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Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

John Foxe (1516-1587) · 4,228,662 words · 18794 min

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but also of her own accord would require her Chapleynes plainly and freely to tell whatsoever they saw in her amiss. Also, how bountiful she was to the poor, passing not only the common example of other Queens, but also the revenues almost of her estate: in so much that the almose which she gave in three quarters of a year, in distribution, is summed to the number of xiv. or xv. thousand pounds. Beside the great piece of money which her grace intended to impart into four sundry quarters of the Realm, as for a stock there to be employed to the behoove of poor artificers and occupyers. Agayne, what a zealous defender she was of Christ's Gospel, all the world doth know, and her acts do and will declare to the worlds ende. Amongst which other her acts, this is one, that she placed M. Hugh Latimer in the Byshopricke of Worcester, and also preferred Doctor Shaxton to his Byshopricke, being then accounted a good man. Furthermore, what a true faith she bare unto the Lord, this one example may stand for many: for that when King Henry was with her at Wodstocke, and there being afraid of an old blind prophesy, for the which neither he, nor other Kings before him, durst hunt in the said park of Woodstock, nor enter into the Town of Oxford, at last thorough the Christian and faithful counsel of that Queen, he was so armed against all infidelity, that both he hunted in the foresaid park, and also entered in the Town of Oxford, and had no harm. But because touching the memorable virtues of this worthy Queen, partly we have said something before, partly because more also is promised to be declared of her virtuous life (the Lord so permitting) by other who then were about her: I will cease in this matter further to proceed.

This I cannot but marvel, why the Parliament holden this year, that is, the xxviij. year of the King, (which Parliament three years before had established and confirmed this Marriage as most lawful) should now so sodeinly and contrary to their own doings, repeal and disable the said Marriage again as unlawful, being so lawfully before contracted. But more I marvel, why the said Parliament, after the illegitimation of the Marriage enacted, not contented with that, should further proceed, and charge her with such carnal desires of her body, as to misuse her self with her own natural brother the Lord Rochford, and others, being so contrary to all nature that no natural man will believe it.

But in this Acte of Parliament did lie (no doubt) some great mistery, which here I will not stand to discuss, but only that it may be suspected some secrete practicing of the Papists here not to be lacking, considering what a mighty stop she was to their purposes and proceedings, and on the contrary side, what a strong Bulwark she was for the maintenance of Christ's Gospel and sincere religion, which they then in no case could abide. By reason whereof, it may easily be considered that this Christian and devout Deborah could lack no enemies amongst such a number of Philistines, both within the Realm and without.

Agayne, neither is it unlike but that Stephen Winchester, being then abroad in Ambassie, was not altogether asleep. The suspicion whereof may be the more conjectural, for that Edmund Boner Archdeacon of Leicester, and then Ambassador in France succeeding after Stephen Winchester, did manifestly detect him of plain Papistry, as in the sequeale of their stories, when we come to the time, more ample (the Lord granting) shall be expressed.

And as touching the Kings mind and assent, although at that time through crafty setters on, he seemed to be sore bent both against that Queen, and to the disheriting of his own daughter: yet unto that former will of the King so set against her then, I will oppose again the last will of the King, wherein expressly and by name he did accept, and by plain ratification did allow the succession of his Marriage to stand good and lawful.

Furthermore, to all other sinister judgments and opinions, whatsoever can be conceived of man against that virtuous Queen: I object and oppose again (as in stead of answer) the evident demonstration of God's favor, in maintaining, preserving, & aduaunsing the offspring of her body, the Lady ELIZABETH, now Queen, whom the Lord hath so marvelously conserved from so manifold dangers, so royally hath exalted, so happily hath blessed with such virtuous patience, and with such a quiet reign hitherto, that neither the reign of her brother EDWARD, nor of her sister Mary, to her is to be compared, whether we consider the number of the years of their reigns, or the peaceablenes of their state. In whose royal and flourishing regiment we have to behold, not so much the natural disposition of her mothers qualities, as the secrete judgment of God in preserving and magnifieng the fruit and offspring of that godly Queen.

And finally, as for the blasphemous mouth both of Cardinal Poole, and of Paulus Iouius, that Popish Cardinal, who measuring belike other womē by his curtesanes of Rome, so impudently abuseth his pen in lieng and railing against this noble Queen: to answer again in defense of her cause to that Italian, I object and oppose the consent and judgment of so many noble Protestants and Princes of Germany, who being in league before with King Henry, and minding no less but to have made him the head of their confederation, afterward hearing of the death of this Queen, utterly brake from him and refused him, only for the same cause.

But all this seemeth (as is said) to be the drift of the wily Papists, who seeing the Pope to be repulsed out of England by the means chiefly of this Queen, and fearing always the succession of this Marriage in time to come: thought by sinister practice to prevent that peril before, whispering in the Kings ears, what possibly they could, to make that Matrimony unlawful, and all for the disheriting of that succession.

Again, Stephen Gardener (who was a secret worker against that marriage, and a perpetual enemy against Lady Elizabeth) being then abroad with the French Kyng and the great Master of France, ceased not in his letters still to put the King in fear, that the foreine Princes and powers of the world, with the Pope, would never be reconciled to the King, neither should he be ever in any perfect security, unless he undid again such acts before passed for the ratification of that succession. Which thing when they had now brought to pass after their own desire, that both now the Queen was beheaded, and Elizabeth the Kings daughter disherited, they thought all things to be sure forever. But yet God's providence still went beyond them, and deceived them. For incontinently after the suffering of Queen Anne, the King within three days after, married Lady Jane Semer, of whom came King Edward, as great an enemy to God's enemy the Pope, as ever his father was, and greater too.

In the mean time, as these troublous tumults were in doing in England, Paul the third Bishop of Rome, for his part was not behind to help forward for his own advantage. Who seeing his usurped kingdom & seat to be darkened in the countries of Germany, & also in England, thought it high time to bestir him, and therefore, to provide some remedy against further dangers, appointed a general Council at Mantua in Italy, requiring all kings and princes either personally to be there, or else to send their Ambassadors, under fair pre enses, as to suppress heresies, and to restore the Church▪ and to war against the Turk, &c. This Bull was subscribed with the hands of 26. Cardinals, and set up in diverse great Cities, that it might be known and published to the whole world. Unto the which Bull, first the Protestants of Germany do answer, declaring sufficient causes why they refused to resort to that Council, being indicted at Mantua in the Popes own Country. Whose declaration, with their causes grave and effectual, being set forth in print, and in the English tongue, although they were worthy here to be inserted, yet for brevity, and more speed in our story, I will pretermit the same, and only take the Oration or answer of our King here: Wherein he likewise rendereth reasons and causes most reasonable, why he refuseth to come or to send at the Popes call to his Council, indicted at Mantua. Whose Oration or Protestation, because it containeth matter of some w ight and great experience, I thought here good to express, as followeth.

A Protestation in the name of the King, and the whole Counsaile, and Clergy of England, why they refuse to come to the Popes Council at his call.

SEing that the Bishop of Rome calleth learned men frō all parties, conducting them by great rewards, making as many of them Cardinals as he thinketh most meet and most ready to defend fra des and untruths: we could not but with much anxiety cast with our selves, what so great a preparance of wits should mean. As chance was, we gessed even as it followed. We have ben so long acquainted with Romaine subtleties and popish deceits, that we well and easily judged y e Bishop of Rome to intend an assemble of his adherents and men sworn to think all his lusts to be laws. We were not deceived. Paul the Bishop of Rome hath called a Council, to the which he knew well either few or none of the Christian Princes could come. Both the time that he indicted it, and also the place where he appointed it to be, might assure him of this. But whether wandereth not these Popish Bulls? whether go they not astray? what King is not cited and summoned by a proud Minister and servant of Kings, to come to bolster up errors, frauds, deceits, and untruths, and to set forth this feigned general Council? For who will not think that Paul the Bishop of Rome goeth sooner about to make men believe that he intendeth a general Council, then that he desireth one in deed: No, who can less desire it, thē they that do despair of their cause, except they be judges, and give sentence themselves against their adversaries? We, which very sore against our will, at any time leave off the procurement of the Realm and common weal, need neither to come our selves, nor yet to send our procuratours thither, no nor yet to make our excuse for either of both. For who can accuse us, that we come not at his call, which hath no authority to call us?

But for a season let us (as a sort of blyndlynges do) grant that he may call us, and that he hath authority so to do: yet (we pray you) may not all men see, what availeth it to come to this Council, where ye shall have no place, except ye be known both willing to oppress truth, and also ready to confirm and stablish errors? Do not all mē perceive as well as we, with what integrity, fidelity, and Religion, these men go about to discuss matters in controversy, that take them in hand in so troublesome a time as this is? Is it not plain what fruit the common weal of Christendom may look for there, where as Mantua is chosen the place to keep this Council at? Is there any Prince, not being of Italy, yea, is there any of Italy, Prince or other dissenting frō the Pope, that dareth come to this assemble, and to this place? If there come none, that dare speak for trodden truth, none that will venture his life, is it marvel if the Bishop of Rome being judge, no man repining, no man gainesaieng, the defenders of the Papacie obtain that Popish authority now quayling and almost fallen, be set up again?

Is this the way to help things afflict? to redress troubled Religion? to lift up oppressed truth? Shall men this way know, whether the Roman Bishops (which in very deed are, if ye look either upon their doctrine or life, far under other Bishops) ought to be made like their fellows, that is, to be pastors in their own Dioces, and so to use no further power: or else whether they may make laws, not only unto other Bishops, but also to Kings & Emperors? O boldness, meet to be beaten down with force, and not to be convinced with arguments. Can either Paul that now Lordeth, or any of his, earnestly go about (if they alone, or at y e least without any adversary, be thus in a corner assembled together) to heal the sicknesses, to take away the errors, to pluck down the abuses that now are crept into the Church, and there be bolstered up, by such Councils as now is like to be at Mantua?

It is very like, that these, which prole for nothing but profit, will right gladly pul down all such things, as their forefathers made, only for y e increase of money. Whereas their forefathers, whē their honor, power, primacy, was called into question, would either in spite of God's law, maintain their dignity, or (to say better) their intolerable pride: is it like, that these will not trede in their steps, and make naughty new Canons, whereby they may defend old evil decrees? Howbeit, what need we to care, either what they have done, or what they intend to do hereafter, for as much as England hath taken her leave of Popish crafts forever, never to be deluded w t them hereafter? Romaine Bishops have nothing to do with English people: the one doth not trafike with the other: at y e least, though they will have to do with us, yet we will none of their merchandise, none of their stuff. We will receive them of our Council no more. We have sought our hurt, and bought our loss a great while too long. Surely their Decrees, either touching things set up, or put down, shall have none other place w t us, then all Bishops Decrees have, that is, if we like them, we admit them: if we do not, we refuse them. But lest peradventure mē shall think us to follow our senses too much, & that we, moved by small or no just causes, forsake the authority, censures, Decrees, and Popish Councelles, we thought it best here to show our mind to the whole world.

Wherefore we protest before God and all men, that we 〈1 page missing〉 down of his usurped power, and proud primacy: for expelling of his usurped jurisdiction: and for delivering of our realm from his grievous bondage and pollage? Who seeth not him even inflamed w t hatred against us, and y e flames to be much greater, then he can now keep them in? He is an open enemy, he dissembleth no longer, provoking all men by all the means that he can to endammage us and our country. These 3. years he hath been occupied in no one thing so much, as how he might stir up the commons of England, now corrupting some with money, some with dignities. We let pass, what letters he hath written to Christian Princes: with howe great fervent study, he hath exhorted men to set upon us. The good Vicar of Christ, by his doing showeth how he understandeth the words of Christ. He thinketh, he playeth Christ's part well, when he may say as Christ did: Non veni pacem mittere in terram, sed gladium: I come not to make peace in earth, but to send swords about: and not such swords, as Christ would his to be armed with all, but such as cruel manquellers, abuse in the slaughter of their neighbors. We marvel little, though they vex other Princes oft, seeing they recompense our favor shown to them, with contumelies, our benefits with injuries.

We will not rehearse here, how many our benefits bestowed upon Romaine bishops, be lost. God be with such vngrate earles, unworthy to be numbered amongst men: Cer es, such that a man may well doubt, whether God or man hath better cause to hate them. But y t we have learned to owe good will, evē to them that immortally hate us, what could we wish them so evil, but they have deserved much worse? We wish them this hurt alone, that God send them a better mind. God be thanked, we have made all their seditious ententes, sooner to show their great malice towards us, then to do us much hurt: yet they have well taught us, evermore to take good heed of our enemies. Undoubtedly it were good going to Mantua, and to leave their whelps amongst the lambes of our flock. When we be weary of our wealth, we will even do then, as they would have us now do. No, no, as long as we shall see his heart so good towards us, we trust upon his warning, we shall well provide to withstand his cruel malice. No, let him now, spend his deceits, when they can hurt none but such as would deceive, and are deceived.

They have by sundry ways, made us privy, howe much we be bound to them. It went nigh their hearts, to see the judgment of Iulye, of Clement the 7. of Paul the 3. nothing to be regarded w t us. They be afraid, if we should sustain no hurt because we justly rejected their primacy, that other Princes would begin to do likewise, and to shake of their shoulders, the heavy burdens that they so long have borne, against Scripture, all right and reason▪ They be sory to see the way stopped, y t now their tyranny, avarice, and pride cā have no passage into England, which was wont to walk, to triumph, to toss, to trouble all men. They can scarce suffer privileges, that is to say, license to spoil our Citizens, given them by our forefathers, and brought in by errorful custom, to be taken frō them. They think it unlawful, that we require things lawful of them that will be under no laws. They think, we do them wrong, because we will not suffer them to do us wrong any longer. They see their merchandise to be banished, to be forbidden. They see, that we will buy no longer, chalk for cheese. They see they have lost a fair flese, vengeable sorry, that they can dispatch no more pardons, dispensations, tot quots, with the rest of their baggage and tromperie. England is no more a babe. There is no man here, but now he knoweth that they do foolishly, that give gold for lead, more weight of that then they receive of this. They pass not, though Peter & Paul's faces be graven in the lead, to make fools fain. No, we be sorry that they should abuse holy Saints visages, to the begiling of the world.

Surely, except God take away our right wits, not only his authority shall be drivē out forever, but his name also shortly shall be forgotten in England. We will from henceforth, ask counsel of him and his, when we lust to be deceived, when we covet to be in error, when we desire to offend God, truth, and honesty. If a man may guess the whole work by the foundation, where deceits beginneth the work, can any other then deceits be built vpō this foundation? What can you look for in this Mantuan council, other then the oppression of truth & true religion? If there be anything well done, think as every mā doth, bishops of Rome to be accustomed to do a few things well that many evil may the better be taken at their hands. They when they lust, can yield some part of their right. They are content, that some of their decrees, some of their errors & abuses be reprehended: but they are never more to be s ared, then when they show themselves most gentle. For if they grant a few, they ask many: if they leave a little, they will be sure of a great deal. Scarse a man he may know how to handle himself, that he take no hurt at their hands, yea when they bless him: which seldom do good, but for an intent to do evil. Certainly come who so will to these shops of deceits, to these taires of frauds, we will loose no parte of our right in coming at his call, that ought to be called, and not to fall. We will neither come at Mantua, nor send thither for this matter. &c.

And so the king proceeding in the said his Protestation, declareth moreover, how the Pope, after he had summoned his Council first to be kept at Mantua, the 23. of May, An. 1537. shortly after directed out another Bull, to prorogate the same Council to the month of November, pretending for his excuse, y t the Duke of Mantua would not suffer him to keep any Council there, unless he maintained a number of warriors, for defense of the town. And therefore in his latter bull, he prorogeth this assemble, commanding Patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, and other of the spiritualty, by the virtue of obedience and under pain of cursing, to be present, but showeth no place at all where he would be, nor whether they should come. And in very deed no great matter, though no place were named. For as good council nowhere to be called, as where it could not be. And as well no place served him, that intended no Council, as all places. And to say truth, much better no place to be named, then to name such, as he purposed not to come too: for so should he break no promise, which maketh none. And so going forward in his oration, toward the latter ende, he thus inferreth by his words of Protestation, saying.

No, we will the Pope and his adherents to understand that, that we oft have said, and now say, and ever will say: He nor his hath no authority, no jurisdiction in England. We give him no more then he hath, that is never a deal. That which he hath usurped against God's law, & extorted by violence, we by good right, take from him again. But he & his will say: we gave them a primacy. We hear them well. We gave it you in deed. If you have authority upon us, as long as our consent giveth it you, and you evermore will make your plee upon our consent, then let it have even an ende, where it began: we consent no longer, your authority must needs be gone. If we being deceived by falls pretense of evil alleged scriptures, gave to you y t ye ought to have refused: why may we not, our error now perceived, your deceit espied, take it again? We princes wrote our selves to be inferours to popes. As long as we thought so, we obeyed them as our superiors. Now we write not as we did, and therefore they have no great cause to maruill, if we hereafter do not as we did, both the laws civil, and also the laws of God, be on our side. For a free man borne doth not lose his liberty, no nor hurt the plee of his liberty, though he write himself a bond man.

Again, if they lean to custom, we send them to saint Cyprian, which saith that custom, if truth be not joined with it is nothing, but erroris vetustas, that is, an old error. Christ said: Ego sum via, veritas, & vita: I am y e way truth and life. He never said: Ego sum consuetudo, I am the custom. Wherefore, seeing custom serveth you on y e one side, and Scripture us upon the other, are ye able to match us? In how many places doth Christ monish you to seek no primacy, to prefer yourselves before nobody? no, to be obedient unto all creatures? Your old title, Seruus seruorum, evil agreeth with your new forged dignity. But we will not tarry in matters plain: We only desire God, y t Caesar & other Christian Princes, would agree vpō some holy Council, where truth may be tried and Religiō set up, which hath been hurt by nothing so sore, as by general not general Councils. Errors and abuses grow to fast. Erudimini, erudimini qui iudicatis terram : Get you learning you y t judge the earth: & excogitate some remedy for these so many diseases of y e sick Church. They that be wisest, do despair of a general Council. Wherefore we think it now best, that every Prince call a Council provincial, and every Prince to redress his own Realm. We make all men privy, what we think best to be done for the redress of religion. If they like it, we doubt not, but they will follow it, or some other better. Our trust is, that all Princes will so handle themselves in this behalf, that Princes may enjoy their own, and Priests of Rome content themselves with that they ought to have. Princes as we trust, will no longer nourish Wolves whelps: they will subscribe no more to popish pride, to the Papacie. &c.

Favor our doings, O Christian Princes. Your honor & ancient Majesty is restored. Remēber, there is nothing pertaining so much to a Princes honor, as to set forth truth, and to help religion. Take you heed that their deceit work not more mischief, then your virtue can do good: & everlasting war we would all Princes had with this Papacie. As for their Decrees, so hearken to them, that if in this Mantua assemble, things be well done, ye take them, but not as authorised by them, but that truth and things that maintain Religiō, are to be taken at all mens hands. And evē as we will admit things well made, so if there be any thing determined in prejudice of truth, for mainteinaūce of their evil grounded primacy, or that may hurt y e authority of kings, we protest unto y e whole world, that we neither allow it, nor will at any time allow it.

Ye have, Christian Readers, our mind concerning the general Council. We think you all see, that Paul & his Cardinals, Bishops, Abbots, Monks, Friers, with the rest of the rablemēt, do nothing less intend, then the knowledge or search of truth. Ye see, this is no time meet, Mātua no place meet, for a general Council. And though they were both meet, yet except some other cal this Council, you see, that we neither need to come, nor to send. You have heard how every Prince in his own Realm, may quiet things amiss. If there be any of you, that can show us a better way, we promise w t all hearty desire, to do that, that shall be thought best for the setlyng of Religion, & that we will leave our own aduises, if any mā show us better. Which mind of ours, we most hartly pray GOD, that gave it us, not only to increase in us, but also to send it unto all Christian Princes, all Christian Prelates, and all Christian people.

A little before the death of Queen Anne, there was a Parliament at Westminster, wherein was givē to the king by consent of the Abbots, all such houses of religiō, as were under 300. marks. Which was a shrewde prognosticate of the ruin of greater houses, which in deed followed shortly after, as was & might easily be perceived before of many, who thē said: that the low bushes and brambles were cut down before, but great okes would follow after.

Although the proceeding of these things did not well like the minds of the Popes friends in England, yet notwithstanding they began again to take some breath of comfort, when they saw the foresaid Queen Anne dispatched. Nevertheless they were frustrate of their purpose (as is aforeshewed) and that doblewise. For first, after they had their willes of Queen Anne, the Lord raised up another Queen, not greatly for their purpose, with her son king Edward. And also for that the Lord Crōwell the same time began to grow in authority. Who like a mighty pillar set up in the Church of Christ, was enough alone to confound and overthrow all the malignant devises of the adversaries, so long as God gave him in life here to continue: whose story hereafter followeth more at large.

Shortly after this foresaid Marriage of the king with this Queen Jane Semer above mentioned, in y e month of June, during the continuation of the Parliament, by the consent of the Clergy holding thē a solemn convocation in the Church of S. Paul, a book was set forth containing certain Articles of religion necessary to be taught to the people, wherein they entreated specially but of three Sacraments: Baptism, Penaunce, & the Lord's Supper. Where also diverse other things were published concerning the alteration of certain pointes of Religion, as that certain holy days were forbid̄, and many Abbayes began to be suppressed. For the which cause, the rude multitude of Lincolneshyre fearing the utter subversion of their old Religion, wherein they had been so long nousled, did rise up in a great commotion, to the mumber: welneare of 20. thousand, having for their Captain, a Monk named D. Makerell, calling himself then Captain Cobbler: but these rebels being repressed by the kings power, and desiring pardon, soon brake up their assembly. For they hearing of the royal army of the king coming against them with his own person there present, & fearing what would follow of this, first the noble men and Gentlemen, which before favored them, began to w t draw themselves, so that they were destitute of Captains: and at the last, they in writing made certain petitions to the king, protesting that they never intended hurt toward his royal person. These petitions the king received, and made this answer again to them as followeth.

The kings answer to the rebels.

FIrst, we begin and make answer to the fourth and sixth articles, because upon them dependeth much of the rest. Concerning choosing of Counsailours, I never have red, heard, nor known, that Princes, Counsailours and Prelates, should be appointed by rude and ignorant common people, nor that they were persons meet, or of ability to discern and choose meet and sufficient Counsailours for a Prince: How presumptuous then are ye the rude commons of one shire, and that one the most base of y e whole realm, and of the least experience, to find fault with your Prince, for the electing of his Counsailours and Prelates, and to take upon you, contrary to God's law, and man's laws, to rule your Prince, whom ye are bound by all law, to obey and serve with both your lives, lands and goods, and for no worldly cause, to withstand?

As to the suppression of religious houses & Monasteries, we will that ye and all our subjects should well know, that this is granted us by all the nobles spiritual & temporal of this realm, and by all the commons in the same, by Acte of Parliament, and not set forth by any Counselor or Counsailours upon their mere will and fantasy, as ye full falsely would persuade our realm to believe.

And where ye allege, that the service of God is much diminished, the truth thereof is contrary: for there be no houses suppressed where God was well served, but where most vice, mischief, and abomination of living was used, and that doth well appear by their own confessions subscribed with their own hands in the time of their visitations, and yet we suffered a great many of them (more then we needed by the Acte) to stand: wherein, if they amend not their living, we fear, we have more to answer for, then for the suppression of all the rest. And as for the hospitality for the relief of the poor, we wonder ye be not ashamed to affirm, that they have been a great relief of poor people, when a great many or the most parte hath not past four or five religious persons in them, & diverse but one, which spent the substance of the goods of their houses in nourishing of vice and abhominable living. Now, what unkindness and vnnaturalitie may we impute to you and all our subjects that be of that mind, which had leuer such an unthrifty sort of vicious persons should enjoy such possessions, profits and emoluments, as grow of the said houses, to the maintenance of their unthrifty life, then we your natural Prince, sovereign Lord and King, which doth & hath spent more in your defences of our own, then six times they be worth?

As touching the act of uses, we marvel what madness is in your brain, or upon what ground ye would take authority upon you, to cause us to break those laws and statutes, which by all the noble Knightes and Gentlemen of this Realm (whom the same chiefly touched) hath been granted and assented too: seeing in no manner of things, it toucheth you the base commons of our realm.

Also, the grounds of all those uses were false, and never admitted by law, but usurped upon the prince, contrary to all equity and justice, as it hath been openly both disputed & declared by all the well learned mē in the Realm of England, in Westminster Hall: whereby ye may well perceive, howe mad and unreasonable your demands be, both in that and in the rest, and howe unmeet it is for us, & dishonorable, to grant or assent unto, and less mete and decent for you in such a rebellious sort, to demand the same of your Prince.

As touching the fifteen which ye demand of us to be released, think ye that we be so faint hearted, that perforce ye of one shire (were ye a great many mo) could compel us with your insurrections & such rebellious demeanour, to remit the same? or think ye that any man will or may take you to be true subjects, that first make & show a loving grant, and then perforce would compel your sovereign Lord and King to release the same? The time of payment whereof is not yet come: yea and seeing the same will not countervail the tenth penny of the charges, which we have and daily do sustain for your tuition & safeguard: make you sure by your occasions of these your ingratitudes, vnnaturalnes, and unkindness to us now administered, ye give us cause (which hath always been as much dedicate to your wealth, as ever was King) not so much to set our study for y e setting forward of the same, seeing how unkindly and untruly ye deal now with us, without any cause or occasion. And doubt ye not, though you have no grace nor naturalnes in you to consider your duty of allegiāce to your king & sovereign Lord, the rest of our Realm (we doubt not) hath, & we and they shall so look on this cause, y t we trust it shall be to your confusion, if according to your former letters you submit not yourselves.

As touching the first fruits, we let you to wit, it is a thing granted us by Acte of Parliament also, for the supportation of part of the great and excessive charges, which we support & bear for the maintenance of your wealths and other our subjects: and we have known also that ye our commons have much complained in times passed, that the most part of our goods, lands, and possessions of the Realm, were in the spiritual men's hands: and yet bearing us in hand, that ye be as loving subjects to us as may be, ye cannot find in your hearts, that your Prince and sovereign Lord should have any part thereof (and yet it is nothing prejudicial unto you our commons) but do rebel and unlawfully rise against your Prince, contrary to the due y of allegiaunce & God's commandment. Syrs, remember your follies and traitorous demeanors, and shame not your native country of England, nor offend no more so grievously your undoubted king & natural prince, which always hath shown him self most loving unto you, and remember your duty of allegiance, and that ye are bound to obey us your king, both by God's commandment, and law of nature.

Wherefore we charge you eftsoons upon the foresaid bonds and pains, that ye withdraw yourselves to your own houses every man, and no more to assemble contrary to our laws and your allegiaunces, and to cause the provokers of you to this mischief, to e delivered to our Lieutenaunts hands or ours, and you yourselves to submit you to such condign punishment, as we and our nobles shall think you worthy: for doubt you not else, that we & our nobles can nor will suffer this injury at your hands vnreuēged, if ye give not place to us of soueraignetie, & show yourselves as bounden and obedient subjects, and no more to entermeddle yourselves from henceforth with the weighty affairs of the Realm, the direction whereof only appertaineth to us your king, and such noble men and counsailours, as we list to elect and choose to have the ordering of the same.

And thus we pray unto almighty God, to give you graee to do your duties, to use yourselves towards us like true and faithful subjects, so as we may have cause to order you thereafter: and rather obediently to consent amongst you, to deliver into the hands of our Lieutenant, a hundredth persons to be ordered according to their demerits, at our will and pleasure, then by your obstinacy and willfulness, to put yourselves, your wines, children, lands, goods and cattels, beside the indignation of God, in the utter adventure of total destruction, & utter ruin, by force and violence of the sword.

After the Lyncolneshyre men had received this the Kynges answer aforesaid, made to their petitions, eche mistrusting other who should be noted to be the greatest meddler, even very sodeinly they began to shrink and out of hand, they were all divided, and every man at home in his own house in peace: but the Captains of these rebels escaped not all clear, but were after apprehended, and had as they deserved. Ex Edw. Hallo.

After this, immediately within six days, upon the same, followed a new insurrection in Yorkshire for the same causes, through the instigation and lying tales of seditious persons, especially Monks and Priests, making them believe, that their silver chalices, crosses, jewels, and other ornaments should be taken out of their Churches, and that no man should be married, or eat any good meat in his house, but should give tribute therefore to the King: but their special malice was against Cromwell, and certain other Counsailours.

The number of these rebels were near about 40. M. having for their badges the 5. wounds, with the sign of the Sacrament, and Jesus written in the midst.

This their devilish rebellion, they termed by the name of a holy pilgrimage, but they served a wrong and a naughty Saint. They had also in the field their streamers and banners, whereupon was painted Christ hanging upon the Cross on the one side, and a chalice with a painted cake in it, on the other side, with other such ensigns of like hypocrisy and feigned sanctity, pretending thereby to fight for the faith, and right of holy Church.

As soon as the king was certified of this new seditious insurrection, he sent with all speed against them, the Duke of Norfolk, Duke of Suffolk, Marques of Excetor, Earl of Shrewsbury & other, with a great army, forthwith to encounter with the rebels.

These noble Captains and Counsailours thus well furnished with habilement of war, approaching toward the rebels, and understanding both their number, and howe they were full bent to battle, first with policy went about to assay and practice how to appease all without bloudsheding: but the Northern men stoutly and sturdely standing to their wicked cause and wretched enterprise, would in no case relent frō their attempts. Which when the nobles perceived, & saw no other way to pacify their furious minds utterly set on mischief, determined upon a battle. The place was appointed, the day assigned, and the hour set, but see y t wanderous work of God's gracious providence.

The night before the day of battle came (as testifieth Edward Hall) fell a small rain, nothing to speak of: but yet, as it were by a great miracle of God, the water which was but a very small forde, and that men, in manner y e day before, might have gone brishod over, suddenly rose of such a height, deepenes, and breadth, that the like no man that there did inhabit, could tell that ever they saw afore: so y t the day, even when the hour of battle should come, it was impossible for the one army to come at the other.

After this, y e appointment made between both y e armies being thus disappointed, as it is to be thought, only by God (who extended his great mercy, and had compassion on the great number of innocent persons, that in that deadly slaughter had like to have been murdered) could take no place: then by the great wisdom and policy of y e said Captains, a communication was had, & a pardon of the kings Majesty obtained, for all the captayns and chief doers of this insurrection, and they promised y t such things as they found themselves aggrieved with all they should gently be heard, and their reasonable petitions granted, & that their articles should be presented to the king, that by his highness authority, and wisdom of his Counsayle, all things should be brought to good order and conclusion: and with this order every man quietly departed, and those which before were bent as hot as fire, to fight, being letted thereof by God; went now peaceably to their houses, and were as cold as water. A Domino factum est istud.

In the time of this ruffle in Yorkeshyre, and the king lying the same time at Windsore there was a Butcher dwelling within 5. miles of the said town of Windsore, which caused a Priest to preach, that all they that took part with the Yorkshire men, whom he called God's people did fight in God's quarrel: for the which both he and the priest were apprehended, and executed.

Divers other priests also, with other, about the same time committing in like sort treason against the king, suffered the like execution. Such a business had the Kyng then to rid the realm from the servitude of the Romish yokes.

Tantae molis erat Romanam euertere sedem.
But God's hand did still work with all, in upholding his Gospel and trodden truth, against all seditious sturres, cōmotions, rebellions, and whatsoever was to the contrary as both by these stories aforepassed, and by such also as hereafter follow, may notoriously appear.

The yere next after this, which was of the Lord. 1537. after that great execution had been done upon certain rebellious Priests and a few other lay men, with certain noble persons also and gentlemen, amongst whom was the Lord Darcy, the Lord Hussy, Syr Robert Constable Syr Thomas Percy, Syr Frances Bygot, Syr Stephen Hamelton, Syr John Bulmer, and his wife, William Lomeley, Nicholas Tempest, with the Abbottes of Gerney, and of Rivers. &c. in the month of October, the same year following, was borne Prince Edward. Shortly after whose birth, Queen Jane his mother, the second day after, died in childbed, & left the king again a widower, which so continued the space of two years together. Upon the death of which Queen Jane, and upon the birth of prince Edward her son, these two verses were made which follow.

Phoenix Iana iacet nato Phoenicia, dolendum
Secula Phoenices nulla tulisse duas.

Here is by the way to be understand, that during all this season, since the time that the king of England had rejected the pope out of the Realm, both the Emperor, y e French king, and the king of Scots, with other foreign potentates (which were yet in subjection under the Pope) bare no him do great good favor inwardly, whatsoever outwardly they pretended. Neither was here lacking pryuy setters on, nor secret working among themselves, how to compass ungracious mischiefs, if God by contrary occasions had not stopped their intended devises. For first y e Pope had sent Cardinal Poole to the French king, to stir him to war against the realm of England.

Secondly where as the French king, by treaty of perpetual peace, was bound yearly to pay to the king of England at the first days of May, and November about xcv. thousand crowns of the sum, and odd money, and over, that 10000. crowns at y e said ii. terms, for recōpēce of salt due, as the treats thereof did purporte: that pension remained now vnpayed iv. years and more.

Furthermore, the Emperor and the French K. both retained Grancetor a traitorous rebel against the king, & condemned by Act of Parliament, with certain other traitors moe, and yet would not deliver him to the king at his earnest suite and request.

The French king also digressing from his promise and treaty, made alliance with the Bishop of Rome, Clement in marrying the Dolphine to his Niece, called Katherine de Medicis.

The said French king moreover, contrary to his contracte made, married his daughter to the king of Scots. All which were prejudicial: and put the king (no doubt) in some fear and perplexity (though otherwise a stout and valiant Prince) to see the Pope, the Emperor, the French king, and king of Scots so bent against him.

And yet all this notwithstanding, the Lord still defended the iustnes of his cause against them all. For although the French king was so set on by the Pope, and so linked in marriage with the Scots, and sacked nothing now but only occasion to invade the realm of England: yet notwithstanding he hearing now of the birth of Prince Edward, the kings son by Queen Jane, and understanding also by the death of the said Queen Jane, that the Kyng was a widower, and perceiving moreover, talk to be that the king would join in marriage with the Germains, began to wax more calm and cold, and to give much more gentle words, and to demean him self more curtuously, laboring to mary the Queen of Nauare his sister to the king.

The Ambassadors resident then in France for the king, were Ste. Gardener, with Docto Thirleby, &c. Whyche Stephen Gard. what he wrought secreately for the Popes devotion, I have not expressly to charge him. Whether he so did, or what he did, the Lord knoweth all. But this is certain, that when D. Boner Archedeacon then of Leicester, was sent into France by the Kinge (through the means of the Lord Cromwell (to succeed Stephen Gardinar in Ambassie, which was about the year of our Lord 1538. he found such dealing in the said Bishop of Winchester, as was not greatly to be trusted, beside the unkind partes of the said Bishop against the foresaid Boner, coming then from the King and Lord Cromwell, as was not to be liked.

Long it is to recite from the beginning, & few men peruenture would believe, the brawling matters, the privy complaints, the contentious quarrels, and bitter dissensions between these two, and especially what despightful contumelies D. Boner received at the hands of Winchester. For understand (good Reader) that this doctor Boner all this while remained yet (as he seemed) a good man, and was a great furtherer of the kings proceedings, and a favorer of Luther's doctrine, and was advanced only by the Lord Cromwell. Whose promotions here to rehearse: first he was Archdeacon of Leycester, person of Bledon, of Dereham, Cheswike, and Cheriburton. Then was made Bishop of Hereford, and at last preferred to be Bish. of London. The chief of which preferments and dignities were conferred unto him only by the means and favor of the L. Cromwell, who was then his chief and only patron, and setter up: as the said Boner himself in all his letters doth manifestly protest and declare. The Copies of which his letters I could here produce and exhibit, but for prolonging my story with superfluous matter. Yet that the world and all posterity may see, how the coming up of D. Boner was only by the Gospel (howsoever he was after unkind unto the Gospel) this one letter of his, which I will here infer, written to the Lord Cromwell out of France, may stand for a perpetual testimony, the tenor whereof here ensueth.

*A letter of Doctor Boner the kings Ambassador resident in France, sent to the Lord Cromwell, declaring the order of his promotions and coming up.

MY very singular especial good Lord, as one most bounden, I most humbly commend me unto your honorable good Lordship. And whereas in times passed in hath liked the same, without any my deserts or merits, even only of your singular exceeding goodness, to bestow a great deal of love, benevolence, and good affection upon me so poor a man, and of so small qualities, expressing in deed, sundry ways, the good effects thereof to my great preferment, I was very much bound thereby unto your honorable good Lordship, and thought it always my duty (as in deed it was) both to bear my true heart again unto your Lordship, and also, remembering such kindness, to do unto the same all such service & pleasure as might then lie in my small power to do.

But where of your infinite & inestimable goodness, it hath further liked you of late, first to advance me unto the office of Legation from such a Prince as my sovereign Lord is, unto the Emperor and French king, and next after to procure and obtain mine advancement to so honorable a promotion as the Byshoprike of Hereford: I must here knowledge the exceeding greatness of your Lordship’s benefit, with mine own imbecility to recompense it, and say (as Virgil writeth) Grates persoluere dignas non opis est nostrae.

Surely my good Lord, I neither am, neither shall be able to requite thus your Lordships moste special kindness and bountiful goodness at any time, unless I should use that civil remeady called in law acceptilation, which great detters especially, are accustomed to procure at the hands of their creditors: whereby yet nevertheless your goodness the only doer thereof, should rather be increased, then my duty towards the same, thereby diminished. And cessio Bonorum (the only extreme refuge and help of poor detters devised also in civil) might somewhat help herein, saving that it is not possible that I shall come Ad tam pinguem fortunam (Wherupon that remedy is grounded) whereby I may recompense and requite this dette worthily.

So that in conclusion there resteth this, that unless your Lordships self do lose me as you have bound me, I shall (and that full gladly) remain continually your most bound̄ beadesmen. And Syr I most humbly beseech your good Lordship, in the honor of God, seeing this thing is begun, and auaunced only by your goodness and means you will to the intent the act may be wholly your own, stretch out your goodness, not suffering the rest to be perfected otherwise thē by your own hands: wherein as I must & shall knowledge myself to be exceedingly beholden unto your good Lordship: so shall the same more esteem and set by, during my life, having so attained it by your only goodness: And verily, if your good Lordship be not better to me herein then I can, unless it be of your own goodness, desire you, I know not howe I shall be able to overcome the great charges annexed to this promotion. For though my promotions afore, were right honest and good, yea, and such as one of far better qualities then I was or am of, ought therewith to have been contented, yet considering that of diverse of them, it is to wit, Leicester, Bledon, Derham, Cheswicke, and Cheryburton, the first fruits, tenths, and charges borne, I have not received clearly one penny, I am now never a whit the more able to bear the great charges of this.

I shall therefore herein and in all things else pertaining hereunto, seeing your Lordship is so great a patron, and will needs bind me forever to be your own (as in deed I will) refer all together unto your goodness, beseeching you to take the order and disposition of all into your hands. I cannot tell whether the late Bishop standeth bounden for the first fruits, tenths, or other duties, which by stature may be demanded of his successor, but I fear it greatly, and beseech your Lordship that I may be holpen therein. My charges now here enforceth me the more to speak and trouble your good Lordship, which at the beginning are not a few, and yet not ended. Of my fidelity to your good I have of five hundredth crowns, remaining forty, bestowed upon horses, m le, mulet, raiment, and other necessaries, standing debtor to M Thirlby nevertheless, and also to M. Doctor Heynes for one hundredth marks or fast upon, to them both. And besides this (such is my chance now at the beginning) diverse of my servants have fallen sick, being in great pearill and danger, putting me to no little charges.

Ouer and besides these displeasures coming unto me, by not having their service, and other to keep them, and also wantinge mine other servants in England, which though I have sent for them, yet neither they, neither my horses or stuff are come, I must and do take patience, trusting it will mende.

Upon the closing up of this letter and depeache of this bearer, God willing I will pack up my gear, and tomorrow betime follow the French king, who yesterday departed from Shambour, and maketh haste towards Paris. And▪ thus our blessed Lord long and well preserve your good Lordship in health. At Bloyse the 2. of September in the evening.

Scribled by the weary hand of him that is bounden to be and is in deed, your Lordships beadesman at commandment. Edmund Boner.

Divers other Letters beside this, of Doct. Boner remain in writing upon the like effect and purport, which here also I might add for a further demonstration hereof: but this one in stead of many, may suffice. Now to our purpose again: which is to declare how this Doct. Boner in the time of his first springyng up, shown him self a good man, & a fast friend to the Gospel of Christ & to the kings proceedynges & contrariwise, how Stephen Gardener did halt then both with God & with the king. Also what unkindness and contumelies the said Boner received at his hands: what rancor and hartburnyng was between them: and what complaints the one moveth against the other, remaineth consequently by their writings & records to be opened. For the more evident demonstration whereof, they that have the letters of y e said Doct. Boner written from France to the king, and the Lord Cromwell may right well perceive. And first to note what a Gospeller he was, in his letter from Roan, he speaking of his trusty companion, and bearer of his letters (who was belike D▪ Heines) he giveth this report both of him, and of himself, saying:

If this bearer had been so much desirous to please the Emperor and follow his religion, as he was studious to serve truly your grace: and to advance the truth: he had not wanted, &c. And again:

And besides that he hath not wanted the evil report of naughty fellows, naming him a Lutheran: wherein for company I was joined, such was their goodness, &c.

Again in another letter written to the Lord Cromwell these words he hath, speaking of his companion Doctor Heines:

Especially for that the said D. Heines by his upright dealing herein, and professing the truth, neither gate thanks nor reward, but was blased abroad by honest folks to be a Lutheran. The les he pleaseth in Spain, the better argument it is, that his intent was to serve none but the kings highness, and the truth, &c.

And furthermore in another minute writing to the L. Cromwell of Stephen Win. and of his churlishnes toward him, thus he saith:

And there found I in M. Doct. Thirlby much kindness, and in the Bishop of Winchester as little. &c: And in the same letter it followeth:

And if I had received any entertainment of the Bish. of Winchester, I would likewise have sent you word. I thank God, I need not, for I had nothing of him. &c.

Also in another letter the said Boner writing to the L. Cromwell concerning one Barnabe, and himself, what cold welcome they both had at the hands of Winchester, useth these words following.

And my good Lord I beseech you to continue your good favor to this honest poor man Barnabe, who is body and soul assuredly your own, and as well beloved of the B. of Winchester as I am: and of my truth I suppose and believe verily, one of the chief grudges the Bishop hath against him, is because your Lordship of your charitable goodness doth love and favor him.

An other letter of Doctor Boner to the Lord Cromwell, complaining of Winchester, and also declaring how he was promoted by the said L. Cromwell, to the Bishopprike of Herforde.

MY very singular especial good Lord, according to my most bounden duty, I recommend me right humbly unto your good Lordship, advertising the same, that the 29. of the last, about 4. of the clock at after noon, there arrived here Bernabe with your Lordship’s letters dated at Ewrige, the 24. of the same, and thinking that at his said arriuall, the Bishop of Winchester, M. Thirleby and I had been all lodged together, wherein very deed we had several lodgings, he went straight to the Bishop of Winchesters lodging (M. Thirleby and I being then walkinge in the fields) and the Bishop incontinently inquired of him, not howe the kings grace did, as was his duty: but (as Barnabe told me) inquired of him where he left the kings grace at his coming away whether he had brought any letters for him: whether M▪ Brian and M. Wallop were in the Courte at his departing: and finally what news wer in England. To the which questions, when Barnabe had made answer, saying, that he left the kings grace at Byrling, and that M. Brian, and M. Wallop were in the Courte at his departing, and withal that he had no letters from them, ne any other to him, and finally, for the news that the kings highne •• had given me the Bishopric of Herforde: the Bishop (as Barnabe reporteth, and I doubt not but he saith truly) caste down his head, making a plaice mouth with his lip, and afterward lifting up his eyes and hands (as cursing the day & hour it chanced) seemed so evil contented therewith, that he would neither bid Barnabe drink, or tarie supper, ne yet further common with him, but turning from him called one M. Medowe, and shown him of the same tidings, taking it (as it appeared) very heuily, semblably as he doeth everything, that is or may be for my preferment. And when Barnabe perceived that I was not there, and that also this comfortable countenance and good cheare made unto him, he went thence and searched me, who then was walking with M. Thirlby (as is afore) and by chance commoning with him of the Bishop of Winchester, giving him advertisement that he should not be abused by the said Bishop, whom I said made of him not for any hearty love I thought he bare unto him, but either in despite of me, to whom he thought it should be greatly displeasaunt: either else under color thereof, and by familiarity, for to grope him and to serve his own crafty purposes by him And sone after the departure of M. Thirlby from me, who then went to the Bishop to supper, I returned towards my lodging, and by the way met with Barnabe, whose salutation was after that sort, that it caused me to wonder at it, especially I having no expectation or hope of such thing as he rehearsed unto me. And surely my good Lord, I would not believe him in the thing he told, till I perceived the same by the superscription of youre Lordships letter, which he afterwards delivered unto me: declaring withal (to my great comfort) the prosperous estate of the kings highness and of your good Lordship. Which known, I besought almighty God to grant the long continuance thereof, and also as was my duty, did give moste humble thanks to the kings highness and to your said good Lordship. And hereupon, keeping your Lordships letters still in my hands unbroken, I went incontinently to the lodging of M Thirleby which was in my way, to communicate these my news and great good fortune with him, and not finding him there, I red over your Lordships letters, sending the same afterward to M. Thirlby, and perceiving by Barnabe that he had other letters for me, which he told me he must deliver unto me secretly, I went to mine own lodging with him, and there receiving them accordingly, did read them over, both that your Lordships second letter sent to me, and also the other sent to Master Wyat. &c.

Your Lordships most bounden beadesman, and always at commandment. Edmund Boner.

When the king, by the advise of the Lord Cromwell and other of his Counsaile had appointed D. Edmunde Boner to return from the Emperor, and to be resident in France, in the place of Winchester and of Doct. Thirleby he sent his letters to the said B. of Winchester, and to M. Thirleby showing his pleasure unto them in that behalf, with this clause in the same letters contained in express words as followeth.

And where the said M Boner wanteth furniture of stuff and plate meet for that office, our pleasure is, that you M. Thirleby shall deliver unto him by indenture, all the plate you have of ours in your custody, and that you my Lord of Winchester shall furnish him with all such other stuff, as shall be necessary for him. Wherein as you shall do unto us pleasure, so we shall be content at your return, to satisfy you for the same. &c.

The Bishop of Winchester receiving these letters from the king, and being loath to come into England (whatsoever the matter was) also hearing that Doctoure Boner should succeed him, his disdainful nature did stomach him exceedingly. But because there was no other remedy but the kings commandment must be done, first he sendeth the kings letter, with his also to the Emperors court, unto M. Boner, and to D. Heynes, willing them in all haste to repair to Lions within 2. days. Beside these letters of Winchester, D. Thirleby adjoined his letters also with like quickness to the said D. Heyns and to Boner, the contents whereof here followeth.

The letter of Doct. Thirleby to Doct. Heynes and Boner.

WIth my hearty commendations, and the desire of youre company, and now so much rather that I shall thereby have a great benefit, viz. the deliverance from trouble to ease, from a strange country to mine own, from the waiting upon him that forceth as little for me, as I am acquainted with him, to the service of him whose prosperity and love I account as my life: these shall be to pray you to make no less speed hither, then you would make to a good feast, when that you be hungry. M. Boner shall know many things, but when you come I shall tell you more, so that you haste you. Come I pray you, I would fain be at home. I saw not my master these 4. months. When as you M. Boner shall come to Lions, it shall be good to go to Bonuise, he is a good money maker: In faith I can write no more, but bid you come heartily, hastly I would have written, and the sooner, the better welcome to Lions, where this was given the last of July.

By him that hath loved you well, and now will love you better, if you hast you hither. Th. Thirlby.

At the recept of these letters, Doctor Boner and Doctor Heynes did put themselves in a readiness to repair incontinent unto Lions, thinking there to have found Win. and Thirleby, according to y e purport of their letters. But Wint. and Thirlby not abiding their coming, made hast away from Lions to la Barella: where Boner riding in post after him, over took him. With whō what entertainment and talk he had, and what accusations he laid to his charge, & what brauling words passed between them, and what great misliking Boner had of him for special causes here in this brabling matter, or brauling dialogue under following may appear, which for thy recreation, and the further understanding of Winchesters qualities, I wish thee (loving Reader) to peruse and consider.

But first here is to be noted, that the King and the L. Cromwell, at what time they had appointed D. Edmund Boner to be resident ambassador in France, required in their letters, that he should adverse them by writing, what he misliked in the doings and behavior of certain persons whom they did note then unto him. Whereupon the said D. Boner sendeth this declaration of Stephen Gardener B. of Wint. as followeth.

A declaration sent by D. Boner to the Lord Cromwell, describing to him the evil behavior of Stephen Winchester, with special causes therein contained, wherefor and why he misliked of him▪

FIrst I mislike in the B. of Winchester, that when any mā is sent in the kings affairs, and by his highness commandment, the Bishoppe, unless he be the only and chief inuentour of the matter and setter forth of the person, he will not only use many cavillations, but also use great strangeness in countenance and chere to the person that is sent: over and besides, as small comfort and counsel as may be in the matter, rather dissuading & encouraging the person earnestly to set forthwarde his message, then boldning and comforting him, as is his duty, with help & counsel to adventure and do his best therein. The experience whereof I have had myself with him, as well at Roan the first time I was sent to Rome, commanded by the kings highness to come by him, and at Marsels, the time of the intimation of the kings protestation, provocation, and appeal, as also lately going to Nice, touchyn the general Counsel, and the authority of the B. of Rome: and •• nally, now last of all, at my return from Spain, where neither my diligence in coming to him and using him in the beginning with all the reverence I could, neither the kings letters written unto him in favor, ne yet other thing could mollify his hard heart, and cancred malicious stomach, but that he would spitefully speak, & unkindly do, as in deed he did, to his great shame and my dishonesty, as followeth.

When riding in post I came to La Barclla, a post a this side Lions, the 7. day of August, he being in bed there, I tarried till he rising up and making himself ready, came at last out to me, standing and tarrying for him in a seconde chamber, and at his coming thither, he said: what M. Boner, good morrow. A Syr ye be welcome, and herewithal he put out his hand, and I kissing mine, took him by it, and incontinently after he said: Come on, let us go and walk a while into the fields, and withal drew towards the door, preparing him to walk. To whom I said, I would wait upon him. His going to the fields (as appeared afterwards) was not so much to walk, as to have a place where he might speak loud, and triumph alone against me, calling in his words again. If he spake any amiss, or utterly deny them if that made for his purpose. And by chance, rather then by good wisdom, afore I went forth, I asked for M. Thirleby, and desired I might see him, and speak with him. The Bishop that perceiving, and with all that I stacke upon it, he commanded one of his servants to call M. Thirleby, but yet afore his coming, the Bishop could not be idle, but said this to me:

M. Boner, your servant was yesterday with me, and as I told him, I will tell you. In good faith, ye can have nothing of me. Nothing my Lord (quoth I) merely speaking? Mary God forbid, that is a heavy word, and much uncomfortable to him that wanteth all things, and trusteth much upon your goodness, that hath a great deal. In faith (quoth he) ye shall have nothing of me, marie ye shall have of M. Thirleby his carriage, mules, his bed, and diverse other things, that he may spare, and which he hath kept for you. Well my Lord (quoth I) if I shall have nothing of you, I must make as good shift as I can for myself otherwise, & provide it where I may get it. And here the Bishop, because I would not give him thanks, for that thing which was not worthy thanks, and that also I would not show myself greatly contented and pleased, though I received nothing at his hands, he began somewhat to kindle, and asked what I wanted. I told him again, that I wanted all thing saving money and good will to serve the kings highness.

Tell me one thing (quoth he) that ye want. One thing quoth I? Mary, amongst many things that I want, I want naperye. That shall ye not need (quoth he) here in this country, and here he began to tell a long tale, that none used that, but M. Wallop and he in the beginning: which is not true generally. And from this, he began to go, descending by his negatives: my Mulettes (saith he) ye cannot have: for if ye should, I must needs provide other for them again: my Mulet clothes ye cannot have, because mine arms are on them, not meet for you to bear: my raiment (I being a Bishoppe) that is not meet for you: and so proceeding forth in the rest, nothing had he for me, and nothing should I have.

And here came master Thirlby, who welcōmed me very gently, and after an honest sort: to whom the Bishoppe rehearseth again his negatives, and maketh a long discourse, bringing in conclusion for all that he could do, that nothing I should have of him, and this rehearsed he still on ende, I am sure above a dosen imes, and that with a Pilate's voice, so that all his company standing more then three or four pair of buts length off, heard him·

When I saw that he would make no ende, but ever rehearsing one thing still, I said to him, my Lord, I beseech you, seeing I shall have nothing of you, but of M. Doctor here, let me give him thanks that deserveth it, and not trouble you therein no more, but leaving communication therein, let me desire and pray you, that we may common of the kings matters. And that I may have therein knowledge as well of the state thereof, as also of your counsel in that behalf. The Bishop was so hot and warm in his own matters, that he would not hear, but needs would return again, and show why that I could have nothing of him. My Lord (quoth I) here is still on ende one tale, which me thinketh, seeing that I understand it, ye need not so oft to repeat it, especially seeing that it cometh always to this conclusion, that I shall have nothing of you. Ye lie (quoth he) I said not so. I report me (quoth I) to M. Thirleby here present, whom I shall desire to bear record of your sad and discrete honest behavior with me. I say you lie (quoth he.) My Lord (quoth I) I thank you.

I do not say (quoth he) that ye shall have nothing of me: but I say, ye can have nothing of me. And though the one here comprehendeth the other, yet there is a great diversity between these two manners of speakings: I can spare nothing unto you, and therefore ye shall have nothing, and though I can spare you, yet you shall have nothing: for in the one is an honesty in the speaker, which would if he could do pleasure, and in the other, there lacketh that honesty.

My Lord (quoth I) to examine whether I shall have nothing, because ye can spare nothing: or shall have nothing, though ye have plenty, because ye will I shall have nothing, it shall not much help me in my journey. Wherefore, seeing ye bide upon this, that I shall have nothing, I will thank you for nothing, and provide otherwise for myself. Torde in your teethe (quoth he) and provide as ye will. Bishoplike spoken, by my faith (quoth I) and well it becometh you to speak thus to me. Yea mary doth it become me (quoth he) and repeating the words again, said with a sharp accent: have nothing of me? Torde in your teethe. Well my Lord (quoth I) this needeth not▪ saving that ye have a full stomach, and your wit abroad willingly hereby to ease your stomach against me. Yes marie (quoth he) it needeth for me, though it needeth not for you, for I entende (quoth he) I would ye should know it, to justify myself to the king in all things. If ye do so (quoth I) ye shall do the better. Nay (quoth he) I do it, and will do it. Well (quoth I) ye are the more to be commended, if ye so can do. Yes (quoth he) I can do it.

Now by my troth (quod I) seeing the kings highness hath written so tenderly for me unto you, as appeareth by his highness letters that his grace hath done: me thinketh, ye having so great plenty of all things, and I so great need thereof, coming post as I do: ye go about as evil to justify yourself to the king, as any one that I have seen: And iwisse my Lord (quoth I) I would have reckoned that, coming as I do come, I should have been both better welcome, and better entreated of you then now I am, even and it had been for no other respect, then because I am an Englishman.

I shall tell you (quoth he) for the kings sake, ye may look to have: but for your own sake ye get nothing. Well (quoth I) then having nothing, I will give no thanks at all, and having anything, I shall give thanks to the king, and none to you. I tell you (quoth he) ye get nothing. And I tell you again (quoth I) that I will not thank you for nothing: and here his flesh of his cheek began to swell and tremble, and he looked upon me, as he would have run through me, and I came and stood even by him and said: trow you my Lord (quoth I) that I fear your great looks? Nay faith do I not. Ye had need to get another stomach to whette upon, then mine, and a better whettestone then any ye have. For I assure you, ye shall not whet me to your purpose: and if ye knew howe little I do set by this unloving and indiscrete behavior of yours, ye would not use it upon me. And I shall tell you (quoth I) if I were not bridled, and had other respects both to the kings highness my sovereign Lord, and also to other that may command me, I would have told you ere this time my mind after another sort. Tell me, quod he? Toorde in your teethe. Well my Lord (quoth I) ye would, I perceive by you and by your words, provoke me to speak as vndiscretely and bedlemly, as ye do. But surely ye shall not, howe so ever ye shall speak. But this will I tell you, I shall show howe I am handled of you. Marie spare not (quoth he,) Well my Lord (quoth I) you have here full well played the part of a Bishoppe, and it is great joy of you, that with this your furious anger and choller, ye can make all the company here about you to be ashamed of you, as I am sure they are. And for my parte, if ye yourself be not ashamed, or coming to yourself (for now your anger is such that you hear not yourself) be not displeased, I shall be ashamed and pity this your doing without wisdom, and the oftener you use this manner, the more shall it be to your dishonesty.

Lo (quoth he) how fondly he speaketh, as who saith, I were all in the blame. Will you not hear (quoth he) this wise man? My Lord (quoth I) I would you could hear with indifferent ears, and see with indifferent eyes yourself. Ye have made a brabling here for nothing, and would that I would give you thanks for that thing which master Thirleby hath done for me. I look for no thanks of you (quoth he) and said withal looking spitefully, that he knew me well enough, and that he was not deceived in me. Well (quoth I) and me think I know you well enough too, wherefore as ye say you are not deceived in me, so I trust I will not be deceived by you. But I pray you sir (quoth I) because ye say ye know me well enough, and that ye be not deceived in me, how do you know me? for honest and true, or otherwise? If you do, say it, and I shall make answer.

I could not drive him to answer hereunto, so that I suppose, either of his own naughty nature he hath made me an image after his own fantasie, or else believed the report of such in conditions, as he is himself, who in malice, I suppose, and disdain may be compared to the Devil in hell, not giving place to him in pride at all. In communication he repeated oft the provision of the thousand crowns. I told him they went in my diets, and that it would be a good while, afore they were come out: and further I said, that seeing they had been simpliciter given to me, I would never thank him for them, but the Kings highness: and I said, that if they were twenty thousand, he should break so many sleeps afore he should have any part thereof, entreating me as he did. Well (quoth he) you have them. That is truth (quoth I) and nothing thankful to you.

Why then (quoth he) seeing you have here diverse things of M. Thirlbies, and all other things are parabilia pecunia, which you have, ye may make thereby good provision for yourself. That is truth (quoth I) and that can I and will do, though ye tell me not, seeing I have nothing of you, and afore this, had provided at Lions for all things necessary, if ye without necessity had not made that great haste to depart thence, enforcing me thereby to follow you. And yet (quoth I) one thing may I tell you: ye are very desirous I should be provided well for, as appeareth in that you have taken away at Lions one horse that Francis had provided for me, and also your servant Mace having a horse to sell and knowing my need, by your consent hath sold his horse to a stranger, rather then he would sell him to me, so that nothing suffering me to have of you, and taking away that provision which I make and go about to make, you well declare how heartily you desire I should be provided for. In faith (quoth he) choose you, ye may provide and you will, and seeing your journey hither from Lions is vain, you may thither return again and make there provision for yourself. I thought (quoth he) departing from Lions, to have made easy journeys, and to have followed the Court till you had come, and now come you squirting in post, and trouble all. I came forth in post (quoth I) by the commandment of the King my master, and had liberty to return at pleasure by his graces letters, and seeing that I had no horses for the journey, me thought better to ride in post then go a foot. Well (quoth he) I will not depart hence this twelve month, except ye be otherwise provided. Provided (quoth I?) I must tarry till I may be provided for horses, if ye speak of that provision: and seeing that this riding in post grieveth you, it causeth me to think you are loath to depart, and angry that I shall succeed you. I have here already two gowns, and a velvet iacket, so that you shall not be letted an hour by me.

I tell you (quoth he) ye shall otherwise provide, or else I will not depart, For I tell you (quoth he) though ye care not for the Kings honor, but wretchedly do live with ten shillings a day, as ye did in yonder partes, you and your companion, I must and will consider the Kings honor. And I tell you again (quoth I) I will and do consider the Kings honor, as much as ye at any time will do, and as sory will be that it should be touched by any negligence or default in me: yea, and I say more to you (quoth I) though ye may spend far above me, I shall not stick if any thing be to be spente for the Kynges honor, to spend as liberally as you, so long as either I have it, or can get it to spend. And whosoever informed you of the wretchedness and spending scarcely of my companion and me in the partes where we have been, made a false lie, and ye show your wisdom full well in so lightly believing and rehearsing such a tale.

I cannot tell (quoth he) but this was openly rehearsed by Mayster Brians servants at my table. Yea was (quoth I?) Yea mary was it (quoth he.) Now by my troth (quoth I) then was the fare that was bestowed upon them, very well cast away. For of my fidelity, that week that Mayster Brian and his servants were with us at Villa Franca, it cost my companion and me five and twenty pound in the charges of the house. This they say (quoth he. ) Yea (quoth I) and therein they lie. And here I shown him, that being well settled at Nice, and having made there good and honest provision to our no little charges, M. Wyat would not rest, till he had gotten us to Villa Franca, where even upon the first word of M. Heynes, he was right well content to take of us xx. shillings by the day. Which was not during x. days: where at his coming to us to Nice, himself and all his servants, & then tarieng with us two days, we took not one penny of him. And moreover, at the departing of M. Wyat from Villa Franca, in post into England, we found our selves, our servants, all M. Wyates servants to the number of 16. all his acquaintance, which dinner and supper continually came to us, sometimes twelfe sometimes ten, and when they were least six or eight and for this, had not one penny of M. Wyat, and yet at our coming from Barcelone where we tarried about viii. days, we gave to M. Wyat 28. li. and to his servants v.li. besides xl. shillynges that privately I gave to some being of gentle fashion out of mine own purse: so that I told him, it was neither M. Wyat, ne Mason that found us & our servants, but we paid for the findyng of them, and here it chanced to us to have all the charge and other men to have all the thanks.

The Bishop when he heard this, was amazed and stood still, finally saying: By my truth (quoth he) I tell you as it was told me, and Master Doctor here can tell whether it was so or no. Yea and I will tell you more (quoth he) they said that Master Heynes would have been more liberal a great deal, if you had not been. Now by my truth (quoth I) I shall therein make Master Heynes himself judge thereof, who can best tell what communication hath been between him and me therein.

Thinkyng that this communication had driven the other matters out of the Bishops wild head, I held my peace, and by and by was he in hand again with them as ever he was. My Lord (quoth I) I desired ere while, your Lordshyppe to make an ende of this communication, wherein the longer ye talk, the more ye make me believe that ye would, where ye have spoken vndiscretely, yea, and vnkyndely, not regarding the Kynges Letters, with multitude of words and great countenance, I should think ye had not done amiss: but surely you lose your labor, for ye shall never make me think that ye are desirous to do me pleasure, neither for mine own sake, nor for the kings. For if your words be well weighed, I have as much of you in deed for mine own sake, as I have for the kings sake, that is nothing at all. Here both of us were talking together, but I held on still, and ever enforced him to this: My Lord (quoth I) this is the thing that I shall only desire of you: that where the kings grace hath here in the French Court diverse affairs (as I take it) ye would therein instruct me of the state thereof, and give me your best counsel and advise: and this I protest unto you, that if ye this will do: I will attently hear you, and if ye will not, I shall with pain hear you in your other things, but I will make no answer at all.

For all this, the Byshoppe ended not, but in conclusion, when he saw by no means that he could induce me to answer, he returned homewardes, and I brought him to his lodging and chamber. It being dinner time, and all things provided, and standing afore him, and he turning his back from me into a window. I at his turning towards me again, put of my bonet, and said: God be with you my Lord. He gave no answer to me at all, nor countenance, but suffered me to go. Whereupon, returning to my lodging, which was in Master Thirlbyes chamber, I caused my dinner to be provided, and when it was almost ready, the Bishops Steward called Myrrell came for me, (whether sent from the Byshoppe or not. I cannot tell) and I told him, my dinner was provided for, and withal, that my Lord his Master had given me such a breakfast, that I need no dinner nor supper, and so the Steward drinking with me, returned again, and I went to dinner in Master Thirlbyes lodging: and after dinner I went to the Bishops lodging, who at my coming very gently put of his bonet, & so we walked together quietly a while and shortly after, the Bishop began after this manner: Master Boner, today we commoned of provision for you, and because ye shall lay no blame vpō me, I will tell you what I will do for you. I will provide you mules, mulets, horses, servants, money, yea and all things that shall be necessary. My Lord (quoth I) here is a large offer and a great kyndnesse come upon you. I marvel (quoth I) that I could hear nothing of this, today in the morning. I tell you (quoth he) this will I do, for know you that I will consider the kings honor and pleasure, and doubt not but the king will pay me again. My Lord (quoth I) I have sent my servant already to Lions, to make provision for me, and I have sent other abroad here in the town and country, to do the same: ye shall never need to trouble yourself herewith. I will (quoth he) You shall not say another day, that ye could not be provided for. My Lord (quoth I) let me have instructions in the kings matters, and as for other things I shall not ask of you, because this day ye made me so plain answer. After much communication, I departed from him lovingly, telling him that I would be at Terrara that night where he intented to be lodged. And so the Bishop bidding me farewell, took soon after, his horse ridyng to Terrara to bed.

And by the way I over took him, and passing by, doing my duty to him and to his company, I came to Terrara lodging at the post house, and even as the Bishop came into the town, stood at the post house door: To whom the Bishop said, we shall see you soon M. Boner. Yea my Lord (quoth I) thinking that thereby he had desired me to supper, and at supper time I went to his lodging, having other to eat my supper at home, and glad he appeared to be, that I was come, making merry communication all supper while, but nothing at all yet speaking to me, or giving anything to me, saving at the coming of the fruit, he gave me a peare I trow, because I should remember mine own country. After supper, he walked taking M. Thirlby with him, and I walked with an Italian, being Ambassador for the County Mirandula, and after a good space we returned, and bad the Bishop good night.

I did not after that night dine nor sup with the Bishop, till he came to Burgess in Berry, where upon the depeach of Francis, and closing up of our letters sent to the Kings highness, the supper was so provided, and set upon the bourd and the Bishop in washing, standing so between me and the door, that I could not get out: and there would he needs that I should wash with him and sup: and I suppose all the way from Barella to Bloys, he talked not above four times with me, and at every time saving at Molyns, (where he by mouth told me somewhat of the Kings affairs here in France) and at Veronne, (when he answering to my requests in writing, delivered me his book of his own hand for mine instructions, the copy whereof is now sent here withal) there was quick communication between us. His talking by the way was with M. Thirleby, who I think, knoweth a great deal of his doing, and will if he be the man I take him for, tell it plainly to your Lordship. I myself was out of credence with the Bishop, not being appliable to his manners and desires.

And surely, as M. Thirleby told me, at his first coming to Lions, and then speaking with the Bishop, the Bishop seemed to be so well content to return, and so glad of his coming to succeed him, that his flesh in his face began all to tremble, and yet would the Bishop make men believe, that he would gladly come home. Which thing believe it who will, I will never believe: forever he was looking of letters out of England from M. Wallop, and M. Brian, whom he taketh for his great friends: and M. Wyat himself reckoned that the Bishop should have come into Spain, or else my Lord of Durham, so that the Bishop of Winchester ever coveted to protract the time, desiring yet withal to have some shadow to excuse and hide himself, as tarieng at Barella, he made excuse by my not coming to Lions, and coming to Varennes, and there hearing by the Ambassadors of the Venetians a flieng tale of the going of the French King towards Bayon to meet the Emperor, by and by he said: lo, where is master diligence now? If he were now here (as then I was that night) we would to the Court and present him and take our leave. But whē I in the morning was up afore him, and ready to horse, he was nothing hasty. No, coming to Molyns afore him, and there tarrieng for him, the French King lieng at Schauenna, three small leagues off, he made not half the speed and haste that he pretended.

I mislike in the Bishop of Winchester, that he cannot be content that any joined in commission with him, should keep house, but to be at his table. Wherein either he searcheth thereby a vain glory and pride to himself, with some dishonor to the King, as who saith, there were among all the Kings Ambassadors, but one able to maintain a table, and that were he: either else he doth the same for an evil intent and purpose, to bring them thereby into his danger, that they shall say and do as liketh him alone, which I suppose verily hath been his intent.

I mislike in the said Bishop, that where he for his own pomp and glory, hath a great number of servants in their veluets and silks, with their chains about their necks, and keepeth a costly table, with excessive fare, and exceeding expenses many other ways: he doth say, and is not ashamed to report, that he is so commanded to do by the Kings grace, and that is his answer commonly, when his friends telleth him of his great charges, and so under color of the Kings commandment and honor, he hydeth his pride which is here disdained.

I mislike in the said Bishop, that he having private hatred against a man, will rather satisfy his own stomach and affection hindering, and neglecting the Kings affairs, then relenting in any part of his sturdy and stubborn will, give familiar and hearty counsel (whereby the Kings highness matters and business may be advanced and set forth) to him that he taketh for his adversary.

I mislike in the said Bishop, that he ever continually here in this Court of France, made incomparably more of the Emperors, King of Portugals, Venetians, and Duke of Ferraries Ambassadors, then of any Frenchmen in the Court, which with his pride caused them to disdain him, and to think that he favored not the French King, but was imperial.

I mislike in the Bishop, that there is so great familiarity and acquaintance, yea and such mutual confidence between the said Bishop and M. as naughty a fellow, and as very a Papist as any that I know, where he dare express it. The Bishop in his letters to M. Wyat ever sendeth special commendations to Mason, and yet refuseth to send any to M. Heynes and me, being with M. Wyat, as we perceived by the said letters. And Mason maketh such foundation of the Bishop, that he thinketh there is none such. And he telled me at Villa Franca, that the Bishop upon a time, when he had fallen out with German, so trusted him, that weeping and sobbing he came unto him, desiring and praieng him that he would speak with German, and reconcile him; so that no words were spoken of it, and what the matter was, he would not tell me. That young fellow German knoweth all, and Preston which is servant to the Bishop of Winchester, shown me one night in my chamber at Bloys after supper, that German is ever busy in showing the Kings letters to strangers, and that he himself hath given him warning thereof. This thing Preston told me the night before that the Bishop departed hence, and when I would have more of him therein, he considering how the Bywop and I stood, kept him more close, and would say no further.

In this declaration of D. Edmund Boner sent to the Lord Cromwell above prefixed, diverse things we have to note: First, as touching Stephen Gardener, Bish. of Wint. here we have a plain demonstration of his vile nature and pestilent pride, joined with malice and disdain intolerable: whereof worthily complaineth D. Boner aforesaid, showing six special causes, why and wherefore he misliketh that person, according as he was willed before by the Kings commandment so to do.

Secondly, in the said Stephen Wint. this we have also to note and understand, that as he here declareth a secret [ 1] inclination from the truth (which he defended before in his book De obedientia ) to papistry, joining part and side with such as were known papists: so he seemeth likewise to bear a like secret grudge against the Lord Cromwell, and all such whomsoever he favored.

Thirdly, as concerning the forenamed D. Edmund Boner the author of this declaration, here is to be seen [ 3] and noted, that he all this while appeared a good man and diligent friend to the truth, and that he was favored of the Lord Cromwell for the same.

Fourthly, that the said D. Boner was not only favored of the Lord Cromwell, but also by him was advanced [ 4] first to the office of Legation, then to the Bishoprike of Hereford, and lastly to the Bishoprike of London, whom the said D. Boner in his letters agniseth and confesseth to be his only Patron, and singular Mecaenas.

Which being so, we have in this said D. Boner, greatly to marvel, what should be the cause, that he, seeing all his [ 5] setting up, making, and preferring, came only by the Gospel and by thē of the Gospels side, he being then so hated of Stephen Gardener and such as he was, being also at that time such a furtherer and defender of the Gospel (as appeared both by his Preface before Gardinars book De obedientia, and by his writings to the Lord Cromwell, also by helping forward the printed Bibles at Paris) could ever be a man so ungrateful & unkind, afterward to join part with the said Stephen Gardener against the Gospel (without y t which Gospel, he had never come to be bishop, neither of Hereford nor yet of London) and now to abuse y e same bishopric of London to persecute y t so vehemently, which before so openly he defended. Wherein y e same may well be said to him in this case, y t he himself was reported once to say to the french King in the cause of Grancetor: to wit, that he had done therein against his honor, against justice, against reason, against honesty, against friendship, against his own promise and his oath so often made, against his own doctrine and judgment, which then he professed, against all truth, against the treats and leagues between him and his setters up, and against all together, and to conclude, against the salvation of his own soul.

But to refer this to the book of his accounts who shall judge one day all things uprightly, let us proceed further in y e continue of this D. Boners legation. Who being now Ambassador in the court of France (as he have heard) had given in commission from the king, to entreat with the French King for sundry pointes, as for the printing of the New Testament in English, and the Bible at Paris: also for slanderous preachers, and malicious speakers against the King: for goods of merchaunts taken and spoiled: for the kings pension to be paid: for the matters of the Duke of Suffolk: for certain prisoners in France. Item, for Grancetor the traitor, and certain other rebels to be sent into England, &c. Touching all which affairs, the said D. Boner did employ his diligence & travail to the good satisfaction and contentment of the kings mind, and discharge of his duty, in such sort as no default could be found in him, save only that the French King one time took displeasure with him, for that the said Boner, being now made bishop of Hereford, and bearing himself somewhat more seriously and boldly before the king in the cause of Grancetor the traitor (wherein he was willed by the advertisement of the Kings pleasure, to wade more deeply and instantly) used these words to the French King, as y e french king himself did afterward report them) saying, that he had done in deliverance of that foresaid Grancetor being an Englishman, against God, against his honor, against justice, against reason, against honesty, against friendship, against all law, against the treats & leagues between him and his brother the King of England, yea and against all together, &c. These words of Bishop Boner, although he denieth to have spoken them in that form and quality, yet howsoever they were spoken, did stir up the stomach of the French King, to conceive high displeasure against him, in so much that he answering the Lord Ambassador again, bad him write these three things unto his master.

First, among other things that his Ambassador was a great fool.

Secondarily, that he caused to be done better justice there in his Realm in one hour, then they did in England in a whole year.

Thirdly, that if it were not for the love of his master, he should have an hundredth strokes with an Haulbard, &c.

And furthermore, the said French King beside this, sending a special messenger with his letters to the king of England, willed him to revoke and cal this Ambassador home, and to send him another. The cause why the french King took these words of Bishop Boner so to stomach (as the L. Chancelor said) was this, for that the Kings of France standing chiefly and in manner only upon their honor, can suffer that in no case to be touched. Otherwise in those words (if they had been well taken) was not so much blame perchance, as boldness, being spoken somewhat vehemently in his masters behalf. But this one thing seemeth to me much blameworthy, both in this Bishop and many other, that they in earthly matters, and to please terrene Kings, will put forth themselves to such a boldness and forwardness: and in Christ's cause the King of all kings, whose cause they should only attend upon and tender, they are so remiss cold and cowardly.

To these letters of the French King, the King of England sent answer again by other letters, in which he revoked and called home again bishop Boner, giving unto him about the same time, the Bishopric of London, and sent in supply of his place, Sir John Wallop, a great friend to Stephen Gardener. Which was in February, about the beginning of the year of our Lord 1540. Here now followeth the oath of Boner to the King, when he was made Bishop of London.

The oath of Doctor Edmund Boner, when he was made Bishop of London, against the Pope of Rome.

YE shall never consent nor agree that the Bishop of Rome shall practice, exercise, or have any manner of authority, jurisdiction, or power within this Realm, or any other the Kings dominion, but that you shall resist the same at all times, to the uttermost of your power: and that from henceforth ye shall accept, repute, and take the Kings Majesty to be the only supreme head in earth of the Church of England, and that to your cunning, wit, and uttermost of your power, without guile, fraud, or other undue mean, ye shall observe, keep, maintain, and defend the whole effects and contents of all and singular Acts and Statutes made and to be made within this Realm, in derogation, extirpation, and extinguishment of the Bishop of Rome and his authority, and all other Acts and Statutes made and to be made in reformation and corroboration of the Kings power of supreme head in earth of the Church of England, and this ye shall do against all manner of persons, of what estate, dignity, degree, or condition they be, and in no wise do, nor attempt, nor to your power, suffer to be done or attempted, directly or indirectly, anything or things, privily or apertly, to the let, hindrance, damage, or derogation thereof, or of any part thereof, by any manner of means, or for any manner of pretense: And in case any oath be made, or hath been made by you to any person or persons in maintenance or favor of the Bishop of Rome or his authority, jurisdiction, or power, ye repute the same as vain and adnihilate, so help you God, &c.

In fidem praemissorum ego Edmundus Boner, electus & confirmatus Londonensis Episcopus, huic praesenti chartae subscripsi.

Ecclesiastical matters. an. 1538.

It will be judged, that I have lingered peradventure too much in these outward affairs of Princes and Ambassadors. Wherefore, leaving with these by matters perteynyng to the Civil state a while, I mind (the Lord willing) to put my story in order again of such occur̄ts as belong unto the Church, first showing such Injunctions and Articles, as were devised and set forth by the king, for the behoove of his subjects. Wherein first is to be understanded, that the king, when he had taken the title of supremacy from the Bishop of Rome, and had translated the same to himself, and was now a full Prince in his own realm, although he well perceived, by y e wisdom and advise of the Lord Cromwell and other of his Coūsails, that the corrupt state of the Church had need of reformatiō in many things: yet because he saw how stubborn and untoward the hearts of many Papists were to be brought from their old persuasions and customs, and what business he had with them, only about the matter of the Popes title, he durst not by and by reform all at once (which notwithstanding had been to be wished) but leading them fair and softely, as he might, proceeded by little and little, to bring greater purposes to perfectiō (which he no doubt would have done, if the Lord Cromwell had lived) and therefore first he began with a little book of Articles (partly above touched) bearing this title. Articles devised by the Kynges highness, to stable Christian quietness and unity among the people. &c.

*Articles devised by the king.

IN the contents of which book, first be set forth the Articles of our Christiā Creed, which are necessarely and expressly to be believed of all men. Then with the kings Preface going before, followeth the declaration of iii. Sacraments: to wit, of Baptism, of Penaunce, and of the Sacrament of the Aultar. In the tractation whereof, he altereth nothing from the old trade received heretofore frō the Church of Rome.

Further then, proc edyng to the order and cause of our iustificatiō, he declareth, that the only mercy and grace of the father promised freely unto us for his sons sake Jesus Christ, and the merits of his Passion and blood, be the only sufficient and worthy causes of our justification: yet good works with inward contrition, hope, and charity, and all other spiritual graces and motions, be necessarily required, and must needs cōcur also in remission of our sins, that is, our justification: and afterward we being justified, must also have good works of charity, and obedience towards God, in the observing and fulfillyng outwardly of his laws and commandments. &c.

As touching Images, he willeth all Bishops & preachers to teach the people in such sort, as they may know, how they may use them safely in Churches, and not abuse them to Idolatry, as thus: that they be represēters of virtue and good example, and also by occasiō, may be styrrers of mens minds, and make them to remember themselves and to lament their sins, and so far he permitteth them to stand in Churches. But otherwise, for avoiding of Idolatry, he chargeth all Bishops & preachers diligently to instruct the people, that they commit no Idolatry unto them, in sensyng of them, in kneeling and offering to thē, with other like worshippings, which ought not to be done, but only to God.

And likewise for honoryng of Saints, the Bishops and preachers be commanded to inform the people, how Saints hence departed ought to be reverenced & honored & how not. That is, that they are to be praised & honored as the elect servants of Christ, or rather Christ to be praised in them for their excellent virtues planted in them & for their good example left us, teaching us to live in virtue & goodness, & not to fear to die for Christ, as they did: & also as aduauncers of our prayers, in that they may, but yet no confidence, nor any such honor to be given unto them, which is only due to God: And so forth charging the said spiritual persons to teache their flock that all grace and remission of sins, and salvation, can no otherwise be obtained, but of God only, by the mediation of our Savior Christ, who is only a sufficient Mediator for our sins: and that all grace and remission of sin must proceed only by mediation of Christ and no other.

From that, he cometh further to speak of rites & ceremonies in Christ's Church, as in having vestimentes used in God's service, sprinklyng of holy water, giving of holy bread, bearing of Cādles on Candlemas day, taking of ashes, bearing of Palms, creepyng to the Cross, setting up the Sepulcher, hallowing of the fonte, with other like customs, rites, & ceremonies, all which old ri es and customs, the foresaid book doth not by and by repeal, but so far admitteth them for good and laudable, as they put men in remembrance of spiritual things: but so, that the people withal must be instructed, how the said ceremonies contain in them no such power, to remit sin, but only that to be referred unto God, by whom only our sins be forgiven us.

And so concluding with Purgatory, he maketh an ende of those Articles, thus saying thereof: that because y e book of Machabes alloweth praieng for souls departed, he therefore disproueth not that so laudable a custom, so long continued in the Church. But because there is no certain place named, nor kind of pains expressed in Scripture, he therefore thinketh necessary such abuses clearly to be put away, which under the name of Purgatory have been advanced: as to make men believe, that by the Bishop of Rome's pardons, or by Masses said, at Scala coeli, or other where, in any place, or before any Image, souls might clearly be delivered out of Purgatory, and from the pains thereof, to be sent straight to heaven, and such other like abuses, &c.

And these were the contents of that book of articles devised, and passed by the Kings authority, a little before the stir of Lincolneshire and Yorkshire. Wherein, although there were many and great imperfections and untruths not to be permitted in any true reformed Church: yet notwithstanding, the king and his counsel to bear with the weaklings, which were newely weyned from their mothers milk of Rome, thought it might serve somewhat for the time, in stead of a little beginning, till better might come.

And so consequently, not long after these Articles thus set forward, certain other Injunctions were also given out about the same year, 1536. whereby a number of holy days were abrogated, and especially such as fell in the harvest time: the keeping of which redounded greatly to y e hinderance of gathering in their corn, hay, fruit, and other such like necessary commodities. The copy and tenor of which Injunctions I have also hereunto annexed, as under followeth.

The Kings Injunctions.

FOrasmuch as the number of holy days is so excessively grown, and yet daily more and more by men's devotion yea rather superstition, was like further to increase, that the same was and should be not only prejudicial to the common weal, by reason that it is occasion as well of much sloth and idleness, the very nursse of thieves, vagabunds: and of diverse other unthriftiness and inconveniences, as of decay of good mysteries & Arts profitable & necessary for the common wealth, & loss of man's food, many times being clean destroyed through the superstitious observance of the said holy days, in not taking the opportunity of good & serene weather, offered upon the same in time of harvest, but also pernicious to the souls of many men, which (being enticed by the licentious vacation & liberty of those holy days, do upon the same, commonly use and practice more excess, riot, and superfluity, then upon any other days. And since the Sabbath day was used and ordained, but for man's use, and therefore ought to give place to the necessity and behoove of the same whensoever that shall occur, much rather any other holyday institute by man: It is therefore by the Kings highness authority as supreme head in earth of the Church of England, with the common assent and consent of the Prelates and Clergy of this his Realm, in convocation lawfully assembled and congregated, amongst other things decreed, ordained and established.

First, that the feast of dedication of Churches, shall in all places through out this Realm, be celebrate and kept on the first Sunday of the month of October, forever, and upon none other day.

Item, that the feast of the patron of every Church within this Realm, called commonly the Church holyday, shall not frō henceforth be kept or observed as a holy day, as heretofore hath been used, but that it shall be lawful to all & singular persons resident or dwelling within this Realm, to go to their work, occupation or mistery, & the same truly to exercise and occupy upon the said feast, as upon any other work day: except the said feast of Church holy day be such as must be else universally observed and kept as a holyday by this ordinance following.

Also that all those feasts or holy-days, which shall happen to fall or occur either in the harvest time, which is to be counted from the first day of July, unto the xxix. day of September, or else in the term time at Westminster, shall not be kept, or observed frō henceforth as holy days, but that it may be lawful for every man to go to his work or occupation upon the same, as upon any other work day: except always the feasts of the Apostles, of the blessed Virgin, and of Saint George: and also such feasts as wherein the Kings highness Judges at Westminster do not use to sit in Judgment. All which shall be kept holy and solemn of every man, as in time past, have been accustomed: Provided always, that it may be lawful unto all Priests and Clerks, as well secular as regular, in the foresaid holy days now abrogate, to sing or say their accustomed service for those holy-days, in their Churches: so as they do not the same solemnly, nor do ring to the same after the manner used in high holy-days, ne do command, or indict the same to be kept or observed as holy-days.

Finally, that the feasts of the Natiuitie of our Lord, of Easter day, of the Natiuitie of S. John the Baptist, and of S. Michael the Archaungell, shall be from henceforth counted, accepted, and taken for the four general offering days.

And for further declaration of the premisses, be it know̄ that Easter term beginneth always the xviij. day after Easter day, reckoning Easter day for one, and endeth the Monday next following the Ascension day.

Trinity term beginneth always the Wednesday next after the Octaues of Trinity Sunday, and endeth the xi. or xii. day of July.

Michaelmas term beginneth the ix. or x. day of October, and endeth the xxviij. or xxix. day of November.

Hilary term beginneth the xxiij. or xxiiij. day of January, and endeth the xii. or xiii. day of February.

In Easter term, upon the Ascension day: in Trinity term, upon the Natiuitie of S. John the Baptist: in Michaelmas term upon Alhalow day: in Hilary Terme, upon Candlemas day, the kings Judges at Westminster do not use to sit in judgment, nor upon any Sunday.

After these Articles and Injunctions thus given out by the King & his Counsaile, thē followed moreover (as time served) other Injunctions moe, concerning Images, relics, and blind miracles, and for abrogating of Pilgremages devised, by superstition, and maintained for luker sake, also for the Pater noster, Creed, and God's Commandments, and the Bible to be had in English, with diverse other points moe necessary for Religion. The words of which Injunctions here also ensue.

*Other Injunctions given by the authority of the Kings highness to the Clergy of this his Realm.

IN the name of God, Amen. In the yere of our Lord god 1536. and of the most noble reign of our sovereign Lord Henry the eight, king of England and of France, defendour of the faith, Lord of Ireland, and in earth supreme head of the Church of England, the xxviij. &c. I Thomas Cromwell Knight, Lord Cromwell, keeper of the privy Seal of our said sovereign Lord the King, and vicegerent to the same, for and concerning all his jurisdiction Ecclesiastical within this Realm, to the glory of Almighty God, to the Kings highness honor, the public weal of this Realm, and increase of virtue in the same: have appointed and assigned these Injunctions ensuing to be kept and observed of the Dean, Persons, Uicares, Curates, and Stipendaries, resident or having cure of souls, or any other spiritual administration within this Deanry: under the pains hereafter limited and appointed.

The first is, that the Dean, Persons, Uicares, and other having cure of soul anywhere within this Deanrye shall faithfully keep and observe, and as far as in them may lie, shall cause to be kept and observed of all other, all and singular laws and statutes of this Realm, made for the abolishing and extirpatiō of the bishop of Rome's pretensed and usurped power, and jurisdiction within this Realm, and for the stablishment and confirmation of the Kings authority and jurisdiction within the same, as of the supreme head of the Church of England, shall to the uttermost of their wit, knowledge, and learning, purely, sincerely, and without any color or dissimulation, declare manifest, and open, by the space of one quarter of a year now next ensuing, once every Sunday, and after at the leastwise, twice every quarter of a year, in their Sermons, and other collations, that the Bishop of Rome's usurped power and iurisdictiō, having no establishmēt, nor ground by the law of God, was of most just causes taken away and abolished, and that therefore they owe unto him no manner of obedience or subjection, and that the Kings power is within his dominiō, the highest potentate & power under God to whom all men within the same dominion, by God's commandment, owe most loyalty and obedience afore and above all other potentates in earth.

Item, whereas certain Articles were lately devised and put forth by the Kings highness authority, and condescended vpō by the Prelates and clergy of this his Realm in convocation (whereof part were necessary to be holden and believed for our salvation, and y e other part do conserne and touch certain laudable ceremonies, rites, and usages of the Church, meet and convenient to be kept, and used for a decent and politic order in the same) the said Dean, Parsons, Uicares, and other Curates, shall so open and declare in their sermons and other collations, the said Articles unto them that be under their cure, that they may plainly know and discern which of thē be necessary to be believed and observed for their salvation and which be not necessary, but only do concern the decent and politic order of the said Church, according to such commandment & admonition, as hath been given unto them heretofore by the authority of the kings highness in that behalf.

Moreover, that they shall declare unto all such as be under their cure, the Articles likewise devised, put forth and authorised of late, for and concerning the abrogation of certain superstitious holy days, according to the effect and purport of the same Articles, and persuade their parishioners to keep and observe the same inviolably as things wholesome, provided, decreed, and established by common consent and public authority for the weal commodity, and profit of all this Realm.

Besides this, to the intent that all superstition and hypocrisy crept into diverse men's hearts, may vanish away, they shall not set forth nor extol any images, relics, or miracles, for any superstitiō or lucre, nor allure the people by any intreatemēts, to the pilgrimages of any Saints, otherwise then is permitted in the Articles lately put forth by the authority of the Kings Majesty, and condescended upon by the Prelates and Clergy of this his Realm in Conuocation, as though it were proper or peculiar to that Saint to give this commodity or that, seeing all goodness, health, and grace ought to be both looked and asked for, only of God, as of the very author of the same, and of none other, for without him it cannot be given: but they shall exhort as well their parishioners, as other pilgrims, that they do rather apply themselves to the keeping of God's commandments, and fulfilling of his works of charity, persuading them that they shall please God more by the true exercising of their bodily labor, travail or occupatiō, and providing for their families, then if they went about to the said pilgrimages: and it shall profit more their soul health, if they do bestow y t on the poor & needy, which they would have bestowed upon the said images or relics.

Also in the same their Sermons and other collations, the Parsons, Uicares, and other Curates aforesaid, shall diligently admonish the fathers and mothers, masters & governors of youth, being within their cure, to teache or cause to be taught, their children and servants even from their infancy, the Pater noster, the Articles of our faith, and the ten commandments in their mother tongue, and the same so taught, shall cause the said youth oft to repeat & understand. And to the intent this may be the more easily done, the said Curates shall in their sermons deliberately and plainly recite of the said Pater noster, Articles, or commandments, one clause or article one day, and another another day, till the whole be taught and learned by little & little, and shall deliver y e same in writing, or show where printed books containing the same, be to be sold to them that can read, or will desire the same: and thereto that y e said fathers and mothers, masters & governors do bestow their children and servants even from their childhoode, either to learning, or to some honest exercise, occupation, or husbandry, exhorting, counsayling, and by all the ways and means they may, as well in their said sermons and collations, as otherways, the said fathers, mothers, masters, and other governors being under their cure and charge, diligently to provide and foresee, that the said youth be in no manner wise kept or brought up in idleness, least at any time afterward, they be driven, for lack of some mystery or occupation to live by, to fall to begging, stealing, or some other unthriftiness, forasmuch as we may daily see, through sloth & idleness, diverse valiant men fall, some to begging, and some to theft & murder, which after brought to calamity & misery, impute a great part thereof to their friends and governors, which suffered thē to be brought up so idly in their youth, where if they had been educated and brought up in some good literature, occupatiō or mistery, they should (being rulers of their own family) have profited as well themselves, as diverse other persons, to the great commodity and ornament of the commonweale.

Also that the said Parsons, Uicars, and other Curates, shall diligently provide, that the Sacraments and Sacramentals be duly and reverently ministered in their parishes. And if at any time it happen them other in any of the cases expressed in the statutes of this realm, or of special license given by the Kings Majesty, to be absent frō their benefices, they shall leave their cure, not to a rude and unlearned person, but to an honest, well learned, and expert Curate, that may teach the rude & unlearned of their cure, wholesome doctrine, & reduce them to the right way, that they do not err: and always let thē see, that neither they nor their Uicares do seek more their own profit, promotion or advantage, then the profit of the souls that they have under their cur or the glory of God.

Item, that every person or proprietary of any Parish Church within this realm, shall on this side y e feast of S. Peter ad vincula, next coming, provide a book of the whole Bible both in Latin and also in English, and lay the same in the quire for every mā that will, to look and read thereon, & shall discourage no mā from the reading of any part of the Bible either in Latin or English, but rather comfort exhort, & admonish every man to read the same, as the very word of God, & the spiritual food of mans soul, whereby they may the better know their duties to God, to their sovereign Lord the king & their neighbor, ever gentlely and charitably exhorting them, that using a sober and a modest behavior in the reading & inquisition of the true sense of the same, they do in no wise stiffly or eagerly contēd or strive one with another, about the same, but refer the declaration of those places that be in controversy, to the judgment of them that be better learned.

Also the said Dean, Persons, Uicares, Curates and other Priests shall in no wise at any unlawful time, nor for any cause then for their honest necessity, haunt or resort to any Taverns or Alehouses, and alter their dinner and supper, they shall not give themselves to drinking or riot, spendyng their time idly by day or by night, at tables or cards playing, or any other unlawful game: but at such times as they shall have such leisure, they shall read or hear somewhat of holy Scripture, or shall occupy thenselves with some honest exercise, & y t they always do those things which appertain to good congruence & honesty, w t profit of the common weal, having always in mind, that they ought to excel all other in purity of life, & should be example to all other, to live well and Christianly.

Furthermore, because the goods of the Church are called the goods of the poor, and in these days nothing is less seen then the poor to be sustained with the same, all Persons, Uicares, Prebendaries, and other beneficed mē within this Deanery, not being resident upon their benefices, which may dispend yearly xx.li. or above, either within this Deanry or else where, shall distribute hereafter yearly amongst their poor Parishioners or other inhabitauntes there, in the presence of the Churchwardens, or some other honest men of the Parishe, the xl. part of the fruits and revenues of their said benefices, least they be worthily noted of ingratitude, which reseruyng so many partes to thenselves cannot vouchsafe to impart the xl. portion thereof, amongst the poor people of that Parish, that is so fruitful and profitable unto them,

And to y e intent that learned men may hearafter spring the more, for the executing of the said premisses, every Parson, Vicar, Clarke, or beneficed man within this Deanry, having yearly to spend in benefices or other promotions of the Church, an C. pounds, shall give competent exhibition to one Scholar, & for as many C.li. more as he may dispēd, to so many scholars more shall give like exhibitiō in the university of Oxford or Cambridge, or some Grammar School, which after they have profited in good learning, may be parteners of their patrons cure and charge, as well in preaching, or otherwise in the execution of their offices, or may when need shall be, otherwise profit the common wealth with their counsel and wisdom.

Also, that all Parsons, Uicares, and Clerks, having Churches, Chapels, or mansions within this Deanery, shall bestow yearly hereafter upon the same mansions or Chauncels of their Churches being in decay, the fifth part of those their benefices, till they shall be fully repaired, and the same so repaired they shall always keep and maintain in good estate.

All which and singular Injunctions shall be inviolably observed of the said Dean, Parsons, Uicares, Curates, Stipendaries, & other Clerks and beneficed men, under pain of suspension, and sequestratiō of the fruits of their benefices, until they have done their duties, according to these Injunctions.

After these Injunctions and Articles afore expressed (which were given about the year of our Lord. 1536. and 1537.) it was not above the space of a year, but other Iniunctiōs also were published, to the further instruction of the people in the proceedynges of religion, whereby both y e Parsōs of Churches, & the Parishes together were enjoined to provide in every Church to be a Bible in English, also for every Parishoner to be taught by the Minister, to understand and say the Lord's Prayer and Creed in their own vulgare tongue, with other necessary & most fruitful Injunctions, the tenor whereof here followeth.

Injunctions exhibited. ann. 1538.

IN the name of God Amen. By the authority & commission of the most excellent Prince, Henry by the grace of God, King of England, & of France, defendour of y e faith, Lord of Ireland. and in earth supreme head under Christ, of the Church of England, I Thomas Lord Cromwell, Lord privy seal, Uicegerent to the kings said highness for all his jurisdiction Ecclesiastical within this Realm, do for the advancement of the true honor of almighty God, increase of virtue, & discharge of the Kings majesty, give and exhibit unto you N. these Iniunctiōs following to be kept, observed, & fulfilled vpō the pain hereafter declared.

First, that ye shall truly observe and keep all & singular the Kings highness Injunctions givē unto you heretofore in my name by his graces authority, not only upon the pains therein expressed, but also in your default now after this second monition continued, upon further punishment to be straightly extended towards you by the Kings highness arbitrement or his vicegerent aforesaid.

Item, that ye shall provide on this side the feast of N. next coming, one book of the whole Bible of the largest volume in English, and the same set up in some convenient place within the said Church that ye have cure of, whereas your parishioners may most cōmodiously resort to y e same & read it. The charges of which book shall be ratably borne between you, the parson and parishoners aforesaid: that is to say, the one half by you, & the other half by thē.

Item, that ye shall discourage no man, privily nor apertly, from the reading or hearing of the said Bible, but shall expressly provoke, stir & exhort every person to read the same, as that which is y e very lively word of God, that every Christian persons is bounden to embrace, believe, & follow, if he look to be saved, admonishing them nevertheless to avoid all contention and alteration therein, and to use an honest sobriety in the inquisition of the true sense of the same, and to refer the explication of the obscure places, to men of higher judgment in scripture.

Item, that ye shall every Sunday and holyday through the year, openly & plainly recite to your parishners, twice or thrice together, or oftener if need require, one Article or sentence of the Pater noster, or Creed in English, to the entēt they may learn y e same by heart, & so frō day today, to give thē one like lesson or sentence of the same, till they have learned the whole Pater noster, and Creed in English by rote, and as they be taught every sentence of the same by rote, ye shall expound & declare the understanding of y e same unto them, exhorting all parents and householders, to teach their children and servants the same, as they are bound in conscience to do: and that done, ye shall declare unto them the ten commandments, one by one, every Sunday and holyday, till they be likewise perfect in the same.

Item, that ye shall in confessions every Lent, examine every person that cometh to confession to you, whether they can recite the Articles of our faith, and the Pater noster in English, and hear them say the same particularly: wherein if they be not perfect, ye shall declare to them, that every Christian person ought to know the same before they should receive the blessed Sacrament of the Alter, and monish them to learn the same more perfectly by the next year following, or else, like as they ought not to presume to come to God's board without perfect knowledge of the same (and if they do, it is to the great peril of their souls) so ye shall declare unto them, that ye look for other Injunctions from the Kings highness by that time, to stay and repeal all such from God's board, as shall be found ignorant in the premisses: wherefore do ye thus admonish them, to the intent they should both eschew the peril of their souls, and also the worldly rebuke that they might incur hereafter by the same.

Item, that ye shall make or cause to be made in the said Church, and every other cure ye have, one Sermon every quarter of a year at the least, wherein ye shall purely and sincerely declare the very Gospel of Christ, and in y e same exhort your hearers to the works of charity, mercy, and faith, specially prescribed and commanded in scripture, & not to repose their trust or affiance in other works devised by men's fantasies besides scripture: as in wandering to Pilgrimages, offering of money, candles, or tapers to feigned Relics or Images, or kissing, or licking the same, saying over a number of beads not understanded ne minded on, or such like superstition: for the doing whereof, ye not only have no promise of reward in Scripture, but contrariwise great threats and maledictiōs of God, as things tending to Idolatry and superstition, which of all other offenses, God almighty doth most detest and abhor, for that the same diminisheth most his honor and glory.

Item, that such feigned Images as ye know in any of your cures to be so abused with Pilgrimages or o •• erings of anything made thereunto, ye shall for avoiding of that most detestable offense of Idolatry, forthwith take down without delay, and shall suffer from henceforth no candles, tapers, or Images of wax, to be set afore any Image or picture, but only the light that commonly goeth acrosse the Church by the roodeloft, the light afore the Sacrament of the Altar, and the light about the sepulcher: which for the adorning of the Church and divine service, ye shall suffer to remain still, admonishing youre parishners, that Images serve for none other purpose, but as the books of unlearned men that can no letters, whereby they might be admonished of the lives and conversation of them, that the said Images do represent. Which Images, if they abuse for any other intent then for such remembrances, they commit Idolatry in the same to the great danger of their souls: and therefore the Kings highness graciously tendering the weal of his subjects souls, hath in part already, & more will hereafter travail for the abolishing of such Images, as might be occasion of so great offense to God, and so great a danger to the souls of his loving subjects.

Item, that in all such benefices or cures, as ye have, whereupon ye be not yourself resident, ye shall appoint such Curates in your stead, as both can by ability, & will also promptly execute these injunctions, and do their duty otherwise, that ye are bounden to do in every behalf accordingly, and profit their cure no less with good example of living, then with declaration of the word of God, or else their lack and defaults shall be imputed unto you, who shall straightly answer for the same, if they do otherwise.

Item, that you shall admit no man to preach within any of your benefices or cures, but such as shall appear unto you to be sufficiently licenced thereunto by the Kings highness or his graces authority, or the bishop of y e diocese, and such as shall be so licenced, ye shall gladly receive, to declare y e word of God without any resistance or cōtradictiō.

Item, if ye have heretofore declared to your parishners anything to y e extolling & setting forth of pilgrimages, to feigned relics or images, or any such superstitiō, ye shall now openly afore the same, recant & reprove y e same, showing them (as the truth is) that you did the same upon no ground of Scripture, but as being led & seduced by a common error and abuse crept into the Church, thorough the sufferance and avarice of such as felt profit by the same.

Item, if ye do or shall know any within your parish, or elsewhere, that is a letter of the word of God to be read in english, or sincerely preached, or of the executiō of these injunctions or a fautor of the Bishop of Rome's pretensed power, now by the laws of this Realm justly rejected and extirped: ye shall detect the same to the Kings highness or his honorable Counsayle, or to his vicegerent aforesaid, or to the justice of peace next adjoining.

Item, that you and every Parson, Uicar, or Curate, within this diocese, shall for every Church keep one book of Register, wherein ye shall write the day and year of every wedding, christening, & burieng, made within your parish for your time, & so for every man succeeding you likewise & also therein set every persons name that shall be so wedded, christined or buried, & for the safe keeping of the same book, the parish shall be bound to provide of their common charges, one sure coffer with ii. locks and keys, whereof the one to remain with you, and the other with the Wardens of every such parish wherein the said book shall be laid up: Which book ye shall every Sunday take forth, and in the presence of the said Wardens, or one of them, write and record in the same, all the weddings, christnings, and buriengs, made the whole week before, and that done, to lay up the said book in the said coffer as afore, and for every time the same shall be omitted, the party that shall be in the fault thereof, shall forfeit to the said Church three shillings four pence, to be employed on the reparation of the same Church.

Item, that ye shall once every quarter of a year, read these and the other former injunctions given unto you by authority of the Kings highness, openly and deliberately before all your parishners, to the intent that both you may be the better admonished of your duty, and your said parishners the more incited to ensue the same for their part.

Item, for as much as by a law established, every m n is bound to pay his tithes, no man shall by color of duty omitted by their Curates, detain their tithes, & so redub one wrong with another, or be his own judge, but shall truly pay y e same as hath ben accustomed to their persons & curates, without any restraint or diminutiō: & such lack and default as they can justly find in their parsons and curates, to call for reformation thereof, at their Ordinaryes & other superiors hands, who upon complaint & due proof thereof, shall reform the same accordingly.

Item, that no Person shall from henceforth alter, or change the order and manner of any fasting day that is commanded & indicted by y e church, nor of divine prayer nor of service, oth rwise thē is specified in y e said iniūctiōs, until such time as the same shall be so ordered & transposed by y e kings highness authority, the Euens of such saints, whose holidays be abrogated, only excepted, which shall be declared henceforth to be no fasting days, except also the commemoratiō of Tho. Becket sometime Archbishop of Canterbury, which shall be clean omitted, and instead thereof, the feriall service used.

Item, that the knoling of the Aues after service, & certain other times, which hath been brought in & begun by the pretence of y e B. of Rome's pardon, henceforth be left & omitted, lest the people do hereafter trust to have pardon, for the saying of their Aues between the said knolyng, as they have done in times past.

Itē, where in times p st, men have used in diverse plates in their Processions, to sing Ora pro nobis to so many saints, that they had no time to sing the good Suffrages, following: as Parce nobis Domine, and Libera nos Domine it must be taught and preached, y e better it were to omit Ora pro nobis, and to sing the other suffrages being most necessary and effectual. All which and singular Injunctions I minister unto you and to your parishners by the kings highness authority to me committed in this part, which I charge & command you by the same authority to observe and keep, upon pain of deprivation, sequestration of your fruits, or such other cohercion as to the king or his vicegerent for this time being shall be seen convenient.

By these Articles and Iniunctiōs thus coming forth one after another, for the necessary instruction of the people, it may appear, how well the king deserved then the title of his supreme government, given unto him over the church of England: by the which title and authority he did more good for the redressing and advancing of Christ's Church and religion here in England, in these three years, then the Pope, the great Uicar of Christ, w t all his bishops and Prelates had done the space of iii. hundredth years before. Such a vigilant care was then in the king and in his counsel, how by all ways and means, to redress religion, to reform errors, to correct corrupt customs, to help ignorance, and to reduce the misleadings of Christ's flock drowned in blind popery, superstition, customs & idolatry, to some better form of more perfect reformatiō. Wher unto he provided not only these articles, precepts, and injunctions above specified, to inform the rude people: but also procured the Bishops to help forward in the same cause of decayed doctrine, with their diligent preaching & teaching of the people, according as ye heard before pag. 1024. how that in the year 1534. during all the whole time of the parliament, there was appointed every Sunday a Bishop to preach at Paul's Cross against the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome.

Amongest which bishops, John Longland Bishop of Lincoln, the kings confessor, and a great persecutor of y e poor flock of Christ (as is before sufficiently recorded, pag. 952. made a Sermon before the king, upon good Friday this present yere 1538. at Grenewich, seriously and effectuously preaching on the kings behalf, against the usurped supremacy of the bishop of Rome, the contents of whose sermō wholly to express, were here to long & tedious. So much as may suffice for our purpose, I thought should remain to the posterity, beginning at his Theame, which then he took in hand to entreat upon, writ̄ in the 13. cha, to the Hebrews, as followeth.

The Sermon of John Longland Bishop of Lincoln, on good Friday, before the king at Grenewich. an. 1538.

THe words of the Apostle are these: Habemus altare de quo edere non habent potestate qui tabernaculo deseruiunt. Quorum enim animalium infertur sanguis pro peccato in sancta per pontificē: horum corpora cremantur extra castra. Propter quod, & Jesus extra portam passus est. Exeamus igitur ad eum extra castra, improperium eius portantes.

These are the words of the Apostle. Many things contained in few words, and the English thereof is this: We have an altar, we have an altar (saith the Apostle) an altar, and a sacrifice upon this altar. And they that serveth the Tabernacle, may not eat of this altar, may not eat of the Sacrifice that is offered upon this altar. For the Apostle here (Per metonymiam) doth put the altar for that that is sacrificed upon the altar. The blood of those beasts that were slain for the sacrifice, was brought into the holy secret high place of the temple where the Ark was, between the high alter (as ye will say) and the veil by the bishop, & there offered up for the sin of the people. The bodies of the beasts that were burned without the pauilions or tents for the which, Propter quod, for which what? for the fulfilling of which mistery. Also to verify and fulfill the figure, and that the thing figured, might be correspondent to the figure. Jesus suffered without the gate, to sanctify the people by his blood. Let us go out therefore and suffer with Christ bearing his opprobries and rebukes. These be the words of the Apostle now taken.

I will by the help of our Lord God, declare these words in order, evē as they do stand. Here is an alter, here is a Sacrifice, here is a Bishop which did offer this Sacrifice, here is a Tabernacle, a serving of the Tabernacle, the blood of the sacrifice which was offered by the Bishop for the sins of the people, in the moste holy place of the temple, and the bodies of the beasts (whose blood was offered) were burned without the tents. And this was done the x. day of the vii. month. Ye hear now the words of the Apostle. Wherein appeareth the manifest figure of the Passion of our savior Jesus Christ, which we this day do honor.

In these words the Apostle toucheth the figure of the law. And bringeth it to a spiritual understanding. For it was commanded in the law, in the book of Numbers, that the x. day of the vii. month, in the feast that was called the feast of the propitiation, of mercy, of remission, or the feast of purgation, when the people were purged. At which time, they should take a calf and a kid, and slay them: whose blood the only Bishop should bring, In sancta sanctorum, into the most holy, solemn, and secret place of the temple: wherein the bishop never came, unless he brought with him blood, to offer in Sacrifice. Quia omnia fere in sanguine secundum legem mundabuntur, & sine sanguinis effunone non sit remissio, saith the Apostle. Almost all things after the law, or in the law, were cleansed in blood, and by blood: & without the effusion of blood, was no remission. And in that place of the temple called Sancta Sanctorum, the Bishop prayed and offered for the people. The flesh and corps of the sacrifice was burned without the tents, without their pauilions. And it was not law full to any that did serve the tabernacle, to eat of the flesh of that sacrifice.

Here is a manifest figure (as I said) of the Passion of our Savior Christ. The alter that was consecrate and hallowed in this solemnity of the blood of the eternal. Testament, was that holy cross that Christ suffered on. Which as on this day, he did consecrate, hallow, dignify and dedicate, and did adorn and decke the same with the members of his most precious body, more gloriously then if it had been embrodered and insert with precious stones. For as gold which is the most precious metal, is made more precious when it is set with precious stones, and is dignified therewith, whether it be altar, Image, crown, ring or owch so was the altar the holy Cross, beautified, dignified, adourned & made precious with the members of that most precious stone Christ, which is as Peter saith: Lapis viuus, ab hominibus reprobatus, a deo electus: probatus, angularis & praeciosus. This Christ is (he saith) the lively stone, which men did reprove, which God did elect for the approved stone, for a corner stone, for the chief stone in the building of his church, for the stone that joineth the walls of the Church together, for the stone whereupon the faith of Christ and his Church is built. A precious stone, a stone of price, a stone of high value, far passing in the estimation of a good Christian man, all other precious stones in the world. This precious stone Christ, with the members of his most precious body, did decke, adorn, and made precious this altar of the Cross, when his body was by the ewes, with violency, extremely strayned upon the same, that all his bones (as testifieth the Prophet) mought be numbered. Upon this alter was the great Sacrifice of the world offered, Christ himself. He was the Sacrifice, & he was the Priest. He offered up himself to God his father, for the sin of man. Obtulit semetipsum immaculatum deo, vt sanctificaret iniquinatos, saith the Apostle. He offered himself a pure, clean, immaculate host to God, to redeem the world, to sanctify sinners, to justify man.

This Christ the Bishop of good things to come (as the Apostle witnesseth) entered once into the place called Sancta Sanctorum, not only of the temple, but in Sancta sanctorum, into that holy place of places, into heavē. He entered with sacrificed blood like a Bishop. Not with the blood of goats or calves, not with the blood of rams or bulls: but with his own precious blood. For if the blood of goats and bulls, and the ashes of the burned calf sprinkled abroad, were sufficient to the making clean of flesh: how much more then, the blood of Christ (who by the holy Ghost, did offer up himself to God, a most pure, most clean, & immaculate sacrifice) is able to purge, cleanse and make fair our consciences frō the works of death, and to live in the living God?

This is our great bishop, as the Apostle saith, Habemus pontificem magnum qui penetrauit coelos, Iesum filium dei. We have a great bishop, which did penitrate the heavens whose name is Jesus the son of God. This is our great Bishop, our high Bishop, our universal Bishop. This is the head bishop of all Bishops and of all the world, named God (as the Apostle saith) to be our great bishop, properly called Summus pontifex, the highest Bishop, the Bishop of bishops. For this is he only that is Summus, maximus & vniuersalis pontifex.

The bishop of Rome therefore ought herein to be abashed, ashamed, and to abhor his own pride. For in this he outrageously doth offend God and blasphemeth him, in that he presumeth to take this high name from our bishop Christ: In that, he taketh away (as much as lieth in him) the glory of God, the majesty appertaining unto Christ: In that he taketh upon him these names only appropriate unto Christ, Summus pontifex, maximus pontifex, vniuersalis pontifex: the highest Byshoppe, the greatest Bishop, the universal Bishop, the Bishop of all the world. I much marvel how he dare be so bold to usurp and take these great names upon him. Greater blasphemy cannot be▪ then to take frō God, that that naturally belongeth unto him: then to take from God, his glory and honor: then to vendicate and take upon him such high names, as beseemeth no Christian man to usurp. God said by his Prophet: Non dabo gloriam meam alteri: I will not give my glory awai to any other, to any creature. He doth reserve the glory, that laud & honor that belongeth only unto him, unto himself: no mā to attempt so far, no man to take so much vpō him.

Peter, Peter, thou wast once Bishop of Rome, and the first bishop of Rome: Diddest thou ever take this name upon thee, Sūmus, Maximus, Vniuersalis? No, no, no. And why? For the holy ghost was in thee. Thou wouldest take no more upon thee then God gave thee. Thou wast not desirous of worldly fame and glory. All that thou soughtest for, was for the glory of God: as all that will read thy Sermons, thy Epistles, and thy life, shall soon perceive. Look a great number of Bishops that next followed Peter in the same See: what were they? holy Martyrs, holy Liuers, which never attempted thus far. Let the Bishop of Rome therefore knowledge his great fault, his high folly, his unlawful usurpation, his vnpriestly presumption, and humble himself to Christ and God his great Bishop. Would God he would reform himself. Would God he would keep himself within that compass of his authority, and no more to encroch upon other men's jurisdictions, but diligently keep and ouerloke his own diocese and be content with that, would God he would look upon his predecessor S. Gregory in his Register, which was a Byshoppe of Rome, a holy man. Let him learn there how he did rebuke John, that time the Bishop of Constantinople, for taking on him so highly, in such names universal Bishop, highest Bishop, greatest Bishop: and how he proved it to be against the law of God. He saith there in one place to this proud Bishop John, what answer shalt thou make in that strait examination at that last judgment, to Ch ist the head of the universal holy Chur that goest about to have subject unto thee all the members of Christ, by taking on thee the name of universal Bishop. In another place again in the same book he saith unto him, who art thou that doest presume to usurp a new name upon thee, of universal Bishop▪ contrary to the statutes of the gospel and decrees.

God forbid that ever this blasphemy should come in the hearts of Christian people, in the which the honor of all priesthood is taken away, when a man shall rashly and arrogantly take that name upon him. Let this Bishop of Rome therefore humble himself unto our great universal Bishop Christ, humble himself under the mighty hand of God, and know what the Apostle doth write of the honor and power of this Christ our great high Bishop. He is (he saith) Pontifex misericors, fidelis, potens, magnus, humilis, penetrans coelum, compatiens infirmitatibus nostris, offerens dona & sacrificia pro peccatis nostris, condolens ijs qui ignorant & errant: Qui potest saluum facere a morte, offerens preces & supplicationes cum clamore valido & lachrymis & exauditus est pro reuerentia sua: Pontifex appellatus a deo. Pontifex sanctus, innocens, impollutus, segregatus a peccatoribus, excelsior coelis: Non habens necessitatem (quemadmodum alij) prius pro suis delectis hostias offerre, deinde pro populo: Pōtifex sedens in dextris dei interpellans pro nobis, emūdans cōscientias nostras ab operibus mortuis, intrans sancta sanctorum per proprium sanguinem. Hic est pontifex confessionis nostrae.

Let all earthly Bishops learn of this heavenly bishop Christ. Some of these properties are appropriate and belongeth only to God and not to man. In some we ought to follow him. In some we cannot, ne ought to do. This our high and great Bishop is Misericors (saith the Apostle) merciful. A merciful Bishop, ready to forgive, ready to remit those that have offended him. He ie not cruel, not vengeable, but full of pity, full of mercy. And in this we ought to follow him.

He is Pontifex potens, a mighty Bishop, mighty and full of power. We be but weak and feeble bishops, not able to do anything but by his permission and help. He is able to make sick, to make whole: to make rich, to make poor: to set up, to put down. Potens, a mighty bishop, mighty and able to remit sin, to forgive, to save both body & soul from damnation. Potens, a mighty bishop and full of power. No power in this world but of him. Omnis potestas a domino deo est. All power is of him. And as he himself witnesseth: Data est mihi omnis potestas in coelo, & in terra. All power is given unto me in heaven and in earth. Potens saluare a morte. He can save the body, and save the soul. He can deliver the one, and deliver the other from everlasting death. Who can forgive sin but he? Quis potest dimittere peccatum nisi solus deus? Est potens. He is a mighty Bishop. Of him & by him, Emperors, Kings, Magistrates and Potestates, Bishops, Priests, with all other that have power, have their power and authority. Who is able to turn the wind? to make the wind blow or cease but he. Who is able to say and prove, I will now have it vain, now clear: the sun to shine, the water to flow, to ebb, with such other, but only he. This is our mighty bish▪ Pontifex potens, mighty, yea Omnipotēs, almighty. He can do all. Nothing is to him impossible. Ipse dixit & facta sunt omnia. Mandauit & creata sunt vniuersa. Potens ergo est. He is a mighty bishop. We are not so.

Fidelis Pontifex. He is a faithful bishop: faithful. He is a faithful bishop to God referring all laudes, all honor and glory to his father. In all things that he did; miracles or other, he took never the more upon himself. He was also a faithful Bishop to the world: For he did all that belonged to the office of a good Bishop. The very office of a bishop is, praedicare, orare & sacricare, sieve offerre. To preach, to pray, to do sacrifice or to offer. He preached to his people: He taught the world most wholesome doctrine, whereby he called the people to God: he converted sinners, he called them to penance. He made them weep and lament their sins. They followed his person, they followed his word they followed his ensample. They came out of all costs to see him, to hear him, to learn of him. They forsook meat and drink, house and home, and followed him wheresoever he went, as well in wilderness, as else where. In so much that after they had followed him three days, he being moved with pity least they should perish for lack of food being in wilderness far from succor, he fed them twice miraculously. Once in the desert with five loaves and two fishes▪ he fed v.M. men, besides women and children, and there were left xii. great baskets, xii. maundes full of the brokelets, and offals at that meal. At another time he fed in wilderness to the number of 4. M. men besides women and children, with seven loves and a few little fishes, and there was left of fragments, 7 maundes full.

The second office of a bishop he fulfilled also: For he prayed. He was most devout in prayer, so to teach all bishops and Preachers not to presume in their wit or learning, neither in their capacity, memory, fair tongue or utterance: but that the Preacher do studiously apply his book with all diligence to study how to speak, what to speak: afore whom he shall speak: and to shape his sermon after the audience. The preacher ought also besides his study & preaching to pray. For by devout prayer, he shall attain percase as much or more, as by study or learning. For without prayer the words will little prevail. Look in Christ his life and thou shalt find, that in everything he went about, he prayed, to show the valiancy, the virtue and strength of prayer: to show our necessities, our weakness & feblenes of nature. He prayed for his people (as Luke witnesseth) the space of one whole night. And what a marvelous devout prayer made he for his people in the Mount the night afore his passion, whē the Chalice of death was represēted unto him: when he sweet water & blood? when he cried thrice, Transeat à me Calix iste: let this Chalice, let this passion & blood, let the virtue thereof pass from me unto all mankind. Let every man have the virtue and merit thereof: let it work in all folks: let every faithful man and woman he perteyner thereof: let it not be lost, but work to the worlds end. This was a marvelous devout merciful prayer. And again he suffering and hanging on the cross, offered up for his people, Preces & supplicationes cum clamore valido & lachrymis. He offered up his prayers and supplications with a huge cry, with a piteous voice, with a lamentable and deadly shrich, and with weeping tears to God his father, he hanging on the cross, even when the spirit should depart the body, not then forgetting his people at the hour when all the people forgetteth both the world and themselves. Which cry was so huge and great, so marvelous and of that effect that the heavens trembled thereat, the Angels mourned for pity, the Sun lost his light, the veil in the temple riued in two, the earth quaued, the stones rent asonder and brast in gobbetes, the graves opened, the dead bodies rose to life. & appeared in the City. Centurio & those that kept Christ to see the execution done, cried: Vere, filius Dei erat iste: This was the undoubted son of God. His prayer and weeping tears were so pleasant unto the father, that it was heard: Exauditus est pro reuerentia sua: He was heard & why? For it was so entire, so devout, so reverently done, in such a manner and fashion, with such a zeal grounded vpō such a charity, suffering for our guilt, and not for his own. And for that he did the very office of a bishop, so entyrely to pray, and so reverently to offer up himself in sacrifice for his people, he was heard, he was heard, his prayer was heard of God. And that is the third property of a good Bishop, to offer sacrifice for his people. Every Bishop, every Bishoppe for his Diocesans and for the whole universal Church. In these three we ought as much as we may to follow Christ.

Thus this Christ was and is Pontifex fidelis, a faithful Bishop. Faythfull, faithful, in his word, true in his promise, deceyuing no man, but profiting all. n all that he did or spake, he sought nothing his own glory, but the glory of God: teaching thereby all Bishops of the world in all that go about, to do it to the laude, praise and glory of God. And herein we ought also to follow him.

Magnus Pontifex. He is the great Bishop, the high Byshoppe the supreme Bishop, the universal Bishop over all the world. No great bishop but he. None high, none supreme nor universal Bishop, but he.

And herein the bishop of Rome outrageously usurpeth upon God, as he doth upon the world, to take the honor and names (only to God appropriate) to himself, and doth grievously blaspheme and offend God therein. Greater blasphemy cannot be, then to ascribe to God, that that no ways belongeth unto him, or to take frō God, that that is unto him appropriate. It is meet therefore he do betimes and in season, leave his unjust encrochmentes both against his Lord God, and also against the world, least he do provoke God to pour out all his vialles of wrath upon him: the Vaees, I mean, the maledictions and vengeance that John speaketh of in the Apocalypse. I would advise him to cease the injuries which he hath & daily doth against the Christ our great high universal Bishop, least thou excommunicate and strike him, least thou show thy wrath and judgment against him and utterly extinct his pride and ambitious pretensed authority. For thou wilt be known, thou wilt be known to be God. And thou art and wilt be our great universal and supreme Bishop, what so ever the bishop of Rome shall attempt to the contrary: and thou wilt punish his worldly arrogancy, and strike when thou seest thy time. And though it be long ere thou strike, yet let him beware, for strike thou wilt if thou be utterly provoked: And when thou doest strike, thy stroke is great, thy stroke is dreadful and sore. It vanquisheth the body, it slayeth the soul, it damneth both. Beware therefore thou Bishop of Rome, and be content with thine own diocese, with thine own charge, as other Bishops are with theirs: For further then thine own diocese, thy jurisdiction doth not stretch.

A marvelous blindness in thee therefore, to take upon thee to answer for all the world, and art not able to answer our great Bishop Christ, for thyself at the dreadful day of judgment, when he shall ask but these few questions of thee Quomodo intrasti? Quomodo rexisti? Quomodo vixisti? Quomodo pauisti? Quae & qualia exempla dedisti? Quid ad meam gloriam fecisti & huiusmodi. How diddest thou enter into the Bishopric? by me or by the world? unlawfully, or lawfully? by Simony, or freely by labor, by paction, or called God? Howe diddest thou rule thy cure thy diocese? Diddest thou pray for thy people? Diddest thou preach me to thy diocesans? diddest thou give them ghostly and bodily food? diddest thou minister spiritual and ghostly salves (the Sacraments I mean) to heal the sores of their souls? How didst thou live? Didst thou cast away the care, the glory & pōpe of the world? Didst thou follow me in humility, in charity in compassion, in poverty, in cleans, & in chaste living?

How diddest thou govern thy diocesans? Diddest not thou make of all things that thou diddest meddle with a money matter in selling that which was not in thee to sel nor give, which thou calledst thy pardons, thy commissions, thy breeues, thy delegacies reservations, exemptions, appellations, bulls, and dispēsations? Diddest not thou under these pretenses and like other doings, deceive the world? What answer shalt thou make to this at that day, to our and thy great Bishop Christ, when he shall visit thee and all thy diocese, me and all my diocese, yea when he shall visit all the world? What answer shalt thou then make? I think verily thou shalt then have enough to do, yea and more thē thou canst wind thyself out of, to make answer for thyself, for thine own diocese, and for thine own diocesans, though thou usurp not upon other men's as thou doest. The Apostle writeth of Christ humbly, & calleth him, Magnum pontificem, the great bishop. And he of Rome is not with this word contented, but will have a higher word for him self, in the superlative degree, Maximum pontificem Magnum. The greatest Bishop. Oh, where is the humbleness and meekness that should be in him? Alas, he that taketh on him to teach all the world, how can he for shame suffer such blasphemous words to pass in his name, to his great shame and rebuke: to the great danger of his soul: and to the perilous ensample unto other? Oh, sie upon pride▪ it is a common proverb pride will have a fall.

Our bishop Christ was Humilis, meek, lowly, & humble in heart. He rode not upon any palfray nor courageous horse, but up on an Ass and that but once. He never was borne pompously abroad in a chair, vppō men's shoulders. He never proffered his foot to anybody to kiss. We read that he washed the feet of his Disciples and wiped thē. We read that Mary Magdalene proffered to have kissed his feet, but he did prohibit her, sayi g: Noli me tangere: Touch me not. He would not suffer the woman thē to touch him. He never had garde to defend him. He never followed the pōpe of the world. He disdained not to go upon the ground with his bare feet. What shall I say? He gave ensamples enough to the Bishop of Rome, to me and all Bishops, to be meek and humble: he to know himself, and we our selves, as if he and we diligently look in scripture, we shall find. And herein, in meekness we are bound to follow him.

Compatiens infirmitatibus This Bishop Christ, had compassion of our infirmities of our fraylties. It is impossible for a man to know the afflictions of the miserable person, that never suffered him self affliction, that never had experience of pains, that never felt what pain men . But this bishop Christ had experience of our nature: how weak, how feeble the nature of man is: howe weak of himself to do any good work without the help of God: how feeble to resist temptations He suffered and felt the infirmities and pains of this natural body. He hath therefore compassion upon man, when he doth see him fall. He sorroweth his ruin, teaching Bishops in especial afore all other, to have copassion and pity upon the sinner, to help him spiritually, to comfort him ghostly, to help him to arise from sin, to allure him to penance, to draw him to virtue, to make him know God, to fear his justice, to love his laws, and thus to seek all the ways he and we can: to save the sinners soul for whom he shall make answer to God for his own diocesans: soul for soul, blood for blood, pain for pain, hell for hell, damnation for damnation. For which soul, our great Bishop Christ (as the Apostle doth witness) did offer gifts and sacrifice himself, having compassi n of thē that by ignorance and by error, did sin & offend God. Even when he was his greatest agony upon the cross, he cried to his father: forgive them father, forgive thē, they know not what they do, they are ignorant people, they know not what is what, nor what danger they run into by this entreating me. They know not their offenses: forgive them Father, forgive them. In this compassion we ought also to follow our great Byshoppe Christ.

It followeth in the former letter: Est Pontifex appellatus à Deo. He is a Bishop, and so named of God He is the very Bishop. He offered up the very sacrifice, the sacrifice of his own most blessed body and blood, whereby the sin of the world was put away. Every Bishop of the world is not named a Bishop by God. For some cometh into that office, not by the holy ghost, not elect of God (as John saith) not entering in ouile ou um per ostium, sed ascendens aliunde. Some there are that entereth into the fold of the sheep of GOD, not by the door Some there be that entereth in, having charge and cure of soul, not by God: but by worldly means, by worldly labor, by importune suits and intercession of friends, or by their own unlawful labor, by simony, and such other ways. Such are not named Bishops by God. Such entereth not by the door, not by him that saith: Ego sum ostium. Ego sum via, veritas, & vita. I am the door, I am the way, I am the life, I am truth, I am pastor bonus, the very true and good Bishop that entered by God. And all that entereth otherwise then by God, Christ calleth them fures & latrones, thieves spoilers, raueners, devourers, and deceivers of the sheep. Theyr living shall declare the same. For such as so willfully do enter, do study their own profits and commodities. Such receiveth the fruits and do nothing for them▪ Such suffereth their sheep to perish for lack of bodily and ghostly food and susteynaunce for lack of preaching, for lack or giving good counsel, for lack of good living, for lack of good ensample. And such, for the most part, liveth naughtily, carnally, fleshly, viciously, popously, worldly, & not bishoply nor priestly. For they came not in by God, nor by grace. Christ saith: Qui intrat per me, saluabitur, & ingredietur, & egredietur, & pascua inueniet. He that entereth by me, shall be saved. Et ingredietur, & egredietur. And he shall go in, and he shall go out. What is that to say: he shall go in, and he shall go out? think he meaneth by going in, that he shall have grace to enter studiously into the holy Scripture, daily and nightly to meditate, to study, and to profit in the laws of God. Et egredietur. And he shall explayne and truly interpretate and publish it unto the people Et pascua inueniet. And he shall find there plenty of spiritual food for himself & for his people, to edify their souls, to instruct and call thē to the knowledge of God to feed thē pletifully, that they shall not lack necessaryes to their souls. Let us therefore so live, that we may be called Pōtifices appellati a Deo.

This our great Bishop Christ is also: Pontifex, sanctus, innocens, impollu us, segregatus à peccatoribus, excelsior coelis, sedens à dextris Dei, emundans conscientias nostras à peccatis, intrans sancta sanctorum per proprium sanguinem He is Sanctus A holy Bishop, and willeth us to be holy in our conversation, applyeng our selves unto godliness to the service of God, to live like bishops, like priests▪ pure, clean, chaste, devout, studious, faithfully laboring in his word, praying, doing sacrifice, and ever to be godly and virtuously occupied.

He is Innocēs, an innocent, He never sinned, he never offended in word, thought, no deed, Innocens, noying no creature profiting all folks, meekly suffering adversities, opprobries, rages, rebukes, and reproaches, without grudge or contradiction. Innocens & simplex: simplex sine plica. An innocent, without pleit or wrinkle▪ without error or doublenes, without hipocrisy or dissimulation, without flattering or glossing, without fraud or deceit: not serving the body nor the world, but God. In this we ought also to follow our heavenly Bishop.

Impollutus. He was undefiled. He lived clean without spot or blot, without wemme or strayne. No immūdicity in him, no uncleanness, nor filthiness: but all pure and clean, chaste and immaculate, all bright and shining in grace and godliness: In so m ch that he was Segregatus à peccatoribus, clean segregate from all kind of uncleanness, from all manner of sins, and from sinners. Segregate from them, not from their company: For as Matthew writeth: Publicans and sinners came and eat and drank with him and his disciples in the house of Levi. And he also came as a Physician, to heal the sinner. And yet he was segregate from them, quantum ad participationem cum eis in peccato: as touching their ill livings, not being participant with them in sin: but came only to heal them, and to rid them from sin and sore of the soul. He entered the heavens, not with the blood of kid nor Goat, but with his own proper blood. For which and for his holiness and perfectness, Excelsior coelis factus est. He is extolled and exalted above all the Angels and beatitudes: above all the heavens sitting on the right hand of the father. Whō all the heavenly creatures do worship, honor and do reverence unto Where he prayeth for his people, and is Mediator in his manhead to his father for us.

This our Bishop purgeth our consciences (as witnesseth the Apostle) he cleanseth our souls, he maketh us inwardly beauteous and fair. The Bishop of Rome lacketh many of these notable virtues. He hath few or none of these properties, few or none of these qualities. He is (as we all are sinners) a sinner. To whom this word Magnus, great, is not convenient, nor can be in him any ways verified. For he cannot forgive sin as our Bishop doth, nor justify as he doth, neither enter in Sancta Sanctorum, with his own blood, as he did. How can he then be called a great Bishop that is (as we be all sinners) a sinner, a breaker of the laws of God, and daily doth or may fall and sin? And for that cause the law commanded that every bishop and Priest should first offer hosts and sacrifice for his own sins and afterward, for the sins of the people How can he therefore be called a great Bishop or Priest?

Our Bishop we speak of, is the very great bishop. No dole, no fraud, no guile, was ever found in his mouth. And when the Prince of the world the devil, came to him, he could find no point of sin in him. Wherefore Gabriel the Archaungell showing his nativity unto Mary his mother, said: Hic erit magnus, & fil us alti simi vocabitur. He shall be great and shall be called the son of God. And again it is written of him: Propheta magnus surrexit inter nos. A great Prophet is risen among us. Sin maketh a man small and little: little in reputation before God and man. Virtue maketh man great and of high reputation. Shew me one place in Scripture where you have reedde, that a sinner was called great? I trow it shall not be found. Will you hear who were called great in scripture? It is written of Isaac, quod proficiebat valde, & factus est magnus valde. He profited greatly in virtue, and was made great, great in reputation of the world. Moses was called Magnus, great for his virtue. Abraham and John the Baptist likewise. Now Jesus our Bishop is called magnus Episcopus, magnus Sacerdos. And after him never Bishop called Magnus in all Scripture, neither in the reputation of man unless it be in comparison one of another (and so Saints and holy Lyuers are called great in respect of sinners, or other mean Liuers) but where Christ our Bishop cometh: there he, not in comparison of other, but simpliciter, by his own magnitude and greatness, and of himself, ever was and is great, of whom it is written: A summo coelo egressio eius: & occursus eius vsque ad sūmum eius. And as the apostle also proveth in many places by express words. But now there is no Bishop or Priest in this world, that may worthily of himself be called great, nor ought to take this name Magnus upon him▪

This is he therefore of whom it is written: Magnus Sacerdos ex fr tribus suis. The great Byshoppe above all other. And as he is called and in very deed is, Pastor pastorum, Pontifex pontificum, Propheta prophetarum, Sanctus sanctorum, Dominus dominantium, Rex regum: Ita & magnus magnorum est. And he is called the Heardesman of heardesmen, the Bishop of Bishops, the Prophet of prophets, the Holy of holiest, the Lord of lords, the King of kings: even so is he called, and verily is Episcopus magnus. Therefore the Prophet did add, Magnus Sacerdos ex fratribus suis, the great Bishop or priest: great of himself, great in virtue and power, great of himself, and great in comparison afore all other. And therefore the Apostle said: Habemus Pontificē magnum, qui penetrauit coelos IESVM filium DEI. We have a great Bishop, which did penetrate the heavens, Jesus the son of God.

Here may ye now see how the Bishop of Rome doth wrongfully encroch upon our great Bishop Jesus Christ, to take from him, not only this name Magnus, and is not with that name yet contented, but addeth more, Videlicet, Maximus, Summus, Sanctus, Beatissimus, Vniuersalis, and such other. The greater, the highest, the holiest, the blessedst, and universal in the superlative degrees and yet there is no great Bishop but Christ only no supreme Bishop, but he only, none holy, none blessed, none universal Bishop but only he. The B. of Rome, & all other bishops are but vnderlinges & unworthy suffragans unto this Bishop Christ.

This our Christ (as witnesseth the Apostle) is Pontifex nostrae confessionis, the Bishop whom we do confess to be our great bishop, our high bishop, our supreme Bishop, our holy, blessed and universal Bishop. Which names are reserved only unto Christ, and to no earthly Bishop: Not to the Bishop of Rome, not to the Bishop of Jerusalem, not to the Bishop of Antioch, nor of Constantinople, nor to any other Bishop. No earthly bishop to presume to take upon him these high and holy names only to God apropriate.

God of thy goodness thou mayest and I trust wilt once make this vayneglorious bishop of Rome, first to know and knowledge thy son Christ to be the only supreme and universal bishop of the world. Secondarily to know himself, his weakness, his frailty and his presumption. To know his office and bounden duty unto thee. To know his own Dioces, and to usurp no further. Thirdly to have a low, humble, meek heart and stomach: to fear thee God and thy judgments, to knowledge his own faults, and usurpations, and to redress the same.

Now to return unto our matter, it followeth in y e letter first taken: De quo edere non habent potestatem qui tabernaculo deseruiunt. &c. And thus much out of John Longlandes Sermon against the Pope.

You heard before by the kings Injunctions above expressed, and directed out. an. 1538. how all such Images & pictures, which were abused with pilgrimage of offerings of any Idolatry, where abolished: by virtue of which Iniunction, diverse Idols & especially y e most notable stocks of Idolatry, were taken down the same yere. 1538. as the Images of Walsingham, Ipswich, Worcester, the lady of Wilsdon, Tho. Becket, with many moe, having engines to make their eyes to open and role about, and other parts of their body to stir, and many other false iugglings, as the blood of hayles, & such like, wherewith the simple people a long time had been deceived. All which were espied out, and destroyed.

Among diverse other of these foul Idols, there went also in the same reckoning, a certain old Idolatrous Image in Wales named Daruell Gatheren: which in the month of May, in the yere above mentioned was brought up to London and burnt in smithfield. With the which Idol also was burnt the same time, and hanged for treason, Friar Forest, of whom some mention was partly touched before in the story of Cardinal Wolsey.

Frier Forest.

THis Forest was an obseruaunt Frier, and had secretly in confessions declared to many of the kings subjects, that the king was not supreme head, and being thereof accused and apprehended, he was examined how he could say that the king was not supreme head of the Church, when he himself had sworn to the contrary. He answered that he took his oth with his outward man, but his inward man never consented thereunto. And being further accused of diverse damnable Articles and thereupon convicted, he gladly submitted himself to abide the punishment of the Church. Upon this his submission having more liberty then before he had to talk with whom he would he became as far from his submission as ever he was. And when his abjuration was sent him to read, he utterly refused it and obstinately persevered in his errors: wherefore he was justly condemned, after hanged in Smithfield in chains upon a gallows quick, by the middle & arm holes, and fire was made under him, and so was he consumed and burnt to death.

In the place of execution there was a scaffold prepared for the kings most honorable Counsel and the nobles of the Realm to fit upon: to grant him pardon, if he had any spark of repentance in him. There was also a pulpite prepared where y e right reverend father Hugh Latimer B. of Worcester declared his errors, & manifestly confuted thē by the Scripture, with many godly exhortations to move him to repentance. But he was so froward, that he neither would hear neither speak. A little before, the foresaid Image called Daruel Gatheren coming out of Wales, was brought to the gallows, and there also with the foresaid Frier (as is said) was set on fire. Whome the Wealshmen much worshipped, and had a Prophecye amongst them, that this Image should set a whole forest on fire. Which prophecy took effect, for he set this Friar Forest on fire and consumed him to nothing. The Friar when he saw the fire come, and that present death was at hand, he caught hold upon the lader, and would not let it go, but so vnpaciently took his death, as never any man that put his trust in God at any time, so ungodly or vnquietly ended his life.

In the month of October & November the same yere, shortly after the overthrow of these images and pilgrimages, followed also the ruin of the Abbeis & religious houses, which by the special motion of the Lord Cromwell (or rather and principally, by the singular blessing of almighty God) were suppressed, being given a little before by act of Parliament, into the kings hand: wherupō not only the houses were rased, but their possessions also disparcled among the nobility in such sort, as all friers, monks, Canons, Nuns, and other sects of religion, were then so rooted out of this Realm from the very foundation, that there seemeth by God's grace, no possibility hereafter left for the generation of those strange weeds to grow here anymore, according to the true verdict of our Lord and Savior Christ, in his Gospel, saying: Every plantation being not planted of my father, shall be plucked up by the roots. &c.

The history of the worthy Martyr of God John Lambert, otherwise named Nicolson, with his troubles examinations and answers, as well before the Archbishop of Canterbury Warham, and other Bishops: as also before K. Henry 8. by whom at length he was condemned to death & burned in Smithfielde. Ann. 1538.

IMmediatly upon the ruin and destruction of the monasteries, the same year, & in the month of November followed the trouble and condemnation of John Lambert y e faithful servant of Jesus Christ, and Martyr of blessed memory. This Lambert being borne and brought up in Norfolk, was first converted by Bilney, and studied in the Uniuersity of Cambridge. Where after that he had sufficiently profited both in Latin and Greek, and had translated out of both tongues sundry things into the English tongue, being forced at last by violence of the time, he departed from thence to the partes beyond the seas, to Tyndale and Frith, and there remained the space of a year and more, being preacher and Chapleine to the English house at Antwerpe, till he was disturbed by sir Thomas More, and by the accusation of one Barlow was carried frō Antwerpe to London: where he was brought to examination first at Lambeth, then at the Bishops house at Oxford, before Warham y e Archb. of Cant. and other adversaries, hading 45. articles ministered against him, whereunto he rendered answer again by writing. The which answers for as much as they contain great learning, & may give some light to the better understanding of the common causes of religion now in controversy, I thought here to exemplify the same, as they came right happily to our hands. The copy both of the articles and also of his answers, here in order followeth.

Articles to the number of 45. laid to Lambert.

IN primis, whether thou wast suspecte or infamed of heresy?

2. Whether ever thou hadst any of Luther's books, and namely since they were condemned, & how long thou kepst them, and whether thou hast spent any study on them?

3. Whether thou wast constitute priest, and in what Dioces, and of what bishop?

4. Whether it be lawful for a Priest to mary a wife, and whether a priest in some case be bound by the law of God to mary a wife?

5. Whether thou believest that whatsoever is done of man whether it be good or ill, cometh of necessity.

6. Whether the sacrament of the altar be a sacrament necessary unto salvation, and whether after the consecration of the bread and wine done by the priest, as by the minister of God, there is the very body and blood of Christ, in likeness of bread and wine?

7. Item, what opinion thou holdest touching the Sacrament of Baptism, whether thou doest believe that it is a sacrament of the Church, and a necessary sacrament unto salvation and that a Priest may baptize, and that the order of baptising ordained by the church, is necessary and wholesome?

8. Item, whether you believe that matrimony be a sacrament of the church necessary to be observed in the church, & that the order appointed by the Church for the solemnising thereof, is allowable and to be holden.

9. Item, whether thou doest believe orders to be a sacrament of the church, and that saying of mass ordained by the Church, is to be observed of Priests: whether it be deadly sin or not, if it be omitted or contemned, and whether the order of Priesthoode, were invented by man's imagination or ordained by God?

10. Item, whether penance be a sacrament of the Church and necessary unto salvation: and whether auricular confession is to be made unto the priest, or is necessary unto salvation: and whether thou believest that a Christiā is bound, besides contrition of heart, having the free use of an apt or meet priest, under necessity of salvation, to be confessed unto a Priest and not unto any lay man, be he never so good and devout, & whether thou believest that a Priest in cases permitted unto him, may absolve a sinner (being contrite and confessed) from his sins, and enioine him wholesome penance?

11. Item, whether thou doest believe and hold, that the sacrament of confirmation & extreme unction, be sacraments of the church, and whether that they do profit the souls of them which receive them, and whether thou believest the foresaid seven sacraments, to give grace unto them that do duly receive them?

12. Whether all things necessary unto salvation, are put in holy Scripture, and whether things only there put be sufficient, and whether some things upon necessity of salvation, are to be believed and observed, which are not expressed in Scripture?

13. Whether thou believest that Purgatory is, and whether that souls departed be therein tormented and purged?

14▪ Whether holy martyrs, apostles and confessors, departed from this world, ought to be honored and called upon, and prayed unto.

15. Whether the Saints in heaven, as Mediators, pray for us?

16. Whether thou believest that oblations & pilgrimages, may be devoutly and meritoriously done to the sepulchers and relics of saints?

17. Whether the fast in Lent and other appointed by the Canon law, and received in common usage of Christian people (unless necessity otherwise requireth) are to be observed?

18. Whether it be laudable and profitable, that worshipful images be set in churches for the remembrance of Christ and his saints?

19. Whether thou believest that prayers of men living, do profit souls departed and being in Purgatory?

20. Whether men may merit and deserve both by their fastinges and also by their other deeds of devotion?

21. Whether thou doest believe, that men prohibited of Bishops to preach, as suspect of heresy, ought to cease from preaching and teaching, until they have purged thenselves of suspicion before an higher judge?

23. Whether thou believest that it is lawful for all Priests freely to preach the word of God or no?

23. Whether thou believest that it is lawful for lay men of both kinds, that is to wit, both men and women to sacrifice and preach the word of God?

24. Whether excommunication denounced by the Pope against all heretics, do oblige and bind them before God?

25. Whether every priest is bound to say daily his mattins and euensong, according as it is ordained by the church or whether he may leave them vnsaid without offense or deadly sin?

26. Whether thou believest that y e heds or rulers, by necessity of salvation, are bound to give unto the people, holy scripture in their mother language?

27. Whether is it lawful for the rulers for some cause, vpō their reasonable advisement, to ordain that the scripture should not be delivered unto the people in the vulgar language?

28. Whether thou believest that consecrations, hallowings and blessings used in the Church are to be praised?

29. Whether thou believest that the pope may make laws, and statutes, to bind all christen men to the obseruaunce of the same, under pain of deadly sin, so that such laws & statutes be not contrary to the law of God?

30 Whether thou believest, that the pope and other prelates & their deputies in spiritual things, have power to excommunicate Priests, and lay people that are inobedient and sturdy from entering into the church, and to suspend or let them from ministration of the sacraments of the same?

31. Whether faith only without good works, may suffice unto a man fallen into sin after his baptism for his salvation and justifying?

32. Whether a Priest marrying a wife, and that without the dispensation of the Pope, and begetting also childrē of her without slander giving, do sin deadly?

33. Item, whether a latin priest after he hath taken the order of priesthood, being sore troubled and stirred with pricking of lust and lechery, and therefore marrying a wife for remedy of the same, do sin deadly?

34. Item, whether thou didst ever pray for John Wycliffe, John Hus▪ or Jerome of Prague condemned of heresy in the Coūsell of Constance, or for any of them since they died, or whether thou hast done openlie or secretly any deeds of charity for them, affirming them to be in bless & saved?

35. Item, whether thou hast recounted them or any of thē to be saints, and worshipped them as saints?

36. Item, whether thou doest believe, hold and affirm, that every general Coūsell, and the Council of Constance also, do represent the universal congregation or church?

37. Item, whether thou doest believe that the same things which the Counsel of Constance (representing the universal church) hath approved, & doth approve for the maintenance of faith, and souls health, that the same is to be approved and holden of all Christians?

38. Whether the condēnations of John Wycliffe, I. Hus and Jerome of Prague, done upon their persons, books, and documents by the whole general counsel of Constance were duly and rightly done, and so for such, of every catholic person, they are to be holden?

39. Whether thou believest that John. Wycliffe of England John Hus of Boheme, and Jerome of Prague, were heretics and for heretics to be named, and their books and doctrines to have been and now be perverse, for the which books and pertinency of their persons, they are condemned by the holy counsel of Constance for heretics?

40. Item, whether thou believe or affirm, that it is not lawful in any case to swear?

41. Whether thou believe that it is lawful at the commandment of a judge, to make an oath to say the truth, or any other oath in case convenient, and that also for purgation of infamy?

42, Item, whether a Christian person despising the receipte of the sacraments of confirmation, extreme unction, or solemnising of matrimony, do sin deadly?

43. Itē, whether thou believe, that S. Peter as Christ's vicar, have power upon earth to bind and lose?

44. Item, whether the Pope ordinarily chosen for a time his proper name being expressed, be the successor of S. Peter?

45. Item, whether thou hast ever promised at any time by an oath, or made any confederacy or league with any person or persons, that you would always hold & defend certain conclusions or articles, seeming to you and your accōplices, right and cōsonant unto the faith, and that you certefye us touching the order and tenor of the said opinions and conclusions, and of the names and surnames of them that were your adherents, & promised to be adherent unto you in this behalf?

The answer of John Lambert to the first Article.

VNto your first demand wherein you do ask, whether I was suspect or infamed of heresy. I answer that I am not certain what all persons at all seasons have demed or suspected of me, peradventure some better, some worse, like as y e opiniō of the people was never one, but thought diversely of all the famous prophets, & of the Apostles, yea and of Christ himself: as appeareth in S. John, how, whē he came into Jerusalem in the feast called Scenopegia, anon there arose upon him a great noise, some saying that he was a very good man, other said nay, & called him a seducer, because he led the people frō the right ways of Moses law, into error. Seeing therefore that all men could not say well by Christ, which is the author of verity and truth, yea the very truth it self, and likewise of his best servants: what should I need to regard, if at some time, some person for a like cause should suspect of me amiss, and evil report of me. Seeing moreover it is said in the Gospel. Vae vobis, cum laudauerint vos omnes homines. &c. Woe be to you when all men speak well of you: for so did their fathers to the false prophets. If therefore at any season such infamy was put upon me, I am glad that I have so little regarded the same, that now I have forgottē it. And though I did remember any such, yet were I more then twice a fool to show you thereof: for it is written in your own law: Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum: No man is bound to bewray himself. But this I ensure you, I was never so charged with suspicion or infamy of this crime, that I was therefore at any time, convented and reproved afore any judge afore that I was troubled for these causes, for which I was at the first put into your hands: and of them seeing you could not prove me faulty, I wonder why you would never yet pronounce me quite and innocent, according as I have even lowely desired of you, and required full instantly the same. But letting those pass, you have imagined new matters to charge me with, wherein I think certaynely, that you could no more have proved me culpable, thē you did in the first that is, to wytt, no whit culpable in neither, had it not been, that by long imprisonment you enforced me to tell what I thought in them, which I have and will freely do: and that indifferently considered, I suppose shall not deserve any sore punishment, unless you will bear the truth, whereunto I hope it shall not disagree.

To your second demand, where you do inquire whether ever I had any of Luther's books, and namely since they wer condemned, and how long I kept them and whether ever I have spent any study in thē? I say that in dead I have had of them, and that both before they were condemned & also since, but I neither will ne can tell you, how long I kept them: but truth it is that I have studied upon th and I thank God that ever I so did: For by them hath god shown unto me, and also to an huge multitude of other, such light, as the deceiveable darkness of them (I beseech God amend it) that name themselves (but amiss) to be the holy Church, cannot abide. And that appeareth evidently, for they dare not stand to any trial. He coveteth above all things, as all his adversaries do well know, y t all his writings & the writings of all his adversaries might be translated into all languages, to the intent that all people might see & know, what is said of every part, whereby mē should the better judge what the truth is. And in this me thinketh he requireth nothing but equity, for y e law would have nobody condemned, me yet justified, until his cause were both heard and known.

But the contrary part, I mean our over riche prelacy which is so drowned in voluptuous living that they cannot attend to study God's Scripture ne preach the same, which should be the principal part of their office, abhor this fashion (albeit it is right indifferent and full of equity) no less thē they do abhor death. And no marvel for doubt less if it so could be obtained, that the writings of all parties might be openly seen and confered, we should soon see their slightly dealing and facing doctrine, with all other cloaked abusion, lightly overthrown: As appeareth well in Almayne, for there be y e books of every party seen openly and translated in the vulgar language, that all people may see and read upon them: and so upon the sight of the books, they lightly follow the true light of God's word refusing the horror of darkness and false doctrine, whereby before, they have been seduced from the right teaching and way shown in the Bible. And this is done, not of an hundredth ne of a thousand, but generally of whole Cities & countries, both high and low, few or none except.

But our Prelates seeing this, and that there dealing should, if this light were set up, soon be detecte and discovered, have sent out commaūdements, that if any persons shall adventure to keep any such books, they shall be, in so doing, excommunicate from God, and all his Saints, and cursed as black as pitch, whether the books be in Latin, English, French, Dutch, or any other tongue: as in deed men seeing the fruit contained in them have set them forth in all languages. But this ought not Christ̄ men to think any newelty, for so did their forefathers the Prelates in Christ's time, and after to the Apostles, yea and if it were well tried I think it should be soon found out, that they have so dealt ever since, unto this day. For when Christ went about preaching, the Scribes and Pharisee is which were Bishops then & Prelates gave a general commandment, that whosoever confessed him to be Christ, should be cursed and put out of the Synagogue, y t we call the church, and so they were. Look in the Acts of the Apostles, and you shall find howe they were in like manner served: yea look in the old Testament and you shall find (as I remember) how they procured of one that was a temporal ruler at that season, to have the prophecy of Jeremiah (for he of all other is most vehement against the dissimulation of priests) to be burned: why then should we eschew them or their works, unless we knew a better cause why, whom our prelates reject and cast away, seeing they render no reasonable cause of their enterprise? but presuming of their power, without any due authority, that I can find, granted unto them so to do, will, because they so command, so have all done, according to the tyrannical saying (as I trow) of Sardanapalus: Sic volo, sic iubeo, sit pro ration voluntas: That is to say: So will I, so do I command: and that my will for reason stand.

But I would to God y t such knew what spirit they have in thē. For if they had in deed, the spirit which they claim & pretend to have, I mean y e spirit of Christ, I dare say, it should soon alter them from such haughty language & doting, and cause them to turn a new leaf: for that spirit is full of softness and lenity, lowliness and humility, patience and temperancie, void of all willfulness & tyranny, yea, it should cause them not to prevent, but easily to follow the counsel and doctrine of Christ's Apostles, & holy saints that be their interpretours. As S. Paul which writing unto the Thessalonians, would them all, to prove all things, and to retain or hold that only, which is good, in refraining frō all that hath semblance of evil. And Saint John would have Christian people, to try the spirit of them that should speak whether they were of God or no. Also he writing in another Epistle unto a noble woman and unto her children, saith, If any person shall come unto you, bringing with them the doctrine that is not of Christ, receive him not into your house, ne make him any cheare. So that in this he would have women to know the doctrine of Christ, and to love that, refusing to give credence unto foreign teaching, not savoring the same.

In the 1. Epistle also to the Corinthians, S. Paul writing in general to all the inhabitants of that city, saith: Brethren, be you not children in wit and understanding, but as concerning malicioiusness, be you children. In wit I would have you perfect: and why? Verily for none other cause, but that we should (as he writeth unto the Hebrews) have discretion to judge the good from ill, and the ill from the good, and so to be like men differing from beasts: according to y e saying of the prophet: See that ye be not like unto an horse or a mule which lack understanding. And we should pray with him in another Psalm: O Lord teach me the way that I should walk in, for I lift up my soul unto thee.

Saint Chrysostom according unto this, in a certain of his Commentaries upon Matthew, the book is called Opus imperfectum, writeth after this fashion, so near as my remembrance doth serve, and certain I am that I shall not misreport him, and that I will be tried whensoever it shall please you to bring the book. The priests that were Pharisees in the time (saith he) of Christ, made an ordinance, that who so ever should knowledge Jesus to be Christ should be accursed and excommunicate. If then the Pharisees or Priests that now do occupy their rooms should make a like ordinance, because they would not have Christ's doctrine to be professed for hindering of their lucre, should we therefore give in all points credence unto them, and leave of to seek after the knowledge of Christ's doctrine? Nay truly. Why (quoth he) shall we not be excused herein by ignorance, leeing we be forefended by the rulers to have knowledge? He answereth no verily: for if (saith he) when thou desirest to buy cloth, thou wilt not be content to see one merchaunts ware, but go from the first to the second, from the second to the third and so further, to know where is the best cloth and best cheap: thou using such careful diligence for a temporal profit art well worthy great reproach, that wilt be more remiss and negligent for thy soul health. Seek therefore about from one Doctor or teacher unto another, that thou mayest know who doth most duly and truly teache Christ, and him follow, accord ng to the saying of the Apostle: Prooue all and hold the good: and as it is said in the Gospel, that thou mayest know: Qui funt probati nummularij, & qui non. That is to wit, know who be true or lawful chaungers or coyners, and who be not.

He also addeth another similitude or parable. When thou goest (quoth he) a journey, not knowing perfitely the way, thou wilt, lest thou should fail of the right way, inquire of one man and after of another, and if thou shouldest chance to go somewhat wyde, yet thou wilt not so leave of the journey undone, but make inquisition again to come where thou wouldest rest: So likewise (saith he) ought we to seek about intentively for the wealth of our soul: Qui sunt probi clauigeri, & qui non, that is to say, who are the right key bearers and who not: meaning thereby the key bearers, Christ's apostles, and bearers of his testimony or message. Which saying, although it were written of no autenticall author (howbeit it is written even of him whom I shown you in the said work) but uttered of one that were in little estimation, every indifferent person having wit and reason, would assent (I doubt not) that it is full true.

The same author also, in an Epistle which you shall find in a work called Psegmata Chrysostomi, showeth (as I remember) how certain men deemed ill of him, for because he did study Origen's works, which afore was condemned for an heretic: but he maketh an Apology to the same showing that Christian men ought not to be reprehended for so doing. In which Apology he bringeth▪ for his defense, the saying of Paul above rehearsed, Prove all things &c. Likewise did S. Jerome, I wote not well in what place of his works, but you shall find it in a treatise called vnio dissidentium where he entreateth De mandatis hominû. When it was objected agiynst him that he retained by him the works of Eusebius & of Origin, studying upon thē he bringeth for him that it was so lawful, the said place of the Apostle, making therewith an answer worthy to be greatly noted.

The same is also reported in the book called Ecclesiastica historia, or else Historia Tripartita. I wote not now precisely whether. So that these and other moe authorities of the scripture, and semblable ensamples of holy interpretours shall prove, that I and other may safely (no good law inhibiting, unless constitutions Pharisaical) read and search the works, not only of Luther, but also of all other, be they never so ill or good: namely seeing I am a Priest, whō the bish. of Norwich ought not to have admitted into orders, unless he had seen me to have had judgment to discern good from ill, neither ought any of you to give orders to any such, in whom you do not find like ability for to judge the light from darkness, and the truth from falsehood: and therefore if for this you would punish me, I cannot see but you shall condemn yourselves, judging rather of sensual pleasure then of equity, which in men of your order, were a great shame and much uncomely.

Unto your third demand, whereto you do ask, whether I was constitute a Priest, and in what diocese, and of what Bishop: I say that I was made Priest in Norwich and of the Bishops Suffragan of the same Dioces. Unto the fourth, wherein you do demand, whether it be lawful for a Priest to marry a wife, & whether a Priest in some case be bound by the law of God to mary a wife: I say that it is lawful, yea, and necessary for all men y t have not given to them of God, the gift of chastity, to marry a wife, and that showeth both Christ and S. Paul. In y e 19. of Matthew Christ speaking unto the Pharisees that came for to attempt him, in the conclusion, saith in this wise: Whosoever, shall forsake his wife except it be for fornication, & marrieth another, committeth adultery, and whosoever maryeth her so forsaken, committeth addultery.

With that speaketh his disciples: If thus the case stand betwixt a man and his wife: it shall be hurtful and not expedient to contract matrimony. He made answer: Every man cannot away with that saying, but they unto whom it is given of God: Meaning that every man could not abide single or vnmaryed, but such unto whom was was givē of God a special grace so to continue. And if with your better advise I might be somewhat herein bold, I would suppose that where as he doth say: Non omnes sunt capaces huius dicti (Every man cannot away with that saying) this word Non omnes, ought to be here taken as it is in many other places of Scripture, as where in y e psalm it is said: Non iustificabitur in conspectu tuo omnis viuens. It is meant that no person living shall be justified afore God. And in the Epistle to the Galatians, and to the Romans where it is said: Ex operibus, legis non instificabitur omnis caro. (By the works of the law, no flesh shall be justified in his sight) it is meant thereby nulla caro, so that non omnis, after y e rule of equipollence, should be taken forasmuch as nullus : and then then the sense should be thus, Nulli sunt capaces huius dicti nisi hi quibus datum sit. No man can be capax of this saying, or can so pass their life without marriage, except those which have it givē them by a singular grace of God to live chafte.

Then he proceeded further saying, There be gelded men that so were borne from the mothers womb, and there be some gelded men, that have been so made by men, and there be gelded men that have so made themselves, for love of the kingdom of heaven. In conclusion he saith: who that receiveth this saying, thinking that it should be vnexpedient for him to mary, and that he may live chaste thorough y e gift given him of God, let him take it, and so live. So he leaveth singleness of life to all men's election, without any compelling them thereto.

Hereunto assenteth S. Paul, when that by many reasons he had persuaded the Corinthians to single life. Finally, he concludeth thus: This (quoth he) say I unto you willing y e which should be for your profit: but not to bring you in bondage. And a little afore: I would (quoth he) that all men were even as myself am. But everyone hath a several gift of God one one wise, another otherwise, showing thereby, that unto some it is given of God to live continēt, and to other for to engender & procreate children, and therefore his will cannot come to effect. Which thing you may easily perceive in this: that after he had shown forth his good wish and desire, saying: Velim omnes homines. &c. I would that all men were even as I am: he putteth a coniunctiō adversative, that declareth an obstacle or stop saying· Sed vnusquisque proprium donum habet. &c. But every man hath his proper gift of God.

Upon this he proceedeth further, whereby you may apertly see, y t he would have all men (none except) to mary wanting the gift of continency. This (quod he) I say to the unmarried and widows: expedient it were for them to remain as I do: but if they cannot live continent, let thē contract marriage, for better it is to mary then to burn. This proveth well that all priests wanting continency of heart, had need to mary for to avoid burning lust, unless they be in obedient to the mind of Christ, that spake in Paul, in observing the traditions of men.

In the beginning also of the same Chapter also he saith: It is good that a man should not deal with a woman. Notwithstanding for avoiding fornication (quod he) let every man have his wife, and every woman have her husband. He saith here: Quisque & quaeque every man and every woman. And not quidam, nec quaedam, some man nor some womā: He excepteth neither priest ne nunne, but everyone both man & woman is bound for avoiding of burning and fornication to mary, not having the gift given of chastity.

The same also confirmeth your own law▪ dist. 29. where it is written thus: Si quis discernit presbyterum coniugatum, tanquam occasion nuptiarum, quod offerre non debeat, anathema sit. If any man do hold that a priest being married, in that respect y t he is married, ought not to minister in his function: be he accursed. And in the 31. dist. Si quis vituperat nuptias, & dormientem cum viro suo fidelem, ac religiosam detestatur, aut culpabilem aestimat, velut quae regnum Dei introire non possit, anathema sit. If any man shall find fault w t matrimony; and detest a faithful and devout woman lying with her husband, and think her culpable, as one that could not therefore, enter into the kingdom of God: be he accursed. And everywhere else, such like are to be seen.

Moreover, in historia tripartita, it is written, that a noble Martyr of Christ called Paphnutius, in Nicene Council, when all other bishops were purposed to have enacted there that priests should live unmarried, this holy man resisted thē so mightily both with reasons, and also with authority of scripture, that then their purpose altered, & their first devise could not pass. And one authority I remember was this, which he borrowed of Paul in the second Epistle to Timoth. Your devise (quod he) may have a semblāce of holiness: but in deed it shall be the destruction and undoing of the same.

Moreover, in one of the principal histories of France called, Les illustrations de gaulles. Whosoever please may there read it as it standeth, within 6. leaves afore the end of the same: how the author with deep sorrow lamenteth the ordinance that decreed first, priests to live unmarried showing, & that amply, the miseries that have ensued in France, thereby imputing it unto Calixt the pope: of whom he maketh a doleful mention in Meter, whereof the first I yet remember, And it is thus: O sancte Calixte, totus mundus odit te. &c. O holy Calixte, all the world hateth thee. Which followeth in writing to all that lust to behold therein. But what need I to make longer treatise hereof, for so much as you do daily both hear and see, what soul abomination ariseth in every corner, of this pitious law made of men y t would presume to be wiser then God, thinking (as we ever do) that either he would not, or else for lack of wisdom he could not show us a sufficient law or way, to direct our life and conversation, to come to the joy and resting place of him promised, and so of us longed and looked for. Whereby we both be far unreasonable in so deeming of him after our unwise wit, and he much dishonored. The which I beseech him to help, Amen.

Unto the v. where ye do ask, whether I believe that whatsoever it done of man, whether it be good or ill, cometh of necessity: that is (as you construe) to wit, whether man hath free will, so that he may deserve joy or pain? I say (as I said at the beginning) that unto the first parte of your riddle, I neither can, ne will give any diffinitiue answer, forsomuch as it surmounteth my capacity, trusting that God shall send hereafter, other that shall be of better learning and wit then I, for to endite it. As concerning the second part, whereas you do interpret, that is to say, whether man have free will or no, so that he may deserve joy or pain: as for our deserving specially of joy, I think it very slender or none, even when we do the very commandments and law of God, and that am I taught by our savior, in s. Luke where he saith thus: Which of you (quod he) having a servant that hath eared your land, or fed your beasts, will say unto him, when he cometh home out of the field, go thy way quickly, & sit down to thy meat: and rather will not say unto him, make ready my supper, serving me thereat until I have made an end thereof, and afterward take thyself meat and drink. Think you that he is bound to thank his servant which thus shall do his commandment? I trow (saith he) nay. Even so you (saith he) when you have done all things to you commanded, say yet you be unprofitable servants, & have done that which you were bound to do.

In which words you may clearly see, that he would not have us greatly esteem our merits, when we have done that is commanded by God, but rather reckoning our selves to be but servants unprofitable to God, for so much as he hath no need of our well doing, for his own advancement, but only that he loveth to see us do well for our own behoufe: and moreover, that when we have done his bidding, we ought not so to magnify, neither our self: ne our own free will, but laud him with a meek heart, thorough whose benefit we have done (if at any time we do it) his liking and pleasure: not regarding our merit, but his grace and benefit. Whereby only is done all that in any wise is to him acceptable. And thus if we ought not to attend our merits in doing the commandment of God, much less should we look for merit, for observing of our own inventions, or traditions of men, unto which there is no benefit in all Scripture which Paul calleth y e word of truth and of faith, promised.

But here may be objected against me, that the reward is promised in many places to them that do observe y e precepts of God. That I affirm to be very sooth. Notwithstanding such reward shall never be atteyned of us, except by the grace and benefit of him, which worketh all things in all creatures. And this affirmeth well S. Augustine, S. Ambrose, Fulgentius, with other, as you may see everywhere in their works, and specially in the treatise called Vnio dissidentium, wherein he entreateth de gratia & meritis And of S. Augustine I remember ii. or iii. right notable sentences concerning the same. One is in the 9. book of his Confessions, in this form: Vae etiam laudabili vitae hominum, si remota misericordia discutias eam. Quia vere non exquiris delicta vehementer fiducialiter speramus aliquem locum apud te inuenire indulgentiae. Quisquis autem tibi enumerat vera merita sua, quid tibi enumerat nisi munera tua? O si cognoscerent se omnes, & qui gloriatur in Domino gloriaretur: Woe be to the life of men, be they never so holy, it thou shalt examine them, setting thy mercy aside. Because thou doest not exactly examine the faults of men, therefore we have a vehement hope and trust to find some place of mercy with thee. And whosoever recounteth unto thee his merits, what other thing doth he recount, but thy benefits? O would God all men would see and know themselves and that he which glorieth, would glory in the Lord. Again, in the first book he saith thus unto God: Nunquid inops es & gaudes lucris? Nunquid auarus & vsuras exigis? Superogatur tibi vt debeas? & quis habet quicquam non tuū? Reddis debita nulli debens, donas debita nihil perdens. Doth any man give that he oweth not unto thee, that thou shouldest be in his debt? and hath any man ought that is not thine? Thou rendrest debt, and yet owest to no man. Thou forgiuest debt, and yet losest nothing. And therefore his usual prayer was this: Domine da quod iubes, & iube quod vis. Lord give that thou commaundest, and command what thou wilt.

Also in the book called, Manuale Augustini, or De contemplatione Christi, he saith in this wise: Tota spes mea est in morte Domini. Mors eius meritum meum, refugium meum, salus vita, & resurrectio mea. Meritum meum miseratio Domini. Non sum meriti inops quamdiu ill miserationum Dominus non defuerit. Et si misericordiae Domini multae, multus ego sum in meritis. All my hope is in the Lord's death. His death is my merit, my refuge, my health and my resurrection. My merits is the mercy of the Lord. I am not without merit, so long as the Lord of mercy shall continue. And if y e mercies of the Lord be great and riche, then am I also great and rich in merits.

And to conclude, they be Christ's own merits and good works (as saith S. Ambrose well nigh everywhere) that he worketh in us, which he doth reward and crown, and not ours, if one should loke narrowly upon the thing, & speak properly. Howbeit, they yet nevertheless are ours by him, for so much as his merciful bounty imputeth his goods to be ours. So that in this, I wot not how other do mean, which lust to sel their merits unto their neighbors that happily have scarce enough for themselves: but I do wholly deme & believe, according as the scripture with these holy doctors, and such other, do teach, wishing that men ever for good doing should not so much (as the common people doth) regard their merit or reward, for that is not the thing that engendereth the love of god in us, but rather maketh men to honor God in a servile fashion, & for the love of themselves in doing works for love of reward, or for dread of pain, more then because it so pleaseth God, & lyketh him: whereas if we regarded first (yea & altogether) that it is our duty to do well (which is the keeping of his commandments) & that so we should content his pleasure, reward should undoubtedly ensue good deeds, although we minded no whit the same, as heat followeth evermore y e fire vnseperate therefrom. And thus we should serve god with hearty love as children, and not for meed or dread, as unloving thraldes and servants.

Concerning free will, I mean altogether, as doth S. Augustine, that of our self we have no liberty ne ability to do the will of God, but are subject unto sin & thralds of the lame, conclusi sub peccatum, & vaenundati sub eodem: Shut up and sold under sin, as witnesseth both Isaiah & also Paul, but by the grace of God, we are rid and set at liberty, according to the portion that every man hath takē of the same, some more some less.

Whereas in your sixth demand, you do inquire whether the sacrament of the altar be a sacrament necessary unto salvation, and whether after the consecration of the bread & wine done by the priest, as by the minister of God there is the very body and blood of Christ in likeness of bread & wine: I neither can ne will answer one word, otherwise thē I have told since I was first delivered into your hands Neither would I have answered one whit thereunto, knowing so much at the first as I now do, till you had brought forth some that would have accused me to have trespassed in the same, which I am certain you cannot do, bringing any that is honest and credible.

As concerning the other vi. sacraments, I make you that same answer that I have done unto the sacrament of the altar, and none other. That is, I will say nothing until some men appear to accuse me in the same, unless I know a more reasonable cause then I have yet heard, why I so ought to do. But as touching y e form and fashion, I shall answer willingly so far forth as my rudeness will serve. I hold well that such as be duly elect Ministers in the Church ought to baptize, except necessity require otherwise and that the form used in the Church, is in mine opinion not vncommendable. Neuertheles it should edify much more, if it were uttered in the vulgar language, and cause people in the Baptism of children, more effectuously to thank God for his institution and high benefit thereby represented.

In like condition do I also deem of ministration in all the other, that it should be expedient to have thē ministered openly in y e vulgar language, for the edifying of y e people. As concerning the form used in matrimony, I like it right well, and think it commendable, saving in all coūtreyes lightly Judas hath set in his foot over far, and taketh in hand to sell his master, accompanied with Simon Magus: saying what will you give me if I deliver unto you Christ? This is the saying of all them that require, without any lawful authority, in some places .xii. pence, in some vi, pence, in some more, in some less, but in every place lightly some money: when a couple should be married: and this they cal the churches right. Moreover, y t they will not suffer marriage to be solemnised at all times of the year, I think it standeth not with Christ's rule, but rather is against the same: and that they will not suffer the danes upon all holy-days to be proclaimed unless a dispensation for money be purchased therefore. All this God forbiddeth. Finally, like as no money ought to be given for this: no more should any be taken for any other. But y e contrary is seen, which is great pity, yea even at the receiving of the sacrament of the altar, priests everywhere use to claim somewhat; and in some part of the West country, no less then 2. pence of every pole.

As touching priesthood in the primitive church, whē virtue bare (as ancient Doctors do de •• e, and scripture in mine opinion recordeth the same) most room, there were no mo officers in the Churches of God, thē bishops and Deacons, that is to say, ministers▪ as witnesseth beside scripture full apertly, Jerome in his Commentaries upon the Epistles of Paul, whereas he saith, that those whom we call priests were all one, and none other but Bishyps, and the bishops none other but priests, mē ancient both in age and learning, so near as could be chosen neither were they institute and chosen as they be now a days, with small regard of a Bishop 〈◊〉 his Officer only apposing them if they can construe a Collect, but they were chosen not only of the B. but also to the consent of y e people among whō they should have their living, as showeth S. Cyprian: and the people (as he saith) ought to have power to choose priests y t be men of good learning, of good & honest report, but (alack for pity) 〈◊〉 elections are now banished, and new fashions brought all which if we should confer w t the form of the election shown of Christ by his apostle Paul, we should find no small diversity, but all turned up side down. To conclude, I say, y e order or state of priests & deacons was ordained by God, but Subdeacōs & comu ers otherwise called Ex 〈…〉 Accolitae, which We call Benet and Collect, were institute by the inuentiō of men. And this you may find in the law, Dist. 21. and other places, where is written Subdiaconatus tempore Apostolorum non fuit sacer. Subdeaconship in the time of the Apostles was no holy order.

As touching ear confession, I say, that the common fashion now used was never ordained by Christ's law, that is written in the Bible: neither can you prove by any authority of the same, that we ought to confess all our offenses particularly, with the circumstances of all & of every such, to any man. Agayne, for the maintenance of this which I have said, you shall know that Chrysostom standeth stiffly with me in his Commentaries upon the Epistle to the Hebrews. In an homely also that he maketh upon the Psalm Miserere. And moreover in a Sermon that he maketh, De poenitentia: beside many other treatises, wherein he continueth ever one, testifying in semblable wise,

In like manner doth one of your principal Doctors. writing upon your Canon law, named Panormitanus, testify that it is made by the law of man, and not of God, in cap. Omnis vtrius{que} sexus. In the book also called historia tripartita, you shall find how it was first institute (as I remember) and after undone again, because of an huge vilany committed with a woman by a Minister of the Church thorough confession.

Also it is mentioned in the ende of first Distinct De poenitentia, how the Greek Church, whom I think you do not note to be heretics, will not yet hitherto allow it. There are also many reasons brought forth, both to prove that cōfesson made to a priest, should not be necessary, & also that confession made unto God should suffice, concluding in this wise: Quibus authoritatibus▪ &c. I could bring forth other that be yet living men, of surmounting and excellent literature, which exactly by many and mighty, both authorities and reasons, do show and confirm this my saying to be just: but I keep silence and will not name them, least, I should bring them in hatred. Notwithstanding, I never said, ne will say, but that men feeling them selves aggrieved in conscience with some great tentatiō, had need to go unto such, whom they know and trust to be of steadfast credence, and to have good skill in the law of God, opening their grief unto them, to the entēt they may know through council, some ease and remedy thereof.

But in this I mean not that they ought to go unto their Curate or to any other Prieste, whose credence they deem not all trusty, or their Council not sage, but to any other, whatsoever he be, whom they know moste sufficient in properties above shown, when their Curate doth lack them. And this thing is the moste behouable, when men needing council, be so void of knowledge in Christ's law, that they cannot find therein remedy themselves. For the doctrine of Christ, if it were well known, containeth remedies for all infirmities and maladies of the mind, so that men by spiritual knowledge might ease themselves.

To the other part of your question, where ye do ask whether a Prieste in cases unto him limited, may loose a sinner confessed and contrite for his sin, enjoining him wholesome penance? I say that only Christ looseth a sinner which is contrite, by his word and promise, and the priest doth nothing but show and declare the word: Neither doth declaration or ministry of the priest any whit avail for to lose any person, unless he that should be loosed, give credence unto the word ministered and shown by the priest Which word or promise of Christ is called the word of reconciliation or attonment making betwixt God and man. And this testifieth S. Paul in the 2. to the Cor. where he saith in this wise: God hath reconciled us unto him thorough Jesus Christ. See how it is God that looseth us from sin, which is to make reconciliation or atonemēt betwixt us and him, and that thorough Christ, whom he caused to die for the same purpose. And he (quoth S. Paul) hath ordained us Ministers of the said atonement. See howe Christ's Apostles called not themselves the authors of binding and losing, but Ministers: for he (that is to wit, God) reconciled the world unto him for giving their sins. Where you may know what reconciling is. And hath committed (saith Paul) Unto us to be messengers of the same word or tidings of atonement or reconciling.

Also that the power whereby men are loosed from sin, is not the priests power you may know by the vulgar saying, which is right true: yea and with leisure, I doubt not but y t I can show the same in the Decrees which is thus: Solus Deus remittit peccata. Only God forgiveth and pardoneth us of our sins: And this was preached at Paul's Cross the Sunday next after the Epiphany last, the Bishop of London sitting by: the Preacher speaking after this form, treating of this text: Ecce agnus Dei qui tollit peccata mundi: Behold the lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world. In that said the preacher, testimony is given of Christ to be a Lamb, it is shown y t he was an innocent man. But in y t it is said, that he taketh away the sin of the world, is shown that he was God, alleging there for the confirmation of this part of his purpose, the vulgare saying above said by me: Solus Deus remittit peccata. And the same proposition, or another equal with the same, useth Chrysostom in an Homely that is made upon this text of Mathe. Vocabitur nomen eius Jesus. &c. His name shall be called Jesus: for he shall save his people from their sins. Also Saint Chrysostom in opere imperfecto, upon this text, Vae vobis Scribae & Pharisaei, qui clauditis reg um coelorum, &c. Woe be unto you Scribes and Pharisees, because ye shut up the kingdom of heaven before men, &c. As nere as my remembrance doth serve me: or else in some other place, but in the same book (as I suppose) he affirmeth that the keys of heaven are the word & doctrine of God. This witnesseth moreover S. Gregory (I trow) in his book called Pastoralia, or else it is in an Epistle that he writeth, ad Episcopum Constantinopolitanum, in these words: Clauis appertionis est sermo correctoris, qui increpando, culpam detegit, quam saepe nescit qui perpetrauit. The key of loosing is the word of the corrector who rebuking doth disclose the fault, which many times he knoweth not that committeth the same.

Saint Ambrose agreeing to the same, saith: Verbum Dei dimittit peccata. The word of God forgiveth sin, But shall we then say, that God's ministers do not bind & lose? I say no, not as the authors of so doing but they do lose and bind in like manner, as it is said of Paul in the Act. of y e Apostles, where our Savior spake unto him in this manner: I shall (said our Savior) deliver thee from the people and nations, unto whom I send thee, that thou shouldest open their eyes, that they may be converted from darkness to light. Here Paul is said to open the eyes of men's hearts. Albeit to speak properly, it is God that so doth: And therefore David prayeth unto him: Reuela oculos meos: Open mine eyes O Lord. And in like manner it is spoken of John the Baptist in the 1. of Luke: that he should go before Christ in the spirit and power of Helias, and turn the hearts of the fathers to their children, and the unbelievers to the wisdom of the rightwise. Albeit to turn men's harts, and to work in them belongeth unto God. But so use we to speak Metonymice: As if your lordship had defined me to be excommunicate, and thereupon should send a commandment to the person of Knoll to declare the same▪ the people would say that the person of Knol proclaiming your commandment had accursed me: but yet doth he not properly curse me, but you rather, whē he in pronouncing the same, doth your act and commandment, rather then his own.

Touching cases limited to Priests and Ministers, for losing from sin, or binding in the same. I do know no such things shown in Scripture, which is the perfect way of our life. Neither can any man (I suppose) show by authority thereof, that one should have more or less limited him, thē another. And if you can or will thereby teache it me, I shall thank you for your doing, & pray god to acquit you

Concerning enjoining of penance, I know of none y t men need to admit, nor you to put or enioyn the same except it be renovation of living, in casting apart old vice, & taking them unto new virtue: which every true pennytent intendeth, or ought to intend verily by the grace & assistance of our savior Christ, to show and perform. Unto the xi. I say, that grace is given unto them, that duly receive the Sacraments of Christ and his church but whether by them or no, that I cannot define: for God sendeth his grace where he pleaseth, either with them, or without them, and when he pleaseth: so that it is at his arbitrement, how, and when. Moreover, many a lewd persō receiveth the sacraments, that are destitute of grace, to their confusion. So that I cannot affirm, that y e Sacraments giveth grace: Yet in due receipt of the Sacraments, I suppose and think, that God giveth unto them grace that so taketh thē, as he doth unto all good, even without thē also. Whereas in your xii. article you do ask, whether all things necessary unto salvation, are put in holy Scripture, & whether things only there put, be sufficient, & whether some things vpō necessity of saluatiō, are to be believed & observed, which are not expressed in scripture: this is y e questiō, as great learned mē have shown me, whom I do count my friends, since y e time I appeared at your lordships assignment before master Doctor Less, & master Melling, w t other in your chapel of Lambeth, when these questions were first propounded: this (I say) is the question, which (as they told me) is the head and whole content of all other objected against me. Yea this is both the helm and stern of all together, and that which they contended right sore to impugn: but love of the truth (wherewith in this point I reckoned me well fenced) would not suffer me to apply and yield to their will, thinking quod sanctum est veritatem praeferre amicitiae, that the truth ought to be preferred before all friendship and amity: And also, Si dextra manus scandalezet, deberet praescindi & abijci. if the right hand offend, it ought to be cut off and cast away.

But touching an answer unto this question, I suppose verily, that if I had Saint Cyrils works by me, I should not need to show any other answer in this, then he hath shown afore time, writing upon this saying of S. John: Sunt, & alia multa quae fecit Jesus, there are many things moe which Jesus did. Notwithstanding, for so much as every man at all seasons, cannot have what he would, and therefore must make other shift: such as he may I say (as I suppose) the first part of your questiō to be very true, and therefore to be affirmed: that is to wit, that all things needful for man's salvation, be mentioned and shown in holy scripture, and that the things only there put, be sufficient for the regiment of spiritual living & man's soul health. And in this shall you find both the ancient Doctors standing with me: and moreover, the suffrage of holy writ, whose authority is of most sovereign and infallible steadfastness.

Look what Saint Jerome saith upon this verse: Dominus narrabit in scriptures pupulorum: The Lord shall rehearse it, when he writeth up the people. Saint Ambrose also in a treatise, De Paradiso, doth show likewise, where he bringeth this text of Paul written in the 2. to the Corinth. I am afraid lease it may by some mean be brought to pass, that as the Serpent deceived Eve thorough wiliness, so your minds may be corrupt from the simple verity that is in Christ. And also in his Commentaries upon the epistle to the Coloss. upon this text. In Christ Jesus is all treasure of wisdom, and in other diverse places of the same work.

S. Chrysostom also in his Commentaries upon Paul declaring this saying: Omnis scriptura diuinitus inspirata. &c. The whole Scripture given by inspiration of GOD. &c. And in his Book called Opus imperfectum, I wote not precisely upon what text, but there you shall find, that he would have a true preacher of gods law, not swerving therefro, neither upon the right hand, neither upon y e left. but keeping thereafter, according to the teaching of Salomō: for he that should thereunto add or withdraw, should enterprise, as saith Chrysostom, to be wiser then God. These or else such like words doth he say. I will be deemed by the book brought forth, because my remembrance cannot retain perfectly all such things.

S. Cyprian maintaineth well the same in an Epistle that e writeth ad Cecilium fratrem. Which I would to God were in English, that all men might learn the devout goodness in it contained. In the same he teacheth clearly, how we ought to hear Christ only and his learning, not regarding ne attending to the traditions of men: like as he doth also in many other places. And this agreeth well with Scripture, which is called the word of Salvation: the administration of righteousness, the word of truth, yea and the truth it self: the rod of direction: our spiritual food: the spiritual sword that we ought to fight with against all temptations and assaults of our ghostly enemies, the seed of God, the kingdom of heaven & keys of the same: the power of God: the light of the world, which who so followeth, shall not be overcome with darkness: the law of God: his wisdom, and Testament. Of which words and such like, everyone will give mat er of substantial argument, that we following the same doctrine only, shall have sufficient safe conduict to come unto the inheritance promised, albeit none other ways or means were annexed with the same. And certain I am that in this blessed doctrine of Christ is taught, howe we ought to do truth and mercy, which is all that we need to do, as testifieth the Psalm, in these words: Vniuersae viae domini misericordia & veritas. &c. All the ways of the Lord are mercy and truth. And again, the Prophet willing us to do as he did, saith in this manner: Adhaesi testimonijs tuis domine, noli me confundere. I have cleaved to thy testimonies O Lord, confound me not. In like manner the said whole Psalm warneth us. Yea all the Scripture biddeth us stick fast to the steady and true word of God: saying that he is verax, & viae eius veritas: omnis autem homo vanitas & mendax: For he is true and all his ways are truth: but all men are vain and liars. For that is the sure foundation which cannot fail them that ground thereupon as reporteth Christ: Everyone (saith he) that heareth my words, & doth them, is like to a wise man that buildeth upon a sure foundation. And there ought to be none other foundation to christen men but only the undoubted truth of Jesus, to build our faith upon, and direct our living thereafter, as showeth s. Paul saying: Fundamentū aliud nemo, &c. Other foundation can no man lay, then that which is laid which is Jesus Christ. And likewise in the Epistle, unto the Ephesians, where he saith: I am non estis hospites & aduenae sed conciues sanctorum, & domestici dei. &c. Now ye are no more strangers and foreigners, but Citizens with the Saints and of the household of God.

And in the same epistle S. Paul dilating of Christ's beneficence, showeth, how that he ordained in the Church diverse officers, to the edifying of Christian people, that he calleth Christ's body, until all we may come unto the unity of faith, which cometh by following of one doctrine which is Christ's, whereby we may grow to be perfect men, and that we should not be here like to children carried about with every wind of doctrine by deceipte and wiliness of men that study to deceive us.

In like form doeth he warn us in the Epistle to the Hebrews, that we should not be carried about as the wind with diverse and strange doctrines, but continue in that which ever continueth like and all one, agreeable for all men in all partes, and that at all times: not being chaungeable as men's constitutions be, whereof look what one doth counsel or ordain to be of effect, another annulleth the same, according as men's minds do always alter and are full vnstedy. Neither do such pertain unto all men, for the Greeks with other (whom the Pope, ne none of his people will yet deny to be of Christ's Church) will in no condition admit such, neither for men to live after them, nor to believe them as pertaining to their faith: But they allow well the doctrine that perseuereth ever one, and is immutable, as showeth Saint Paul saying: Jesus Christ yesterday, and today is all one: and so ever shall be. He is white bread without any sower leaven of Pharisaical traditions: verity without guile, light without any darkness: the very straight way that hath neither hook, ne croak. From this ought we not to turn neither upon one hand, ne other, unless we will go from him that is our felicity and anker of safety.

But what should I more entreat of this, except I would recite all scripture, which in every parte is full of admonitions, exhorting and warning us to cleave fast unto this way, which is the doctrine of the Gospel? which God I beseech him grant us all, both to know and love taking heed that in no wise we be seduced therefro, by laws & doctrines of men. Look also in the ii. chap. to the Colossians, and in the epistle of Timothy and Titus. So that I conclude, in holy scripture to be contained sufficiently enough of doctrine, for the regiment and salvation of our souls. And this because learned men do call the head Article laid against me: I would that all men should well note it, and record my saying therein hereafter, whatsoever shall be tide of me, for the truth is so in deed, that hereupon hangeth the sum of all. Therefore, I shall recite it once again. I say that in holy Scripture, the doctrine there only contained, is sufficient for the salvation of christen men's souls God give us grace we may know it, to build our faith steadfastly upon the same in working thereafter.

As touching the latter parte of your question, I say that there are many things both to be observed and to be believed, that are not expressed in scripture: as the Civil laws of princes and comminalties ordained for civil regiment of the body, and all other, so that they be not hurtefull to faith or charity, but helpful to the same, I reckon that we ought to keep them, not only for fear of punishment, but also for conscience sake, although such ordinances be not expressly and particularly in scripture expressed, for they are generally therein contained and spoken of,

Moreover, if you mean by this word expressed, that which in scripture is clearly shown out, & appeareth evidently to every reader or hearer y t hath but a mean understanding, so do I affirm y t there are some things which a man ought to believe, although they be not of him erpressely understand: As I have ever believed that the virgins Mary was and is a perpetual virgins, and that the same might be gathered by the scripture. But if by this word expressed you mean comprehended, or centeined, (as me think the mind of him that wrote the demand should be) so that he meaneth by this question, thus: whether anything ought to be observed and believed, which is not contained in Scripture and that upon necessity of salvation) then I say, that there is nothing neither to be observed ne to be believed vpō necessity of salvation, which is not contained in Scripture, and mentioned in the same either generally or specially. Yet do I not deny but other things are to be believed as I believed that Doct. Warham was Bishop of Canterbury, ere ever I saw * your Lordship? and I believe that I knew verily who was my father & mother, albeit I had none intelligence when they begot me, and such like: and yet in such pointes, although man have not a steady belief, he may be saved.

To the xiii. where ye do ask whether I believe y t purgatory is, and whether that souls departed be there in tormented & purged? I say that there is a Purgatory in this world, & that doth the scripture, and also the holy doctors call the fire of tribulatiō, through which all Christians shall pass, as testifieth Saint Paul in the second chapter of the ii. Epistle to Timoth. Whose testimony is full notable and true, albeit that few do know it, and fewer peradventure will believe it. Mark you the words (good people) and know that they be his, and not mine. They be thus: All that will godly live in Jesus Christ, shall suffer persecution. In this Purgatory do I now reckon myself to stand: God send me well to persevere unto his honor. Of this speaketh also S. Peter in these words which pertain to the instruction of all Christian people: Virtute Dei custodimini per fidem ad salutem, quae in hoc parata est vt patefiat in tempore supremo: in quo exultaris nunc, ad breue tempus, afflicti in varijs experimentis si opus sit, quo exploratio fidei vestrae multo preciosior auro quod perit, & tamen per ignem probatur, reperiatur in gloriam & honorem. Ye (quoth he)