Parliament, there was brought down to the Commons, the book of Articles which the Lord's had put up to the King, against the Cardinal. The chief Articles were these.

1 FIrst, that he without the Kings assent had procured to be Legate, by reason whereof he took away the right of all Bishops and spiritual persons.

2 In all writings that he wrote to Rome, or to any other Prince, he wrote: Ego & rex meus, I and my King, as who would say, that the King were his servant.

3 That he slandered the Church of England to y ^e court of Rome: for his suggestion to be Legate, was to reform the Church of England, which (as he wrote) was Facta in reprobum sensum.

4 He without the Kings assent carried the Kings great Seal with him into Flaunders, when he was sent Ambassador to the Emperor.

5 Without the Kings consent, he sent commission to Sir Gregory de Cassalis, Knight, to conclude a league between the King and the Duke of Ferrarie.

6 That he having the French pockes, presumed to come and breathe on the King.

7 That he caused the Cardinals Hat to be put on the Kings coin.

8 That he had sent innumerable substance to Rome, for the obtaining of his dignities, to the great impouerishmēt of the Realm, with many other things, which are touched more at large in Chronicles.

These articles with many moe, being read in the common house, were confessed by the Cardinal, and signed with his hand. Also there was shown another writing sealed with his seal, by the which he gave to the Kyng all his moveables and vnmoueables.

You have heard hitherto declared how y ^e Cardinal was attainted in the Premunire, & how he was put out of the office of the Chancelor, & lay at Asher: which was in the year of our Lord 1530. The next year after in the Lent season, the king by the advice of his counsel, licenced him to go into his diocese of York, and gave him commandment to keep him in his diocese, and not to return Southward, without the Kings special license in writing.

So he made great provision to go Northward, & appareled his servants newly, and bought many costly things for his household, but diverse of his servants at this time departed from him, to the Kings service, and in especial Thomas Crumwell, one of his chief counsel, and chief doer for him in the suppression of Abbeys. After that all things necessary for his journey were prepared, he took his journey Northward, til he came to Southwell, which was in his diocese, and there he continued that year, ever grudging at his fall, as you shall hear hereafter: but the sands which he had given to his Colleges in Oxford and Ipswich, were now come to the Kings hands, by his attainder in the Premunire, and yet the King of his gentleness, and for favor that he bare to good learning, erected again the College in Oxford, and where it was named the Cardinals College, he called it the Kings College, and endued it with fair possessions, and ordained new statutes and ordinances, and for because the College of Ipswich was thought to be nothing profitable, therefore he left that dissolved.

Notwithstāding that the Cardinal of York was thus attainted in the Premunire, (as is above mentioned) yet the King being good unto him, had granted him the Bishoprics of York and Winchester, with great plenty of substance, & had licenced him to lie in his diocese of York, where he so continued the space of a year. But after, in the year following, which was 1531. he being in his diocese, wrote to the Court of Rome, and to diverse other Princes, letters in reproach of the King, and in as much as in him lay, he stirred them to revenge his cause against the King and his Realm, in so much, that diverse opprobrious words against the King, were spoken to Doctor Edward Keerne, the Kings Orator at Rome, and it was said to him, that for the Cardinals sake, the King should have the worse speed in the suite of his matrimony. The Cardinal also would speak fair to the people to win their harts, and declared ever, that he was unjustly and untruly ordered, which fair speaking, made many men believe that he said true: and to Gentlemen he gave great gifts, to allure them unto him: and to be had in more reputation among the people, he determined to be installed or inthronised at York, with all the pomp that might be, and caused a throne to be erected in the Cathredral Church, in such an height and fashion, as was never seen, and sent to all the Lord's, Abbots, Priors, Knightes, Esquiers and Gentlemen of his diocese, to be at his Manor of Cawood the sixth day of November, and so to bring him to York, with all manner of pomp and solemnity.

The King which knew his doings and privy conveyance, all this year dissembled the matter, to see what he would do at length, till that he saw his proud heart so highly exalted, that he would be so triumphātly installed, without making the king privy, yea and in manner, in disdain of the King, thought it not meet nor convenient to suffer him any longer, to continue in his malicious & proud purposes and attempts: wherefore he directed his letters to the Earl of Northumberland, willing him with all diligence, to arrest the Cardinal, & to deliver him to the Earl of Shrewsbury, great Steward of the Kings household. When the Earl had seen the letters, he with a convenient number came to the Manor of Cawood the fourth day of Nouemb. and whē he was brought to the Cardinal in his chamber, he said to him, My Lord, I pray you take patience, for here I arrest you. Arrest me, said y ^e Cardinal? Yea, said the Earl, I have a commandment so to do. You have no such power, said the Cardinal, for I am both a Cardinal and a Legate De Latere, and a Peer of the College of Rome, & ought not to be arrested by any temporal power, for I am not subject to that power, wherefore if you arrest me, I will withstand it. Well, said the Earl, here is the Kings commission (which he shown him) and therefore I charge you to obey. The Cardinal somewhat remembered himself, and said, Well my Lord, I am content to obey, but although y ^t I by negligence fell into the punishment of the Premunire, and lost by the law all my lands & goods, yet my person was in the Kings protection, and I was pardoned that offense, wherefore I marvel why I now should be arrested, & specially considering that I am a member of the Sea Apostolic, on whom no temporal man ought to lay violent hands. Well, I see the King lacketh good counsel. Well, said the Earl, when I was sworn Warden of y ^e Marches, you yourself told me, that I might with my staff arrest all mē, under the degree of a King, & now I am more stronger, for I have a commission so to do, which you have seen. The Cardinal at length obeyed, and was kept in a privy chamber, and his goods ceased, and his officers discharged, and his Phisitiō called Doctor Augustine, was likewise arrested, and brought to the Tower by Sir Walter Welsh, one of the Kings chamber. The sixth day of November he was conveyed from Cawood, to Sheffeld Castle, and there delivered to the Earl of Shrewsburies keeping, till the Kings pleasure were known. Of this attachement was much communing amongst the common people, wherefore many were glad, for he was not in the favor of the commonality.

When the Cardinal was thus arrested, the King sent sir William Kingston Knight, Captain of the Gard, and Constable of the Tower of London, with certain yeomen of the gard, to Sheffeld, to fetch y ^e Cardinal to the Tower. When the Cardinal saw the Captain of the Garde, he was sore astonished, and shortly became sick, for then he perceived some great trouble toward him, & for that cause mē said, that he willingly toke so much quātitle of a strong purgatiō, that his nature was not able to bear it. Also the matter that came frō him was so black, that the stayning thereof could not be got̄ out of his blākets by any means. But sir William Kingston comforted him, and by easy iorneyes he brought him to the Abbey of Leycester, the xxvij. day of November, where for very feebleness of nature, caused by purgations and vomites, he died the seconde night following, and in the same Abbey lieth buried.

It is testified by one, yet being alive, in whose arms the said Cardinal died, that his body being dead, was black as pitch, also was so heavy, that six could scarce bear it. Furthermore, it did so stink above the ground, that they were constrained to hasten the burial thereof in the night season, before it was day. At the which burial, such a tempest, with such a stench there arose, that all the torches went out, and so he was thrown into the tomb, and there was laid.

By the ambitious pride and excessive worldly wealth of this one Cardinal, all mē may easily understand & judge what the state and condition of all the rest of the same order (whom we cal spiritual men) were in those days, as well in all other places of Christendom, as especially here in England, where as the princely possessions & great pride of the Clergy, did not only far pass and exceed the common measure and order of subjects, but also surmounted over Kings and Princes, and all other estates, as may well appear by his doings and order of his story above described.

Amongst other acts of the foresaid Cardinal, this is not to be forgotten, that he founded a new College in Oxford, for the furniture whereof, he had gathered together all the best learned he could hear of, amongst which number were these: Clarke, Tyndale, Summer, Frith, and Tauerner, with other mo: which holding in assemble together in the College, were accounted to be heretics (as they called them) and thereupon were cast into a prison of the college, where saltfish lay, through the stink whereof the most part of them were infected, and the said Clarke being a tender young man, and the most singular in learning amongst them all, died in the said prison, and other in other places in the town, also of the same infection deceased.

And thus having detained the Reader enough, or rather too much, with this vainglorious Cardinal, now we will reduce our story again to more other fruiteful matter, and as the order of time requireth, first beginning with M. Humfrey Mummuth, a virtuous and a good Alderman of London, who in the time of the said Cardinal was troubled, as in the story here followeth.

The sackyng of Rome, and taking of Pope Clement.

THe Emperors army departing from Florence, to the City of Seynes, where they lost their ordinance, took counsel there to go to Rome, and so much they travailed by night and day, commonly passing xl. mile day and night (their good will was such) that the vi. day of May with bāners displayed, they came before the City of Rome being Saturday, the same day: and on Sunday the Romaines made Bulwarks, Rampires, and other defences; and laid ordinance on the walls, and shot at them without fiercely.

The Duke of Bourbō determined that it was not best to lie still without, and be slain with ordinance, cōsideryng, that they were all naked people, & without great ordinance: wherefor he determined to take the chance & to give the assault, and so manfully they approached the walls between the Burgo Nouo & old Rome. But the Romaines valiantly defended them with hādgunnes, pykes, stones, and other weapons, so that the enemies were fain to retreit. Then the Romaines were glad, and set many fair banners on their towers and bulwarks, and made great shoutes: which seeing the Duke of Bourbon, cried to a new assault. Then the drums • ades blew, and every man with a ladder mounted: and at first encounter, again the Romans put them a little back: Which the Duke of Bourbon p 〈…〉 uing, cried: God and the Emperor. Then every man manfully set on. There was a sore fight, many an arrow shot, and many a man felled, but at last the Emperors men got the wall, and between every assault fell a mist, so that they within could not see what part they without would assayle, which was profitable to the Emperors party. At the three assaults were slain three C. Swiss of the Popes gard. In this last assault was the Duke of Bourbon stricken in the thigh with a handgonne, of the which he shortly died in a chapel of S. Sist, whether his soldiers had brought him: and this chance notwithstanding, the army entered into Rome, and took the Popes palace and set up the Emperors arms.

The same day that these three assaults were made, Pope Clement passed little on the Emperors army: for he had accursed them on the Saturday before, and in his curse he called the Almaynes Lutherans, and the Spaniards Murreines or Mores: and when he was hearing of Mass, sodeinly the Almaines entered into the Church, and slue his Barde and diverse other. He seeing that, fled in all haste by a privy way, to the Castle of S. Angel: and all they that followed him that way and could not enter, were slain, and if he in that fury had been taken, he had been slain. The Cardinals and other Prelates fled to y ^e Castle of S. Angel, over the bridge, where many of the common people were ouerpressed and trodden down, as they gave way to the Cardinals and other estates, that passed toward the Castle for succor.

The Cardinal of Senes, of Sesarine, of Tudertine, of Iacobace and of the Ualle tarried so long, that they could not get to the Castle for the multitude of people: wherefor they were compelled to take another house, called the Palace of S. George, where they kept themselves for a while as secretly as they might. You must understand, through the City of Rome, runneth a famous River, called Tiber: and on the one side of the River standeth the Castle of S. Angel, or the Borough of S. Angel: and the other side is called Burgo Nouo, or, the New Borough. Thys Bridge is called, the Bridge of Sixte, which lieth directly before the Castle. At the ende of this Bridge was a wonderful strong Bulwark, well ordinanced and well manned. The Emperors men saw that they could do nothing to the Pope, nor to that porte of y ^e City, but by the bridge, determined to assault the Bulwark, and so, as men without fear, came on the bridge, and the Romans so well defended them, that they five almost iv.M. men. That seeing the Prince of Orenge, and the Marques of Gnasto, with all speed gave assault, and notwithstanding that the Romans shot great ordinances, handgunnes, quarrels, and all that might be shot: yet the Imperial persons never shrank, but manly entered the Bulwark and slue & threw down, out of the loupes, all the Romans that they found, and after rased the Bulwark to the ground. The Pope was in the Castle of S. Angel, and beheld this fight, and with him were xxiij. Cardinals, of which one called the Cardinal Sanctorum quatuor, or the Cardinal of Pouche, was slain, and with him were a M. Prelates and Priests, five hundred Gentlemen, five hundred Soldiers: wherefore immediately the Captains determined to lay siege to the Castle of S. Angel, least they within might issue out, and turn them to damage: wherefore sodeinly a siege was planted round about the Castle.

In the mean season the soldiers fell to spoil. Never was Rome so pilled, either of the Goths or Uandales, for the Soldiers were not content with the spoil of the Citizens, but they robbed y ^e Churches, brake up the houses of close religious persons, and overthrew the Cloisters, and spoiled virgins, and ravished married women. Men were tormented if they had not to give every new asker or demander: some were strangled, some were punished by the privy members, to cause them to confess their treasure. This woodnes continued a great while, & some man might think that whē they had gotten so much, then they would cease & be quiet, but that was not so, for they played continually at dyce, some v.C. some a M. Ducates at a cast: and he that came to play ladē with plate, went again almost naked, and then fell to rifeling again. Many of the Citizens which could not patiently suffer that vexation, drowned themselves in Tiber. The Soldiers daily that lay at the siege, made Iestes of the Pope. Sometime they had one riding like the Pope with a whore behind him, sometime he blessed, and sometime he cursed, & sometime they would with one voice call him Antichrist: and they went about to undermine the Castle, and to have thrown it down on his head, but the water that enuironeth the Castle, disappointed their purpose.

In this season the Duke of Urbine, with xv. M. men, came to aid the Pope: but hearing that Rome was takē, he tarried xl. mile from Rome, till he heard other word. The Marques of Saluce, and Sir Frederico de Bodso, with xv. M. footmen and a M. horsemē, were at 〈◊〉 be the tenth day of May: where they hearing that the City of Rome was taken, also tarried. The Cardinal of Colume, came with an army of Neapolitans to help the Emperors men: but when he saw the cruelty of the Soldiers, he did little to help them, but he hated them much.

The Bishop of Rome was thus besieged till the eight Ides of July, at which day he yielded himself for necessity and penury of all things in the Castle, and thē he was restored to give Graces and grant Bulls as he did before: but he tarried still in the Castle of S. Angel, and had a great number of Almaines & Spaniards to keep him: but the Spaniards bare most rule in the Castle, for no mā entered nor came out of the Castle but by them. When the month of July came, corn began to fail in Rome, and the pestilence began to wax strong: wherefor the great army removed to a place called Narma, xl. mile from Rome, leaving behind them such as kept the Bishop of Rome.

When they were departed, the Spaniards never were contented till they had gotten the Almaynes out of the Castle of S. Angel, and so they had the whole custody of the Pope. And thus much for the sacking of Rome. Ex Paralip. Abbot. Vrsper.

When the Cardinal here in England, heard how his father of Rome was taken prisoner, he began to stir coals, and hearing of his captivity, he labored with the King all that he might, to stir him up, to fight with the said Pope against the Emperor, and to be a defendour of the Church: which if he would do, the Cardinal persuaded him that he should receive great reward at God's hand. To whom the King answered again, and said in this manner: My Lord, I more lament this evil chance, then my tongue can tell, but where you say I am y ^e defendour of the faith, I assure you that this war between the Emperor & the Pope, is not for the faith, but for temporal possessions and dominions, and now since Pope Clement is taken by men of war, what should I do? My person nor my people cannot rescue him, but if my treasure may help him, take that which seemeth to you most convenient.

Thus the Cardinal, when he could not obtain at the Kings hands what he would, in stirring him up to mortal war, he made out of y ^e Kings treasure xii. score thousand pounds, which he carried over the Sea with him. After this, the Cardinal sent his commission as Legate, to all the Bishops, commanding fastings and solemn processions to be had, wherein they did sing the Litany after this sort, Sancta Maria, ora pro Clemente Papa. Sancte Petre, ora pro Clemente Papa, and so forth, all the Litany.

This Cardinal passing the Seas with the foresaid sums of money, departed out of Calais, accompanied with Cuthbert Tunstall Bishop of London, the Lord Sandes the Kings Chamberlain, the Earl of Darby, Syr Henry Guilford, and Syr Thomas Moore, with many other Knightes and Squiers, to the number of xii. hundred horse, having in his carriage lxxx. wagonnes, and threescore Moyles and sumpter horses.

It were long to discourse in this place, the manifold abuses and treasons, which he practiced whē he came to the French Court at Amias, converting the great sums of money, which before you heard he had obtained of the King, for the relief & ransom of Pope Clement, which at that time was prisoner in the Emperors army, and bestowed the same in the hyring of soldiers, & furnishing out the French Kings army, appointing also certain English Captains in the King of Englandes name, to go against the Emperor, to rescue the Pope: all which army was paid with the King of England's money.

Besides that, he privily by his letters caused Clarentius king of the arms, to join with the French Herald, and openly to defy the Emperor: whereby there began great displeasure to rise between y ^e Emperor & the King, but that the Emperor of his politic nature would take no occasion of displeasure against the Kyng of England.

Now again he uttered another of his practices, for upon the said defiaunce, the Cardinal surmising & whispering in the Kings ear, that y ^e Emperor had evil entreated and imprisoned the Kings Ambassadors in Spa • ne, caused Hugo de Mendosa the Emperors Ambassador in England, to be attached & put in safe keeping, and his house, with all his goods to be ceased. Which so remained, until y ^e manifest letters came of the gentle intreatye of the kings ambassadors in Spain, & there was again set at liberty. When as the ambassador complained hereof to y ^e Cardinal, he laid all the fault upon Clarentius, laying also that Clarentius had defied y ^e Emperor, w ^t out the kings knowledge, at the request of the Herald of France: wherefor at his return, he should lose his head at Calais. Wherof Clarentius being advertised by the captain of Bayon, in his return took shipping at Boleyn, & so privily came into England, and by means of certain of his friends of y ^e kings privy chamber, he was brought unto the kings presence, before the Cardinal knew of it, where as he shown unto y ^e king, the Cardinals letters of Commission, and declared the whole order and circumstance of their gentle entreaty. When the king heard the whole circumstance thereof, and had a while mused thereupon, he said: O Lord Jesus, he that I trusted most, told me all these things contrary. Well Clarentius, I will no more be so light of creed̄ce hereafter: for now I • ee well that I have been made believe the thing, that was never done, and from that time forward, y ^e king never put anymore confidence or trust in the Cardinal.

The cause why the Cardinal should bear the Emperor all this malice & grudge, after some writers, it appeareth to be thus. At what time as Pope Clement was takē prisoner (as is before said) the Cardinal wrote unto the Emperor, that he should make him Pope. But when he had received an answer that pleased him not, he waxed furious mad, and sought all means to displease the Emperor, writing very sharply unto him, many manacing letters, that if he would not make him Pope, he would make such a ruffling between Christian Princes, as was not this 100. years before, to make the Emperor repent, yea though it should cost the whole Realm of England.

Wherunto the Emperor made answer in a little book, Imprinted both in Spanish and Dutch, answering unto many manacings of the Cardinal, and diverse of his Articles: but specially to that his ruffling threate, wherein he manaced him, that if he would not make him Pope: he would set such a ruffling betwixt Christian Princes, as was not this 100. year, though it should cost the whole Realm of England. Wherunto the Emperor answering again, biddeth him look well about him, lest through his doings and attempts, he might bring▪ the matter in that case, y ^t it should cost him the Realm of England in deed.

You have heard before, howe that when Pope Clement was prisoner in the Emperors army, the Cardinal required the king, because he did bear the title of defendor of the faith, y ^t he would rescue the Pope: also what the kings answer was thereunto, and what sums of money he had obtained of the king. Now, because you shall not also be ignorant by what means and upon what occasion this title of the defender of the faith was given unto the King, we think it good somewhat to say in this place. When as Martin Luther had uttered the abomination of the Pope and his clergy, & diverse books were come into England, our Cardinal here thinking to find a remedy for that, sent immediately unto Rome, for this title of defendour of the faith, which afterward the vicar of Croydē preached, that the kings grace would not lose it, for all London & 20. mile about it. Neither is it marvel, for it cost more then London & 40. mile about it, considering the great sums which you have heard the Cardinal obtained of the King, for the Popes relief, beside the effusion of much innocent blood.

When this glorious title was come from Rome, the Cardinal brought it unto the kings grace at Grenewich, and though that the king had it already, and had read it, yet against the morning, were all the Lord's and Gentlemen that could in so short space be gathered, sent for, to come & receive it with honor. In the morning, the cardinal gate him through the back side, into the Frier obseruants, and parte of the Gentlemen went round about and welcomed him from Rome, parte met him half way, and some at the Court gate. The king himself, met him in the hall, and brought him up into a great chamber, whereas was a seat prepared on high, for the king and the Cardinal to sit on, whiles the Bull was read. Which pomp all men of wisdom and understanding, laughed to scorn.

Thys done, the king went to his Chapel to hear Mass accompanied with many nobles of his realm, and Ambassadors of sundry Princes. The Cardinal being reuested to sing mass, the earle of Essex brought the basen of water, the Duke of Suffolk gave the assay, & the Duke of Norfolk held the towel, & so he proceeded to mass. Whē mass was done, the bull was again published, the trumpets blew, the shawmes and suckbuts played, in honor of the kings new style. Then the king went to dinner, in the midst whereof, the king of Herauldes and his company began the largesse, crying: Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae & Franciae, defensor fidei & Dominus Hiberniae. Thus was all things ended with great solemnity.

Not much unlike to this, was the receiving of the Cardinals hatte, which when a ruffian had brought unto him to Westminster, under his cloke, he clothed the messenger in riche array, and sent him back again to Dover: appointing the Bishop of Canterbury to meet him, and then another company of the Lord's and Gentlemen, I wote not how often, before it came to Westminster, where it was set upon a cupbourd, and tapers round about it, so y ^t the greatest Duke in the lande must make courtesy thereuunto, and to his empty seat, he being away.

And for so much as we are in hand with the acts and doings of Cardinal Wolsey, among many other things, which of purpose we overpass, this is not to be exempted out of memory, touching his vncourtuous or rather currish handling of Richard Pacie, Dean of Paul's. Thys Pacie being the kings Secretary for the Latin tongue, was of such ripeness of wit, of learning & eloquence, also in foreign lāguages so expert, that for the one he was thought most meet to succeed after John Colet in the Deanery of Paul's: beside which he was also preferred to the Deanry of Excetour. For the other he was sent in the kings affairs, Ambassador to Venice. Which function there he so discharged, that it is hard to say whether he procured more commendation, or admiration among the Uenetians, both for dexterity of his wit, and especially for the singular promptness in the Italian tongue, wherein he seemed nothing inferior, neither to Peter Uanne here in England, the kings Secretary for the Italian tongue, nor yet to any other, which were the best in that tongue in all Venice. For opinion & fame of learning, he was so notoriously accepted, not only here in England w ^t Linacre, Grecinus, More, & other, but also known & reported abroad in such sort, that in all the great heap of Erasmus Epistles, he wrote almost to none, so many, as he wrote to this Richard Pacie.

As the said Pacie was resident Ambassador at Venice, the king having war the same time, with Francis the French king (as is afore rehearsed) through the conducting of the duke of Bourbon, whom he then waged w ^t his expenses, sent commandment to Pacie to give attēdance to the duke of Bourbon, concerning the receipt of that money, and other necessities & exploits to that expedition appertaining. In the mean while, as the French king with his army, and the Duke of Bourbon were approchyng in battle together, near about the city of Pauia, it so happened (some think through the crafty packing of the Cardinal) that the kings money was not so ready, as it was looked for. By reason whereof, y ^e duke of Bourbon perceiving his soldiors about to shrink from him to the French king for lack of payment, called to him the Ambassador, complaining unto him how the king of England had deceived him, and broke promise with him, to his great dishonor & utter undoing. &c. Pacie then being sure of the kings will, and suspecting the crafty fetch of the Cardinal, desired y ^e duke not to take discomfort, nor any diffidence of the Kings assured promise, excusing the delay of y ^e money, as well as he could, by intercipation, or other causes by the way incident, rather then for any lack of fidelity on the kings behalf: adding moreover, that if it would please him happily to proceed, as he had courageously begun, he should not stay for the kings money: so sure he was of the kings mind therein, that he would supply the lack of that payment upon his own credit, amongst his friends at Venice, and so did. Wherupon the soldiors being sufficiently satisfied with payment of their wages, proceeded forth with the Duke, unto the battle. In the which battle, the foresaid French king, the same time, before the City of Pauie, was taken prisoner, as is afore declared. Which being eftsoons known to the king of England, Pacie had both condign thanks for his faithful service, and also his money repaid again with the uttermost, as he well deserved. But as the laude, and the renowned praise of men, for their worthy prowesses, commonly in this world never go vnaccompanied without some privy canker of envy and disdain following after, so the singular industry of Pacie, as it wan much commendation with many, so it could not avoid the secrete sting of some Serpents. For the conceived hatred of this Cardinal so kindled against him, that he never ceased, till first he brought him out of the kings favor, and at last also, out of his perfect wits.

The occasion howe he fell beside himself, was this: for that the Cardinal after the death of Pope Adrian, hoping no less, but that he should have been advanced unto the Papacie, and yet missing thereof, he supposed with him self, the fault chiefly to rest in Pacies negligence, by whose great wit and learning, and earnest means and suit, he thought easily he might have acheued and compassed the triple crown. Wherefore he seeing it otherwise come to pass, and inflamed against Pacie for the same, wrought such ways and means, that by the space almost of two years, Pacie continuing at Venice, had neither wrytinge from the king, nor his counsel, what he should do, nor yet any manner of allowaunce for his diet (although he wrote, and sent letters for the same to England very often) for the Cardinal had altogether incensed the king against him. Whereupon the said Pacie took such an inward thought and conceit, that his wits began to fail him, he being notwithstanding in such favor among the Senators of Venice, that neither for gold nor silver he could there have lacked. By some it is reported, that the Uenitian Legate here in England, coming to the Cardinal, required if he would command any thing to the English Ambassador at Venice. To whom he should answer again in high words, saying: Paceus decepit Regem. Whyche words coming to Pacies ears, so deeply pierced his stomach, that he fell quite besides himself. I hard it moreover of another thus testified, who had a brother the same time dwelling with Pacie: that the Cardinal, about the returning of Pacie from Venice, sent him a letter so powdered (with what spices I cannot tell) that at the reading thereof, Pacie then being in the fields, fell suddenly in such a mighty running, for the space of 2, miles, that his servants had much a do, to take him, and bring him home.

This pitious case of Pacie was not a little lamented by the whole Senate, and chief learned men in Venice, in so much that the king was not only certified thereof by Thomas Lupset (who then was chief man about Pacie, and his Secretarye, for that Ambassage) but also the said Senate of Venice wrote in such sharp & vehement wise, unto their Ambassador then being in England, that he should signify to the king, touching Pacies case, that thereby the king knowing the truth, and the whole circumstance of the matter, was not a little sorrowful therefore. Whereupon Pacie was forthwith sent for home, and when he came to England, he was commanded by the king, to be specially well tended, & to lack no keeping: In so much that within a small process of time, he was pretely well come again to his wits, & began to study the Hebrew tongue, with Wakefield, so that (the Cardinal then being absent) such ways was found by his friends, that he was brought to the king, lying then at Richmond, where he and the king secretly communed together, by the space of 2. hours and more, not without great rejoicing to the king, as it was perceived, to see him so well amended, & returned to himself again, giving likewise strait charge and commandment, that he should lack nothing.

The Cardinal, being then not present, when he heard of this, fearing least he had disclosed somewhat to the king, which he would not have known, and doubting that the king should cast his favor again unto Pacie, began within a while after, to quarrel, and pike matters, and to lay certain things to Pacies charge, whereas he rather should have cleared himself of those things, which Pacie laid unto him before the King, which was contrary to all good form and order of justice. For where the king had willed the Cardinal to try himself of those things, which Pacie had rightly charged him withal, he sitting in judgment with the Duke of Norfolk, and other states of the Realm, not as a defendent, but as a Judge in his own cause, so bare out himself, and weied down Pacie, that Pacie was commanded to the tower of London, as prisoner: where he continued by the space of two years, or thereabout, and afterward by the kings commandment, was discharged. But he being there prisonner, was therewyth so deadly wounded, and strocken, that he fell worse from his wits then ever he was before, being in such a phreuesie, or lunasie, that to his dying day, he never came perfectly to himself again. Notwythstanding, this in him was no perpetual frenzy, but came by fits, and when the fit was past, he could look on his Book, and reason and talk handsomely, but that now and then he shown his disease. And thus much between the Cardinal and Pacie.

By this story of Pacie, and also by other places above mentioned, ye may partly conceive, how greedy this Cardinal was, to be made pope. Touching which matter, here by the way something to entreat, first is to be understanded, that forsomuch as Pacie either would not, or could not serve the Cardinals purpose herein, he thought to accomplysh his desire, by other names, and namely by Stephen Gardener, who was then shortly after, sent Ambassador to Rome by the king and the Cardinal, in the time of pope Clement the 7. and that for two special causes: one was about the divorcement, the other for promoting the Cardinal to be Pope. As touching the diuorcemente, we will speak (the Lord willing) hereafter. In the mean time, as concerning the advancement of the Cardinal, great labor was made, as in letters may appear sent from the Cardinal to the said Stephen Gardinar, in which letters he did solicit the said Gardinar, by all means, to pursue the suit, willing him to stick for no cost, so far as six or seven thousand pounds would stretch: for more he said he would not give for the triple crown. Mark here (Christian Reader) what an holy Catholycke Church this is, which rather may be called a Burse or Marte of Marchauntes ( ne quid dicam durius ) then any true form of a Church.

Manye, both of his, and also of the kings letters, I could here inserte, but for growing of the volume, I let them pass. One for example sake, sent by the Cardinal to Gardener, another also from the king to the said Gardinar, shall at this time suffice, concerning this matter. And first the Copy of the Cardinals ambitious letter here, in form followeth.

After this letter of the Cardinal, consequently here ensueth another letter of the king, to the foresaid Stephen Gardener, and other his Orators at Rome, containing such instructions and documentes, as they should practice with the Cardinals of Rome, in canuesynge for the said Thomas Wolsey Cardinal of York, to be elected Pope, if Pope Clement were dead. Or if he were not dead, yet at least, to instruct them, what to do, when he should die.

The contents of the letter, albeit they include no great matter worthy our knowledge, nor greatly necessary for our story, yet for the ridiculous manner of the handling, and the curious secretariship thereof, full of glorious affectation, I thought it not here unmeet for the studies and appetites of some, to exemplify the same, or at least, to make the reader some pastime by the way, in beholding the glorious style of this vain glorious Cardinal, being suit like to his glorious life. The copy of the letter, bearing the name of the king, but in deed savoring altogether of the Cardinals devise and swelling vain, doth thus proceed in form and style, as followeth.

In these so great labors, pursuits, & travails of y ^e king & of the Cardinal, as in these their instructions above inserted, may appear, thou hast for thine instruction (loving reader) to note & learn howe man purposeth one thing, & howe God disposeth another. For the kings purpose was to have the Cardinal & Legate of York placed in the See Papal, thinking by that means if this Cardinal had ben pope, y ^e cause of his divorce more easily might be compassed which otherwise he thought impossible to contrive. But God omnipotent, which only is directour of all affairs, brought it otherwise to pass, not as the king devised, but after his own wisdom, so that both the diuorcemēt was concluded, and yet neither Cardinal Wolsey made Pope, nor yet Pope Clement was dead. Yea, so he ruled the mater, that notw ^t standing Pope Clement was alive, yet both the divorce proceeded, and also the Popes authority was thereby utterly extinct and abolished out of this Realm of England, to the singular admiration of God's wondrous works, and perpetual praise to his merciful goodness. Of which divorcement, and suppressing of the Popes authority, we have likewise to make declaration. But first, as we have begun with the Cardinal of York, so we will make an ende of him. That done, we will (God willing) address our self to other matters of more importance.

As the ambassadors were thus travailing in Rome to promote the Cardinal to be Pope, although the Pope was not yet dead, in the mean time the Cardinal played the Popish persecutor here at home. For first he sitting in his Pontificalibus, in the Cathedral Church of Paul's, under his cloth of estate of rich cloth of gold caused Frier Barns, an Augustine Frier, to bear a fagot, for certain points, which he called heresy. Also he caused the same two merchants of the stilliarde likewise to bear fagottes, for eating flesh on a friday. At the which time the Bishop of Rochester made a sermon in reproof of M. Luther, who had before written against the power of the B. of Rome. This bishop in his sermon spake so much of the honor of the Pope and his Cardinals, and of their dignity and preeminence, that he forgot to speak of the Gospel which he took in hand to declare, which was about the year of our Lord. 1526.

After this the said Cardinal likewise. An. 1528. and in the month of Nouemb. sitting at Westminster, as legate, called before him the whole Clergy, and there promised that all abusions of the church should be amended, but there nothing else was done, save only he caused to be abjured, Arthur Bilney, Geoffrey Lome, and Garret, for speaking against the Popes authority, and his pompous pride. Of whom more shall be said (the Lord assisting us) hereafter. And this was, An. 1528.

The year next following, which was An. 1529. began the question of the kings marriage to be revived. Wherupon Cardinal Campegius was sent again into England from Rome, for the hearing and debating of the matter. Who then with Cardinal Wolsey consulting with y ^e king, although at first he seemed with his fellow Cardinal, to incline to the kings disposition, yet afterward perceiving the sequel of the case, whether it tended so far, as peradventure might be the occasion of a blot to the court of Rome, and might shake perhaps the chair of the Popes omnipotent authority, as well in other cases like, if this one case were thoroughly decided by learning, and truth of God's word: he therefore slipping his neck out of the collar, craftily shifted him self out of the Realm, before the day came appointed for determination, leaving his suttle fellow behind him, to wey with the king in the mean time, while the matter might be brought up to the court of Rome. The king thus seeing himself disappointed, foded with false promises, and craftily doubled withal by the Cardinals, and at last after so many delays and long expectation, nothing to be concluded, was sore aggrieved in his mind with them, but especially with Cardinal Wolsey, whom he had before so highly exalted, and promoted to so many great dignities, as to the Archbishoprike of York, the bishopric of Winchester, of Duresme, the abby of S. Albons, besides the Chancelorship of England, and many other high roumes & preferments in the realm, which caused him clearly to cast him out of his favor, so that after that time he never came more to the kings presence. Ex Hallo.

Then followed first a counsel of the nobles, called the first of Octob. During the which counsel, all the Lord's and other the kings Counsaile agreeing together, resorted to Windsore to the king, and there informed the king, that all things which he had done almost, by his power Legātine, were in the case of the Premunire, and provision: and that the Cardinal had forfaited all his lands, tenements, goods, and cattels to the king: wherefore the king willing order to him, according to the order of his laws, caused his attourney Christopher Hales to sue out a Wryt of Premunire against him, in the which he licenced him to make an Attorney.

And further, the 17. day of November he sent the two Dukes of Norffolke & Suffolk, to his place at Westminster, to fetch away the great Seal of England, which he was loath to deliver, if there had been any remedy, but in conclusion he delivered it to the two Dukes, which delivered the same to Doctor Tailor, Master of the Rolls, to carry it to the king, which so did the next day.

Besides this, the king sent Syr William Fitzwilliams Knight of the Garter, and Treasurer of his house, and doctor Stephen Gardener, newly made Secretary, to see that no goods should be embesiled out of his house: and further, ordained y ^t the Cardinal should remove to Asher, beside Kingston, there to tarry the kings pleasure, and to have all things delivered to him, which were necessary for him, but not after his old pompous and superfluous fashyon, for all his goods were ceased to the kings use. When the Seal was thus taken from the Cardinal, the Dukes of Norffolke and Suffolk, with many Earls, Bishops, and Barons came into the Star chamber, the xix. day of October, where the Duke of Norffolke declared that the kings highness, for diverse and sundry offenses: had taken from him his great Seal, and deposed him of all offices, and lest men might complain for lack of justice, he had appointed him and the Duke of Suffolk, with the assent of the other Lord's, to sit in the Star chamber, to hear and determine causes indifferently, and that of all things the kings pleasure and commandment was, that they should keep their hands close from any rewards taking, or maintenance: and so that week they sat in the Star chamber, and determined causes.

A few days after in the same month, the Cardinal removed out of his house, called York place, with • ne Cross, saying, that he would he had never borne more, meaning that by his cross, that which he bare as Legate, which degree taking, was his confusion, as you see openly: and so he took his barge, and went to Pueney by water, and there took his horse and road to Asher, where he remained till Lent after.

During which time, he being called on for an answer in the kings Bench, to the Premunire, for giving benefices by prevention, in disturbance of men's inheritance, and diverse other open causes in the Premunire, according to the kings license, constituted John Scute & Edmonde Ienny, Apprentises of the law, his attourneys, which by his own warrant signed w ^t his hand, confessed all things concerning the said suit, for they were too open to be cloaked or hidden, and so judgment was given, that he should forfeite all his lands, tenements, goods, and cattels, and should be put out of the kings protection: but for all that, the king sent him a sufficient protection, and of his gentleness left to him the bishoyprikes of York and Winchester, and gave to him plate and stuff convenient for his degree, and the Bishoprike of Duresme he gave to Doctor Tonstall Bishop of London, and the Abbey of S. Albones he gave to the Prior of Norwich, and to London he promoted Doctor John Stokesley, then Ambassadoure to the universities, for the marriage, as you heard before. For all this kindness shown to the Cardinal, yet still he maligned against the king, as you shall hereafter perceive, but first we will proceed in the course of these matters, as they passed in order.

The next year following, which was, Anno 1530. in the month of Nouemb. was summoned a general parliament, to be holden at Westminster. In the which year, about the 23. day of October, the king came to his manor of Grenwich, and there much consulted with his Counsaile, for a meet man to be his Chancelor, so that in no wise he were no man of the Spiritualtie, and so after longe debate, the king resoluted him self upon sir Thomas Moore knight, Chauncelor of the Duchy of Lancaster, a man well learned in the tongues, and also in the common law: whose wit was fine, and full of imaginations, by reason whereof he was a little too much given to mocking, more then became the person of M. More: and then on the Sunday, the 24. day of the same month, the king made him his Chauncelor, and delivered him the great seal, which Lord Chancelor the next morrow after, was led into the Chancerye, by the two Dukes of Norffolke and Suffolk, and there sworn, and then the Mace was borne before him.

Of this fall of the Cardinal, and of the placing of Syr Thomas More in the Chauncelorship, Erasmus in an Epistle to John Uergera thus writeth: The Cardinal of York hath so offended the kings mind, that he being turned out of his goods and all his dignities, is committed not into prison, but into a certain Lordship of his, with 30. servants or kepers, to give attendance upon him. Many and sundry complaints are cōmenced against him, so that he is not like to escape with his life. Such is the daliaunce of fortune, of a schoolmaster to be made a king. For so he reigned more like a king, then the king him self. He was dreaded of all men: he was loved but of a few, almost of none. A little before he was apprehended, he caused Richard Pacie to be cast in the tower. Also he threatened my Archbishop of Canterbury: Solomon saith, That before the fall of man, his spirit shall be eleuated. The Archb. of Canterbury was called or restored to be chosen Lord Chancellor, which is the chiefest office in all that realm, but he excused himself by his age, as being not able to weld such a function. Wherefore the said office was bestowed upon Tho. More, no les to the rejoicing of many, then the other was displaced from it. These news my servant brought me out of England. &c. Ex Epist. Erasm. ad John Vergeram.

You heard before, how a counsel of the Nobles was appointed by the king in the month of October, to assemble in the Star chamber, about the Cardinals matter: and also how a parliament was summoned to begin in the month of November in the year following, An. 1530. At the beginning of which Parliament, after that M. Moore the new Chancelor had finished his oration, the commons were commanded to choose them a Speaker, who was Thomas Audeley Esquire, and attorney of the Duchie of Lancaster. Thus the Parliament being begun the 6. day of the foresaid month of November at Westminster, where the king with all the Lord's were set in the Parliament chamber, the commons, after they had presented their speaker, assembling in the nether house, began to common of their grieves, wherewith the spiritualty had before time grievously oppressed them, contrary both to all righte, and to the law of the realm, and especially were sore moved with these 6. great causes.