Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

The oath of Stephen Gardener to the King.

EGo Stephanus Wintonien. Episcopus pure, sponte, & absolute, in verbo pontificio, profiteor ac spondeo, Illustrissimae vestrae Regiae maiestati, singulari ac summo Domino meo, & patrono, Henrico Dei gratia Angliae & Franciae, Regi, fidei defensori, Domino Hiberniae, atque in terris Ecclesiae Anglicanae supremo immediate sub Christo capiti, quod post hac nulli externo Imperatori, Regi, Principi aut Prelato, nec Romano pontifici (quem Papam vocant) fidelitatem & obedientiam, &c.

In English.

I Stephen Bishop of Winchester, do purely of mine own voluntary accord and absolutely, in y ^e word of a Bishop, profess and promise to your princely majesty, my singular and chief Lord and Patron, Henry the 8. by the grace of Gdo King of England & of France, defendor of the faith, Lord of Ireland, & in earth of the Church of England supreme head immediately under Christ, that from this day forward I shall swear, promise, give, or cause to be givē to no foreign Potētate, Emperor, King, Prince or Prelate, nor yet to the Bishop of Rome, whō they call Pope, any oath or feaultie directly or indirectly, either by word or writing, but at all times and in every case & condition I shall observe, hold, & maintain to all effects & intents, the quarrel & cause of your royal Majesty & your successors, and to the uttermost of my power, shall defend the same against all manner of persons whom soever I shall know or suspect to be adversaries to your Majesty or to your successors, & shall give my faith, truth, & obedience sincerely & with my very heart, only to your royal Majesty, as to my supreme Prince. I profess the Papacie of Rome not to be ordained of God by holy Scripture, but constantly do affirm and openly declare and shall declare it to be set up only by mā, and shall cause diligently other men likewise to publish the same. Neither shall I enter any treaty with any person or persons either privily or apertly, or shall consent thereto, that the Bishop of Rome shall have or exercise here any authority or jurisdiction, or is to be restored to any iurisdic • ion hereafter.

Furthermore that y ^e said Bishop of Rome now being or any that shall succeed him hereafter, in the said Sea, is not to be called Pope nor supreme Bishop or universal Bishop, nor most holy Lord, but only ought to be called Bishop of Rome and fellow brother (as the old manner of the most ancient Bishops hath been) this I shall to my power openly maintain and defend.

Also I shall firmly observe & cause to be observed of other, to the uttermost of my cunning, wit, & power, all such laws and Acts of this Realm, how and whatsoever, as have been enacted & established for the extirpation and suppression of the Papacie, and of the authority, and jurisdiction of the said Bishop of Rome. Neither shall I appeal hereafter to the said Bish. of Rome, nor ever consent to any person, that shall appeal to him, neither shall I attempt, prosecute or follow any suit in the Court of Rome for any cause of right or Justice to be had, or shall make answer to any plee or action, nor shall take upon me the person and office either of the plaintiff or defendent in the said Court. And if the said Bishop by his messenger or by his letters shall make any means or significatiō unto me of any matter whatsoever it be, I shall with all speed & diligence make declaration & advertisement thereof, or cause that same to be signified, either to your princely majesty, or to some of your secret coūsails, or to your successors or any of their privy counsel: Neither shall I send or cause to be send at any time, any writing or mess̄ger to the said Bishop or to his Court without the knowledge & consent of your majesty or your successors willing me to send writing or messenger unto him. Neither shall I procure or give coūsails to any persō to procure bules, brieues or rescriptes whatsoever, either for me or for any other, frō the said Bysh. of Rome or his court. And if any such shall be procured against my will & knowledge either in general or in special, or else whosoever they shall be granted unto them, I shall utter & disclose the same, & not consent thereunto, nor use them in any case, & shall cause them to be brought to your majesty or your successors.

Furthermore for the confirmation hereof, I give my faith & truth by firm promise & in the faith of a Bishop that against this my foresaid profession, & promise made, I shall defend myself by no dispensation, exception, nor any remedy or cautel of law or example, during this my natural life. And if heretofore I have done or made any protestatiō in prejudice of this my profession & promise here made: the same I do revoke at this present & forever hereafter, and here utterly do renounce, by these presents. Whereunto I have subscribed & under written the name both of myself & of my Byshopricke, with my proper hand, & thereto also have put to my seal, in perpetual & undoubted testimony of the premisses.

*The like oath of John Stokesley Bishop of London.

I John Bishop of London, do purely, & of mine own voluntary accord, & absolutely in the word of a Bishop profess and promise to your princely majesty, my singular, and chief Lord and patron Henry 8 by the grace of God king of England, and of France, defender of the faith, Lord of Ireland, and in earth of the same Church of England supreme head immediately under Christ. &c. Like to the oath before.

The like oath and handwriting of Edward Lee, Archbyshop of York.

I Edward by the permission of God, Archbyshop of York, do purely of mine own voluntary accord, and absolutely, in the word of a Bishop, profess and promise to your royal Majesty, my singular and chief Lord and patron, &c. In like form to the oath before.

The like oath and handwriting of Cuthbert Bishop of Duresme.

And so likewise all the other Bishops after the same order and form of oath were obliged and bound to the king, as to their supreme head of the Church of England immediately under Christ renouncyng and abiuryng utterly and voluntarily, the Popes too long usurped jurisdiction in this Realm: testifieng moreover the same, both with their own hand, and also with their seal.

Besides these cōfirmations & testimonials of y ^e Bishops aforesaid, ye shall hear yet moreover, the decree and public sentence of the university of Cambridge written likewise and subscribed & signed with the public seal of their university, the tenor of which their letter here followeth.

A letter of the University of Cambridge against the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome.

VNiuersis Sanctae matris Ecclesiae filijs, ad quos praesentes literae peruenturae sunt, coetus omnis regentium & non regentium Academiae Cantabrigiensis, salutem in omnium saluatore Jesus Christo. Cum de Romani pontificis potestate, &c.

In English.

TO all and singular children of the holy mother Church, to whose hands these presents shall come, the whole society of Regentes and not Regētes of the University of Cambridge, sendeth greeting in our Savior Jesus Christ. Whereas now of late it hath risen up in question among us, concerning the power of the Bishop of Rome, which he doth both claim to himself by the holy Scripture over all provinces & nations in Christendom, and hath now of long time exercised in this realm of England: and forasmuch as our censure concerning the cause is required, to wit: whether the Bishop of Rome hath any power or authority in this kingdom of England allotted to him by God in the Scripture, more then any other foreine Bishop, or no: we thought it therefore good reason & our duty, for the searching out of the verity of the said question, that we should employ therein our whole endeavor and study, whereby we might render and publish to the world, what our reason and censure is, touching the premisses. For therefore we suppose, that Universities were first provided and instituted of Princes, to the end that both y ^e people of Christ might in the law of God be instructed, and also that false errors, if any did rise, might through the vigilant care and industry of learned Divines, be discussed, extinguished, and utterly rooted out. For the which cause, we in our assemblies and convocations (after our accustomed manner) resorting and conferring together upon the question aforesaid, and studiously debating and deliberating with our selves, how and by what order we might best proceed for the finding out of the truth of the matter, and at length choosing out certain of the best learned Doctors and Bachelers of Divinity, and other masters, have committed to them in charge, studiously to ensearch and peruse the places of holy Scripture, by the viewing and conferring of which places together, they might certify us what is to be said to the question propounded.

For as much therefore, as we having heard, and well advised, and thoroughly discussed in open disputations, what may be said on both partes of the foresaid question, those reasons and arguments do appear to us more probable, stronger, truer, and more certain, & sounding much more near to the pure and native sense of Scripture, which do deny the Bishop of Rome to have any such power given him of God in the Scripture. By reason & force of which arguments, we being persuaded and conioining together in one opinion, have with our selves thus decreed to answer unto the question aforesaid, and in these writings thus resolutely do answer in the name of y ^e whole University, & for a conclusion undoubted, do affirm, approve, & pronounce, that y ^e Bishop of Rome hath no more state, authority, and jurisdiction given him of God in the scriptures, over this Realm of England, then any other externe Bishop hath. And in testimony and credence of this our answer and affirmation, we have caused our common seal to be put to these our foresaid letters accordingly.

Steph. Wint. De Vera Obedientia.

YOu have heard before of Stephen Gardener, of Lee, of Tonstal, & of Stokesley, how of their voluntary mind, they made their profession to the king, everyone severally, taking and accepting a corporal oath, utterly and forever to renounce and reject the usurped superiority of the Bishop of Rome. Now for a further testimony and declaration of their judgments and opinions which then they were of, following the force both of truth and of time then present, ye shall hear over and beside their oaths, what the foresaid Bishops in their own Books, Prologues, and Sermons do write, and publish abroad in Printe, touching the said cause of the Popes supremacy.

And first (God willing) to begin with Stephen Gardiners book De vera Obedientia, we will briefly note out a few of his own words, wherein with great Scriptures and good deliberation he not only confuteth the Popes usurped authority, but also proveth the Marriage between the King and Queen Katherine his brothers wife, not to be good nor lawful, in these words:

Of the which moral precepts in the old law, to speak of some (for to rehearse all it needeth not) the Levitical precepts touching forbidden & incestuous marriages, as far as they concern chaste and pure wedlock, wherein the Original of man's increase consisteth, are always to be reputed of such sort, that although they were first given to the Jews: yet because they appertain to the law of nature, & expound the same more plainly unto us, therefore they belong as well to all manner of people of the whole world for evermore. In which doubtless, both the voice of nature & God's Commandment agreeing in one, have forbidden that which is contrary and diverse from the one, and from the other. And amongst these, since there is commandment that a man shall not mary his brothers wife, what could the Kings excellent Majesty do otherwise, then he did by the whole consent of the people, and judgment of his Church, that is, to be divorced from unlawful marriage, and use lawful and permitted copulation, and obeieng (as meet it was) conformably unto the commandment, cast off her whom neither law nor right permitted him to retain, and take him to chaste and lawful marriage? wherein although the sentence of God's word (whereunto all things ought to stoop) might have suffised: yet his Majesty was content to have the assisting consents of the most notable grave men, and the censures of the most famous Universities of the whole world: and all to the intent, that men should see he did that, both that he might do and ought to do uprightly, seeing the best learned and most worthy men have subscribed unto it, showing therein such obedience, as God's word requireth of every good & godly man: so as it may be said, that both he obeyed God, and obeyed him truly. Of which obedience, forasmuch as I am purposed to speak, I could not pass this thing over with silence, whereof occasion so commodiously was offered me to speak.

The Preface of Edmund Boner Archdeacon of Leycester, prefixed before Stephen Gardiners book, De obedientia.

FOr as much as some there be, no doubt (as the judgments of men be always variable) which think the controversy which is between the Kings royal Majesty, and the Bishop of Rome consisteth in this point, for that his Majesty hath taken the most excellent and most virtuous Lady Anne to wife, which in very deed is far otherwise, and nothing so: to the intent therefore that all true hearty favorers of the Gospel of Christ, which hate not, but love the truth, may the more fully understand the chief point of the controversy, and because they shall not be ignorant what is the whole voice and resolute determination of the best and greatest learned Bishops, with all the nobles and commons of England, not only in that cause of Matrimony, but also in defending the doctrine of the Gospel: here shall be published the Oration of the Bishop of Winchester (a man excellently learned in all kind of learning) entitled DE VERA OBEDIENTIA, that is, concerning true obedience. But as touching this Bishops worthy praises, there shall be nothing spoken of me at this time, not only because they are infinite, but because they are far better known to all Christendom, then becometh me here to make rehearsal. And as for the Oration it self (which as it is most learned, so it is most elegant) to what purpose should I make any words of it, seeing it praiseth it self enough, and seeing good wine needeth no tauerne bushe to utter it? But yet in this Oration, whosoever thou art, most gentle Reader, thou shalt beside other matters, see it notably and learnedly handled of what importance, and how invincible the power and excellency of God's truth is: which as it may now and then be pressed of the enemies, so it cannot possibly be oppressed and darkened after such sort, but it showeth it self again at length, more glorious and more welcome. Thou shalt see also touching obedience, that it is subject to truth, and what is to be judged true obedience. Besides this, of men's traditions, which for the most parte, be most repugnaunt against the truth of God's law. And there by the way, he speaketh of the Kings said highness marriage, which by the ripe judgment, authority and privilege of the most and principal Universities of the world, and then with the consent of the whole Church of England, he contracted with the most excellent, and most noble Lady Queen Anne. After that, touching the Kings Majesty's title, as pertaining to the supreme head of the Church of England. Lastly of all, of the false pretenced supremacy of the Bishop of Rome in the Realm of England, most justly abrogated: and how all other Bishops being felowlike to him in their function, yea and in some points above him within their own provinces, were before time bound to the King by their oath.

But be thou most surely persuaded of this good Reader, that the Bishop of Rome, if there were no cause else but only this marriage, would easily content himself, specially having some good morsel or other given him to chaw upon. But when he seeth so mighty a King, being a right virtuous and a great learned Prince, so sincerely and so heartily favor the Gospel of Christ, and perceiveth the yearly and great pray (ye so large a pray, that it came to as much almost as all the Kings revenues) snapped out of his hands, and that he can no longer exercise his tyranny in the Kings Maies • ies Realm ( alas heretofore, too cruel and bitter) nor make laws as he hath done many to the contumely and reproach of the Majesty of God, which is evident that he hath done in time past, under the title of the Catholic Church, and the authority of Peter and Paul, (when notwithstanding he was a very ravening Wolf, dressed in sheep's clothing, calling himself the servant of servants) to the great damage of the Christian common wealth: here, here began all the mischief, thereof rose these discords, these deadly malices, and so great and terrible bustling. For if it were not thus, could any man believe that this Jupiter of Olympus (which falsely hath arrogated unto himself an absolute power without controlment) would have wrought so diligently by all means possible, to stir up all other Kings and Princes so traitorously against this so good and godly and so true a Gospellike Prince, as he hath done? Neither let it move thee (gentle Reader) that Winchester did not before now, apply to this opinion, for he himself in this Oration showeth the cause, why he did it not. And if he had said never a word, yet thou knowest well what a witty part it is for a man to suspend his judgment, and not to be too rash in giving of sentence. It is an old said saw: Mary Magdalene profited us less in her quick belief that Christ was risen, then Thomas that was longer in doubt. A man may rightly call him Fabius, that with his advised taking of leisure, restored the matter. Albeit I speak not this as though Winchester had not boulted out this matter secretly with himself before hand (for he without doubt tried it out long ago) but that running fair and softly, he would first with his painful study, pluck the matter out of the dark, although of it self it was clear enough, but by reason of sundry opinions, it was lapped up in darkness, and then did he debate it wittely too and fro, and so at last after long and great deliberation had in the matter, because there is no better counselor then leisure an • time, he would resolutely with his learned and cōsummate judgment confirm it.

Thou shouldest gentle Reader, esteem his censure and authority to be of more weighty credence, in as much as the matter was not rashly and at all adventures, but with judgment (as thou seest) and with wisdom examined and discussed. And this is no new example, to be against the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, seeing that not only this man, but many men often times, yea and right great learned men afore now, have done the same even in writing, whereby they both painted him out in his right colors, and made his sleights, falsehood, frauds, and deceitful wyles, openly known to the world. Therefore if thou at any time heretofore have doubted either of true obedience, or of the Kings Majesty's marriage, or title, either else of the Bishop of Rome's false pretensed supremacy, as if thou haddest a good smelling nose and a sound judgment, I think thou diddest not: yet having read this Oration, (which if thou favor the truth, and hate the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, and his Sathanicall fraudulente falsehood, shall doubtless wonderfully content thee) forsake thine error, and acknowledge the truth now freely offered thee at length, considering with thyself, that it is better late so to do, then never to repent. Fare thou heartily well most gentle Reader, and not only love this most valiant King of England & of France, who undoubtedly was by the providence of God, borne to defend the Gospel, but also honor him and serve him most obediently. As for this Winchester, who was long ago without doubt reputed among the greatest learned men, give him thy good word with highest commendation. The end of Bishop Boners Prologue.

What man reading and advising this book of Winchester De vera obedientia, with Boners Preface before the same, would ever have thought, any alteration could so work in man's heart, to make these men thus to turn the catte (as they say) in the panne, and to start so suddenly from the truth so manifestly known, so pith • lie proved, so vehemently defended, and (as it seemed) so faithfully subscribed. If they dissembled all this that they wrote, subscribed, and sware unto: what perjury most execrable was it before God and man? If they meant good faith, and spake then as they thought, what pestilent blindness is this so suddenly fallen upon them, to make that false now, which was true before, or that to be now true, which before was false? Thus to say & unsay, & then to say again, to do and undo, & as a mā would say, to play fast or loose with truth, truly a man may say, is not the doing of a man, which is in any case to be trusted, whatsoever he doth or saith. But here a man may see what man is of himself, when God's good humble spirit lacked to be his guide.

Furthermore, to add unto them, the judgment also and arguments of Tonstall Bishop of Duresme, let us see how he agreeth with them, or rather much exceedeth, them in his Sermon made before King Henry upon Palmesonday, remaining yet in print. In the which Sermon, disputing against the wrongful supremacy of the Bishop of Rome, he proveth by manifest grounds most effectuously, both out of the Scripture, ancient Doctors, and of Councils, not only that the Bishop of Rome hath no such authority by the word of God committed to him, as he doth challenge: but also in requiring & chalēging the same, he reproveth & condemneth him with great zeal & ardent spirit to be a proud Lucifer, disobediente to the ordinary Powers of God set over him, contrary to Christ and Peter, and finally in raising up war against us for y ^e same: he therefore rebuketh and defieth him, as a most detestable sower of discord, and murderer of Christian men.

FIrst by the scripture he reasoneth thus & proveth, that all good mē ought to obey the potestates, & Governors of y ^e world, as Emperors, Kings & Princes of all sortes, what name soever the said supreme powers do bear or use for their countries in which they be, for so S. Peter doth plainly teach us 1. Pet. 2. saying: Be ye subject to every human creature for God's cause, whether it be Kyng as chief head, or Dukes or Governors, &c. So that S. Peter in his Epistle commandeth all worldly Princes in their office to be obeyed as the Ministers of God, by all Christian men. And according unto the same, S. Paul Ro. 13. saith: Let every living man be subject to the high powers, for the high powers be of God, and who soever resisteth the high powers, resisteth the ordinance of God, and purchaseth thereby to himself damnation, &c.

And in the same place of Tonstall, it followeth: and least men should forget their duty of obedience to their Princes, it is thrice repeated: that they be the ministers of God, whose place in their governance they represent: so that unto them all men must obey Apostles, Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, Priests, and all of the Clergy, &c. And therefore (saith he) the Bishop of Rome oweth to his seueraigne and superior like subjection by the word of God, taught unto us by Peter and Paul, as other Bishops do to their princes, under whom they be. &c.

Also, another express commandment we have of Christ. Luk. 22. who upon the occasion of his disciples striving for superiority, discusseth the matter, saying on this 〈◊〉 : The kings of the people and nations have dominion over them, and those that have power over them be called gracious Lord's, but so it shall not be amongst you. But whosoever amongst you is the greater shall be as the younger. And whosoever amongst you shall be chief, shall be as a servant and a minister. &c.

And again, Christ speaking to Pilate of his kingdom declareth that his kingdom is not of this world, & therefore saith Tonstall, those that go about to make of Christ's spiritual kingdom, a worldly kingdom, do fall into the error of some heretics that look that Christ after the day of judgment, shall reign with all his saints here in earth carnally in Jerusalem, as the Jews do believe that Messias is yet to come and when he shall come, he shall reign worldly in Jerusalem.

By these and such other places it may well appere, that Christ neither before his incarnation, (as Tonstall saith) nor after his incarnation, did ever alter the authority of worldly kings and Princes, but by his own word, commanded them still to be obeyed of their subjects, as they had been in the ancient time before. &c. And for examples of the same, he alledgeth first y ^e example of Christ himself. Matthew. 22. who being asked of the Jews, whether they should give tribute to Caesar or no, he bad thē give to Caesar those things that be his, and to God those things that be his, signifying that tribute was due to Caesar, and that their souls were due to God. &c.

Also, in the 17. of Matthew it appeareth that Christ bad Peter pay tribute for him and his Disciples, when it was demanded of him. And why? Because he would not change the order of obeysaunce to worldly Princes due by their subjects. &c.

An other example of Christ he citeth out of the 6. of John, where after Christ had fed five thousand and moe, with a few loaves, and fewer fishes, and that the Jews would have takē him and made him their king, he fled from them, and would not consent unto them. For the kingdom (saith he) that he came to set h • re in earth, was not a worldly and temporal kingdom, but an heavenly and spiritual kingdom, that is, to reign spiritually by grace and faith in the hearts of all Christian and faithful people, of what degree, or of what nation soever they be, and to turn all people and nations, which at his coming were carnal & lived after the lusts of the flesh, to be spiritual and to live after the lusts of the spirit, that Christ with his father of heaven, might reign in the hearts of all men. &c.

And here in these examples of Christ's humility, farther is to be noted, how Christ the son of God did submit himself, not only to the rulers and powers of this world, but also dejected himself and in a manner, became servant to his own Apostles: so far of was he from all ambitious and pompous seeking of worldly honor: For so appeared in him, not only by washing the feet of his Apostles, but also the same time a little before his passion, when the Apostles fell at contention among themselves, who among thē should be superior, he setting before them the example of his own subjection, asketh this question: Who is superior, he that sitteth at the Table, or he that serveth at the Table? Is not he superior that sitteth? but I am amongst you, as he that ministereth, and serveth. &c.

The like examples Tonstall also inferreth of Peters humility. For where we read in the Acts, how the Centurion a noble man of great age, did prostrate himself upon the ground at the feet of Peter: then Peter not suffering that eftsoons took him up and bad him rise, saying: I am also a man as thou art.

So likewise did the Angel, Apocalypse. 19. and 22. to whom when John would have fallen down to have adored him which shown him those visions, the Angel said unto him: See thou do not so, for I am the servant of God, as thou art. &c.

Agayne in the foresaid Peter what an example of reverent humility is to be seen in this, that notwithstanding he with other Apostles having his commission to go over all yet nevertheless he being at Joppa and sent for by Cornelius, durst not go to him, without the vision of a sheet let down from heaven, by the which vision he was admonished not to refuse the Gentiles: or else he knew in himself no such primacy over all people and places givē unto him, nor no such commission so large above the other. &c.

Furthermore, the said Peter being rebuked of Paul his fellow brother, took no scorn thereof, but was content, submitting himself to due correction.

But here, saith Tonstall, steppeth in the B. of Rome and saith that Peter had authority given above all the residue of the Apostles, & alledgeth the words of Christ spoken to him. Math. 16. Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, & will give to thee, the keys of the kingdom of heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, shall be bound in heaven. This said Christ, saith the Pope, and S. Peter is buried at Rome, whose succor I am, and ought to rule the Church, as Peter did, and to be porter of heavē gates, as Peter was. &c.

And Christ said also to Peter after his resurrection: Feede my sheep, which he spake to him only, so that thereby he had authority over all that be of Christ's flock, and I as his successor, have the same. And therefore who so will not obey me, King or Prince, I will curse him, and deprive him of his kingdom or seigniory: For all power is given to me, that Christ hath, and I am his Vicar general, as Peter was here in earth, over all & none but I, as Christ is in heaven.

This ambitious and pompous objection (saith Tonstall) of the Pope, and his adherents, hath of late years much troubled the world, and made dissention, bebate, and open war in all partes of Christiandome, & all by a wrong interpretatiō of the Scripture. Who if he would take those places after the right sense of them, as both the Apostles themselves taught us, and all the ancient best learned interpretours do expound them, the matter were soon at a point. But otherwise, since they pervert the Scripture, and preach another Gospel in that point to us, then ever the apostles preached, we have therein a general rule to follow: That though an Angel came from heaven, and would tell us such new expositions of those places, as are now made, to turn the words, which were spoken for spiritual authority of preaching the word of God, and ministering of the Sacraments to a worldly authority, we ought to reject him, as S. Paul willeth us Gala. 1.

To open therefore the true sense of the Scripture in the places aforesaid, and first to begin with the 16. Chapiter of Matthew here is to be observed, that the question being put in general of Christ to all his Apostles, what they thought or judged of him, Peter answering for them all, as he was always ready to answer, said: Thou art Christ, the son of the living God. To whom Jesus answered again: Blessed be thou Simon the Son of Jonah: for flesh and blood hath not revealed this unto thee, but my Father which is in heaven: And I say to thee, thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. That is to say: upon this rock of thy confession of me to be the Son of GOD, I will build my Church: for this faith containeth the whole summarye of our faith and saluatiō, as it is written Rom. 10. The word of faith, that we do preach is at hand, in thy mouth and in thine heart. For if thou confess with thy mouth our Lord Jesus Christ, & with thy heart do believe that God raised him frō death to life thou shalt be saved &c. And this confession being first uttered by the mouth of Peter, upon the same confession of his, & not upon the person of Peter, Christ buildeth his Church, as Chrysostom expoundeth that place in the 26. Sermon of y ^e feast of Pentecost, saying: Not vpō the person of Peter, but vpō the faith, Christ hath built his church. And what is the faith? This: Thou art Christ the son of the living God. What is to say, upon this rock? That is, upon this confessiō of Peter. &c. And with this saying of Chrysostom, all ancient expositors, saith Tonstal treating that place, do agree, For if we should expound that place, that the church is built vpō the person of Peter, we should put another foundation of the Church, then Christ, which is directly against S, Paul, saying: No man may put any other foundation, but that which is put already, which is Christ Jesus. &c.

And because Peter was the first of all the Apostles, that confessed this, that Christ is the son of God, by y ^e which faith all men must be saved: thereof cometh the primacy, that is, the first place or standing of Peter in the mumber of all the Apostles.

And as Peter was the first of them that confessed Christ to be the son of God, so was he most ardent in his faith, most bold and hardy in Christ, as appeared by his coming out of the ship in the great tempest, and also most vehement in his masters cause, as appeared by drawing out his sword, and after the Lord's resurrection, is declared in the 2.3.4. chapiter of the Acts: where as the Jews withstanding the Apostles preaching the faith of Christ, Peter as most ardent in faith, was ever most ready to defend the faith against the impugners thereof, speaking for them all unto the people. &c. and therefore hath these honorable names given him, by the ancient interpreters, y ^t sometimes he is called the mouth of the Apostles, y ^e chief of the Apostles, some time the Prince of the Apostles, some time the President of the whole Church, & some time hath the name of primacy, or priority attributed to him.

And yet the said Peter notwithstanding these honorable names givē unto him, that he should not have a rule or a iudicial power above all the other Apostles, it is plain by S. Paul and many other.

First, S. Paul Gal. 2. plainly declareth the same, saying: That as the Apostleship of the Circumcision, that is, of the Jews, was given by Christ to Peter: so was the Apostleship of the Gentiles given to me among the Gentiles. Hereby it appeareth that Paul knew no primacy of Peter concerning people & places, but among the Jews. And thereof S. Ambrose expounding that place, saith thus: The primacy of the Jews was given chiefly to Peter, albeit James and John were joined with him: as the primacy of the Gentiles was given to Paul, albeit Barnabas was joined with him: So that Peter had no rule over all.

Also in the Acts 10. when Peter was sent for to Cornelius a Gentile, he durst not go to him without a special vision given him from heaven by the Lord.

Item, that all the Apostles had like dignity and authority, it appeareth by S. Paul Ephes. 2. Where he saith: Now ye are not strangers, nor foreners but ye be Citizens with the Saints and of the household of almighty God, built (saith he) upon the foundation of the Apostles, and the Prophets, Christ being the corner stone: upon whom every edifice being built, groweth up to an holy temple in our Lord. &c. Here he saith that they be built, not upon the foundation of Peter only, but upon the foundation of the Apostles, so that all they be in the foundation set upon Christ the very rock, wherupō standeth the whole Church.

In the 21. chap. also of the Apoca. the new City, and the heavenly Jerusalem of almighty God is described of the holy ghost, not with one foundation only of Peter, but with 12. foundations, after the number of the Apostles.

S. Cyprian Lib. De simplic. prael. giveth record likewise to the same, that the Apostles had equal power & dignity given to them by Christ. And because all should preach one thing, therefore y ^e beginning thereof first came by one which was Peter, who confessed for them all: That Christ was the Son of the living God, saying further, that in the Church there is one office of all the Bishops, whereof every man hath a part allowed wholly unto him. Now, if the Bishop of Rome may meddle over all, where he will: then every man hath not wholly his part, for the bishop of Rome may also meddle in his part jointly, with him: so that now he hath it not wholly: which is against Cyprian.

S. Agustine likewise expounding the Gospel of John, in the 50. treaty, speaketh there of the keys of Peter. Which he saith were given of Christ to Peter, not for himself alonely, but for the whole Church.

Cyrillus expounding the last chapter of John, & there speaking of the words of Christ spoken unto Peter, Feed my sheep. &c. thus understandeth the same: That because Peter had thrice denied Christ, whereby he thought himself he had lost his Apostleship: Christ to comfort him again, and to restore him to his office that he had lost, asked him thrice, whether he loved him, and so restored him again to his office, which else he durst not have presumed unto, saying unto him: Feed my sheep. &c. With which exposition the ancient holy expositors of that place, do likewise agree: So that by these words of feeding Christ's sheep, the Bishop of Rome can take no advantage to maintain his universal pastoralty over all Christian dominions.

Agayne, where as the Bishoppe of Rome saith, that Peter by these words of Christ spoken to him, hath a preeminence above the other, S. Paul Acts. 20. proveth the contrary: where he speaking to the Bishops assembled at Milete, saith to them: Take heed to yourselves, and to all your flock, in which the holy Ghost hath put you to govern. &c.

And Peter himself likewise. 1. Pet. 5. saith: Ye that be Priests feed the flock of God amongst you &c.

So that by these Scriptures conferred together, it may appear that neither the 16. Chapiter of Matthew nor the 21. of John do prove that Peter had power, authority, or dignity given him of Christ, over all the other, that they should be under him: and yet notwithstanding his primacy, in that he first of all the Apostles confessed Christ to be the Son of the living God (with the which confession all the other Apostles did consent, and also preached the same) standeth still· Which confession first by Peter made, all other that will be saved, must follow also, and be taught to confess the same. And thus the Bishop of Rome's power over all, which he would prove by those places wrongfully alleged for his purpose, utterly quayleth, and is not proved. And thus much for the Scriptures and Doctors.

Now farther proceeding in this matter, the said Tonstall cometh to Councils and examples of the primitive Church, as followeth.

Faustinus, Legate to the Bishop of Rome in the v • . Council of Carthage, alleged that the Bishop of Rome ought to have the ordering o • all great matters in all places by his supreme authority, bringing no Scripture for him (for at that time no Scripture was thought to make for it) but alledgeth for him, and that untruly, the first Council of Nice, to make for his purpose. After this, whē the book was brought forth, and no such article found in it, but the contrary, yet the Counsel at that time, sent to Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch, where the Patriarchal seas were, to have the true copy of the Council of Nice, which was sent unto them. And another copy also was sent from Rome whether also they sent for y ^e same purpose.

After that the copy was brought to them, and no such Article found in it, but in the fifth chapter thereof the contrary, that all causes Ecclesiastical should either be determined within the Dioces, or else, if any were grieved, then to appeal to the Counsel Provincial, and there the matter to take full end, so that for no such causes men should go out of their Provinces: the whole Counsel of Carthage wrote to Celestine at that time being Bishop of Rome, that since the Counsel of Nice had no such article in it, as was untruly alleged by Faustinus, but the contrary, they desired him to abstain after, to make anymore such demand denouncing unto him, that they would not suffer any cause great or small, to be brought by appeal, out of their country, and thereupon made a law that no man shall appeal out of the country of Aphrike upon pain to be denounced accursed. Wherewith the Bishop of Rome ever after held him content, and made no more business with them seeing he had naught to say for himself to the contrary. And at this Counsel S. Agustine was present, and subscribed the same. Read more hereof pag 10.

It was determined also in the sixte Article of the said Counsel of Nice: that in the Orient the Bishop of Antioch should be chief: in Egypt the Bishop of Alexandria: about Rome, the Bishop of Rome, and like Wise in other countries, the Metropolitans should have their preeminence: so that the bishop of Rome never had meddling in those countries.

And in the next Article following, the Bishop of Jerusalem (which City before had been destroyed, and almost desolate) was restored to his old prerogative, to be y ^e chief in Palestine and in the country of Jury.

By this ye see howe the Patriarch of Rome during all this time of the primitive Church, had no such primacye preeminēt above other Patriaches, much less over kings and Emperors, as may appear by Agatho Byshoppe of Rome long after that, in whose time was the sixth Council general. Which Agatho after his election: sent to the Emperor thē being at Constantinople, to have his electiō allowed before he would be consecrate, after y ^e old custom at that time used.

In like sort, another Bishop of Rome called Uitalianus did the same, as it is written in the Decrees in the 63. Distinct. cap. Agatho.

The like did S. Ambrose, and S. Gregory, before thē, as it is written in the chap. Cum longe, in the same. Distinct. During all which time, the bishops of Rome followed well the doctrine of S. Peter and S. Paul left unto them, to be subjects and to obey their Princes.

Thus after that Bishop Tonstall playing the earnest Lutheran, both by scriptures and ancient Doctors, also by examples sufficient of the primitive church, hath proved and declared, how the Bishops of Rome ought to submit thenselves to their higher powers, under whom God hath appointed every creature in this world to obey: now let us likewise see how the said Bishop Tonstall describeth unto us his disobedience intolerable, his pride incomparable, and his malignant malice most execrable.

And first speaking of the disobedience of Adam & Eve, then of the pride of Nabugodonosor, & of Lucifer, at length he compareth the Bishops of Rome to them all. Who first for disobedience refuse to obey God's commandment, but contrary to his word, will be above their governors, in refusing to obey them.

Secondly, beside this rebellious disobedience in these Bishops of Rome not sufferable, their pride moreover so far exceedeth all measure, that they will have their princes, to whō they owe subjection, prostrate upon y ^e ground, to adore them by godly honor upon the earth, and to kiss their feet, as if they were God, where as they be but wretched men, and yet they look that their princes should do it unto them, and also all other christen men owing them no subjection, should do the same.

And who be these I pray you, that men may know them? Surely (saith he) the Bishops of Rome be these whom I do mean. Who following the pride of Lucifer their father, make themselves fellows to God, and do exal • their seat above the stars of God, and do ascend above the clouds, and will be like to almighty God. The stars of God be meant the angels of heaven, for as stars do show unto us in part, the light of heaven, so do Aungelles sent unto men, show the heavenly light of the grace of God, to those to whom they be sent. And the clouds signified in the old Testament the Prophettes, and in the new do signify the Apostles and Preachers of the word of God. For as the clouds do conceive and gather in the skye moisture, which they after pour down upon the ground to make it thereby more fruitful: so the Prophets in the old Testament, and the Apostles and Preachers in the new, do pour into our ears the moisture of their heavenly doctrine of the word of God, to make therewith by grace, our souls being scere and dry, to bring forth fruit of the spirit. Thus do all ancient expositors, and amongst them Saint Augustine, interpret to be meant in Scripture, stars and clouds, in the exposition of the 45. Psalm.

But S. John the Evangelist writeth in the 19. chapter of the Apocalypse, & in the 22. also, that whē he would have fallen down at the Angels foot that did show him those visions there written, to have adored him with godly worship, the Angel said unto him: See thou do not so, for I am the servant of God as thou art. Geue adoration and Godly worship to God, and not to me. Here it appeareth, that the Bishops of Rome suffering all men prostrate before them to kiss their feet (yea the same Princes, to whom they owe subjection) do clime up above the stars and Angels too, offering their feet to be kissed, with shoes and all. For so I saw myself being present, 34. years ago, whē Julius thē Bishop of Rome stood on his feet, and one of his chamberlaynes held up his skyr • because it stood not (as he thought) with his dignity, that he should do it himself, that his shoo might appear, whiles a noble man of great age did prostrate himself upon the ground, and kissed his shoo: which he stately suffered to be done, as of duty. Where me think I saw Cornelius the Centurion, Captayn of the Italians • and, spoken of in the tenth Chapiter of the Acts, submitting himself to Peter, and much honoring him: but I saw not Peter there to take him up, and to bid him rise, saying I am a man as thou art, as Saint Peter did say to Cornelius: so that the Bishops of Rome, admittting such adoration due unto God, do clime above the heavenly clouds, that is to say, above the Apostles sent into the world by Christ, to water the earthly and carnal hearts of men, by their heavenly doctrine of the word of God.

Thus Bishop Tonstall having described the passing pride of the Pope, surmounting like Lucifer, above Bishops, Apostles, Aungelles, and stars of heaven, proceeding then further to the latter ende of his Sermon, cometh to speak of his rage and malice most furious and pestilent, in that he being justly put from his kingdom here: to wreak his spiteful malice, styrreth up war against us, & bloweth y ^e horn of mischief in giving our land for a spoil and pray to all, whosoever at his setting on, will come and invade us. But let us hear his own words preaching to the king and all Englishmen, touching both the popes malice, and the treason of Cardinal Poole.

Now (saith he) because he can no longer in this realm wrongfully use his usurped power in all things, (as he was wont to do) and suck out of this Realm by avarice insatiable, innumerable sums of money yearly, to the great exhausting of the same: he therefore moved and repleat with furious ire and pestilent malice, goeth about to stir all Christian nations, that will give ears to his devilish enchauntmentes, to move war against this realm of England, giving it in pray to all those, that by his instigation will invade it.

And here expounding these foresaid words (to give in pray) he declareth what great mischief they contain, and willeth every true Englisheman well to mark the same. First to make this realm (saith he) a pray to all vēturers, all spoilers, all snappehaunses, all forlornehopes, all cormorantes, all rauenors of the world, that will invade this Realm, is to say: thou possessioner of any lands of this Realm, of what degree soever thou be, from the highest to the lowest, shalt be slain and destroyed, and thy lands taken from thee by those that will have all for themselves: & thou mayest be sure to be slain, for they will not suffer thee, nor none of thy progeny to live to make any claim afterward or to be revenged, for that were their vnsurety. Thy wife shall be abused before thy face: thy daughter likewise deflowered before thee: thy children slain before thine eyes: thy house spoiled: thy cattle driu • n away & sold before thy visage: thy plate, thy money by force taken frō thee, all thy goods, wherein thou hast any delight, or hast gathered for thy children, rauened, broken and di • tributed, • n thy presence, that every rauenour may have his share. Thou Marchaunt art sure to be slain, for thou hast either money or ware, or both, which they search for Thou Byshoppe or priest, whatsoever thou be, shalt never escape, because thou wouldest not take the Bishop of Rome's part, and rebel against God and thy Prince, as he doth. If thou shalt fi • e and escape for a season, whatsoever thou be: thou shalt see and hear of so much misery and abomination, that thou shalt judge them happy, that be dead before: for sure it is, thou shalt not finally escape: For, to take the whole realm in pray, is to kill the whole people, and to take the place for themselves, as they will do if they can.

And the Bishop of Rome now of late, to set forth his pestilent malice the more, hath allured to his purpose a subject of this Realm, Reginald Poole comē of a noble blood, and thereby the more errant traitor, to go about frō Prince to Prince, and from country to country, to stir them to war against this Realm, and to destroy the same being his native country: whose pestilent purpose, the Princes that he breaketh it unto, have in much abomination, both for that the Bishop of Rome (who being a Bishop should procure peace) is a styrrer of war: and because this most errant and unkind traitor is his minister to so devilish a purpose, to destroy the country that he was borne in, which any heathen man would abhor to do.

And so continuing in his discourse against Cardinal Poole and the Bishop of Rome for stirring the people to war and mischief, he further saith, & saith truly, that for these many years past, little war hath been in these partes of Christendom, but the Bishop of Rome either hath been a styrrer of it, or a nourisher of it, and seldom any cōpounder of it, unless it were for his ambition or profit. Wherefore since, as S. Paul saith, that God is not the God of dissention but of peace, who commandeth by his word, peace always to be kept: we are sure that all those, that go about to break peace between Realms, and to bring them to war, are the childrē of the devil, what holy names soever they pretend to cloke their pestilent malice withal: which cloking under hipocrisy is double deuilishnes, and of Christ most detested, because under his blessed name, they do play the devils part.

And in the latter end of his Sermon concluding with the 39. Chapiter of Ezekiel, where the Prophet speaketh against Gog and Magog, going about to destroy the people of God, and prophesieth against them, that the people of God shall vanquish and overthrow them on the mountains of Israel that none of them shall escape, but their carcases shall there be devoured of kytes, and crows, and byrds of the air: so likewise saith he of these our enemies, wishing, that if they shall persist in their pestilent malice, to make invasion into this Realm, then their great Captayne Gog (the bishop of Rome he meaneth) may come w ^t them, to drink with them of the same cup, which he maliciously goeth about to prepare for us, that y ^e people of God might after quietly live in peace,

We have heard hitherto the oaths, censures, and judgments of certain particular Bishops of York, of Winchester, of London, of Duresme, and also of Edmund Bonor, Archdeacon then of Leycester, against the Popes unlawful vsurpatiō. Now for the more fortification of the matter, and satisfying of the Reader, it shall not be much out of purpose, besides the consent and approbatiō of these aforesaid, to infer also the public and general agreement of the whole Clergy of England, as in a total sum together, confirmed and ratified in their own public book, made and set forth by them about the same time, called then the Bishops book. In the which book, although many things were very slender & imperfect, yet as touching this cause of the Bishop of Rome's regalty, we will hear (God willing) what their whole opinion & provincial determinatiō did conclude, according as by their own words in the same book, is to be seen word for word, as followeth, subscribed also with their own names: the Catologue of whom under their own confession, shall appere.

WE think it convenient, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach the people committed unto their spiritual charge, y ^t where as certain men do imagine and affirm, that Christ should give unto the Bishop of Rome power and authority, not only to be head & governor of all Priests & Bishops in Christ's Church, but also to have and occupy the whole Monarchy of the world in his hands, and that he may thereby lawfully depose kings and Princes from their realms, dominions, and seignories, and so transfer and give the same to such persons as him liketh that is utterly false and untrue: For Christ never gave unto S. Peter, or unto any of the Apostles, or their success • rs, any such authority. And the Apostles, S. Peter and S. Paul do teach and command, that all Christian people, as well Priests and Bishops as others, should be obedient and subject unto the Princes and Potentates of the world, although they were infidels.

And as for the Bishop of Rome, it was many hundred years after Christ, before he could acquire or get any primacy or governance above any other Bishops, out of his province in Italy: since the which time he hath ever usurp • more and more. And though some part of his power was given unto him by the consent of the Emperors, Kings and Princes, and by the consent also of the Clergy in general Counsels assembled: yet surely he atteyned the most part thereof by marvelous subtlety and craft, and specially by colluding with great kings and princes, sometime training them into his devotion by pretence and color of holiness and sanctimony, and sometime constraining them by force and tyranny. Whereby the said Bishops of Rome aspired and ro • e at length unto such greatness in strength and authority, that they presumed and took upon thē to be heads & to put laws by thyr own authority, not only unto all other Bishops within Christiandome, but also unto the Emperors, Kings, & other the Princes and Lord's of the world, and that under the pretence of the authority committed unto them by the Gospel. Wherein the said Bishops of Rome do not only abuse and pervert the true sense and meaning of Christ's word: but they do also clean contrary to the use and custom of the priprimitiue Church: and so do manifestly violate, as well the holy Canons made in the Church immediately after the time of the Apostles, as also the degrees and constitutions made in that behalf, by the holy Fathers of the Catholic church assembled in the first general councils. And finally they do transgress their own profession, made in their creation. For all the Bishops of Rome always when they be consecrated and made Bishops of that See, do make a solemn profession and vow, that they shall inviolably observe and keep all the ordinances made in the eight first general Councils: among the which it is specially provided & enacted, that all causes shall be finished and determined with in the province where the same begun, and that by the bishops of the same province: and that no Bishop shall exercise any jurisdiction out of his own diocese or province. And diverse such other Canons were then made and confirmed by the said councils, to repress and take away out of the Church, all such primacy and jurisdiction over kings and Bishops, as the Bishops of Rome pretend now to have over the same. And we find that diverse good fathers Bishops of Rome did greatly reprove, yea and abhor (as a thing clean contrary to the Gospel, and the decrees of the church) that any Bishop of Rome, or else where, should presume, usurp, or take upon him the title and name of y ^e universal bishop, or of the head of all priests, or of y ^e highest priest, or any such like title. For confirmation whereof, it is out of all doubt, y ^t there is no mention made, neither in Scripture, nor in the writings of any Autenticall doctor or author of the Church, being within the time of the apostles, that Christ did ever make or institute any distinction or difference to be in the preeminence of power, order or jurisdiction, between the Apostles thenselves, or between y ^e bishops themselves, but y ^t they were all equal in power order, authority, & jurisdiction. And that there is now and since y ^e time of the Apostles, any such diversity, or difference among the Bishops, it was devised by the ancient fathers of the primitive Church, for the conservation of good order and unity of the Catholic church and that either by the consent and authority, or else at the least by the permission and sufferance of the princes and civil powers for the time ruling. &c.

And shortly after followeth: And for the better confirtion of this part, we think it also convenient, that all Bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach the people committed unto their spiritual charge, that Christ did by express words prohibit, that none of his Apostles nor any of their successors, should under the pretence of the authority given unto them by Christ, take upon them y ^e authority of y ^e sword: y ^t is to say, the authority of kings, or of any civil power in this world, yea or any authority to make laws or ordinances in cau •• s appertaining unto civil powers. Truth it is, the priests and bishops may execute all such temporal power & jurisdiction, as is committed unto them by y ^e ordinance & authority of kings or other civil powers & by the consent of the people (as officers and ministers under the said kings and powers) so long as it shall please the said kings and people to permit and suffer them so to use and execute the same. Notwithstanding if any bishop of what estate or dignity so ever he be, be he bish. of Rome or of any other city, province, or diocese, do presume or take upon him authority or jurisdiction in causes or matters which appertain unto kings and the civil powers and their Courtes, and will maintain or think that he may so do by y ^e authority of Christ and his Gospel, although y ^e kings and princes would not permit and suffer him so to do: No doubt that Bishop is not worthy to be called a Bishop, but rather a tyranne & an usurper of other men's rightes, contrary to the laws of god, and is worthy to be reputed none otherwise then he that goeth about to subvert the kingdom of Christ. For the kingdom of Christ in his Church is a spiritual, and not a carnal kingdom of the world, that is to say, the very kingdom that Christ by himself, or by his Apostles and disciples sought here in this world, was to bring all nations from the carnal kingdom of the prince of darkness, unto the light of his spiritual kingdom, & so to reign himself in the harts of the people by grace, faith, hope, and charity. And therefore since Christ did never seek nor exercise any worldly kingdom or dominion in this world, but rather refusing and fleeing from y ^e same, did leave the said worldly governance of kingdoms, realms, and nations, to be governed by Princes & potentates (in like manner as he did find them) & commanded also his Apostles and Disciples to do the sēblable, as it was said before: whatsoever priest or bishop will arrogate or presume vpō him any such authority, and will pretend e the authority of the Gospel for his defense therein, he doth nothing else, but (in a manner as you would say) crowneth Christ again with a crown of thorn, and traduceth & bringeth him forth again with his mantle of purpure upon his back, to be mocked and scorned of the world, as the Jews did to their own damnation.

This doctrine was subscribed and allowed by the witness and testimony of these bishops and other learned mē, whose names hereunder follow, as appeareth in the Bishops book aforenamed.

*Testes.
• Thomas Cantarien.
• Edouardus Ebor.
• Johannes London.
• Cuthbertus Dunel..
• Stephanus Winton.
• Robertus Carliolen.
• Johannes Exon.
• Johannes Lincoln.
• Johannes Bathonien.
• Rolandus Couen. & Lich.
• Thomas Elien.
• Nicolaus Sarum.
• Johannes Bangor.
• Edouardus Herefor.
• Hugo Wigornien.
• Johannes Roffen,
• Richardus Cicestren,
• Guliel. Norwicen.
• Gulielmus Meneuen.
• Robertus As • auen.
• Robertus Landauen.
• Richardus Wolman. Archdiaco. Sudbur.
• Gulielmus Knight. Arch. Richmond.
• Johannes Bel. Arch. Gloucester.
• Edmundus Boner. Archdia Leicester.
• Gulielmus Skippe, Archdiaco. Doset.
• Nicholaus Heth. Archdiaco Stafford.
• Cuthbertus Mashall. Arch. Nottingham.
• Ricardus Curten. Archdia. Oxford.
• Gulielmus Glife.
• Galfridus Dovnes,
• Robertus Oking.
• Radulphus Bradford.
• Richardus Smith.
• Simon Matthew.
• Johannes Prin.
• Guliel Buckmaster,
• Gulielmus May.
• Nicolaus Wotton.
• Ricardus Coxe.
• Johannes Edmundes.
• Thomas Robertson,
• Johannes Baker.
• Thomas Barret.
• Johannes Hase.
• Johannes Tyson.

These were Doctors of Divinity, and of both Laws.

Judge now thyself (loving reader) per confessata & allegata : that is, by these things heretofore confessed, alleged, allowed, proved and confirmed, by pen set forth, by words defended, and by oath subscribed by these Bishops and Doctors, if either Martin Luther himself or any Lutheran else could or did ever say more against y ^e proud usurpation of the Bishop of Rome, then these men have done. If they dissembled otherwise then they meant, who 〈1 page duplicate〉 could ever dissemble so deeply, speaking so pithily? If they meant as they spake, who could ever turn head to tail so suddenly & so shortly as these men did? But because these things we write for edification of other, rather then for commendation of them; let us mark therefore their reasons, and let the persons go.

And although the said proofs and arguments heretofore alleged, might suffice to the full discussion of this matter against y ^e Popes usurped primacy: yet because many do yet remain, which will not be satisfied, to refel therefore & confute this popish article of the popes vain and proud primacy, with as much matter and furniture of reasons & allegations as the writings and testimonies of these Bishops and others do minister unto us: we mind (the Lord willing) to annex to th • se former confirmations of the bishops aforesaid, another supplement also of a certain Epistle sent by Bishop Tonstall, and by John Stokesley bishop of London, to Cardinal Poole, for a more ample confutation of the usurped power.

Concerning the argument of which Epistle, here is first to be understanded, that about this time or not much over, Cardinal Poole brother to the Lord Montagew, was attaynted of high treasō, and fled away unto Rome, where within a short time after, he was made Cardinal of S. Mary Cosmeden: of whō more is to be spoken hereafter, the Lord so permitting, when we come to the time of Queen Mary. In the mean time he remaining at Rome, there was directed unto him a certain Epistle exhortatory by Stokesley Bishop of London, and Tonstal Bishop of Duresme, persuading him to relinquishe and abandon the supremacy of the Pope, and to conform himself to the religion of his king. The copy of which his Epistle for the reasons and arguments therein contained about the same matter, we thought here not unworthily to be put in, or unprofitable to be read. The tenor whereof here followeth.

When all other kings subjects, and the learned of the Realm had taken and accepted the oath of the kings supremacy, only Fisher the Bishop of Rochester & Syr Thomas More refused (as is aforesaid) to be sworn: who therefore falling into the danger of the law, were committed into the Tower, and executed for the same. an. 1535. This John Fisher aforesaid, had written before against Oecolampadius, whose book is yet extant, and afterward against Luther.

Also amongst other his acts he had been a great enemy and persecutor of John Frith, the godly learned Martyr of Jesus Christ, whom he and Syr Thomas Moore caused to be burned a year and a half before, and shortly after the said fisher, to his confusion, was charged with Elizabeth Barton called the holy maid of Kent) and found guilty by act of Parleament, as is above recorded. For his learning and other virtues of life, this Bishop was well reputed and reported of many, and also much lamented of some. But whatsoever his learning was, pity it was, that he being endued with that knowledge, should be so far drowned in such superstition: more pity that he was so obstinate in his ignorance: but most pity of all that he so abused the learning he had, to such cruelty as he did. But thus commonly we see come to pass, as the Lord saith: That who so striketh with the sword, shall perish with the sword, and they that stain their hands with blood, seldom do bring their bodies dry to the grave: as commonly appeareth by the end of bloody tyrants, and especially such as be persecutors of Christ's poor members. In the number of whom was this Bishop and sir Thom. More, by whom good John Frith, Teukesbery, Thomas Hytten, Bayfild, with diverse other good saints of God, were brought to their death. It was said, that the Pope, to recompense Bishop Fisher for his faithful service, had elected him Cardinal, and sent him a Cardinals hat as far as Calais, but the head it should stand upon, was as hie as London bridge, ere ever y ^e Popes hat could come to him. Thus Bishop Fisher and Syr Thomas More, which a little before had put John Frith to death for heresy against the Pope, were themselves executed and beheaded for treason against the king, the one the xxij. of June, the other the vi. of July. ann. 1535.

Of sir Tho. More something hath been touched before, who was also recounted a man both witty & learned, but whatsoever he was beside, a bitter persecutor he was of good men, and a wretched enemy against the truth of the Gospel, as by his books left behind him may appear, wherein most slanderously and contumeliously he writeth against Luther Zwinglius, Tindal, Frith, Barns, Bayfild, Bainham, Teukesbery, falsely belying their articles & doctrine, as (God granting me life) I have sufficient matter to prove against him.

Briefly, as he was a sore persecutor of them that stood in defense of the Gospel: so again on the other side, such a blind devotion he bare to the Pope holy See of Rome, & so willfully stood in the Popes quarrel against his own prince, that he would not give over till he had brought y ^e Scaffolde of the Tower hill with the axe and all upon his own neck.

Edward Hall in his Chronicle writing of the death and manners of this Syr Thomas More, seemeth to stand in doubt, whether to call him a foolish wise man, or a wise foolish man. For as hy nature he was endued with a great wit, so the same again was so mingled (saith he) with taunting and mocking, that it seemed to them that best knew him, that he thought nothing to be well spoken, except he had ministered some mock in the communication: in so much as at his coming to the Tower, one of the officers demanding his upper garment for his fee, meaning his gown, he answered that he should have it, and took him his cap, saying it was the vppermoste garment that he had. Likewise, even going to his death, at the Tower gate a poor woman called unto him, & besought him to declare that he had certain evidences of hers in the time that he was in office (which after he was apprehended, she could not come by) and that he would entreat that she might have them again, or else she was 〈◊〉 ▪ He answered, Good woman, have patience a little 〈◊〉 , for the king is good unto me, that even within this half hour he will discharge me of all businesses, and help thee him self. Also when he went up the stair on the Scaffold, he desired one of the Sheriffs officers to give him his hand to help him up, and said, when I come down again, let me shyft for myself so well as I can. Also the hangman kneeled down to him, asking him forgiveness of his death, as the manner is. To whom he said, I forgive thee, but I promise thee, that thou shalt never have honesty of y ^e striking of my head, my neck is so short. Also, even when he should lay down his head on the block, he having a great gray beard, striked out his beard, and said to the hangman, I pray you let me lay my beard over the block least you should cut it. Thus with a mock he ended his life.

There is no doubt but that the Popes holiness hath hallowed and dignified these two persons long since, for Catholic martyrs. Neither is it to be doubted, but after an hundred years expired, they shall also be shrined & portissed dying as they did in that quarrel of the church of Rome, y ^t is in taking the bishop of Rome's part against their own ordinary & natural prince. Wherunto (because y ^e matter asketh a long discourse, & a peculiar tractation) I have not in this place, much to contend with Cope my friend. This briefly for a memorandum may suffice, that if the causes of true martyrdom ought to be pondered, & not to be numbered, & if the end of martyrs is to be weighed by judgment, & no • by affection: then the cause and quarrel of these men standing as it doth, & being tried by God's word, perhaps in y ^e Popes kingdom they may go for martyrs, in who • e cause they died: but certes in Christ's kingdom their cause will not stand, how so ever they stand them selves.

The like also is to be said of the three monks of Charterhouse, Exmewe, Middlemore, and Nudigate, who the same year in the month of June, were likewise attached and arrained at Westminster, for speaking certain traiterous words against the kings crown and dignity: for the which they were hanged, drawn, and quartered at Tyborne, whō also, because Cope my good freēd doth repute & accept in the number of holy Catholic Martyrs, here would be asked of him a question: What Martyrs be they, which standing before the judge, deny their own words and sayings, and plead not guilty, so as these Carthusians did? whereby it appeareth, that they would neither have stand nor have died in that cause as they did, if they might otherwise have escaped by denying. Wherefore if my friend Cope had been so well advised in setting out his martyrs, as God might have made him, he would first have seen the true records, & ben sure of the ground of such matters whereupon he so confidently pronounceth, and so censoriously controlleth others.

In the same cause & quarrel of treason also, the same year, a little before these aforesaid in the month of May, were executed with the like punishment, John Houghton, Prior of the Charterhouse in London, Robert Laurēce Prior of the Charterhouse of Beluaile, Agustine Webste • Prior of the Charterhouse of Exham.

Beside and with these three Priors, suffered likewise the same time two other Priests, one called Reignolde, brother of Zion, the other named John Hail vicar of Thistleworth.

Divers other Charterhouse monks also o • Londō were then put in prison, to the number of nine or ten, and in the same prison died, for whom we will (the Lord willing) reserve another place hereafter to entreat of more at large.

In y ^e mean time, for so much as y ^e foresaid Cope in his doughty Dialogues, speaking of these nine worthies, doth commend them so highly, and especially the three priors above recited, here by the way I would desire master Cope, simply and directly to answer me to a thing or two that I would put to him, and first, of this John Houghtō that angelical Prior of the Charterhouse, his old companion & acquaintance of whō thus he writet • 〈◊〉 qui cum Ioannem illum Houghtonum cogito non tam homi •• 〈◊〉 quàm angelum in humana forma intueri mihi videor, cuius eminentes virtutes, diuinas dotes, & heroicam animi magnitudinem, nemo vnquam poterit satis pro dignitate explicare, &c. By these his own words it must needs be confessed, that the author of these Dialogues, who so ever he was, had well seen and considered the form and personable stature, proportion and shape of his excellent body, with such admiration of his personage, that (as he saith) as oft as he calleth the said John Hughton to mind, it seemeth to him, even as though he saw an angel in the shape and form of a man. Whose eminent virtues moreover, whose divine gifts, and heroical celsitude of mind, no man (saith he) may sufficiently express. &c. And how old was this M. Cope then I would know, when he saw and discerned all this? For as I understand, M. Cope being yet at this present scarce come to the age of xl. years, he could not be then above nine year old (the other suffering ann. 1535.) in the which age, in my mind, M. Cope had small discretion to judge either of any such angelical proportion of man's personage, or of his divine qualities, and heroical celsitude of his mind, as yet he remembereth in his Dialogues. Which thing among many other probabilities, maketh me vehemently to suspect, y ^t these Dialogues printed in A • twerp, ann. 1566. were brought over by M. Cope, there to be printed, but were penned & framed by another Pseudocopus, whatsoever, or in what Fleet so ever he was, unless my marks do greatly fail me. But as the case is of no great weight, so I let it pass, returning to other matters of more importance.

Shortly after, the overthrow of the Pope consequently began by little and little to follow the ruin of Abbeys & religious houses in England, in a right order & method by God's divine providence. For neither could the fall of Monasteries have followed after, unless that suppression of the Pope had gone before, neither could any true reformation of the church have been attempted, unless y ^e subversion of those superstitious houses had ben joined withal.

Whereupon the same yere in the month of October, the king having then Tho. Cromwell of his Counsel, sent Doct. Lee to visit the Abbeys, Priories, and Nunryes in all England, & to set at liberty all such religious persons, as desired to be tree, & all other that were under the age of 24. years: Prouiding withal y ^t such Monks, Canons, & Friars as were dimissed, should have given thē by the Abbot or Prior, in steed of their habit, a secular Priests gown, and xl. shillings of money: & likewise the Nuns to have such apparel as secular women did then commonly use, and suffered to go where they would. At which time also from the said Abbeys and Monasteries were taken their chief jewels and relics.

WHen the king had thus established his supremacy, & all things were well quieted within the Realm, he like a wise prince, & having wise counsel about him, forecasting with himself, what foreign dangers might fall unto him by other countries about, which all were yet in subjection to the Bishoppe of Rome, save only a few Germane princes, and misdouting the malice of the pope: to provide therefore by time for perilles that might ensue, thought good to keep in by all means possible with other Princes.

And first to entertain the favor of the French king, who had ben sick a little before, and now was lately recovered to health, in signification of public joy and friendship, the king commanded a solemn and famous procession to be ordained through the city of London, with the Waits and children of Grammar schools, with the masters and vshers in their array: Then followed the orders of the friers and Canons, and the Priours with their pomp of Copes, Crosses, Candlesticks, and vergers before them. After these followed the next pagean of Clerks & priests of London, all in Copes likewise. Then the monks of Westminster and other Abeys, with their glorious gardeuiance of Crosses, Candlesticks, and Uergers before them in like sort. Last of all came the queere of Paul's, with their residensaries, the Bishop of London and the Abbots following after in their Pontificalibus. After these courses of the Clergy, went the companies of the city, with y ^e lord Major & Aldermē in their best apparel, after their degrees And least it might be thought this Procession of the church of London, to make but a small or beggarly show, the furniture of the gay Copes there worn, was counted to the number of 714. Moreover, to fill up the joy of this procession, and for the more high service to almighty God, beside the singing queeres, & chaunting of the priests, there lacked no minstrels withal, to pipe at the processions. Briefly here lacked nothing else, but only y ^e ordinance to shoot of also. But because that is used in the Processions at Rome, therefore for difference sake, the same is reserved only for the Popes own Processions, and for none other, in the month of October.

This grand processon was appointed, for a triumph or a thanks giving for the late recouerye of the French kings health, as is aforesaid.

Ouer and besides this, the king to nourish and retain amity with kings and princes, least the Pope being exiled now out of England, should incite them to war against him, directed sundry Ambassadors and messengers with letters and instructions. To the Emperor was sent syr Tho. Wyat, to the French king syr Francis Brian, and Doct. Edw. Fox, who was also sent to the Princes of Germany, to the Scots king was sent sir Raffe Sadler, gentleman of the kings privy chamber.

In Scotland the same time were cast abroad diverse railing ballets, and slanderous rimes against the king of England, for casting of the Lady Dowager, and for abolishing the Pope: for the which cause the foresaid Sir Raffe Sadler being sent into Scotland, with lessons and instructions howe to address himself accordingly, after he had obtained access unto the king, and audience to be heard, first declareth the effectuous & hearty commendations from the kings majesty his graces uncle, and withal delivered his letters of credence. Which done, after a few words of courtly entertainment, as occasion served him to speak, the said Syr Raffe Saddler obtaining audience, thus began in the king his masters behalf, to declare, as followeth.

*The Oration of the kings ambassador.

WHeras there is nothing after the glory of almighty God, in this world so much to be tendered by kings, Princes, or any honest persons, or so highly to be regarded and defended, as their honor, estimatiō, good fame & name, which whosoever neglecteth, is to be esteemed unnatural, and unless a man labor to avoid and extinguish the false reports, slanders, and diffamations made of him by malicious persons, he may well be suspected, in conscience to condemn himself: the king your uncle considering y ^e same, and hearing of sundry ballets, criminations, and famous libels, made and untruly forged and devised in Scotland against his grace, by your graces subjects, not only upon trust to find with your grace such natural affection, friendship and amity, as the nerenes of blood between uncle & nephew, necessitude of reverence, proximitie both of kin & of dominions together doth require: but also upon assurance, that your grace and wisdom will consider howe these slanders and diffamations, although they were but against a private person, whatsoever he were, moste commonly redound and are imputed to the whole degree and estate: as the diffamation of kings toucheth kings, and so of other degrees and dignities: doth send at this time to your grace, his nephewe (other he might have sent more worthy, but me at this time, for lack of a better hath he sent) to desire, pray, and require your grace, that according as the nearenes of blood, connection of estate, & other things before expressed, of right and justice do require: beseeching your grace, gently to weigh and balaunce, & well to ponder the malice of these the said slanderers, and to call in again all the said diffamatorie ballets, libels, and other writings, punishing the authors and setters forth thereof according to their demerits: and furthermore to cause open proclamations to be made through your realm, that none of your inhabitants there shall in any manner wise so misuse himself hereafter, upon such great pain and punishment, as to your grace and your Counsaile shall be thought convenient for the transgression thereof: so that other by their correction, and by the fearful example of the penalty, may beware howe to commit the like offense in time coming.

The example of such slanders is very pernicious to all kings. For by such slanders of other princes, y ^e slanderers take boldness so to deal afterward with their own king, as they have done with other, and the next step from such slanderous words, is to attempt deeds, and so to fall to sedition: of the importance and danger whereof no man is ignorant.

Wherefore, your grace, at the comtemplation of your dear uncle, in tendering his proceedings, shall do well to follow therein the loving steppes of his good brother and all ye the French king, who hath already at Roane and sundry places else, caused certain slanderous preathers to before punished: and further directed commissions thorough his Realm for repressing the same: As also other Princes shall be ready (his Majesty trusteth) to do the like in their dominios, if like occasion shall be given to require the same of them. In which in so doing, your grace may be assured in this your gentle dealing in that part, to win your uncles most sincere & kind heart, to y ^e increase of your amity and alliance, which, as to you shall be moste honorable, so shall it be no less profitable unto him.

And thus to conclude with the first part of my narration concerning the slanderous and diffamatorie libelles, lease I should seem with prolixity of matter more then needs, to abuse your graces silence: I will now descend to the other point of that which I have to utter unto your grace, as touching the Popes Nuntio or messenger. Of whose late arriuall, the kings Majesty your uncle having partly intelligence, but not certainly knowing the special cause of his coming from Rome, and yet fearing by the common brute and talk of your subjects, what his arrande should be,: that is to practice some annoyance by his pretended censures against the kings Majesty your uncle: he therefore premonishing your grace before, as fearing the worst, most justly maketh his complaint thereof unto your grace his nephewe, requiring you, that for as much as the foresaid brutes and reports are slanderous to his Majesty: and seeing that neither the Emperor, nor the French king, nor any other Princes have consented thereto, or understood thereof, the kings majesty therefore your uncle willing to stop those brutes & talks, desireth & most heartily prayeth your grace at his instant request, to vouchsafe, to consider & way. First, the supremacy of princes by the holy scripture granted unto him & other princes in earth under Christ, upon their churches.

Secondly to weigh what the Gospel and God's word calleth a Church.

Also what superstitious, idolatries, and blind abuses have crept into all realms, to y ^e high displeasure of almighty God by reason thereof.

Fourthly, what is to be understanded by the true censure or excommunication of the Church, and how no such can be in y ^e power of the Bishop of Rome, or of any other man, against his Majesty, or any other prince having so just ground to avoid from the root, and to abolish that execrable authority, which y ^e Bishop of Rome hath usurped and doth usurp upon all princes, to their great detriment and damage.

As touching the consideration of which four pointes, although the kings majesty your uncle douteth not your grace to be furnished & provided with sufficient knowledge, rightly to discern and judge upon the same, yet if it shall so please your grace further to know your uncles mind touching the said points, I assure your highness in the behalf of your foresaid uncle his majesty, that he will not stick to send unto you such learned, wise, and discrete men as shall amply inform you thereof, and of such other things as your grace having once a smack thereof, shall think most worthy for a prince to know.

His request therefore to your highness is, that you will consider of what moment and importance it shall be unto your grace (having the Scots your subjects so evil instructed in the premisses) for you to assent and agree to any such censure, and so by such example to give such an upper hand over yourself and other princes, to that usurper of Rome, as is very like hereafter to happen in other places of Christendom, wheresoever y ^e true declaration of y ^e truth and word of God shall have free course, to scourge them, unless they will adore, worship, and kiss the feet of that corrupt holiness, which desireth nothing else but pride, and the universal thral of Christendom under Rome's yokes.

But because the censures of that Nuntio be not yet opened, but lie secrete and uncertain under muttering, I shall cease further to proceed therein, till further occasion shall minister to me more certain matter for to say and to judge. In the mean time for so much as it is most certainly come to the intelligence of the kings majesty, that y ^e Abbot of Arbroth should be chosen of late and elected to be a Cardinal in this your Realm of Scotland, his majesty therefore for the good love & hearty good will he beareth unto your grace, as y ^e uncle is bound unto y ^e nephew, knowing y ^t you as yet perceive not so well the hypocrisy and deceitful guile and malice of the Romans and their practices, as he himself doth by his long experience: could not but hearing thereof, advertise your grace, that his advise is, you should not suffer any of your subjects to take upon him that red hatte of pride: whereby he shall incontinently, the same being received, (unless he be of a contrary nature to any man that ever was yet of y ^t sort) not only be in manner discharged of his obedien • , and become the bishop of Rome's true liege man: but also shall presume of his Cardinalshyp to be your fellow, and to have the rule as well as you. Then shall the Bishop of Rome creep into your own very bosom, know all your secretes, and at last, unless you will be yoked, and serve their pleasure in all points, your grace is like to smart for it. The thing perchance in the beginning shall seem to your grace very honorable and pleasant: but wisdom would to beware of the tail, which is very black and bitter.

His majesties father, and Grandfather to your grace, had a Cardinal, whereof he was weary, and never admitted other after his decease, knowing y ^e importable pride of them. In like manner also his highness by the experience of one, hath utterly determined to avoid all the sort: So well his grace hath known & experienced their mischief, yoke, and thralldom▪ that thereby is laid upon princes. By reason whereof, as his highness is the more able by his own experience to inform your grace: so of good will & mere propēsitie of heart, caused partly by nature and kin, partly by conjunction and vicinitie of dominions adioining so near together, he is no less ready to forewarn your grace before, wishing that God will so work in your princely heart and noble stomach, that his majesties monition & friendly warning, as it proceedeth from a sincere affection and tender care of his part unto his nephewe, so it may prevail and take place in your mind, that your grace wisely in weighing with yourself, what supreme right princes have and ought to have upon their Churches and lands where they govern, & what little cause the bishop of Rome hath thereto, to proceed by unjust censures against thē: your grace may therein not only stand to the just defense of your dear uncle, but also may endeavor to follow his steps therein, & to take his counsel, which he doubteth not, but shall redound not only to your graces honor, to the benefit, weal, & profit of your realm & subjects, but especially to y ^e glory of almighty God, and advancement of his true religion.

And thus have I expounded to your grace, the sum of my errand and message from the kings majesty your uncle, who as he would be glad to be advertised by answer, of your graces purpose, mind, and intention in this behalf so for my part, according to my charge and duty, I shall be pressed and ready with all diligence, to give mine attendāce upon your pleasure for the same accordingly.

*The sum and effect of the kings message sent to the French king, in defense of his proceedings.

THe king considering the present state of his marriage which was not yet well digested ner accepted in the Courtes of other Princes: and also having intelligence of the straight amity intended by the marriages between y ^e Emperor and the French king, and also or the Popes inclination to pleasure the Emperor, and further vnderstādyng of the order and meaning of the French kings counsel, not greatly favoring his purposes, sent therefore unto France for his ambassador Edw. Fox doct. of Divinity, his Chaplain and Coūsailour, with instructions and admonitions how to frame and attemper himself in those the kings affairs. The contents of which his instructions came to this effect: That the said Edwaad Fox, first declaring to the French king the most affectuous commendations made on the kings behalf, with declaration of the kings most entire and hearty good will to understand of his prosperity, & the good success of his affairs, which his majesty no less desired then his own: and also after the kings letters being delivered to him and to other personages of his Counsaile, then, after his access made unto the king, should utter and insinuate unto the king, his masters mind & intent in these three special pointes following.

The first was, to declare the iustnes of the kings cause, concerning the late marriage with queen Anne, & divorcement of the king, from his brothers wife.

The second, to signify and express the injuries done by the Pope, as afterward shall be declared.

The third was, to win and allure to the kings devotion the Chancelor of France.

And as touching the declaration of the iustnes of the kings cause, first he taking with him certain books printed, containing the determinations of universities in that behalf, with reasons and authorities confirming the same, should distribute the said books to the Bishop of S. Line, & to other bishops, to Monsieur de Langez, & other of the kings counsel moe, and to prove after the best fashion, to obtain their approbations of the same books, & with dexterity to assay whether he could induce thē of the University of Paris, and other learned men, to send forth this book with their authorities and approbations. That done, thē he being acquainted with all those points & articles of the kings cause, in communication and conference (as the case required) should not only make answer to such things as should be objected, but also furnish & maintain the iustnes of that opinion, with his learning in such sort as he could best invent and cogitate.

As touching the second part which contained the injuries done by y ^e pope against the king the said ambassador in that behalf being a man no less acquainted, then also well beaten and ripe in the manifold misbehauiours of the Pope, from the beginning of the cause, should declare & express to the French king, how injuriously the said Pope had demeaned himself toward the kings highness: first in sending a commission decree • all, and then commanding it to be burnt: as also in promising by schedule of his own hand, not to cal the cause out of England: and moreover approving first y ^e iustnes of the kings cause, yet notwithstanding afterward went from the same, and did contrary.

Touching all which injuries received at the Popes hand, although the king had great cause justly to complain yet other injuries there were beside these, wherewith the king most especially was moved.

The one was for calling and cyting the kings highness to appear at Rome.

The other was for rejecting the person of the kings trusty subject and Chaplayne, master Kerne his ambassador, from making such allegations, as to the king in that case apperteined: beside sundry other no small greues and inconveniences, which here might be shown and alleged: But in these two especial injuries the king thought him self most chiefly touched, and aggrieved. In opening & ripping up of which injuries, & first in the said injurious calling of the king to Rome, instructions were given to the said ambassador to explicate the open violation therein, of y ^e most ancient and general councils, the Council of Nice, the council of Aphrike, & the council of Milen. In which councils, the contrary was, for quietness of the world, provided & ordered: declaring withal, how agreeable y ^e same is to all laws, reason, & equity, that Princes should not be compelled to repair to Rome, at the Popes calling, nor be bound in a matter of such weight & moment, to send out of their realms & dominions, the writings, instruments, & monuments containing the secretes of their affairs, or to make & trust a proctor being in so far distant parties, in a matter of such importance, to abide & fulfill that which the said Proctor should agree unto there. The matter and case whereof did not so much concern y ^e estate of any one prince alone, as it touched the dignity of all other Christian kings so near, that unless they would suffer themselves to be yoked with the Popes authority, it was time (in as much as the Pope now made this enterprise on thē) to ensearch and know the bottom & ground both of his & of their authority: & if anything by negligence or misuse had ben lost, to recover the same, rather then to suffer it to decay anymore. As touching all which greues, hurts, inconveniences, prejudice, & evil example which might thereof ensue, y ^e kings highness doubted not, but that his good brother the French king would assist and concur with his highness for maintenance and defense of the same.

For declaration of the second notable grief and injury done by the Pope to the kings highness, thus furthermore he was willed to insinuate to the French king, what injury or rather contumely the kings highness received at the Popes hand, in not suffering the kings subject & ambassador to allege such matter in defense of his Prince, as by law, reason, & equity was to be heard and admitted, for as much as the said ambassador doctor Kerne the kings Chaplain being at Rome, at such time as citations were there published against y ^e kings highness, & understanding his grace by thē to be called before one Capasucha, Dean of y ^e Rote, was there ready to make answer to the queens Agents complaint, & had by the advice of other great learned men, conceived a certain matter containing causes reasonable & lawful, why the kings highness should not be bound to appear there, either by himself, or by his proctor. Which matter also he did exhibit on the kings behalf, as a true subject by law of nature is bound to maintain & to allege in defense of his prince that is absent, & ought by equity to preserve him frō condemnation. And yet this notwithstanding the said Capasuccha not regarding nor considering the matter alleged, demanded whether the said Doccor had any proxie from the king or no, for such purpose, and upon default and lack of the said Proxy (which was not necessary in this case) Proceeded in the principal cause. By reason whereof the said doctor Kerne appealed to y ^e pope, alleging injury to be don, not only to the kings highness, but also to himself, for that such matter as he did allege, was not considered nor regarded, but process made. To the which appellation, notwithstanding the said Capasuccha gave an ambiguous and a douhtfull answer, which was that as much as Doctor Kerne was by the law a lawful person, so much he would give place, & defer appellationi, and otherwise not.

Thus upon declaration of this doubtful answer, passed certain days, the said Capasuccha promising always to open his said answer and sentence more plainly, and to give a determinate resolution. Which he nevertheless did not, albeit he was diverse times urged thereunto: but so passed the time, and suddenly returned to process. Wherupon the said Doctor Kerne appealed eftsoons again, and put a supplication to the Pope, for admission of the said appeal. By reason whereof the matter was reasoned in the signature. In which signature by no law it could be shown why the said doctor Kerne should not be admitted to allege in defense of the kings highness, but only y ^t they there amongst themselves being the greater mumber, which were of the Emperors dominions, and feed of him (among which was also the said Capasuccha) gave their voices as the Pope said, that Doctor Kerne should not be heard, Sine mandato Regiae maiestatis. Whereunto when Doctor Kerne replied, saying: whatsoever they decreed or said, there was no law to maintain and bear it: it was said again by cardinal Anconitate, that the Pope might judge after his conscience. And upon this resolution, they determined there to proceed in the principal cause, unless the king would send a Proxy, intending by this injury & wrong, to enforce his highness to y ^e exhibitiō of a Proxy there, to his highness high prejudice, to the pernicious example of the like to be done to other Princes, and also to the derogation of the liberties & perogatives of his gracious Realm. Unto the observation whereof his highness is bound by his oath, and also by the same oath bound to recover and restore such liberties and privileges, as by any of his predecessors hath ben lost, diminished, or decayed in time past.

These with other like injuries and wrongs of the pope done to the king, the foresaid ambassador M. Fox according as he had in charge and commission, did declare open, and show unto the French king, to the intent to solicit the said king, to do by his meditation, for the remedying and redressing of those foresaid injuries and wrongful dealings of the Pope in this behalf.

Furthermore, for the third purpose touching y ^e Chancellor of France, for as much as he was one of the chief personages whom the French king most trusted in his great affairs (by whose advise all matters of learning were then conduced and trained) the king thought it not unprofitable, by all ways and means to win and allure his friendship and amity also, unto his devotion, either that by his means and dexterity the kings purposes might be advanced the better: or at least for a Ne noceat : y ^t is to mitigate and diminishe such favor as he by y ^e admirall or otherwise, was moved to show to the Imperials. For the which cause the king committing in charge to his ambassador aforesaid, willed and instructed him howe and what to do, and after what manner to attemperate himself to all occasions and times of opportunity: as first to deliver to him frō the king, his letters of credence, and withal to declare and extend the kings most effectuous commendations, with the hearty good will, and sincere affections which his hignes bare to the said Cardinal Chancellor of France, with no less desire also most gladly to do that thing which might be to his commodity and benefit, according as the manifold pleasures, grauities, and kindness done on his part for the kings highness did worthily deserve. Then after such words of mollification, to enter into further communication with him, in such sort as might best serve his honor.

And forasmuch as the Cardinal was thē noted much to be moved with the affections of vain glory, & covetous therefore amongst other communication, it was devised to infer mentiō of the Papalitie, noting what ways & means might be used to attain unto that dignity. Wherein if the kings hignes could stand him to any steed, as he thought the person of the said Chancellor most meet for the same: so he would not fail to move and to procure it to the best furtherance of his advancement. And finally to declare how desirous the kings highness was to retain and make sure unto him, the amity and friendship of the said Chancellor, and that his hignes devising by what means and ways he might do the same (albeit his grace knew well, that the faith and sincerity of the said Chancellor towards his master, was such, as no gift, pension, or other offer could advance or increase that good will which for his masters sake, he would employ in the kings highness affairs) thought that for declaration of his hartye good will towards the said Chancellor, it were convenient to offer unto him some yearly remembrance. &c.

This was the sum and effect of the message of the king sent unto the French king, and to other of his counsel, by his ambassador master Edward Fox, which was especially to signify and make manifest unto the said French king the unjust dealings and prejudicial proceedings of the pope, in calling up the king of England to appear at Rome, by Proxy, which was derogatory to y ^e kings dignity and crown, and also prejudicial both to general Councils of the primitive time, and to the ancient laws and statutes of this Realm (as is afore declared) and no less hurtful for example to all other Princes and kings likewise. &c.

This message so done, shortly after was sent to the said french king, Stephen Gardinar bish. of Winchester, with the kings answer and message again on this manner: y ^t for so much as the saying of the French king to the ambassadors was this: that notwithstanding all the kings Realm should agree and condescend never so much to y ^e right & title, which the succession procreated of this his lawful matrimony hath in this his realm: yet when outward parties shall conceive any other or contrary opinion thereof great trouble and vexation might ensue. Wherunto the K. made answer again, declaring y ^t he could not but greatly marueyle, y ^t the king his brother being so wise a Prince, and there to well expert and learned in Chronicles and histories, not only of his own realm, but also of all others, or any of his Counsayle, being men of such experience as they were taken to be, would think that the opinion & consent of other outward Realms was so highly to be considered and regarded of any prince or king, in stablishing or in executing of things which might be lawfully done, and which touched the preservation of the rightes, preeminences, dignity, and state of his realm, and did also notably confer unto the singular benefit and tranquility of the same, so as the words both of the said king his brother, and of the great master did pretend. Who furthermore were not ignorant them selves, that many things have been by his noble progenitors kings of France attempted and done, as well in cases of matrimony, as otherwise, which in some part in the opinion of y ^e Popes of Rome then being, & in some part in the opinion of diverse other outward princes, states, seigniories, and common people have been thought not perfectly good, nor yet much acceptable unto them: and yet that notwithstanding his said progenitors knowing them selves the prosecuting of those causes to be beneficial to them and to the realm, have not therefore desisted from their said purposes, but diligently employing their own strength and powers with the succors of their friends, have finally achieved their said enterprises, without requiring or greatly regarding the opinion or agreement thereunto of outward princes.

Again, whereas the Chancelor of France made this ouerture to the • aid Bishop of Winchester, whether the king would be content to have indifferent Judges to be appointed by the authority of the Pope, to determine his cause, with a commission decretal from y ^e same, declaring Quid iuris. &c. The King by his ambassador thereunto answering, declared that the Pope having done unto him so notable and evident injuries, as he had done, it were his office and duty, now to labor him self to ende this matter, and to study how to make due satisfaction to God and his justice, which he hath tam indignis modis offended and violated, and to deliver himself out of the danger, and the perpetual infamy of the world, which he hath incurred by reason of these his most ungodly doings, and not to look that the King should make any request or suite unto him therefore, or recompense for the same. &c.

Furthermore, where as the Pope, at the request of the French king, had in open Consitory proroged execution of his censures and excommunication against the king unto the first day of November, and word thereof was sent to the king by his ambassadors, from the great master of France, that the king might have the said prorogation made autentikely in writing, if he would: The king answering thereunto, thought it not unprofitable, that his ambassadors resident in France, should receive unto their hands, the possession of the said new prorogation conceived and written in autentike form and manner according to the order of the laws.

After this again, came other letters to the King from France, namely frō the great master of France, tending to this ende, that if the king would do nothing for the pope, (meaning by the revocation of such acts of parliament, as were made in the Realm of England, to the Popes prejudice) it were no reason, neither should it be possible for the French king to induce the Pope to any gratuity or pleasure for the king in his affairs.

Wherunto the king answering again, sendeth word to the French king, trusting and hoping well of the perfect friendship of the French king his good brother, that he will never suffer any such persuasion to enter into his breast, whatsoever the great master or any other shall say to the contrary thereof, nor that he will require any thing more of him to do for the Pope, Chancelor or other, then his Counsaile hath already devised to be done in this behalf: especially considering the words of the said French kings promise made before, as well to the Duke of Norfolk, as to the other Ambassadors, promising his friendship to to the King simply without requiring him to reuocate or infringe any such act or constitution made by the realm and Parliament, to the contrary: Perswading moreover, and laying before the eyes, as well of the Pope, as of the French king, howe much it should redound to the Popes dishonou • and infamy, & to the slander also of his cause, if he should be seen so to pact and covenant with the king upon such conditions, for the administration of that thing, which he in his own conscience hath reputed and adjudged to be most rightful & agreeable to justice and equity, and ought of his office and duty to do in this matter simpliciter & gratis, and without all worldly respects, either for the advancement of his private lucre and commodity, or for the preservation of his pretensed power and authority. For surely it is 〈◊〉 to be doubted▪ but that the Pope being minded and determined to give sentence for the inualiditie and nullity of the kings first pretensed matrimony, hath conceived and established in his own conscience a 〈◊〉 and certain opinion and persuasion, that he ought of justice and equity so to do.

Then to see the Pope to have this opinion in deed, and yet refuse this to do for the King, unless he shall be content for his benefit and pleasure, • edere iuri suo, and to do some things prejudicial unto his subjects contrary to his honor: it • o easy to be foreseen, what the world and the posterity shall judge de tam turpi nundinatione iustitiae, & illius tam foeda & sordida lucri & honoris ambitione. And as fo • the kings part, if he shall not attain now justice at the mediation of his good brother, knowing the Pope to be of this disposition and determination in his heart, to satisfy all his desires, being moved thereunto by justice, and that the • et thereof is no default of justice in the cause, but only for that the king would not condescende to his request: it is to the king matter sufficient enough for discharge of his conscience to God and to the world, although he never did execute in deed his said determination. For since his corrupt affection is the only impediment thereof, what need either the king to require him any further to do in the cause, or else his subjects to doubt any further in the justness of the same.

Albeit if respects to benefits & merits done towards the Pope & the See of Rome, should be regarded in the attaining of justice in a cause of so high consequencie as this is, reason would, that if it would please the Pope to consider the former kindness of the King shown unto him in time past (whereof he is very loath to enter the rehearsal, ne videatur velle exprobrare quae de alijs fecerit been ) he should not now require of him any new benefit or gratuity to be shown unto him, but rather study to recompense him for the old graces, merits, pleasures, and benefits before received. For surely he thinketh that the Pope cannot forget, howe that for the conservation of his person, his estate and dignity, the king hath not heretofore spared for any respect, in using the office of a moste perfect and stedfaste friend, to relinquish the long continued good will established between him and the Emperor, and to declare openly to all the world, that for the Popes sake, and in default of his deliverance, he would become enemy to the said Emperor, and to make against him actual war.

Besides this, the King hath not failed him with right large and ample subuentions of money, for the better supporting of his charges, against the enterprises of the said Emperor, combinding and knitting him self with the French king, to procure the advancement of the said French kings army into Italy, to the charges whereof, the king did bear little less then the one half: Besides notable losses sustained as well in his customs, subsidies, and other duties, as also to the no little hinderance and damage of his subjects and merchants, occasioned by discontinuance of the traffike and intercourse heretofore used with the Emperors subjects. In doing of all which things, the king hath not been thus respective, as the Pope now showeth himself towards him, but like a perfect friend hath been always contented frankly, liberally, and openly to expone all his study, labor, travail, treasure puisaunce, Realm and diverse subjects for the Popes aid, and y ^e maintenance of the state and dignity of the Church and See of Rome. Which things although he doth not here rehearse animo exprobandi, yet he doubteth not, but the same weighed in the ballaunce of any indifferent man's judgment, shall be thought to be of that weight & valure, as that he hath justly deserved to have some mutual correspondency of kindenes to be shown unto him at y ^e popes hands: especially in the ministration of justice and in so reasonable & just cause as this is, and not thus to have his most rightful petition rejected and denied because he will not follow his desire and appetite in reuocating of such acts as be here made & passed for the weal & commodity of his realm and subjects.

Thus ye have heard how instantly the king had labored by the means of the french king, to the pope being then in France, for right and justice to be done, for the dissolution and nullity of his first pretensed matrimonye with his brothers wife. Which when it could not be attained at the popes hands, unless the king would recompense and require the same by reuocating of such statutes as wer made and enacted here in the high Court of Parliament, for the surety of succession and stablishment of the Realm: what the king thereunto answered again, ye heard, declaring that to be a far unequal recompense and satisfaction for a thing which ought of right and justice to be ministered unto him, that a king therefore should reuocate and undo the acts and statutes passed by a whole Realm contrary to his own honor, and weal of his subjects. &c.

Where is moreover to be understanded, how that the Pope with all his papists, and the French king also, and peradventure Stephen Gardener too, the kings own Ambassador, had ever a special eye, to disprove and disapoynt y ^e kings successiō by Queen Anne, whō they knew all to be a great enemy unto the pope, thinking thereby, that if that succession were diminished, the popes kingdom might soon be restored again in England. But yet for all their unjust and crafty packing, they were through God's providence, frustrate of their desired purpose. For although they so brought to pass the next year following, to ad •• lle the order of that succession by a contrary Parliament: yet neither did they so adnihilate it, but that both K. Edward followed, yea and also the same succession afterward by the said king and other parlaments was restored again, and yet (God be praised) hath hitherto reigned, & doth yet flourish in the Realm of England.

Now, as we have declared the Kings doings in the Realm of Scotland and of France, proceeding further in the kings proceedings with other Princes, let us see how the king defended himself and his cause before the Emperor, sending his ambassador unto him, using these words before his majesty, as here followeth.

The Oration of the kings Ambassador before the Emperor in defense of his cause.

SIr, the king my master taking and reputing you as his perfect friend, confederate, and allye, and not doubting but you remembering the mutual kindness between you in times past, will show yourself in all ocurrents to be of such mind and disposition, as justice, truth and equity doeth require: hath willed me by his letters, to open and declare unto you, what he hath done, and in what wise he hath proceeded concerning such Marriage as by many years was supposed to have been between your Aunte and his grace. In which matter being two principal points specially to be regarded & considered: that is to say, the justice of the cause, and the order of the process therein, his highness hath so used him in both, as no man may right wisely complain of the same.

First, as touching the iustnes of the cause, that is to say, of that Marriage between him and your said Aunte to be naught, and of no moment ne effect, but against the law of God, nature, and man, and indispensable by the Pope, and in no wise vailable: his highness hath done therein, as much as becometh him for discharge of his conscience, and hath found so certain, so evident, so manifest, so open, and approved truth, as whereunto his majesty ought of good congruence to give place, & which by all other ought to be allowed and received, not as a matter doutful, disputable, or depending in question and ambiguity: but as a plain determined and discussed verity of the true understanding of gods word and law, which all Christian men must follow and obey, and before all other worldly respects, prefer and execute. In attaining the knowledge whereof, if his highness had used only his own particular judgment & sentence, or the mind only & opinion of his own natural subjects, (although the same might in his conscience have suffised) would not much have repugned, if some other had made difficulty to assent to him in the same, till further discussion had been made thereupon. But now, forasmuch as besides his own certain understanding, and the agreement of this whole Clergy to the same in both Provinces of his realm, his majesty hath also for him the determinations of the moste famous universities of Christendom, and most indifferent to pronounce and give judgment in this case, and among them, the University of Bonony, (all fear of the Pope set apart) concluding against his power: and also Padua (the Uenetians threats not regarded) giving their sentence for the truth & evident words of God's law: there should no man, as seemeth to him, gainsay or wythstand, either in word or deed, the truth thus opened, but for his honor and duty to the observation of God's law, willingly embrace and receive the same.

According whereunto his grace perceiveth also as well in his Realm, as else where, a notable consent and agreement amongst all Divines, and such as have studied for knowledge of God's law without contradiction of any number, unless it be such applying their mind to y ^e maintenance of worldly affections, do either in defense of such laws as they have studied, either for satisfaction of their private appetite, forbear to agree unto y ^e same. The number of whō is so small, as in the discerning of truth, it ought not to be regarded in a case so plainly described and determined by God's word, as this is.

And if percase your Majesty here not regarding the number, but the matter, shall seme to consider in this case, not so much who speaketh, as what is spoken, to answer thereunto, I say: Syr, the king my master is of the same mind, for his own satisfactiō, & taketh himself to be in the right, not because so many saith it, but because he being learned, knoweth the matter to be right. Neuertheles, reason would, and enforceth also, that strangers to the cause, and not parties therein, should be induced to believe that to be truth, that such a number of Clerks do so constantly affirm, specially not being otherwise learned to be judges of their sayings, as your majesty is not. And if you were, then could your highness show such reasons, authorities, and grounds as cannot be taken away, and be so firm and stable, as they ought not of Christian men in any part to be impugned, like as hath been partly heretofore shown by his sundry ambassadors to your Imperial majesty, and should eftsoons be done, were it not too great an injury to y ^t is already passed in the Realm, to dispute the same again in any other country: which being contrarious to the laws and ordinances of his realm, he trusteth your prudēcie will not require, but take that is past, for a thing done, and justly done: and as for God's part, to leave his conscience to himself, qui Domino sua stat aut cadit: and for y ^e world to pass over as a friend, that which nothing toucheth you, and not to marvel though the said king my master regarding the wealth of his soul principally, with the commodity of his person, and so great benefit & quiet of his realm, have percase done y ^t he for his private fantasie, would not had chanced: like as his highness also would wish it had not happened that such cause had been given unto him to compel him so to do.

But these things in their outward visage be but worldly, and inwardly touch and concern the soul. Quid autem prodest homini si vniuersum mundum lucretur, animae vero suae detrimentum patiatur. Primum quaerite regnum Dei. &c. And yet neither his highness ignorant what respect is to be had unto the world: and how much he hath labored and travailed therein, he hath sufficiently declared and shown to the world in his acts and proceedings. For if he had utterly contempned the order and process of the world, or the frendshippe and amity of your Majesty: he needed not to have sent so often and sundry Ambassates to the Pope, and to you both, nor continued and spente his time in delays, as he hath done hitherto, but might many years past, have done that he hath don now, if it had so liked him, and with as little difficulty then as now, if he would have without such respect, followed his pleasure in that behalf. But now I doubt not, your majesty doth well remember how often the king my master hath sent unto your highness, and that your majesty hath heard also what suits he hath made to the Pope, and how the said Pope hath handled him again only in delay and daliance, with open commission given to his Legates to determine and give sentence for him by a commission decretal, and secretly to give them instructions to suspend and put over the same. By which means and other semblable, he perceived plainly himself to be brought in such a labirinth as going forward that way, he were like to come to no end, and was therefore compelled to step right forth at once to the mazes end, there to quiet and repose himself at the last.

And is it not time to have end in seven year, or else to seek for it another way? The pope hath shown himself both unwilling to have an ende, and also ready and prone to do him injury, as well in citing him to Rome, as also sending forth certain breues to his grace sclaunderous, and for the injustice and iniquity of them, to himself dishonorable: as he gave his highness good and just cause to suspect, least any end to be made at his hand (if any he would make) might be in his conscience received and followed. For the pope doing injury in some point, why should he be thought convenient Judge, not using himself indifferently in this matter, (as many moe particularities may be shown and declared) considering, there is a general Council, willing all matters to be determined where they first began, and that the whole body of our Realm hath for the wealth of the same, by a law established the determination of such causes? By reason whereof the Bishop of Canterbury as metropolitan of our Realm, hath given sentence in due judgment for the kings party. It is not to be asked nor questioned, whether that matter hath been determined after the common fashion, but whether it hath in it common justice, truth and equity of God's law. For obseruatiō of the common order, his grace hath done that lay in him, and enforced by necessity hath found the true order mayntainable by God's word & general Councils which he hath in substance followed with effect, and hath done as becometh him, tendering either God's law, or his person, or the wealth of his Realm, like as he doubteth not but your majesty (as a wise Prince) remembering his cause from the beginning hitherto, will of yourself consider and think, y ^t among mortal men, nothing should be immortal, & suites must once have an end: Si possis recte, si non, quocunque modo. And if he cannot as he would, his hignesse thē to do as he may, & he y ^t hath a journey to be perfected, must if he cannot go one way▪ assay another. What soever hath been herein done, necessity hath enforced him (that is to say God's law) in the matter, and such manner of dealing of the Pope, as he hath shown unto him in the same, doing sundry injuries w ^t out effect of justice, wherein he promised the same. But as for the kings matter to the Pope: he shall entreat with him a parte. As touching your majesty, he taketh you for his friend, & as to a friend he openeth these matters unto you, trusting to find your majesty no les friendly hereafter unto him, then he hath done heretofore.

By these matters thus passed and discoursed to and fro between the King and these foreign Princes above rehearsed, many things are to be understanded of the reader, who so is disposed to behold and consider the state & proceeding of public affairs, as well to the church appertaining, as to the common wealth. First howe the king cleareth himself both justly and reasonably for his divorce made w ^t the Lady Katherine the Emperors aunt. Secondly, how he proveth and defendeth his marriage with Queen Anne, to be just & lawful, both by the authority of God's word, and the comprobation of the best & most famous learned men and universities, and also by the assent of the whole realm.

Furthermore for the stablishing of the kings succession in the Imperial crown of this Realm, for the suppression of the pope, and uniting the title of supremacy unto the kings Crown, what order therein was taken, and what penalty was set upon the same, as may appear by the Act of Parliament set forth. An. 1534. Ex Henr. Reg. 26. cap. 13. in these words following.

If any person or persons after the 1. of February next, do maliciously imagine, invent, practice, or attempt to deprive the king of the dignity, title, or name of his royal estate. &c. that then every such person and persons so offending in any of the premisses, their aiders, counsellors, cōsenters, and abbettours being thereof lawfully convict, according to the laws and customs of this Realm, shall be reputed, accepted, and adjudged traitors, and that every such offense in any the premisses committed or done after the said first day of February, shall be reputed, accepted, and adjudged high treason: and the offenders, therein their aiders, consenters, counsellors and abbettors being lawfully convict of any such offense, shall have & suffer such pains of death and other penalties, as is limited and accustomed in cases of high treason.

Uppon this and such other Acts concluded in those Parlamentes, what stomach the Pope took, what stir he kept, and what practices he wrought with Cardinal Poole, to stir up other nations to war against us, what difficulty also there was w ^t the Emperor, with the French king, and with the king of Scots about the matter, and what labor was used on the kings parte, to concile these Princes for his own indemnity, to keep him from their wars and invasions, and especially to obtain the Popes approbation, and to avoid his censures of excommunication, and finally, what despiteful injuries & open wrongs the Pope wrought against him, upon the which Pope the king had bestowed so much money, and great treasors before, all this likewise by the premisses may appear.

Wherefore, to end now with these, and to go forward in our story, as the order and computation of years do give, we have now consequently to enter into the story of the good Martyr of God, William Tindal, being this present year falsely betrayed and put to death. Whych William Tyndale, as he was a special organe of the Lord appointed, and as God's mattock to shake the inward roots and foundation of the Popes proud prelacy: so the great prince of darkness, with his impious imps, having a special malice against him, left no way unsought, how craftily to entrap him, and falsely to betray him, & maliciously to spil his life: as by the process of his story here following may apear.

The life and story of the true servant and Martyr of God William Tyndale: Who for his notable pains and travel may well be called the Apostle of England in this our latter age.

WIlliam Tyndale the faithful Minister and constant Martyr of Christ, was borne about the borders of Wales, and brought up from a child in the University of Oxford, where he by long continuance grew up, and increased as well in the knowledge of tongues, and other liberal Arts, as especially in the knowledge of the Scriptures: whereunto his mind was singularly addicted: In so much that he lying then in Magdalene Hall, read privily to certain students and fellows of Magdalene College, some parcel of Divinity: instructinge them in the knowledge and truth of the Scriptures. Whose manners also and conversation being correspondent to the same, were such, that all they which knew him, reputed and esteemed him to be a man of most virtuous disposition, and of life unspotted.

Thus he in the University of Oxford increasing more and more in learning and proceeding in degrees of the schools, spying his time, removed from thence to the University of Cambridge, where after he had likewise made his abode a certain space, being now further ripened in the knowledge of God's word, leaving that University also, he resorted to one M. Welche a Knight of Glocestershire, and was there Scholemaister to his children, and in good favor with his master. This Gentleman, as he kept a good ordinary commonly at his table, there resorted to him many times sundry Abbots, Deans, Archdeacons, with other diverse Doctors and great beneficed men: who there together with M. Tyndale sitting at the same table, did use many times to enter communication and talk of learned men, as of Luther and of Erasmus: Also of diverse other controversies and questions upon the Scripture.

Then master Tyndale, as he was learned and well practiced in God's matters, so he spared not to show unto them simply and plainly his judgment in matters, as he thought: and when as they at any time did vary from Tyndale in opinions and judgment, he would show them in the book, and lay plainly before them the open and manifest places of the Scriptures, to confute their errors, and to confirm his sayings. And thus continued they for a certain season, reasoning and contēding together diverse and sundry times, till at length they waxed weary, and bare a secrete grudge in their hearts against him.

Not longe after this, it happened that certain of these great Doctors had invited M. Welche and his wife to a banket: where they had talk at will and pleasure, uttering their blindness and ignorance without any resistance or gainsaying. Then M. Welche and his wife coming home and calling for M. Tyndale, began to reason w ^t him about those matters, whereof the Priests had talked before at their banket. M. Tyndale answering by scriptures, maintained the truth, and reproved their false opinions. Then said the Lady Welche, a stout and a wise woman (as Tyndale reported). Well (said she) there was such a Doctor which may dispend a C.li. and another CC.li. & another CCC.li. and what? were it reason, think you, that we should believe you before them? Master Tyndale gave her no answer at that time, nor also after that (because he saw it would not avail) he talked but little in those matters. At that time he was about the translation of a book called Enchiridion milit • s Christiani, which being translated, he delivered to his master and Lady. Who after they had read & well perused the same, the Doctorly Prelates were no more so often called to the house, neither had they the cheare & countenance when they came, as before they had. Which thing they marking and well perceiving, and supposing no less but it came by the means of M. Tyndale, refrained them selves, and at last utterly withdrew themselves, and came no more there.

As this grew on, the Priests of the Country clustring together, began to grudge and storm against Tyndale, railing against him in Alehouses and other places. Of whom Tyndale him self in his Prologue before the first book of Moses, this testifieth in his own words, and reporteth that he suffered much in that country by a sort of unlearned Priests, being full rude and ignorant (saith he) God knoweth: which have seen no more Latin then that only which they read in their Portesses & Missalles: (which yet many of them can scarcely read) except it be Albertus de secretis mulierum, in which yet though they be never so sorily learned, they pore day and night, and make notes therein, and all to teache the midwives, as they say: and also another called Lynwood, a book of constitutions to gather tithes, mortuaries, offerings, customs, and other pillage, which they call not theirs, but God's part, the duty of holy Church, to discharge their consciences withal. For they are bound that they shall not diminish but increase all things unto y ^e uttermost of their powers, which pertain to holy church. Thus these blind & rude Priests flocking together to the Alehouse (for that was their preaching place) raged and rai • ed against him, affirming that his sayings were heresy: adding moreover unto his sayings of their own heads: more then ever he spake, and so accused him secretly to the Chancelor and other of the Bishops Officers.

It followed not long after this, that there was a sitting of the bishops Chancellor appointed, and warning was given to the priests to appear: amongst whom M. Tyndale was also warned to be there. And whether he had any misdoubte by their threatenings, or knowledge given him that they would lay some things to his charge it is uncertain: but certain this is (as he him self declared) that he doubted their privy accusations: so y ^t he by the way in going thetherwards, cried in his mind heartily to God, to give him strength fast to stand in the truth of his word.

Then when the time came of his appearance before the Chancellor, he threatened him grievously, reviling and rating him as though he had ben a dog, & laid to his charge many things, whereof no accuser yet could be brought forth (as commonly their manner is, not to bring forth the accuser) notwithstanding that the Priests of the country the same time were there present. And thus M. Tindal after those examinations escaping out of their hands, departed home and returned to his master again.

There dwelt not far off a certain Doctor that had been an old Chancellor before to a Bishop, who had been of old familiar acquaintance with M. Tyndale, and also favored him well. Unto whom M. Tyndale went and opened his mind upon diverse questions of the scripture: for to him he durst be bold to disclose his heart. Unto whom the Doctor said: do you not know that the Pope is very Antichrist, whom the Scripture speaketh of. But beware what you say: for if you shall be perceived to be of that opinion, it will cost you your life: and said moreover, I have been an officer of his, But I have given it up and defy him and all his works.

It was not long after, but M. Tindal happened to be in the company of a certain divine recounted for a learned man, and in commoning and disputing with him, he drove him to that issue, that the said great Doctor burst out into these blasphemous words, and said: we were better to be without God's law then the Popes. M. Tyndale hearing this, full of godly zeal, and not bearing that blasphemous say • ng, replied again & said: I de • ie the Pope and all his laws: and further added, that i • God spared him life, ere many years he would cause a boy that driveth the plough to know more of the Scripture, then he did.

After this, the grudge of the priests increasing still more and more against Tyndale, they never ceased barking and rating at him, and laid many sore things to his charge, saying that he was an heretic in Sophistry, an heretic in Logic, an heretic in Divinity: and said moreover to him, that he bare himself bold of the Gentlemen there in that country: but notwithstanding, shortly he should be otherwise talked withal. To whom M. Tyndale answering again thus said, that he was contented they should bring him into any country in all England, giving him x.li. a yere to live with, and binding him to no more but to teache children and to preach.

To be short, M. Tyndale being so molested and vexed in the country by the Priests, was constrained to leave that country and to seek another place: and so coming to M. Welche, he desired him of his good will, that he might depart from him, saying on this wise to him: Syr I perceive I shall not be suffered to tarry long here in this country, neither shall you be able though you would, to keep me out of the hands of the spiritualty, & also what displeasure might grow thereby to you by keeping me, God knoweth: for the which I should be right sorry. So that in fine, M. Tyndale with the good will of his master, departed, & eftsoons came up to London, and there preached a while, according as he had done in the country before, and specially about the town of Bristow, and also in the said town, in the common place called S. Augustine's Green. At length he bethinking him self of Cutbert Tonstall, then Bishop of London, and especially for the great commendation of Erasmus, who in his annotations so extolleth him for his learning, thus cast with himself, that if he might attain unto his service he were a happy man. And so coming to Syr Henry Gilford the kings controller, and bringing with him an Oration of Isocrates, which he had then translated out of Greke into English, he desired him to speak to the said B. of London for him. Which he also did, and willed him moreover to write an Epistle to the Bishop, and to go himself with him. Which he did likewise, and delivered his Epistle to a servant of his, named William Hebilthwaite, a man of his old acquaintance. But God who secretly disposeth the course of things, saw that was not the best for Tyndals purpose, nor for the profit of his Church, and therefore gave him to find little favor in the Bishops sight. The answer of whom was this, that his house was full, he had mo then he could well find, and advised him to seek in London abroad, where he said he could lack no service. &c. and so remained he in London the space almost of a year, beholding and marking with him self the course of the world, and especially the demeanour of the preachers, howe they boasted them selves and set up their authority and kingdom: beholding also the pomp of the Prelates, with other things moe which greatly misliked him: In so much that he understood, not only there to be no room in the Bishops house for him to translate the New Testament: but also that there was no place to do it in all England. And therefore finding no place for his purpose within the realm, and having some aid and provision, by God's providence ministered unto him by Humphrey Mummoth above recited, as you may see before, pag. 1076. and certain other good men, he took his leave of the realm, & departed into Germany. Where the good man being inflamed with a tender care and zeal of his country, refused no travel nor diligence howe by all means possible, to reduce his brethren and coūtreymen of England to y ^e same taste and understanding of God's holy word and verity, which the Lord had endued him withal.

Whereupon he considering in his mind, and partly also conferring with John Frith, thought with him self no way more to conduce thereunto, then if the Scripture were turned into the vulgar speech, that the poor people might also read and see the simple plain word of God. For first he wisely casting in his mind, perceived by experience, how that it was not possible to stablish the lay people in any truth, except the Scripture were so plainly laid before their eyes in their mother tongue, that they might see the process, order, and meaning of the text: For else what so ever truth should be taught them, these enemies of the truth would quench it again, either with apparent reasons of Sophistry, and traditions of their own making, founded without all ground of Scripture: either else iuggling with the text, expounding it in such a sense, as impossible it were to gather of the text, if the right process, order, & meaning thereof were seen.

Again, right well he perceived and considered this only, or most chiefly to be y ^e cause of all mischief in the church, that the Scriptures of God were hidden from the people's eyes: For so long the abhominable doings and idolatries maintained by the Pharisaical Clergy, could not be espied, and therefore all their labor was with might & main to keep it down, so that either it should not be red at all, or if it were, they would darken the right sense with y ^e mis • of their Sophistry, and so entangle them which rebuked or despised their abominations, with arguments of philosophy, and with worldly similitudes, and apparent reasons of natural wisdom: and with wresting the scriptur • unto their own purpose, contrary unto the process, order, and meaning of the text, would so delude them in descanting upon it with Allegories, and amaze them, expounding it in many senses laid before the unlearned lay people, that though thou felt in thy heart, & were sure that all were false that they said yet couldest not thou solue their subtle riddles.

For these and such other considerations, this good man was moved (and no doubt stirred up of God) to translate the Scripture into his mother tongue, for the public utility and profit of the simple vulgar people of the country: first, setting in hand with the new Testament, which he first translated about the year of our Lord 1527. After that he took in hand to translate the old Testament, finishing the five books of Moses, with sundry most learned and godly prologues prefixed before everyone, most worthy to be read and read again of all good Christians: as the like also he did upon the New Testament.

He wrote also diverse other works under sundry titles, among the which is that most worthy monument of his, entitled: The obedience of a Christian man: wherein with singular dexterity he instructeth all men in the office and duty of Christian obedience, with diverse other treatises: as The wicked Mammon: The practice of Prelates, with expositions upon certain partes of the Scripture, and other Books also aunswearing to Syr Thom. More and other adversaries of the truth, no less delectable, then also most fruitful to be read, which partly before being unknown unto many, partly also being almost abolished and worn out by time, the Printer hereof (good Reader) for conseruing and restoring such singular treasures, hath collected and set forth in Print the same in one general volume, all and whole together, as also the works of John Frith, Barns, and other, as are to be seen most special and profitable for thy reading.

These books of W. Tyndale being compiled, published & sent over into England, it cannot be spoken what a door of light they opened to the eyes of the whole English nation, which before were many years shut up in darkness.

At his first departing out of y ^e realm, he toke his iorny into y ^e further parts of Germany, as into Saxony, where he had conference w ^t Luther and other learned mē in those quarters. Where, after y ^t he had continued a certain season, he came down from thence into the netherlands, & had his most abiding in the town of Antwerp, until y ^e time of his apprehēsiō: whereof more shall be said god willing hereafter.

Amongst his other books which he compiled, one work he made also for the declaration of the sacrament (as it was then called) of the alter: the which he kept by him, considering how the people were not as yet fully persuaded in other matters tending to superstitious ceremonies & gross idolatry. Wherefore he thought as yet time was not come, to put forth that work, but rather that it should hinder the people from other instructions, supposing that it would seem to them odious to hear any such thing spoken or set forth at that time, sounding against their great Goddess Diana, that is, against their Mass, being had everywhere in great estimation, as was the Goddess Diana amongst the Ephesians whom they thought to come from heaven.

Wherefore M. Tyndale being a man both prudent in his doings, and no less zealous in the setting forth of God's holy truth, after such sort as it might take most effect with the people, did forbear the putting forth of that work, not doubting but by God's merciful grace, a time should come, to have that abomination openly declared, as it is at this present day: the Lord almighty be always praised therefore. Amen.

These godly books of Tyndale, and specially the new Testament of his translation, after that they begā to come into men's hands, and to spread abroad, as they wrought great and singular profit to the godly: so the ungodly envying and disdaining that the people should be anything wiser then they, & again fearing least by the shining beams of truth, their false hypocrisy & works of darkness should be discerned: began to stir with no small ado, like as at the birth of Christ, Herod & all Jerusalem was troubled with him. But especially Satan the prince of darkness, maligning y ^e happy course and success of the Gospel, set to his might also, how to empeache and hinder y ^e blessed travails of that man: as by this, and also by sundry other ways may appear. For at what time Tyndale had translated the fifth book of Moses called Deuteronomium, minding to Printe the same at Hamborough, he sailed thereward: where by the way upon the coast of Holland, he suffered shipwreck, by the which he lost all his books, writings and copies, and so was compelled to begin all again a new, to his hinderāce and doubling of his labors. Thus having lost by that ship, both money, his copies and time, he came in another ship to Hamborough, where at his appointment M. Coverdale tarried for him, and helped him in the translating of the whole 5. books of Moses, from Easter till Decemb. in the house of a worshipful widow, Maistres Margaret van Emmerson. Anno 1529. a great sweating sickness being the same time in the Town. So having dispatched his business at Hamborough, he returned afterward to Antwerpe again.

Thus as Satan is, and ever hath been an enemy to all godly endeavors, and chiefly to the promoting & furtherance of God's word, as by this & many other experimēts may be seen: so his ministers and members following the like quality of their master, be not altogether idle for their partes: as also by the Popes Chapleins and God's enemies, and by their cruel handling of the said M. Tyndale the same time, both here in England and in Flāders, may well appear.

When God's will was, that the new Testament in the common tongue should come abroad, Tyndale the translator thereof added to the latter ende a certain Epistle, wherein he desired them that were learned to amende, if ought were found amiss. Wherefore, if any such default had been, deserving correction, it had been the parte of courtesy and gentleness, for men of knowledge and judgment to have shown their learning therein, and to have redressed y ^t was to be amended. But the spiritual fathers then of the clergy being not willing to have that book to prosper, cried out upon it, bearing men in hand, that there were a thousand heresies in it, & that it was not to be corrected, but utterly to be suppressed. Some said it was not possible to translate the Scripture into English: some that it was not lawful for the lay people to have it in their mother tongue, some y ^t it would make them all heretics. And to the intent to induce the temporal rulers also unto their purpose, they made more matter, & said, that it would make the people to rebel and rise against the king. All this Tyndale himself in his own prologue before the first book of Moses declareth: and addeth further, showing what great pains was taken in examining that translation, & comparing it with their own imaginations and terms, that with less labor (he supposeth) they might have translated them selves a great part of the Bible: Showing moreover, that they scāned and examined every title and point in the said translation, in such sort and so narrowly, that there was not one i. therein, but if it lacked a prick over his head, they did note it, and numbered it unto the ignorant people for an heresy. So great was then the froward devises of y ^e English Clergy (who should have ben the guides of light unto the people) to drive the people from the text & knowledge of the scripture, which neither they would translate themselves, nor yet abide it to be translated of others: to the intent (as Tyndale saith) that the word being kept still in darkness, they might sit in the consciences of the people through vain superstition & false doctrine, to satisfy their lusts, their ambition, and vnsaciable covetousness, and to exalte their own honor above King and Emperor, yea and above God him self. Haec ill.

The Bishops and Prelates of the realm, thus (as ye have hard) incensed and inflamed in their minds, although having no cause against the old and new Testament of the Lord newly translated by Tyndale, and conspiring together w ^t all their heads and counsails, how to repeal the same, never rested before they had brought the king at last to their consent. By reason whereof a proclamatiō in all hast was devised and set forth under public authority: but no just reason shown, that the testament of Tindals translation, with other works mo both of his and of other writers, were inhibited and abandoned, as ye heard before, page 1018. Which was about the yere of our Lord. 1527. And yet not contented heerewith, they proceeded further, howe to entangle him in their nets, and to bereft him of his life. Which howe they brought to pass, now it remaineth to be declared.

In the registers of London it appeareth manifest, how that the Bishops & sir Tho. More having any poor man under Coram, to be examined before them, namely, such as had been at Antwerpe, most studiously would search and examine all things belonging to Tyndale, where and with whom he hosted, where aboutes stood the house, what was his stature, in what apparel he went, what resort he had. &c. All which things when they had diligently learned (as may appear by the examination of Simon Smith, and others) then began they to work their fears, as you shall hear by the relation of his own host.

William Tyndale being in the town of Antwerp, had ben lodged about one whole yere in the house of Thomas Pointz an Englishmā, who kept there an house of english Marchauntes. About which time came thither one out of England, whose name was Henry Philip's, his father being customer of Poole, a comely fellow, like as he had been a Gentleman, having a servant with him: but wherefor he came, or for what purpose he was sent thither, no man could tell.

Master Tyndale diverse times was desired forth to diner and supper amongst merchants: by y ^e means whereof this Henry Philip's became acquainted with him, so that within short space M. Tyndale had a great confidence in him: and brought him to his lodging to the house of Tho. Pointz, and had him also with him once or twice to dinner & supper, and further entered such friendship with him that through his procurement, he lay in the same house of the said Pointz: To whom he shown moreover his books and other secrets of his study, so little did Tyndale then mistrust this Traitor.

But Pointz having no great confidence in the fellow, asked Mayster Tyndale howe he came acquainted with this Philip's. Master Tyndale answered, that he was an honest man handsomely learned, and very comfortable. Then Pointz perceiving that he bare such favor to him, said no more, thinking that he was brought acquainted with him by some friend of his. The said Phillippes being in the Town iii. or iv. days, upon a time desired Pointz to walk with him forth of the Town to show him the commodities thereof, and in walking together w ^t out the town, had communication of diverse things, and some of the kings affairs. By the which talk Pointz as yet suspected nothing, but after by the sequel of y ^e matter he perceived more what he intended. In the mean time this he well perceived, that he bare no great favor, either to the setting forth of any good thing, either to the proceedings of the king of England. But after when the time was past, Pointz perceived this to be his mind, to feel if he could perceive by him, whether he might break with him in the matter for lucre of money, to help him to his purpose: for he perceived before that he was monied & would that Pointz should think no less: but by whom, it was unknown: For he had desired Pointz before to help him to diverse things, and such things as he named, he required might be of the best, for said he, I have money enough, But of this talk came nothing but y ^e men should think he had some things to do, for nothing else followed of his talk. So it was to be suspected, that Philip's was in doubt to move this matter for his purpose to any of the rulers or Officers of the town of Antwarpe, for doubt it should come to the knowledge of some Englishmen, & by the mean thereof, M. Tyndale should have had warning.

So Phillippes went from Antwarpe to the Court of Bruxelles, which is from thence 24. English miles, the K. having there no Ambassador: for at that time the king of England and the Emperor were at a controuersye for the question betwixt the King and the Lady Katherine, which was Aunt to the Emperor: and the discord grew so much, that it was doubted least there should have been war between the Emperor and the king, so that Phillippes as a traitor both against God and the king, was there the better retained, as also other traitors moe besides him: who after he had betrayed master Tindal into their hands, shown himself against the kings own person, and there set forth things against the king, to make short, the said Philip's did so much there: that he procured to bring from thence w ^t him to Antwerpe that Procurour general, which is the Emperors Attorney, with other certain officers: as after followeth. The which was not done with small charges and expenses, from whom so ever it came.

Within a while after, Pointz sitting at his door, Phillippes man came unto him, and asked whether Master Tyndale were there, and said his master would come, to him, and so departed. But whether his M. Phillippes were in the town or not, it was not known: but at that time Pointz heard no more, neither of the master nor of the man. Within 3. or 4. days after, Pointz went forth to the Town of Barrow, being 18. English miles from Antwerpe, where he had business to do for the space of a month or six weeks, and in the time of his absence, Henry Philip's came again to Antwerpe to the house of Pointz, and coming in, spake with his wife, askinge her for M. Tyndale, and whether he would dine there with him, saying: what good meat shall we have? She answered, such as the market will give. Then went he forth again (as it is thought) to provide, and set the Officers which he brought with him from Bruxelles, in the street, and about the door. Then about noon he came again and went to M. Tyndale, and desired him to lend him 40. shillings, for (said he) I lost my purse this morning, coming over at the passage between this and Machelyn. So M. Tyndale took him 40. shillings, the which was easy to be had of him, if he had it: for in the wily subtilities of this world he was simple and vnexperte.

Then said Philip's, M. Tyndale you shall be my gest here this day. No said M. Tyndale, I go forth this day to dinner, and you shall go with me and be my gest, where you shall be welcome. So when it was dinner time, master Tindal went forth with Philippes, and at the going forth of Pointz house, was a long narrow entry, so that 2. could not go in a frount. M. Tindal would have put Philippes before him, but Philippes would in no wise, but put M. Tyndale afore, for that he pretended to show great humanity. So master Tyndale being a man of no great stature, went before, and Philip's a tall comely person followed behind him, who had set Officers on either side of the door upon 2. seats: which being there, might see who came in the entry, and coming through the same entry, Philip's pointed with his finger over M. Tindals head down to him, that the Officers which sat at the door, might see that it was he whom they should take, as the officers that took M. Tyndale, afterward told Pointz, and said to Pointz whē they had laid him in prison, that they pitied to see his simplicity when they took him. Then they took him and brought him to the Emperors Attorney or Procurour general, where he dined. Then came the Procuror general to the house of Pointz, and sent away all that was there of master Tindals, as well his books as other things: and from thence Tyndale was had to the Castle of Filforde, 18. English miles from Antwerp, and there he remained until he was put to death.

Then incontinent by the help of English merchants, were letters sent in the favor of Tyndale, to the Court of Brussels. Also not long after, letters were directed out of England to the counsel at Brussels, and sent to the merchants adventurers to Antwerpe, commanding them to see that with speed they should be delivered. Then such of the chiefest of the marchaunts as were there at that time being called together, required the said Pointz to take in hand the delivery of those letters, w ^t letters also from them in the favor of M. Tyndale, to the Lord of Barrowe and others, the which lord of Barrow (as it was told Pointz by the way) at that time was departed from Brussels, as the chiefest conductor of the eldest daughter of the King of Denmark, to be married to the Palsgraue, whose mother was sister to the Emperor, she being chief Princesse of Denmark. Who after he heard of his departure, did ride after the next way, and overtook him at Akon, where he delivered to him his letters. The which whē he had received and red, he made no direct answer, but somewhat objecting, said: there was of their coūtriemen that were burned in England not long before, as in deed there were Anabaptists burnt in Smithfield, and so Pointz said to him: howbeit said he, what so ever the crime was, if his Lordship or any other noble man had written, requiring to have had them, he thought they should not have been denied. Well said he, I have no leisure to write, for the Princesse is ready to ride.

Then said Pointz, if it shall please your Lordship, I will attend upon you unto y ^e next baiting place, which was at Mastright. If you so do, said the Lord, I will advise myself by the way what to write. So Pointz followed him from Akon to Mastright, the which are 15. English miles asonder, & there he received letters of him, one to the counsel there, another to the company of the merchants aduēturers, & another also, to the Lord Cromwell, in England.

So Pointz road from thence to Brussels, and then and there delivered to the counsel, the letters out of England, with the Lord of Barrowes letters also: and received eftsoons answer into England of the same by letters, which he brought to Antwerpe to the English merchants, who required him to go with them into England, and he very desirous to have M. Tindal out of prison, let not for to take pains with loss of time in his own business and occupying, but diligently followed with y ^e said letters, which he there delivered to the counsel, and was commanded by them to tarry until he had other letters, of the which he was not dispatched thence in a month after. At length the letters being delivered him, he returned again & delivered them to the Emperors counsel at Brussels, and there tarried for answer of the same.

When the said Pointz had tarried 3. or 4. days, it was told him of one that belonged to the Chauncerie, that M. Tyndale should have been delivered to him according to the tenor of the letters: But Phillippes being there, followed the suite against master Tyndale, and hearing that he should be delivered to Pointz, and doubting lease he should be put from his purpose, he knew none other remedy but to accuse Pointz, saying: that he was a dweller in the town of Antwerpe, and there had been a succourer of Tindal, and was one of the same opinion, and that all this was only his own labor and suit, to have M. Tyndale at liberty, and no man's else.

Thus upon his information and accusation, Pointz was attached by the Procurour general, the Emperors Attorny, and delivered to the keeping of two Sergeants of arms: and the same evening was sent to him one of the Chancery with the Procuror general, who ministered unto him an oath, that he should truly make answer to all such things as should be inquired of him, thinking they would have had no other examinations of him but of his Message. The next day likewise they came again and had him in examination, and so five or six days one after another, upon not so few as an hundredth Articles, as well of the kings affairs as of the message concerning Tindal of his aiders and of his religion. Out of the which examinations, the Procurer general drew 23. or 24. articles, and declared the same against the said Pointz: the copy whereof he delivered to him to make answer thereunto, and permitted him to have an Advocate and Proctor, that is a doctor and Proctor in the law: and order was taken, that 8. days after, he should deliver unto them his answer, and from 8. days to 8. days, to proceed til the process were ended: Also that he should send no Messenger to Antwerpe, where as his house was, being 24. Engiishe miles from Brussels, where he was prisonner, nor to any other place, but by the post of the town of Brussels: nor to send any letters, nor any to be delivered to him, but writ̄ in dutch, and the Procurour general, who was party against him, to read them, to peruse & to examine them thoroughly, contrary to all right and equity, before they were sent or delivered: Neither might any be suffered to speak or talk w ^t Pointz in any other tongue or language, except only in the Dutch tongue, so that his keepers who were Dutchmen, might understand what the contents of the letters or talk should be, saving that at one certain time the Provincial of the white friers came to dinner where Pointz was prisoner, and brought with him a young Nouice being an englishman, whom the Provincial after dinner, of his own accord, did bid to talk with the said Pointz, and so with him he was licenced to talk. The purpose and great policy therein was easy to be perceived. Betwene Pointz & the Nouice was much pretty talk, as of sir Tho. More, and of y ^e bishop of Rochester, and of their putting to death: whose death he seemed greatly to lament, especially dyeng in such a quarrel, worthy (as he said) to be accounted for Martyrs, with other noble doctrine and deep learning in divinity, meet to feed swine withal. Such blindness then in those days reigned amongst them. After this, Pointz delivered up his answer to the Procurour general, and then after, at the days appointed, went forth with replication duplicke, with other answers eche to other in writing what they could.

As the Commissioners came to Pointz, Philip's the traitor accompanied them to the door in following the process against him, as he also did against M. Tyndale, for so they that had Pointz in keeping, shown him. Thus Pointz for Master Tyndale was sore troubled, and long kept in prison: but at length, when he saw no other remedy, by night he made his escape, and avoided their hands. But good Tyndale could not escape their hands, but remained in prison still, who being brought unto his answer, was offered to have an advocate and a proctor: for in any criminal cause there, it shall be permitted to have counsel, to make answer in the law. But he refused to have any such, saying: that he would answer for himself: and so he did.

At last, after much reasoning, when no reason would serve, although he deserved no death, he was condemned by virtue of the Emperors decree made in the assemble at Ausbrough (as is before signified) and upon the same, brought forth to the place of execution, was there tied to y ^e stake, and then strangled first by the hangman, and afterward with fire consumed in the morning at the town of Filford, an. 1536. crying thus at the stake with a feruente zeal; and a loud voice: Lord open the King of England's eyes.

Such was the power of his doctrine, and sincerity of his life, that during the time of his imprisonment (which endured a year and a half) it is said, he converted his keeper, his daughter, and other of his household. Also the rest that were with him conversant in the Castle, reported of him, that if he were not a good christen man, they could not tell whom to trust.

The Procuror general the Emperors Attorney being there, left this testimony of him, that he was Homo doctus, pius, & bonus: that is, a learned, a good, and a godly man.

The same morning in which he was had to the fire, he delivered a letter to the keeper of the castle, which y ^e keeper himself brought to the house of y ^e foresaid Pointz in Autwerpe, shortly after: which letter, with his examinations & other his disputations, I would might have come to our hands: all which I understand did remain, & yet perhaps do, in the hands of the keepers daughter. For so it is of him reported that as he was in the Castle prisoner, there was much writing, and great disputation to and fro, between him and them of the University of Louaine (which was not past ix. or x. miles from the place where he was prisoner) in such sort, that they all had enough to do, and more then they could well weld, to answer the authorities and testimonies of the Scripture, whereupō he most pithely grounded his doctrine.

Of Judas that betrayed Christ, it is written: that he returned the money again to the Pharisees, & afterward did hang him self: So Philippes this miserable traitor, after he had been received of Tyndale, & borrowed money of him, & yet betrayed him and pursued him to death: albeit he rejoiced a while after y ^t he had done, yet y ^e saying so goeth, that he not long time after enjoyed the price of innocent blood, but was consumed at last with lyce.

The worthy virtues and doings of this blessed Martyr, who for his painful travails, and singular zeal to his country, may be called in these our days, an Apostle of England, it were long to recite. Amongest many other, this because it seemeth to me worthy of remembrance, I thought not in silence to overpass, which hath unto me credibly been testified by certain grave Marchauntes, & some of thē also such as were present the same time at the fact, and men yet alive. The story whereof is this.

There was at Antwerpe on a time, amongst a company of Marchauntes as they were at supper, a certain iuggler, which through his diabolical inchaūtementes or Art Magicall, would fetch all kinds of viandes, & wyne from any place they would, and set it upon the table incontinent before them, with many other such like things. The same of this iuggler being much talked of, it chanced that as M. Tyndale heard of it, he desired certain of the Merchants, that he might also be present at supper, to see him play his partes.

To be brief, the supper was appointed, and the Marchauntes with Tyndale were there present. Then the iuggler being required to play his feats, and to show his cunning, after his wonted boldness began, to utter all that he could do, but all was in vain. At the last, with his labor, sweating, and toiling, when he saw that nothing would go forward, but that all his enchauntmentes were void, he was compelled openly to confess, that there was some man present at supper, which disturbed and letted all his doings. So that a man even in the Martyrs of these our days, cannot lack the miracles of true faith, if miracles were now to be desired.

As concerning y ^e works and books of Tyndale, which extend to a great number, thou wast told before (loving reader) howe the Printer hereof mindeth by the Lord's leave, to collect them all in one Uolume together, and put them out in print. Wherefore it shall not greatly at this time be needful to make any several rehearsal of them.

And as touching his translation of the New Testament, because his enemies did so much carpe at it, pretending it to be so full of heresies, to answer therefore to their sclanderous tongs and lieng lips, thou shalt hear and understand, what faithful dealing, and sincere conscience he used in the same, by the testimony & allegation of his own words, written in his Epistle to John Frith as followeth: I call God to record against the day we shall appear before our Lord Jesus, to give a reckoning of our doings, y ^t I never altered one syllable of God's word against my conscience, nor would do this day, if all that is in earth, whether it be honor, pleasure, or riches might be givē me, &c.

And as ye have heard Tyndals own words thus protesting for himself: now let us hear likewise the faithful testimony of John Frith, for Tyndale his dear companion and brother, thus declaring in his answer to master More, as followeth.

The testimony of John Frith in his book of the Sacrament concerning William Tyndale.

ANd Tyndale I trust liveth, well content with such a poor Apostles life, as God gave his son Christ, and his faithful Ministers in this world, which is not sure of so many mites, as ye be yearly of pounds, although I am sure that for his learning and judgment in Scripture, he were more worthy to be promoted, then all the Bishops in England. I received a letter from him, which was written since Christmas, wherein among other matters he writeth this: I call God to record against the day we shall appear before our Lord Jesus to give a reckoning of our doings, that I never altered one syllable of God's word against my conscience, nor would do this day, if all that is in earth, whether it be honor, pleasure, or riches, might be given me.

Moreover, I take God to witness to my conscience, that I desire of God to myself in this world, no more then that without which I cannot keep his laws, &c. Judge Christian Reader whether these words be not spoken of a faithful clear innocent heart. And as for his behavior, is such, that I am sure no man can reprove him of any sin, howbeit, no man is innocent before God, which beholdeth the heart. This much out of Frith.

And thus being about to conclude and finish with the life and story of William Tyndale, it shall be requisite now that the Reader do hear something likewise of his supplication made to the King, and nobles of the Realm, as they are yet extant in his works to be seen, and worthy in all ages to be marked, the tenor whereof tendeth to this effect as followeth.

Tyndals supplications to the King, Nobles, and subjects of England.

I Beseech the Kings most noble grace, well to consider all the ways, by the which the Cardinal, and our holy Bishops have led him since he was first King, and to see whereunto all the pride, pomp, and vain boast of y ^e Cardinal is come, and how God hath resisted him and our Prelates in all their wiles. We having nothing to do at all, have meddled yet with all matters, and have spente for our Prelates causes, more then all Christendom, even unto the utter beggering of our selves, and have gotten nothing but rebuke and hate among all nations, & a mock and a scorn of them, whom we have most holpen. For the Frenchmen (as the saying is) of late days made a play, or a disguising at Paris, in which the Emperor daunsed with the Pope, and the French King, and weeryed them: the King of England sitting on a hye bench, and looking on. And when it was asked why he daunced not, it was answered, that he sat there, but to pay the minstrels their wages. As who should say, we paid for all men's dancing. We monied the Emperor openly, and gave y ^e french King double and treble secretly: and to the Pope also. Yea and though Ferdinandus had money sent openly to blind the world withal, yet the saying is through all Dutchland that we sent money to the King of Pole, &c.

Furthermore, I beseech his grace also to have mercy of his own soul, and not to suffer Christ and his holy Testament to be persecuted under his name any longer: that the sword of the wrath of God may be put up again, which for that cause, no doubt, is most chiefly drawn.

Thirdly, my petition is to his grace, to have compassion on his poor subjects, that the Realm utterly perish not with the wicked counsel of our pestilente Prelates. For if his grace, which is but a man, should die, the Lord's and commons not knowing who hath most right to enjoy the crown, the realm could not but stand in great danger.

My fourth suit and exhortation is to all the Lord's temporal of the realm, that they come and fall before y ^e kings grace, and humbly desire his Majesty, to suffer it to be tried, who of right ought to succeed: And if he or she fail, who next, and who third. And let it be proclaimed openly: and let all the Lord's temporal be sworn thereto, and all y ^e knights and squiers and gentlmen, and the commons above xviij. years old, that there be no strife for the succession. If they try it by the sword, I promise them, I see no other likelihood but it will cost the realm of England, &c.

Further, of all the subjects of England this I crave: that they repent. For the cause of evil rulers is the sin of the subjects as testifieth the Scripture. And the cause of false Preachers is, that the people have no love unto the truth, saith Paul in the 2. Chapter of the 2. Epistle to the Thessalonians. We be all sinners an hundred times greater then all that we suffer. Let us therefore eche forgive other, remembering the greater sinners, the more welcome if we repent according to the similitude of the riotous son, Luk. xv. For Christ died for sinners and is their Savior, and his blood their treasure to pay for their sins. He is that fatted calf which is slain to make them good cheare withal, if they will repent and come to their father again: and his merits is the goodly raiment to cover the naked deformities of their sins.

Finally, if the persecution of the Kings grace and of other temporal persons conspiring with the spiritualty, be of ignorance, I doubt not but that their eyes shall be opened shortly, and they shall see & repent, and God shall show them mercy. But if it be of a set malice against the truth, and of a grounded hate against the law of God, by the reason of a full consent they have to sin and to walk in their old ways of ignorance, whereunto being now past all repentance, they have utterly yielded themselves, to follow with full lust without bridle or snaffle, which is the sin against the holy Ghost: then ye shall see even shortly, that God shall turn the point of the sword wherewith they now shed Christ's blood, homeward to shed their own again, after all the examples of the Bible.

These things thus discoursed pertaining to the story and doings of Tyndale, finally it remaineth to infer certain of his private letters and epistles, whereof among diverse other which have not come to our hands, two special he wrote to John Frith, one properly under his own name, another under the name of Jacob, but in very deed was written and delivered to John Frith, being prisoner then in the Tower, as ye shall further understand by the sequeale hereafter. The copy and tenor of the Epistles here followeth.

A letter sent from Tyndale, unto Mayster Frith being in the Tower.

Another notable and worthy letter of Master William Tyndale sent to the said John Frith, under the name of Jacob.

The grace of our Savior Jesus, his patience, meekness, humbleness, circumspection, and wisdom, be with your heart, Amen.

This letter was written an. 1533. in the month of January. Which letter although it do pretend the name of Jacob, yet understand (good Reader) that it was written in very deed to John Frith, as is above told thee. For the more proof and evidence whereof, read Frithes book of the Sacrament, and there thou shalt find a certain place of this Epistle repeated word for word, beginning thus: I call God to record, against the day we shall appear before our Lord Jesus to give a reckoning of our doings, that I never altered one syllable of God's word against my conscience, &c. Which Epistle John Frith himself witnesseth that he received from Tyndale, as in his testimony above appeareth.

The death of the Lady Katherine and of Queen Anne.

THe same year in the which W. Tyndale was burned, which was the year of our Lord 1536. in the beginning of the year, first died Lady Katherine Princes Dowager in the month of January.

After whom the same year also, in the month of May next following, followed the death also of Queen Anne, who had now been married to the King the space of three years. In certain records thus we find, that the Kyng being in his Justs at Greenewich, suddenly with a few persons, departed to Westminster, and the next day after Queen Anne his wife was had to the Tower, with the Lord Rochford her brother, and certain other: and the xix. day after was beheaded. The words of this worthy and Christian Lady at her death, were these:

Good Christian people, I am come hither to die, for according to the Law, and by y ^e Law I am judged to death, and therefore I will speak nothing against it. I am come hither to accuse no man, nor to speak anything of that, whereof I am accused and condemned to die, but I pray God save the King, and send him long to reign over you, for a gentler, or a more merciful Prince was there never: and to me he was ever a good, a gentle, and sovereign Lord. And if any person will meddle of my cause, I require them to judge the best. And thus I take my leave of the world, and of you all, and I heartily desire you all to pray for me. O Lord have mercy on me. To God I commend my soul. And so she kneeled down, saying: To Christ I commend my soul: Jesus receive my soul: repeating the same diverse times, till at length the stroke was given, and her head was stricken off.

And this was the end of that godly Lady and Queen. Godly I call her, for sundry respects, whatsoever the cause was, or quarrel objected against her. Fyrst, her last words spoken at her death, declared no less her sincere faith and trust in Christ, then did her quiet modesty utter forth the goodness of the cause and matter, whatsoever it was. Besides that, to such as wisely can judge upon cases occurrent, this also may seem to give a great clearing unto her, that the King the third day after was married in his whites unto another. Certain this was, that for the rare and singular gifts of her mind so well instructed, and given toward God, with such a fervent desire unto the truth and setting forth of sincere Religion, joined with like gentleness, modesty, and pity toward all men, there hath not many such Queens before her borne the Crown of England. Principally this one commendation she left behind her, that during her life, the Religion of Christ most happily flourished, and had a right prosperous course.

Many things might be written more of the manifold virtues, and the quiet moderation of her mild nature, how lowly she would bear, not only to be admonished,