Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

John Bent Martyr.

AT the writing hereof, came to our hands a certain notice of one John Bent, who about this present time or not long before, being a Tailor, & dwelled in a village called Urcheuaunt, was burnt in the Town of the Deuises

One Trapnel Martyr.

ALso much about the same time, was one Trapnell burned in a Town called Brodford, within the same County.

*The History of three men hanged for the burning of the Rood of Douercourt, collected out of a letter of Robert Gardner, which was one of the doers of the same.

IN the same year of our Lord 1532. there was an Idol named the Rood of Douercourt, whereunto was much and great resort of people. For at that time there was great rumour blown abroad amongst the ignorant sort, that the power of the Idol of Douercourt was so great, that no man had power to shut the Church door where he stood, and therefore they let the Church door both night and day continually stand open, for the more credit unto their blind rumour. Which once being conceived in the heads of the vulgare sort, seemed a great marvel unto many men, but to many again, whom God had blessed with his spirit, was greatly suspected, especially unto these, whose names here follow, as Robert King of Dedham, Robert Debnam of Estbergholt, Nicholas Marshe of Dedham, and Robert Gardner of Dedham, whose consciences were sore burdened to see the honor and power of the almighty living God so to be blasphemed by such an Idol. Wherefore they were moved by the spirit of God, to travel out of Dedham in a woondrous goodlye night, both hard frost and fair moon shine, although the nigh before, and the night after were exceeding foul and rayny. It was from the town of Dedham, to the place where the filthy Rood stood x. miles. Notw ^t standing they were so willing in that their enterprise, that they went these x. miles without pain, and found the Church door open, according to the blind talk of the ignorant people: for there durst no unfaithful body shut it. Which happened well for their purpose, for they found the Idol, which had as much power to keep the door shut, as to keep it open. And for proof thereof, they took the Idol from his shrine, and carried him a quarter of a mile from the place where he stood, without any resistance of the said Idol. Whereuppon they strake fire with a Flint stone, and suddenly set him on fire, who burned out so brym, that he lighted them homeward one good mile of the ten.

This done, there went a great talk abroad, that they should have great riches in that place, but it was very untrue, for it was not their thought or enterprise, as they themselves afterward confessed, for there was nothing taken away but his coat, his shoes and tapers. The tapers did help to burn him, the shoes they had again, and the coat one sir Thomas Rose did burn, but they had neither penny, half penny, gold, grote, nor jewel.

Notwithstanding three of them were afterward indyted of felony, and hanged in chains within half a yere after, or thereabout. Robert Kyng was hanged in Dedham at Burther. Robert Debnam was hanged at Cattawaye Causey: Nicholas Marshe was hanged at Douercourt. Which three persons, through the spirit of God at their death, did more edify y ^e people in godly learning, then all the Sermons that had been preached there a long

The fourth man of this company named Robert Gardner, escaped their hands and fled. Albeit he was cruelly sought for, to have had the like death, but y ^e living Lord preserved him, to whom be all honor & glory world without ende.

The same year, and the year before, there were many Images cast down and destroyed in many places: as the Image of the Crucifix in the high way by Cogshall, the Image of saint Petronil in the Church of great Horksleigh, the Image of saint Christopher by Sudburye, and another Image of saint Petronil in a Chapel by Ipswiche.

Also John Seward of Dedham, overthrew a Cross in Stoke Park, and took two Images out of a chapel in the same park, and cast them into the water.

The story, examination, death, and martyrdom of John Frith.

AMongest all other chaunces lamentable, there hath ben none a great time which seemed unto me more grievous, then the lamentable death and cruel handlinge of John Frith, so learned and excellent a young man, which had so profited in all kind of learning and knowledge, that scarcely there was his equal amongst all his companions and besides withal had such a godliness of life joined with his doctrine, that it was hard to judge, in whether of them he was more commendable, being greatly praise worthy in them both. But as touching his doctrine, by the grace of Christ, we will speak hereafter. Of the great godliness which was in him, this may serve for experiment sufficient for that notwithstanding his other manifold and singular gifts & ornaments of y ^e mind in him most pregnant where withal he might have opened an easy way unto honor & dignity, notwithstanding he chose rather wholly to consecrate himself unto the Church of Christ, excellently showing forth & practicing in himself the precept so highly commended of the Philosophers, touching the life of man, which life they say, is given unto us in such sort, that how much better the man is, so much y ^e less he should live unto himself, but unto other, serving for the common utility, & that we should think a great parte of our birth to be due unto our parents, a greater part unto our country, & the greatest part of all to be bestowed upon the Church if we will be counted good men. First of all he begā his study at Cambridge. In whō nature had planted being but a child marvelous instructions & love unto learning, whereunto he was addict. He had also a wonderful promptnes of wit & a ready capacity to receive and understand anything, in so much that he seemed not to be sent unto learning, but also borne for the same purpose: neither was there any diligence wanting in him, equal unto that towardness, or worthy of his disposition. Whereby it came to pass that he was not only a lover of learning, but also became an exquisite learned man. In the which exercise, whē he had diligently labored certain years, not without great profit both of Latin and Greek, at the last he fell into knowledge and acquaintance with William Tyndale, through whose instructions, he first received into his heart the seed of the Gospel and sincere godliness.

At that time Tho. Wolsey Cardinal of York prepared to build a College in Oxford, marvelous sumptuous which had the name & title of Frideswide, but now named Christ's Church, not so much (as it is thought) for y ^e love & zeal that he bare unto learning, as for an ambitious desire of glory & renown, & to leave a perpetual name unto the posterity. But that building, he being cut of by y ^e stroke of death (for he was sent for unto y ^e king, accused upon certain crimes, and in the way by immoderate purgations killed himself) least partly begun, partly half ended & imperfect, and nothing else save only the kitchen was fully finished. Wherupon Rodulphus Gualterus a learned mā, being then in Oxford, & beholding the College, said these words in Latin. Egregium opus Cardinalis iste instituit collegium, et absolute popinam. Howe large & ample those buildings should have ben, what sumptuous cost should have been bestowed upon the same, may easily be perceived by y ^t that which is already builded, as the kitchen, the hall, and certain chambers, where as there is such curious grauing and workmanship of stone cutters, that all things on every side did glitter for the excellency of the workmāship, for the finesse of y ^t matter, with the gilt antikes, & embossings, in so much that if all the rest had been finyshed to that determinate end as it was begun, it might well have excelled not only all Colleges of students, but also palaces of Princes. This ambitious Cardinal gathered together into that College, whatsoever excellent thing there was in the whole realm, either vestments, vessels, or other ornaments, beside provision of all kind of precious things. Besides that, he also appointed unto that company all such men as were found to excel in any kind of learning & knowledge. Whose names to recite all in order, would be to long. The chief of them which were called from Cambridge were these.

• M▪ Clarke, Master of art, of xxxiiij. years of age.
• M. Friar, afterward Doctor of Physic, after that a strong papist.
• M. Sumner, master of Art.
• M. Harman, master of Art, and after fellow of Eaton College, after that a papist.
• M. Bettes, master of Art, a good man and zealous, and so remained.
• M. Coxe, master of Art, who conveyed him self away toward the North, and aftrr was Schoolmaster of Eaton, and then Chaplayne to Doctor Goodrich Bishop of Eli, and by him preferred to king Henry, and late Bishop of Eli.
• John Frith, Bachelor of Art.
• Bayly, Bachelor of Art.
• Goodman, who being sick in the prison with the other, was had out, and died in the town.
• Drumme, who afterwards fell away, and forsook the truth.
• Thomas Lawney, Chapleine of the house, prisoner with John Frith.

To these join also Tauerner of Boston, the good Musician, besides many other called also out of other places moste pyked young men of grave judgment and sharp wits, who conferring together upon the abuses of religion, being at y ^t time crept into y ^e Church, were therefore accused of heresy unto the Cardinal, and cast into a prison, within a deep cave under the ground, of the same College where their salt fyshe was laid, so that through the fylthie stinche thereof, they were all infected, and certain of them taking their death in the same prison, shortly upon y ^e same being taken out of the prison into their chambers, there deceased.

The troublers and examiners of these good men were these, Doct. London, Doctor Higdon, Dean of the same College, and Doct. Cottesford, Commissary.

Master Clarke, master Sumner, and Syr Bayly, eating nothing but saltfishe from February, to the midst of August, died all three together within the compass of one week.

Master Bettes a witty man, having no books found in his chamber, through entreaty and surety gote out of prison, and so remaining a space in y ^e College, at last slipped away to Cambridge, and after was Chapleine to Queen Anne, and in great favor with her.

Tauerner, although he was accused and suspected for hidinge of Clerks books under the bordes in his school, yet the Cardinal for his music excused him, saying, that he was but a Musician, and so he escaped.

After the death of these men, John Frith, with other, by the Cardinals letter, which sent word that he would not have them so straightly handled, were dismissed out of prison upon condition, not to pass above ten miles out of Oxford. Which Frith after hearing of the examination of Dalaber and Garret, which bare then fagottes, went over the sea, and after two years he came over for exhibition of the Prior of Reading (as is thought) and had y ^• Prior • uer with him.

B • yng at Reading, it happened that he was there taken for a vacabond, & brought to examination: where the simple man which could not craftily enough color him self, was set in the stocks. Where after he had sitten a long time, and was almost pined with hunger, and would not for all that declare what he was, at the last he desired that the Scholemaister of the town might be brought to him, which at that time was one Leonard Coxe, a mā very well learned. As soon as he came unto him, Frith by and by began in the Latin tongue to bewail his captivity.

The Schoolmaster by and by being overcome with his eloquence, did not only take pity and compassion upon him, but also began to love and embrace such an excellent wit and disposition unlooked for, especially in such a state & misery. Afterward, they conferring more together upon many things as touching the Universities, schools, and tongues, fell from the Latin into the Greek, Wherein Frith did so inflame the love of that Schoolmaster towards him, that he brought him into a marvelous admiration, especially when the Schoolmaster heard him so promptly by heart, rehearse Homers verses out of his first book of Illiades. Whereuppon the Shoolemaister went with all speed, unto the Magistrates, grievously complaining of the injury which they did show unto so excellent and innocent a young man.

Thus Frith, through the help of the schoolmaster, was freely dimitted out of the stocks, & set at liberty without punishment. Albeit this his safety continued not long, thorough the great hatred and deadly pursuit of sir Tho. More, who at that time being Chancelor of England, persecuted him both by land and sea, besetting all the ways and hauens, yea & promising great rewards, if any mā could bring him any news or tidings of him.

Thus Frith being on every part beset with toubles, not knowing which way to turn him, seeketh for some place to hyde him in. Thus fleeting from one place to another, and often changing both his garments and place, yet could he be in safety in no place, no not long amongst his frindes: so that at the last, being trayterouslye taken, (as ye shall after hear) he was sent unto the Tower of London, whereas he had many conflicts with the bishops, but specially in writing with Syr Thomas Moore. The first occasion of his writing was this: Uppon a time he had communicatiō with a certain old familiar friend of his, touching the Sacrament of the body & blood of Christ. The whole effect of which disputation, consisted specially in these four points.

1 FIrst that the matter of the sacrament is no necessary article of faith under pain of damnation.

2. Secondly, that for so much as Christ's natural body in like condition hath all properties of our body, sin only except, it it cannot be, neither is it agreeable unto reason, that he should be in two places or moe at once, contrary to the nature of our body.

3. Moreover it shall not seem meet or necessary, that we should in this place understand Christ's words, according to the literal sense, but rather according to the order and phrase of speech, comparing phrase with phrase, according to the Analogy of the Scripture.

4. Last of all, how that it ought to be received according to the true and right institution of Christ, albeit that the order which at this time is crept into the Church, and is used now a days by the Priests, do never so much differ from it.

And for so much as the treatise of this disputation seemed somewhat long, his friend desired him that such things as he had reasoned upon, he would briefly committee unto writing, and give unto him for the help of his memory. Frith, albeit he was unwilling, and not ignorant howe dangerous a thing it was to enter into such a contentious matter, at y ^e last notwithstanding he being overcome by the entreaty of his friend, rather followed his will, then looked to his own safeguard.

There was at that time in London a Taylor named William Holt, which feigning a great frendshyp toward this party, instantly required of him to give him license to read over that same writing of Frithes, which when he unadvisedly did, the other by and by carried it unto More being thē Chancellor, which thing afterward was occasion of great trouble, and also of death unto y ^e said Frith. For More having gotten a copy of this book, not only of this Sicophant, but also two other copies, which at the same time, in a manner were sent him by other promoters he whetted his wits, and called his spirits together as much as he might, meaning to refute his opiniō by a contrary book.

This in a manner was the whole sum of the reasons of Frithes book: First to declare the Popes belief of the Sacrament, to be no necessary article of our faith, that is to say, that it is no article of our faith necessary to be believed under pain of damnation, that the Sacrament should be the natural body of Christ. Whych he thus proveth: For many so believe, & yet in so believing the Sacrament to be y ^e natural body, are not thereby saved but receive it to their damnation.

Agayne, in believing the Sacrament to be the natural body, yet that natural presence of his body in the bread, is not that which saveth us, but his presence in our harts by faith. And likewise the not believing of his bodily presence in the Sacrament, is not the thing that shall damn us, but the absence of him out of our heart, through unbelief. And if it be objected, y ^t it is necessary to believe gods word under pain of damnation: to that he answereth, that the word taken in the right sense as Christ meant, mayntayneth no such bodily presence as the Popes church doth teache, but rather a Sacramental presence. And that (saith he) may be further confirmed thus.

Argument.
• None of the old fathers before Christ's incarnation, were bound under pain of damnatiō to believe this point:
• All we be saved by the same faith that the old fathers were.
• Ergo, none of us are bound to believe this point under pa •• e of damnation.

The first parte (saith he) is euydent of it self. For howe could they believe that which they never heard nor saw?

The seconde part (saith he) appeareth plainly by saint Augustine, writing ad Dardanum, and also by an hundredth places more. Neither is there anything that he doth more often inculcate thē this, that the same faith y ^t saved our Fathers, saveth us also. And therefore upon the truth of these two parts thus proved, must the conclusion (saith he) needs follow.

An other Argument.
• None of y ^t old fathers before Christ's incarnation, did eat Christ corporally in their signs, but only mystically & spiritually, and were saved:
• Al we do eat Christ even as they did, and are saved as they were:
• Ergo, none of us do eat Christ corporally, but mystycally, and spiritually in our signs as they did.

For the probation of the first part, Frith proceeding in his discourse, declared howe the ancient fathers before Christ's Incarnation, did never believe any such point of this gross and carnal eating of Christ's body: and yet notwithstanding they did eat him spiritually, and were saved: as Adam, Abraham, Moses, Aaron, Phinehas, and other godly Israelites besides. All which (saith he) did eat the body of Christ, and did drink his blood, as we do. But this eating and drinking of theirs was spiritual, pertaining only to faith, and not to the teeth: For they were all under the cloud, and drank of the rock which followed them, this rock was Christ, which was promised them to come into the world. And this promise was first made unto Adam, when as it was said unto the Serpent: I will put hatred between thee and the woman, between her seed and thy seed &c. And afterward again unto Abraham: In thy seed shall all people be blessed &c. Addyng also the Sacrament of Circumcision, which was called the covenant, not because it was so in deed, but because it was a sign and a tokē of y ^e covenant made between God & Abrahā, admonyshing us thereby how we should judge & think touching the Sacrament of his body & blodd: to wit, that albeit it be called the body of Christ, yet we should properly understand thereby y ^e fruit of our justification, which plentifully floweth unto all faithful by his most healthful body & blood. Likewise the same promise was made unto Moses the moste meek & gentle captain of the Israelites, which did not only himself believe vpō Christ, which was so often̄ promised, but also did prefigurate him by divers means, both by y ^e Manna which came down from heaven, and also by the water which issued out of the rock, for the refreshing of the bodies of his people.

Neither is it to be doubted, but that both Manna and this water had a Prophetical mystery in them, declaring the very self same thing then, which the bread & the wyne do now declare unto us in the sacrament. For this saith S. Augustine: Who soever did understand Christ in the Manna, did eat the spiritual food that we do. But they which by that Manna sought only to fill their bellies, did eat thereof, and are dead. So likewise saith he of the drink: For the rock was Christ. And by and by after he inferreth thus: Moses did eat Manna and Phinehas also, and many other also did eat thereof which pleased God, and are not dead. Why? because they did understand the visible meat spiritually. They did spiritually hunger, and did spiritually taste of it, that they might spiritually be satisfied. They all did eat the same spiritual meat, and all did drink the same spiritual drink: all one spiritual thing, but not all one corporal matter (for they did eat Manna, and we another thing) but the self same spiritual thing that we do, and although they drank the same spiritual drink that we do, yet they drank one thing, and we another: which nevertheless signified all one thing in spiritual effect. Howe did they drink all one thing? The Apostle answereth: Of the spiritual rock which followed them, for the rock was Christ. And Bede also adding these words, saith: Behold the signs are altered, and yet the faith remaineth one. Thereby a man may perceive that the Manna, which came down from heaven, was the same unto them, y ^t our Sacrament is unto us, and that by either of them is sygnifyed that the body of Christ came down from heaven, & yet notw ^t standing never any of thē said, that Manna was the very body of Messias, as our Sacramental bread is not in deed the body of Christ, but a mystical representation of the same. For like as the Manna which came down from heaven, and the bread which is received in the Supper, doth nourish the body, even so the body of Christ coming down from heaven, and being geeuen for us, doth quicken up the spirits of the believers unto life everlasting. Then if the salvation of both people be alike, and their faith also one, there is no cause why we should add transubstantiation unto our Sacrament, more then they believed their Manna to be altered and changed. Moreover, for because they are named Sacraments even by the significatyon of the name, they must needs be signs of things, or else of necessity they can be no Sacraments.

But some may here object and say: If only faith, both unto them & also unto us, be sufficient for salvation, what need then any sacraments to be instituted? He answered that there are three causes why Sacraments are instituted. The first S. Agustine declareth in these words, writing against Faustus: Men (saith he) cannot be knit together into one name of religion, be it true, or be it false, except they be knit by the society of signs and visible sacraments the power whereof doth wonderfully prevail, in so much that such as contemn them are wicked: for that is wickedly contemned, without the which godliness cannot be made perfect. &c. An other cause is that they should be helpers to grafte and plant faith in our hearts, and for the confirmation of God's promises. But this use of Sacraments many are yet ignorant of, and more there be which do preposterously judge of the same, taking the signs for the thing itself, and worshipping the same: even by like reason in a manner, as if a man would take the bushe that hangeth at the Tavern door, and suck it for to slake his thirst, and will not go to the Tavern where the wyne is. Thirdly, they do serve unto this use, to stir up the minds and hearts of the faithfully to give thanks unto God for his benefits. And these in a manner are the principal points of his books.

When More (as is before said) had gotten a copy of this treatise, he sharped his pen all that he might, to make answer unto this young man (for so he calleth him through out his whole book) but in such sort, that whē the book was once set forth, and shown unto y ^e world, then he endeavored himself all that he might, to keep it from printing, peradventure least that any copy thereof should come unto Frythes hands. But notwithstanding, when at the last Frith had got̄ a copy thereof by means of his friends, he answered him out of the prison, omitting nothing y ^t any man could desire to the perfect & absolute handling of the matter. And as it were a great labor, so do I think it not much necessary to repeat all his reasons and arguments, or the testimonies which he had gathered out of y ^e Doctors: specially for so much as y ^e Archb. of Canterbury Cranmer, in his Apology against the Bishop of Winchester, seemeth to have collected them abundantly, gathering the principal and chiefest helps from thence that he leaned unto against the other: and I doubt much whether the Archbishop ever gave anymore credit unto any author of that doctrine, then unto this aforesaid Frythe.

What dexteritye of wit was in him, and excellencye of doctrine, it may appear, not only by his books which he wrote of the Sacrament, but also in them which he entitled of Purgatory. In the which quarrel he withstood the violence of three most obstinate enemies, y ^t is to say, of Rochester, More, and Rastall, whereof the one by the help of the Doctors, the other by wresting of the scripture, and the third by the help of natural philosophy had conspired against him. But he, as a Hercules, fighting not against two only, but even▪ with them all three at once, did so over throw & confound thē, y ^t he converted Rastall to his part.

Besides all these cōmendatiōs of this young man, there was also in him a friendly & prudent moderatiō in uttering of the truth, joined with a learned godliness. Which virtue hath always so much prevailed in the Church of Christ, that without it all other good gifts of knowledge, be they never so great, cannot greatly profit, but oftentimes do very much hurt. And would God that all things in all places were so free frō all kind of dissension, that there were no mention made amongst Christians, of Zwinglians & Lutherians, when as neither Zwingli, neither Luther died for us, but y ^t we might be all one in Christ. Neither do I think y ^t anything could happen more grievous unto those worthy men, then their names so to be abused to sects and factions, which so greatly withstood and strove against all factions. Neither do I here discourse which part came nearest unto the truth, neither so rashly intermeddle in this matter, that I will detract anything from either part, but rather wish of God I might join either part unto other. But now for so much as we entreat of the story of John Frith, I cannot choose but must needs earnestly and heartily embrace the prudent and godly moderatiō which was in that man, who maynteyning this quarrel of the Sacrament of the Lord's supper, no less godly, then learnedly (and so as no man in a manner had done it more learnedly (and pithily) yet he did it so moderately, w ^t out any contention, the he would never seem to strive against y ^e papists except he had been driven to it evē of necessity, In all other matters, where necessity did not move him to contend, he was ready to grant all things for quietness sake, as his most modest reasons and answers did declare.

For when as More disputing in a certain place upon the Sacrament, laid against him y ^e authority of Doctor Barns, for the presence of the body and blood in y ^e sacrament, he answered unto More & his companions, that he would promise under this condition, that y ^e sentence of Luther & Barns might be hold̄ as ratified, he would never speak more words of it: for in that point they did both agree with him, that y ^e sacrament was not to be worshipped, & that Idolatry being taken away, he was content to permit every man to judge of the sacrament, as God should put into their harts: for then there remained no more poison, that any man ought or might be afraid on. Wherefore if they did agree in that which was the chief point of y ^e sacrament, they should easily accord & agree in the rest.

This much he wrote in the treatise, entitled, The exile of Barns against More. Which words of this most meek martyr in Christ, if they would take place in the seditious dyuysions and factions of these our days, with great ease and little labor men might be brought to a unity in this controversy, and much more concord and love should be in the Church, & much less offense given abroad then there is.

But to our story again of John Frith, who after he had now sufficiently contended in his writings with More, Rochester, and Rastal Mores son in law, he was at the last carried to Lambeth, first before the Bishop of Canterbury, and afterward unto Croydon, before the Bishop of Winchester to plead his cause. Last of all, he was called before the Bishops in a common assemble at London, where as he constantly defended himself, if he might have been heard.

The order of his judgment, with the manner of his examination and articles which were objected against him, are comprised and set forth by him self, in a letter written and sent unto his friends, whilst he was prisoner in the Tower.

A Letter of John Frith to his friends, concerning his troubles: wherein after he had first with a brief preface saluted them entering then into the matter, thus he writeth.

And thus much hitherto as touching the articles and whole disputation of John Frith, which was done with all moderation and uprightness. But when as no reason would prevail against the force and cruelty of these furious foes, the xx. day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1533. he was brought before the Bishops of London, Winchester, and Lincoln, who sitting in Paul's vpō Friday, the xx. day of June, ministered certain interrogatories upon the Sacrament of the Supper, and Purgatory, unto the said Frith, as is above declared. To the which when he had answered & shown his mind in form and effect, as by his own words above doth appear, he afterward subscribed to his answears with his own hand, in these words.

That is to say.

I Frith thus do think, and as I think, so have I said, written, taught, and affirmed, and in my books have published.

But when as by no means he could be persuaded to recant these articles aforesaid, neither be brought to believe that the sacrament is an article of faith, but said, Fiat Iudicium & iustitia: he was condemned by the Bishop of London to be burned, and sentence given against him: the tenor whereof here ensueth.

The sentence given against John Frith.

IN the name of God, Amen. We John by the permission of God, Bishop of London, lawfully and rightly proceeding with all godly favor by authority and virtue of our office, against thee John Frith, of our iurisdictiō, before us personally here present, being accused and detected, and notoriously slandered of heresy, having heard, seen, and understand, and with diligent deliberation weighed, discussed, and considered the merits of the cause, all things being observed which by us in this behalf, by order of law ought to be observed, sitting in our judgment seat, the name of Christ being first called upon, and having God only before our eyes, because by y ^e acts enacted, propounded, and exhibited in this matter, and by thine own confession judicially made before us, we do find that thou hast taught, holden, and affirmed, and obstinately defended divers errors and heresies, and damnable opinions, contrary to the doctrine and determinatiō of the holy Church, and specially against the reverend Sacrament, and albeit that we following the example of Christ, which would not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should convert and live, have oftentimes gone about to correct thee, and by all lawful means that we could, and moste wholesome admonitions that we did know, to reduce thee again to y ^e true faith, and the unity of the universal Catholic Church, notwithstanding we have found thee obstinate and stiff necked, willingly continuing in thy damnable opinions & heresies, and refusing to return again unto the true faith and unity of the holy mother Church, and as the child of wickedness and darkness, so to have hardened thy heart that thou wilt not understand the voice of thy sheapeheard, which with a fatherly affection doth seek after thee, nor wilt not be allured with his godly and fatherly admonitions. We therefore John the Bishop aforesaid, not willing that thou which art wicked, shouldest become more wicked, and infecte the Lord's flock with thy heresy, which we are greatly afraid of, do judge thee, and definitively condemn thee, the said John Frith, thy demerits and faults being aggravate through thy damnable obstinacy, as gyltie of most detestable heresies, and as an obstinate unpenitent sinner, refusing penitently to return to y ^e lap and unity of the holy mother Church, and that thou haste been, and art by Law excommunicate, and pronounce and declare thee to be an excommunicate person: also we pronounce and declare thee to be an heretic to be cast out from the Church, and left unto the judgment of the secular power, and now presentlye so do leave thee unto the secular power, and their judgment, moste earnestly requiring them in the bowels of our Lord Jesus Christ, that this execution and punishment worthily to be done upon thee, may so be moderate, that the rigor thereof be not too extreme, nor yet the gentleness too much mitigated, but that it may be to the salvation of thy soul, to the extirpation, terror, and conversion of heretics, to the unity of the Catholic faith, by this our sentence definitive or final decree, which we here promulgate in this form aforesaid.

This sentence thus readde, the Bishop of London directed his letter to Syr Stephen Pecocke, Mayor of London, and the Sheriffs of the same City, for the receyuyng of the foresaid John Frith into their charge. Who being so delivered over unto them the fourth day of July, in the year aforesaid, was by them carried into Smithfield to be burned, and when he was tied unto the stake, there it sufficiently appeared with what constancye and courage he suffered death: for when as the fagots and fire were put unto him, he willingly embraced the same, thereby declaring with what uprightness of mind he suffered his death for Christ's sake, and the true doctrine, whereof that day he gave with his blood, a perfect and firm testimony. The wind made his death somewhat the more longer, which bare away the flame from him unto his fellow that was tied to his back: but he had established his mind with such patience, God giving him strength, that even as though he had felt no pain in that long torment, he seemed rather to rejoice for his fellow, thē to be careful for himself.

This truly is the power and strength of Christ, stryuing & vanquishing in his Saints: who sanctifye us together with them, and direct us in all things to the glory of his holy name. Amen.

This day before the burning of these worthy men of God, the Bishop of London certified king Henry the eight of his worthy, ye rather wooluish proceeding against these men: the tenor whereof, for as much as it proceedeth as the other do before, we therefore omit it, referryng the reader to the same.

Andrew Hewet burned with Master Frith.

ANdrewe Hewet borne in Feuersham, in the county of Kent, a young man of the age of four and twenty years, was apprentice with one master Warren Taylor, in Watlyng street. And as it happened that he went upon a holy day into Fleet streate, toward Saint Dunstanes, he met with one William Holt, which was foreman with the kings Taylor at that present, called master Malte: and being suspected by the same Holt, (which was a dissembling wretch) to be one that favored the Gospel, after a little talk had with him, he went into an honest house about Fleet Bridge, which was a bookesellers house. Then Holt thynking he had found good occasion to show forth some fruit of his wickedness, sent for certain officers, and searched the house, & fynding the same Andrew, apprehended him, and carried him to the Bishops house, where he was cast into irons, and being there a good space by the means of a certain honest man, he had a File conveyed unto him, wherewith he fyled of his irons, & when he spied his time, he got out of the gate. But being a man unskillful to hyde him self, for lack of good acquaintance he went into Smythfielde, and there met with one Wythers, which was an hypocrite as Holt was, Which Wythers understanding howe he had escaped, and that he knew not whither to go, pretendyng a fair countenance unto him, willed him to go with him, promysing that he should be provided for, and so kept him in the country where he had to do, from Lowe Sunday til Whitsuntide, and then brought him to London, to y ^e house of one John Chapman in Hosier lane beside Smithfielde, and there left him by the space of two days.

Then he came to the laid Chapmans house again, and brought Holt with him. And when they met with the said Andrew, they seemed as though they meant to do him very much good: and Holt for his part said, that if he should bring any man in trouble (as the voice was that he had done the said Andrew) it were pity but that the earth should open and swallow him up: in so much that they would needs sup there that night, & prepared meat of their own charges. At night they came & brought certain geasts with them, because they would have the matter to seem as though it had come out by others. When they had supped, they went their way, and Holt took out of his purse two groates, and gave them to the said Andrew, and embraced him in his arms. As they were gone out, there came in one John Tibaulde, which was banished from his own house by an Iniunction, for he had been four times in prison for Christ's Cause. And within an hour after that Holt and Wythers were gone, the Bishops Chancelor, and one called Sergeaunt Weuer came and brought with them the watch, and searched the house, where they found the said John Chapman and the forenamed Andrew, and John Tibalde, whom they bound with ropes, which Sergeaunt weuer had brought with him, and so carried them unto the Bishops house: but Andrew Hewet they sent unto the Lollards Tower, and kept Chapman and Tibaulde asunder,, watched with two Priests servants. The next day Bishop Stokesley came from Fulham, and after they were examined with a few threatnynge words, Chapman was committed to the stocks with this threate, that he should tell another tale, or else he should sit there till his heels did drop from his arse, and Tibaulde was shut up in a close chamber, but by God's prouisyon he was well delivered out of prison: albeit he could not enjoy his house and lande, because of the Bishops Iniunction, but was fain to sell all that he had in Essex, for the tenor of his Iniūction was, that he should not come within seven miles of his own house, and the foresaid Chapman, after five weeks imprisonment (whereof three weeks he sat in the stocks) by much suit made unto the Lord Chancelor, which at that time was Lord Audley, after many threatenings was delivered: but the said Andrew Hewet after long & cruel imprisonment, was condemned to death, & burned with John Frith: whose examination here followeth.

The twenty day of the month of April, Andrew Hewet was brought before the Chancelor of London, where was objected against him, that he believed the Sacrament of the alter after the consecration, to be but a signification of the body of Christ, and that the host consecrated was not the very body of Christ. Now for so much as this article seemed heinous unto them, their would do nothing in it without the consent of learned counsel. whereupon the Byshoppe of London, associate with the Bishops of Lincoln and Winchester, called him again before him. Where he being demanded what he thought as touching the Sacrament of the last Supper, answered: even as John Frith doth. Then said one of the Bishops unto him: dost thou not believe that it is really the body of Christ, borne of the virgin Mary? So (saith he) do not I believe. Why not, said the Bishop? Because (saith he) Christ commanded me, not to give credit rashly unto all mē, which saith: Behold here is Christ, & there is Christ, for many false prophets shall rise up, saith the Lord.

Then certain of the Bishops smyled at him, and Stokesley the Bishop of London said: Why, Fryth is an heretic, and already judged to be burned, & except thou revoke thine opiniō, thou shalt be burned also with him. Truelye (saith he) I am contented therewithal. Then the Bishop asked him if he would forsake his opinions, Whereunto he answered, that he would do as Frith did. Whereupon he was sent unto the prison to Frith, and afterward they were carried together to the fire. The Bishops used many persuasions to allure this good man frō the truth, to follow them: but he manfully persisting in the truth, would not recant. Wherefore the fourth day of July at after noon, he was carried into Smythfilde with Frith, and there burned. When they were at y ^t stake, one Doctor Cook a person in London, openly admonished all the people, that they should in no wise pray for them, no more thē they would do for a dog. At which words Fryth

The History of the persecution and death of Thomas Benet, burned in Exeter, collected and testified by John Vowel, alias Hoker.

THys Thomas Benet was borne in Cambridge, and by order of degree of the University, there made master of Art, and (as some think) was also a Priest, a man doubtless very well learned, and of a godly disposition, being of the acquaintance and familiarity of Thomas Bilney, the famous and glorious Martyr of Christ. Thys man, the more he did grow and increase in the knowledge of God and his holy word, the more he did mislike and abhor the corrupt state of religion then used, and therefore thinking his own country to be no safe place for him to remain in, and being desirous to live in more freedom of conscience, he did forsake the University, and went into Devonshire, in the year of our Lord. 1524. and first dwelled in a market town named Torriton, both town and country being to him altogether unknown, as he also was unknown to all men there. Where for y ^e better maintenance of himself and his wife, he did practice to teache young children, and kept a school for the same purpose. But that Town not serving his expectation, after his abode one year there, he came to the city of Exceter, and there hyring an house in a streate called the Bocher row, did exercise the teaching of children, and by that means sustained his wife and family. He was of a quiet behavior, of a godly conversation, and a very courteous nature, humble to all men, and offensive to nobody. Hys greatest delight was to be at all Sermones and preachings, whereof he was a diligent and an attentive hearer. The time which he had to spare from teaching, he gave wholly to his private study in the Scriptures, having no dealings nor cōferences with anybody, saving with such as he could learn and understand to be favorers of the Gospel, and zealous of God's true religion: of such he would be inquisitive and most desirous to join him self unto them. And therefore understanding that one William Strowde of Newnham, in the County of Devonshire Esquire, was committed to the Bishops prison in Exeter, upon suspicion of heresy, although he were never before acquainted w ^t him, yet did he send his letters of comfort and consolation unto him. Wherein, to avoid all suspicion which might be conceived of him, he did disclose himself, and utter what he was, and the causes of his being in the Country▪ wrytyng among other things these words: Vt ne scortator aut immundus essem, vxorem duxi, cum qua hisce sex annis, ab istorū Antichristianorum manibus in deuonia latitaui. That is to say, because I would not be a whoremonger, or an unclean person, therefore I married a wise, with whom I have hidden myself in Devonshire, from the tyranny of the Antichristians, these 6. years.

But as every tree and Hearbe hath his due time to bring forth his fruit, so did it appear by this man. For he daily seeing the glory of God to be so blasphemed, idolatrous religion so embraced and maintained, & that most false usurped power of the Bishop of Rome so extolled, was so grieved in conscience, and troubled in his spirit, that he could not be quiet till he did utter his mind therein. Wherefore dealing privately with certain of his friends, he did plainly open and disclose howe blasphemously and abominably God was dishonored, his word contemned, and his people whom he so dearly bought, were by blind guides carried headlong to everlasting damnation, and therefore he could no longer endure, but must needs and would utter their abominations, and for his own parte, for the testimony of his conscience, and for the defense of God's true religion, would yield himself moste patiently (as near as God would give him grace) to die and to shed his blood therein, alleging that his death should be more profitable to the Church of God, and for the edifying of his people, then his life should be. To whose persuasions when his friends had yielded, they promised to pray to God for him, that he might be strong in the cause, and continue a faithful soldier to the ende. Which done, he gave order for the bestowing of such books as he had, and very shortly after, in the month of October, he wrote his mind in certain scrolles of Paper, which in secreate manner he set up upon the doors of the Cathedral church of the City, in which was written: The Pope is Antichrist, and we ought to worship God only, and no Saints.

These bills being found, there was no small add, and no little search made for the inquiry of the heretic that should set up these bills: and the Major & his officers were not so busy to make searches to find this heretic, but the bishop and all his doctors were as hot as coals, & enkindled as though they had been stong w ^t a sort of wasps. Wherefore to keep y ^e people in their former blindness, order was taken that the doctors should in hast up to the pulpit every day, and confute this heresy. Nevertheless this Thom. Benet keeping his own doings in secret, went the Sunday following to the cathedral church to the Sermon, and by chance sat down by 2. men, which were the busiest in all the city, in seeking & searching for this heretic, and they beholding this Benet, said the one to the other. Surely this fellow by all likelihood is the heretic that hath set up the bills, and it is good to examine him. Neuertheles whē they had well beheld him, and saw the quiet and sober behavior of the man, his attentiuenes to the preacher, his godliness in the Church, being always occupied in his Book, which was a Testament in the Latin tongue, were astonied and had no power to speak unto him, but departed & left him reading in his book. As touching this point of Benets behavior in the Church, I find the reports of some other a little to vary, and yet not much contrary one to the other. For in receiving the letters and writings of a certain minister, which at the same time was present at the doing hereof in Exeter, thus I find moreover added concerning the behavior of this Thomas Benet in the Church.

At that time (saith he) as I remember, doct. Moreman Crispin, Caseley with such other, bare the swinge there. Beside these were there also preachers there, one Doctor Bascauild, an unlearned doctor God knoweth, and one D. David, as well learned as he, both Gray friers, and doctor I know not who, a Black frier, not much inferior unto them. Moreover there was one Bachelor of Divinity, a Gray frier, named Gregory Bassed, in deed learned more then they all, but as blind and superstitious as he which was most. Whych Gregory not long before, was revolted from the way of righteousness, to the way of Belial: for in Bristow (saith the author) he lay in prison long, & almost famished, for having a book of M. Luther, called his questions, which he a long time privily had studied, & for teaching of youth a certain Catechism. To be short, the brains of the Canons and Priests, the officers and commons of that City were very earnestly busied, howe or by what means such an enormious heretic, which had pricked up those bills, might be espied and known, but it was long first. At last the Priests found out a toye to curse him whatsoever he were, with book, bel and candle, which curse at that day seemed most fearful and terrible. The manner of the curse was after this sort.

One of the Priests, appareled all in white, ascended up into the pulpit. The other rabblement, with certain of the two orders of Friers, and certain superstitious Monks of S. Nicholas house standing round about, and the Cross (as the custom was) being hold̄ up, with holy candles of wax fixed to the same, he began his sermon w ^t this Theame of Joshua: Est blasphemia in Castris. There is blasphemy in the army: and so made a long protestation, but not so long as tedious and superstitious, and so concluded, that that foul and abominable heretic, which had put up such blasphemous bills, was for that his blasphemy, damnably accursed, and besought God, our Lady, S. Peter Patron of that church, with all the holy company of martyrs, confessors, and virgins, that it might be known what heretic had put up such blasphemous bills, that God's people might avoid the vengeance.

The manner of the cursing of the said Benet was marvelous to behold, for as much as at that time there was few or none, unless a Sherman or two (whose houses I well remember were searched for bills at that time, and for books) that knew anything of God's matters, or how God doeth bless their curses in such cases. Then said the Prelate, by the authority of God the father almighty, and of the blessed virgin Mary, of S. Peter and Paul, and of the holy Saints, we excommunicate, we utterly curse and banne, commit and deliver to the devil of hell, him or her, whatsoever he or she be, that have in spite of God and of S. Peter, whose church this is, in spite of all holy saints, and in spite of our most holy father the Pope God's vicar here in earth, and in spite of the reverend father in God, John our Diocesan, and the worshipful Canons, Masters, and Priests, and Clerks, which serve God daily in this Cathedral Church, fixed up with wax such cursed and heretical Billes full of blasphemy, upon the doors of this and other holy Churches within this City. Excommunicate plainly be he or she plenally, or they and delivered over to the devil, as perpetual malefactors and schismatiques. Accursed might they be, and given body & soul to the devil. Cursed be they, he, or she in Cities and towns, in fields, in ways, in paths, in houses, out of houses, and in all other places, standing, lying, or risinge, walking, running, waking, sleeping, eating, drinking, and what so ever thing they do besides. We separate them, him, or her, from the threshold, and from all the good prayers of the church, from the participation of the holy mass, from all Sacraments, Chapels, and aultars, from holy bread, and holy water, from all y ^e merits of God's priests, and religious men, and from all their Cloisters, from all their pardones, privileges, grauntes, and unmunityes, which all the holy fathers Popes of Rome have granted to them: and we give them over utterly to the power of the feend, and let us quench their souls, if they be dead, this night in the pains of hell fire, as this candle is now quenched, and put out (and with that he put out one of the candles) and let us pray to God, (if they be alive) that their eyes may be put out, as this candle light is) so he put out the other candle) and let us pray to God and to our Lady, and to S. Peter and Paul, and all holy Saints, that all the senses of their bodies may fail them, and that they may have no feeling, as now the light of this candle is gone (and so he put out the third candle) except they, he, or she, come openly now and confess their blasphemy, and by repentance (as much as in them shall lie) make satisfaction to God, our Lady, S. Peter, & the worshipful company of this Cathedral Church, and as this holy Cross staff now falleth down, so might they, except they repent and show them selves: and one first taking away the Cross, the staff fell down. But Lord what a shout and noise was there, what terrible fear, what holding up of hands to heaven, that curse was so terrible.

Now this fond foolish fantasy and mockery being done and played, which was to a Christian heart a thing ridiculous, Benet could no longer forbear, but fell to great laughter, but within him self, and for a great space could not cease: by the which thing the poor man was espied. For those that were next to him, wondryng at that great curse, and believing that it could not but light on one or other, asked good Benet for what cause he should so laugh. My friends (said he) who can forbear, seeing such merry conceits and interludes plaid of the priests? Straitway a noise was made, Here is the heretic, here is the heretic, hold him fast, hold him fast. With that there was a great confusion of voices, and much clapping of hands, and yet they were uncertain whether he were the heretic or no. Some say, that upon the same he was taken and apprehended. Other report, that his enemies being uncertain of him, departed, and so he went home to his house. Where he being not able to digest the lies there preached, renewed his former bills, and caused his boy early in the morning following, to set the said bills upon the gates of the Churchyarde. As the boy was setting one of the said bills upon a gate called the little style, it chanced that one W.S. going to the Cathedral church to hear a Mass called Bartons Mass, which was then daily said about 5. of the clock in the morning, found the boy at the gate, and asking him whose boy he was, did charge him to be the heretic, which had set up the bills upon the gates, wherefore pulling down the bill, he brought the same together with the boy before the Major of the city, and thereupon Benet being known and taken, was violently committed to ward.

On the morrow began both the Canons and heads of the city joined w ^t them, to fall to examination. With whom for y ^e day he had not much communication, but confessed & said to them, it was even I that put up those bills, and if it were to do, I would yet do it again, for in them have I written nothing but that is very truth. Couldste not thou (said they) as well have declared thy mind by mouth, as by putting up bills of blasphemy? No (said he) I put up the bills that many should read and hear what abominable blasphemers ye are, and that they might the better know your Antichrist the Pope to be the Bore out of the wood, which destroyeth & throweth down the hedges of God's church, for if I had ben heard to speak but one word, I should have been clapped fast in prison, and the matter of God hidden. But now I trust more of your blasphemous doings will thereby be opened and come to light, for God will so have it, and no longer will suffer you.

The next day after he was sent unto the bish. who first committed him unto prison called the bishops prison, where he was kept in stocks & strong iron, with as much favor as a dog should find. Then the B. associating unto him one D. Brewer his chancelor, & other of his lewd clergy and friers, began to examine him & burden him, that contrary to the catholic faith, he denied praying to the saints, and also denied y ^e supremacy of the Pope. Whereunto he answered in such sober manner, & so learnedly proved & defended his assertions, that he did not only confound and put to silence his adversaries, but also brought thē in great admiratiō of him, the most part having pity & compassion on him. The friers took great pains with him, to persuade him from his erroneous opinions, to recant & acknowledge his fault touching the bills, but they did but dig after day, for God had appointed him to be a blessed witness of his holy name, and to be at defiance withal their falls persuasions.

To declare here with what cruelty the officers searched his house for bills and books, how cruelly and shamefully they handled his wife, charging her w ^t diverse enormities, it were too long to write. But she like a good woman took all things patiently that they did to her: like as in other things she was contented to bear the cross with him, as to fare hardly with him at home, and to live with course meat and drink, that they might be the more able somewhat to help the poor, as they did to the uttermost of their power. Amongst all other priests and Friers, Gregory Basset was most busy with him. This Gregory Basset, as is partly touched before, was learned, and had a pleasant tongue, and not long before, was fallen from the truth, for the which he was prisoned in Bristow long time, at whose examinatiō was ordained a great pan of fire, where his holy brethren (as report went abroad) menaced him to burn his hands of, whereupon he there before them recāted, and became afterward a mortal enemy to the truth all his life. This Gregory (as it is said) was fervent with the poor man, to please the Canons o • that Church, and marvelously tormented his brains, howe to turn him from his opinions, yea and he was so diligent and fervent with him, that he would not depart the prison, but lay there night and day, who notwithstanding lost his labor: for good Benet was at a point not to deny Christ before men. So Gregory, as well as y ^e other holy fathers, lost his spurs, in so much that he said in open audience, that there was never so obstinate an heretic.

The principal point between Basset & him, was touching the supremacy of the B. of Rome, whom in his bills he named Antichrist, the thief, the mercenary, & the murderer of Christ's flock: and these disputations lasted about 8. days, where at sundry times repaired to him both the black and gray Friers, with priests and Monks of that City. They that had some learning, persuaded him to believe the Church, and shown by what tokens she is known. The other unlearned railed, & said that the devil tempted him, and spit upon him, calling him heretic: who prayed God to give them a better mind, & to forgive them: For (said he) I will rather die, then worship such a beast, the very whore of Babylon, and a false usurper, as manifestly it doeth appear by his doings. They asked what he did, that he had not power and authority to do, being gods vicar? He doth (quoth he) sell the sacraments of the Church for money, he selleth remissiō of sins daily for money, and so do you likewise: for there is no day but ye say diverse Masses for souls in feigned Purgatory, yea, and ye spare not to make lying sermons to y ^e people, to maintain your false traditions and foul gains. The whole world doth begin now to note your doings, to your utter confusion & shame. The shame (said they) shall be to thee and to such as thou art, thou foul heretic. Wilt thou allow nothing done in holy Church? What a perverse heretic art thou? I am (said he) no heretic, but a Christian man, I thank Christ, and with all my heart will allow all things done & used in the church to the glory of God, and edifying of my soul: but I see nothing in your church, but that maintaineth the devil. What is our church, said they? It is not my church (quoth Benet) God give me grace to be of a better church, for verily your church is the plain church of Antichrist, the malignant church, the second church, a den of thieves, an awmry of poison, and as far wide from the true universal & Apostolic church, as heaven is distant from the earth.

Dost not thou think (said they) that we pertain to the universal church? Yes (quoth he) but as dead menbers, unto whom the church is not beneficial, for your works are the devises of man, and your Church a weak foundation▪ for ye say & preach, y ^t the popes word is equal with God's word in every degree. Why (said they) did not Christ say to Peter, To thee I will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven? He said that (quoth he) to all, as well as to Peter, and Peter had no more authority given him then they, or else y ^e churches planted in every kingdom by their preaching, are no churches. Doth not S. Paul say, Upon the foundations of the apostles and prophets? Therefore I say plainly, that the church that is built upon a mā, is the devils church or congregation, & not God's. And as every Church this day is appointed to be ruled by a bishop or pastor, ordained by y ^e word of God in preaching & ministration of the sacraments under the prince the supreme governor under God: so to say, y ^t all the churches with their princes & governors be subject to one bishop, is detestable heresy, & the pope your God challenging this power to him self, is the greatest schismatic that ever was in the church, & most foul whore of whom John in the Revelation speaketh.

O thou blind & unlearned fool (said they) is not y ^e confession & consent of all the world as we confess & consent, y ^t the popes holiness is the supreme head & vicar of Christ? That is (said Benet) because they are blinded & know not the scriptures, but if God would of his mercy open the eyes of princes to know their office, his false supremacy would sone decay. We think (said they) thou art so malicious that thou wilt confess no church. Loke (said he) where they are that confess the true name of Jesus Christ, & where only Christ is y ^e head, & under him the prince of the realm, to order all bishops, ministers, & preachers, and to see them do their duties in setting forth the only glory of God by preaching the word of God, & where it is preached that Christ is our only advocate, mediator, & patron before God his father, making intercession for us, and where the true faith and confidence in Christ's death and passion, and his only merits and deservings are extolled, & our own depressed, where the sacrament is duly w ^t out superstition or idolatry administered in remembrance of his blessed passion and only sacrifice upon the cross once for all, and where no superstition reigneth, of that Church will I be.

Doth not the Pope (said they) confess the true Gospel? do not we all the same? Yes (said he) but ye deny the fruits thereof in every point. Ye build upon the sands, not upon the rock. And wilt thou not believe in deed (said they) that the pope is God's vicar? No (said he) in deed. And why, said they? Because (quoth he) he usurpeth a power not given him of Christ, no more then to other Apostles, and also because he doeth by force of that usurped supremacy, blind the whole world, and doeth contrary to all that ever Christ ordained or commanded. What, said they, if he do all things after God's ordinance and commandment, should he then be his vicar? Then (said he) would I believe him to be a good bishop at Rome over his own Diocese, and to have no further power. And if it pleased God, I would every bishop did this in their diocese: then should we live a peaceable life in the Church of Christ, and there should be no such seditions therein. If every Bishop would seek no further power then over his own diocese, it were a goodly thing.

Now, because all are subject to one, all must do and consent to all wickedness, as he doth, or be none of his. This is the cause of great Superstition in every kingdom. And what Bishoppe soever he be that preacheth the Gospel, & mainteyneth the truth, is a true Bishop of y ^e church. And doth not (said they) our holy father the pope maintain the Gospel? Yes (said he) I think he doth read it, & peradventure believe it, & so do you also, but neitheir he nor you do fixe the anker of your saluatiō therein. Besides that ye bear such a good will to it, that ye keep it close, that no man may read it, but yourselves: & when you preach god knoweth how you handle it: in so much that the people of Christ knoweth no Gospel well near, but the popes Gospel, & so the blind lead the blind, & both fall into y ^e pit. In the true Gospel of Christ, confidence is none, but only in your popish traditions and fantastical inventions.

Thē said a black Friar to him, God knoweth a blockhead: do we not preach the Gospel daily? Yes (said he) but what preaching of the Gospel is that, when therwyth ye extol superstitious things, and make us believe y ^t we have redemption through pardons and bulls of Rome, à poena & culpa, as ye term it, and by the merits of your orders ye make many brethren and sisters, ye take yearly money of them, ye bury them in your coats, and in shrift ye beguile them: yea and do a thousand superstitious things more: a man may be weary to speak of them: I see (said the Friar) that thou art a damned wretch: I will have no more talk with thee.

Then stepped to him a gray fryer, a doctor (God knoweth) of small intelligence, & laid before him great and many dangers. I take God to record said Benet, my life is not dear to me. I am content to depart from it, for I am weary of it, seeing your detestable doings, to y ^e utter destructiō of gods flock, & for my part, I can no longer forbear: I had rather by death (which I know is not far of) depart this life, y ^t I may no longer be partaker of your detestable idolatries & superstitions, or be subject to Antichrist your pope. Our pope (said the Friar) is the vicar of God, & our ways are the ways of God. I pray you (said Benet) depart frō me, & tell not me of your ways. He is only my way which saith: I am the way, the truth and the life. In his way will I walk, his doings shall be my example, not yours, nor your false popes. His truth will I embrace, not the lies and falsehood of you and your Pope. His everlasting life will I seek, y ^e true reward of all faithful people. Away frō me I pray you. Uexe my soul no longer: ye shall not prevail. There is no good example in you, no truth in you, no life to be hoped for at your hands▪ Ye are all more vain then vanity it self. If I should hear & follow you this day, everlasting death should hang over me, a just reward for all them that love the life of this world. Away from me, your company liketh me not.

Thus a whole week, night and day was Benet applied of these and such other hypocrites. It were an infinite matter to declare all things done & said to him in the time of his imprisonment, and y ^e hate of the people y ^t time, by means of ignorance, was hot against him: notwithstanding they could never move his patience. He answered to every matter soberly, and that more by the aid of God's spirit, then by any worldly study. I think he was at the least 50. years old. Being in prison, his wife provided sustenance for him, & when she lamented, he comforted her, and gave her many good and godly exhortations, and prayed her to move him nothing, to apply unto his adversaries.

Thus when these godly Canons & priests with the monks & friers had done what they could, and perceived y ^t he would by no means relent, then they proceeding unto judgment, drew out their bloody sentence against him, condemning him (as the manner is) to be burned. Whyche being done, and the wryt which they had procured De comburendo, being brought from London, they delivered him the 15. of January 1531. unto sir Tho. Denis Knyght, then sherife of Deuonsh. to be burned. The mild martyr rejoicing his ende to approach so near, as the sheep before the shearer, yielded himself w ^t all humbleness to abide and suffer the cross of persecution. And being brought to his execution, in a place called Linerie dole, without Exeter, he made his most humble confession and prayer unto almighty God, and requested all the people to do the like for him, whom he exhorted with such gravity and sobriety, & with such a pithy oration to seek the true honoring of God, and y ^e true knowledge of him, as also to leave the devises, fantasies, and imaginations of man's inventions, that all the hearers and beholders of him were astonied & in great admiration: In so much that the moste part of the people, as also the Scribe who wrote the sentence of condemnation against him, did pronounce and confess that he was God's servant, and a good man.

Nevertheless two Esquiers, namely Thomas Carew and John Barnehouse standing at the stake by him, first with fair promises & goodly words, but at length rough threatenings, willed him to revoke his errors, and to call to our Lady and the Saints, and to say, Precor sanctam Mariam & omnes Sanctos Dei. &c. To whom he with all mekenesse answered, saying: No, no, it is God only, upon whose name we must call, and we have no other advocate unto him, but only Jesus Christ: Who died for us, and now sitteth at the right hand of the father, to be an advocate for us, and by him must we offer & make our prayers to God, if we will have them to take place and to be heard. Wyth which answer the foresaid Barnehouse was so enkindled, that he took a furse bush upon a pike, and being set on fire, thrust it unto his face, saying, Ah whoresone heretic, pray to our Lady, and say, Sancta Maria, ora pro nobis, or by

To whom the said Thomas Benet with an humble and a meek spirit, most patiently answered: Alas Syr, trouble me not. And holding up his hands, said: Pater ignosce illis. Whereuppon the Gentlemen caused the wood and furses to be set a fire, and therewith this godly man lifted up his eyes and hands to heaven, saying, O Domine, recipe spiritum meum: and so continuing in his prayers, did never stir nor strive, but most patiently abode the cruelty of the fire, until his life was ended. For the which the Lord God be praised, and send us his grace and blessing, that at the latter day we may with him enjoy the bless and joy provided and prepared for the elect children of God.

This Benet was burned in a Ierkine of neates leather, at whose burning, such was the deuilishe rage of the blind people, that well was he or she that could catch a stick or furse to cast into the fire.

HItherto we have run over (good reader) the names, y ^e Acts and doings of them which have sustained death and the torment of burning for Christ's cause, through the rigorous proclamation above specified, set out (as is said) in the name of K. Henry, but in deed procured by the Bishops. Which proclamation was so straitly looked upon & executed so to the uttermost in every point, by the said popish Prelates, that no good man habens spiramentum, whereof Esdras speaketh) could peep out with his head never so little, but he was caught by the back, & brought either to the fire, as were these above mentioned: or else compelled to abjure. Wherof there was a great multitude, as well men as women: whose names if they were sought out through all registers in England, no doubt it would make too long a discourse. Nevertheless omitting the rest, it shall content us at this present, briefly as in a short Table, to insinuate the names, with the special Articles, of such as in the diocese of London under Bishop Stokesley, were molested and vexed, and at last compelled to abjure, as here under may appear.

The revocation of Doct. Will. Goodrige read at Paul's Cross.

MAisters, so it is that where in my late Sermon at S. Mary spittle, the Tewsday in Easter week last past, I did pray specially for the soul of Richard Hunne, late of London Merchant Tailer, an heretic by the laws of holy Church justly condemned, by reason whereof I greatly offended God and his Church, and the laws of the same, for the which I have submitted me to my Ordinary, and done penance therefore: for as much as peradventure the audience that was there offended by my said words, might take any occasion thereby to think that I did favor the said heretic or any other, I desire you at the instance of almighty God to forgive me, and not so to think of me, for I did it unadvisedly. Therefore here before God and you, I declare myself that I have not favored him or any other heretic, nor hereafter intend to do, but at all times shall defend the Catholic faith of holy church, according to my profession to the best of my power.

*A letter directed to Thomas Phillip in the name of the brethren, and given him by the way going to the Tower.

Thus ye have heard the letter delivered to Th. Philip. Now followeth the Testament of William Tracie.

*Tracie his Testament.

A Little before this time, William Tracie a worshipful Esquire in Glocestershire, and then dwelling at Todington, made in his will, that he would have no funeral pomp at his burying, neither passed he upon Mass, and farther said that he trusted in God only, and hoped by him to be saved, and not by any Saint. Thys Gentlemā died, and his son as executor, brought the will to the Bysh. of Canterbury to prove, which he shown to the convocation, and there most cruelly they judged that he should be taken out of the ground and be brent as an heretic, anno. 1532. This commission was sent to Doc. Parker Chancellor of the Diocese of Worcester, to execute their wicked sentence, which accomplished the same. The king hearing his subject to be taken out of the ground and brent without his knowledge or order of his law, sent for the Chancellor, and laid high offense to his charge: who excused him self by the Archbishop of Caunterburye which was late dead, but in conclusion it cost him CCC. pound to have his pardon. The will and Testament of this Gentleman thus condemned by the Clergy, was as here under followeth.

IN the name of God, Amen. I William Tracie of Todington in the County of Gloucester Esquire, make my Testament & last will, as hereafter followeth. First and before all other things, I commit myself unto God & to his mercy, believing without any doubt or mistrust that by his grace and the merits of Jesus Christ, and by the virtue of his passion and of his resurrection, I have and shall have remission of all my sins and resurrection of body & soul, according as it is written: I believe that my redeemer liveth, & that in the last day I shall rise out of the earth, and in my flesh shall see my Savior: this my hope is laid up in my bosom.

And touching the wealth of my soul, the faith that I have taken and rehearsed is sufficient (as I suppose) without any other man's works or merits. My ground and belief is, that there is but one God and one Mediator between God and man, which is Jesus Christ: so that I accept none in heaven nor in earth to be Mediator between me and God, but only Jesus Christ: all other to be but as peticioners in receiving of grace, but none able to give influence of grace: And therefore will I bestow no part of my goods for that intent that any man should say or do, to help my soul, for therein I trust only to the promises of Christ: He that believeth and is baptized, shall be saved, and he that believeth not, shall be damned.

As touching the burying of my body it availeth me not whatsoever be done thereto, for S. Agustine saith De cura agenda pro mortuis, that the funeral pomps are rather the solace of them that live, then the wealth and comfort of them that are dead, and therefore I remit it only to the discretion of mine executors.

And touching the distribution of my temporal goods, my purpose is, by the grace of God, to bestow them to be accepted as the fruits of faith, so that I do not suppose y ^t my merit shall be by the good bestowing of them, but my merit is the faith of Jesus Christ only, by whom such works are good according to the words of our Lord: I was hungry and thou gavest me to eat, &c. And it followeth: that ye have done to the least of my brethren, ye have done it to me, &c. And ever we should consider that true saying: that a good work maketh not a good man, but a good man maketh a good work: for faith maketh the man both good and righteous: for a righteous man liveth by faith: and whatsoever springeth not of faith is sin, &c.

And all my temporal goods that I have not given or delivered, or not given by writing of mine own hand, bearing the date of this present writing, I do leave and give to Margaret my wife, and to Richard my son, whom I make mine Executors. Witnes hereof mine own hand, the tenth of October, in the xxij. year of the reign of King Henry the eyght.

This is the true copy of his will, for the which, as you heard before, after he was almost two years dead, they took him up and burned him.

*The recantation of Thomas Topley.

ALl Christian men beware of consentyng to Erasmus fables, for by consentyng to them, they have caused me to shrink in my faith that I promised to God at my Christenyng by my witnesses. First, as touching these Fables, I read in Colloquium by the instruction of Syr Richard Fox, of certain Pilgrimes, which (as the book doth say) made a vow to go to S. James, & as they went, one of them died & he desired his fellows to salute S. James in his name: and another died homeward, and he desired that they would salute his wife and his childrē, and the third died at Florence, & his fellow said he supposed that he was in heaven, and yet he said that he was a great liar. Thus I mused of these opinions so greatly, that my mind was almost withdrawn from devotion to Saints. Notwithstandyng I cōsēted that the divine service of them was very good, and is though I have not had such sweetness in it as I should have had, because of such Fables, & also because of other foolish pastimes, as daūcing, ten's and such other, which I think have been great occasions that the goodness of God hath been void in me, and vice in strength.

Moreover, it fortuned thus about half a year a go, that the said Syr Richard went forth and desired me to serve his Cure for him, and as I was in his chamber, I found a certain book called Wickleffes Wicket, whereby I felt in my conscience a great waueryng for the time that I did read upon it, and afterward also when I remembered it, it wounded my conscience very sore. Nevertheless I consented not to it, until I had heard him preach, and that was vpō S. Anthony's day: yet my mind was still much troubled with the said book (which did make the Sacrament of Christ's body, in form of bread, but a remembrance of Christ's Passion) till I heard Syr Myles Coverdale preach, and then my mind was sore withdrawn from that blessed Sacrament, in so much that I took it then but for the remembrance of Christ's body. Thus have I wretchedly wrapped my soul with sin, for because I have not been steadfast in y ^t holy order that God hath called me unto by Baptism, neither in y ^e holy order that God & S. Augustine hath called me to by my Religion. &c.

Furthermore he said and confessed, that in the Lent last past, as he was walking in the field at Bumstede with Syr Myles Coverdale late Frier of the same order, going in y ^e habit of a secular Priest, which had preached the iv. Sunday in Lent at Būstead, they did common together of Erasmus works, and also upon confession: the which Syr Myles said & did hold, that it was sufficient for a man to be contrite for his sins betwixt God and his conscience, without confession made to a Priest: which opinion this respondent thought to be true and did affirm and hold the same at that time. Also he saith that at the said Sermon made by the said Syr Myles Coverdale at Bumstede, he heard him preach against worshipping of Images in the Church, saying and preaching that men in no wise should honor or worship thē: which likewise he thought to be true, because he had no learning to defend it.

So great was the trouble of those times, that it would overcharge any story to recite the names of all thē, which during those bitter days before the coming in of Queen Anne, either were driven out of the Realm, or were cast out frō their goods and houses, or brought to open shame by abjuration. Such decrees and Injunctions then were set forth by the Bishops, such laws and proclamations were provided, such watch and narrow search was used, such ways were taken by force of oath to make one detect another so subtelly, that vnneth any good mā could or did escape their hands, but either his name was known, or else his person was takē. Yet nevertheless so mightily the power of God's Gospel did work in the hearts of good men, that the mumber of them did nothing lessen for all this violence or policy of the adversaries, but rather increased in such sort, as our story almost suffereth not to recite y ^e particular names of all and singular such as then groaned under the same Cross of affliction and persecution of those days: as of which number were these.

• Arthur.
• Geffray Lome.
• John Tibold, his mother, his wife, his two sons, and his two daughters.
• Edmond Tibold, and his wife.
• Henry Butcher, and his wife.
• William Butcher, and his wife.
• George Preston, and his wife.
• Joan Smith, widow.
• Robert Smith, her son.
• Richard Smith, her son.
• Margaret Smith, her daughter.
• Elizabeth Smith, her daughter.
• Rob. Hempstede, and his wife.
• Tho. Hempstede, and his wife.
• John Hempstede, his son.
• Robert fair.
• William Chatwals.
• Joan Smith widow, otherwise called Agnes widow.
• John her son.
• Thomas her son.
• Christopher her son:
• Alyce her daughter.
• Joan her daughter.
• John Wiggen.
• Nicholas Holdens wife.
• Alyce Shypwright.
• Henry Brown.
• John Craneford.

All these were of the Town of Bumstede, who being detected by Syr Richard Fox their Curate, and partly by Tibold, were brought up to the Bishop of London, and all put together in one house, to the number of xxxv. to be examined and abjured by the said Bishop.

Moreover, in other towns about Suffolk and Essex, other also were detected, as in the town of Byrbroke, these following.

• Isabell Choote widow.
• John Choote her son.
• William Choote her son.
• Christopher Choote her son.
• Robert Choote her son.
• Margeret Choote her daughter.
• Katherine her maid.
• Thomas Choote, and his wife.
• Haruy, and his wife.
• Agnes his daughter.
• Thomas his son.
• Bateman, and his wife.
• John Smith, and his wife.
• Thomas Butcher, and his wife.
• Robert Catlyn, a spone maker.
• Christmas, and his wife.
• William Bechwith, his wife, and his two sons.
• John Pickas, and his wife.
• William Pickas, his brother.
• Girling, his wife, & his daughter.
• Matthews wife.
• Johnson, his wife, and his son.
• Thomas Hilles.
• Roger Tanner.

• Christopher Raven, and his wife.
• John Chapman, his servant.
• Richard Chapman, his servant, and brother to John Chapman.

Who remaineth yet alive, & hath been of a long time a great harberour of many good men & women that were in trouble & distress, & received thē to his house, as Tho. Bate, Simon Smith, the Priests wife, Roger Tanner, with a mumber mo, which ye may see & read in our first edition, pa. 419.

Touching this Richard Chapman, this by the way is to be noted, that as he was in his coat and shyrt enjoined bare head, bare foot, and bare leg, to go before the procession, and to kneel upon the cold steps in the Church all the Sermon time, a little ladde seeing him kneel upon the cold stone with his bare knees, & having pity on him, came to him, and having nothing else to give him, brought him his cap to kneel upon. For the which the boy immediately was taken into the Uestry, and there unmercifully beaten for his mercy shown to the poor penitent.

Besides these, diverse other were about London, Colchester, and other places also partakers of the same Cross and affliction for the like cause of the Gospel, in which number cometh in these which hereafter follow.

• Peter Fenne, Priest.
• John Turk.
• Robert Best.
• William Raylond of Colchester.
• Henry Raylond, his son.
• Marion Matthew, or Westden.
• Dorothe Long.
• Thomas Parker.
• Alyce Gardener.
• John Tomson. of Colchester.
• John. Bradley, and his wife. of Colchester.
• John Hubert of Estdoneland, and his wife.
• M. Forman, Bachelor of Diuitie, Parson of Honey lane.
• Robert Necton.
• Katherine Swane.
• Master Cowbrige, of Colchester.
• Wydow Denby.
• Robert Hedill, of Colchester.
• William Butcher, whose fathers graundfather was burned for the same Religion.
• Abraham Water, of Colchester.
• Robert Wygge. of London.
• William Bull. of London.
• George Cooper. of London.
• John Toy, of S. Faith. of London.
• Richard Foster. of London.
• Sebastian Harrys, Curate of Kensington.
• Ex Regist. Lond.

All these in this table contained, were troubled and abjured. an. 1527. and 1528.

• John. Wyly the elder.
• Catherine Wyly, his wife.
• Io. Wyly, his son.
• Christian Wyly, his wife.
• W. Wyly, his son.
• Margaret Wyly, his wife.
• Lucy Wyly.
• Agnes Wyly, two young gyrles.
• An. 1532.

These eight persons were accused, an. 1532. for eating potage and fleshmeate five years before, upon S. James even.

Also another time, upon S. Peters even, as Catherine Wyly did lie in childbed, the other wives, with the two gyrles, were found eating altogether of a brothe made with the fore part of a rack of Mutton.

Item, the foresaid John Wyly the elder, had a Primmer in English in his house, and other books.

Also, he had a young daughter of ten years old, which could render by heart the most part of the 24. Chapter of S. Matthew. Also, could rehearse without book, the disputation between the clarke and the Frier.

Item, the said John Wyly had in his house a treatise of William Thorpe, and Syr John Oldcastle.

A note of Richard Bayfilde above mentioned.

MEntion was made before of Richard Bayfild Monk of Bury, pag 1024. who in these perilous days, amongst other good Saints of God, suffered death, as ye have heard, but how and by whom he was detected, hath not been shown: which now in searching out of Registers, as we have found, so we thought good here to adjoin y ^e same with the words & confession of the same Edmund Peerson, which detected him in manner as followeth.

And thus we have, as in a gross sum, cōpiled together the names and causes, though not of all, yet of a great, and to great a number of good men & good women, which in those sorrowful days (from the yere of our Lord 1527. to this present yere 1533. that is, til the coming in of Queen Anne) were manifold ways vexed and persecuted under the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome. Where again we have to note, that frō this present year of our Lord 1533. during the time of the said Queen Anne, we read of no great persecution, nor any abjuration to have been in the Church of England, save only that the Registers of London make mention of certain Dutchmen, counted for Anabaptists, of whom 10. were put to death in sundry places of the realm. an 1535. other 10. repented and were saved. Where note again that 2. also of the said company, albeit the diffinitiue sentence was read, yet notwithstanding were pardoned by the king, which was contrary to the Popes law.

Now to proceed forth in our matter, after that the Bishops and heads of the clergy had thus a long time taken their pleasure, exercising their cruel authority against the poor wasted flock of the Lord, and began furthermore to stretch forth their rigor and austerity, to attach & molest also other greater persons of the temporality: so it fell, that in y ^e beginning of the next or 2. yere following, which was an. 1534. a parliament was called by the king, about the 15. day of Ian. In the which parliament, the commons renewing their old griefs, complained of the cruelty of the Prelates & Ordinaries, for calling men before them Ex Officio. For such was then the usage of the Ordinaries and their Officials, that they would send for men, & lay accusations to them of heresy, only declaring to them, that they were accused, and would minister Articles to them, but no accuser should be brought forth: whereby the commons was grievously anoyed & oppressed, for the party so acited, must either abjure, or do worse, for purgatiō he might none make.

As these matters were long debating in the Common house, as last it was agreed, that the temporal men should put their griefs in writing, and deliver them to the King. Whereuppon the 18. day of Marche, the common speaker accompanied with certain Knights and Burgeses of the common house, came to the Kyngs presence, and there declared, how the temporal men of his Realm were sore aggrieved with the cruel demainour of the Prelates & Ordinaries, which touched their bodies and goods so near, that they of necessity were enforced to make their humble suit by their speaker unto his grace, to take such order and redress in the case, as to his high wisdom might seem most convenient. &c.

Unto this request of the commons, although the King at that time gave no present grant, but suspended them with a delay, yet notwithstanding this sufficiently declared the grudging minds of the temporal men, against the spiritualty, lacking nothing but God's helping hand to work in the kings heart for reformation of such things, which all they did see to be out of frame. Neither did the Lord's divine providence fail in time of need, but eftsones ministered a ready remedy in time expedient. He saw the pride and cruelty of the spiritual clergy grown to such an height, as was intolerable. He saw again and heard the groaning hearts, the bitter afflictions of his oppressed flock, his truth decayed, his religion profaned, the glory of his son defaced, his church lamentably wasted: wherefor it was high time for his high Majesty to look upon the matter (as he did in deed) by a strange & wondrous means, which was through the kings diuorsement from Lady Katherine Dowager, and marrying with lady Anne Boleyn, in this present year: which was the first occasion and beginning of all this public reformation, which hath followed since in this Church of England to this present day, according as ye shall hear.

The marriage between king Henry VIII. and Queen Anne Boleyn, and Queen Katherine divorced.

IN the first entry of this kings reign, ye heard before, pag. 800. howe after the death of Prince Arthur, the Lady Katherine Princes Dowager and wife to Prince Arthur, by the consent both of her father and of his, and also by the advise of the nobles of this realm, to the ende her down might remain still within the realm, was espoused after the decease of her husband, to his next brother, which was this king Henry.

This marriage seemed very strange and hard, for one brother to marie the wife of another. But what can be in this earth so hard or difficulte, wherewith the Pope, the omnipotent Vicar of Christ, cannot by favor dispense, if it please him? The pope which then ruled at Rome, was Pope Julius the second, by whose dispensation, this marriage, which neither sense or nature would admit, nor God's law would bear, was concluded, approved and ratified, and so continued as lawful, without any dout or scruple, the space near of 20. years, till about the time, that a certain doubt began first to be moved by the Spaniards themselves of the Emperors counsel. An. 1523. at what time Charles the Emperor being here in England, promised to marry the Lady Mary daughter to the Kynge of England, with the which promise the Spaniards themselves were not well contented, objecting this among many other causes, that the said Lady Marie was begotten of the king of England by his brothers wife.

Wherupon the Emperor forsaking that marriage, did couple himself with Lady Isabel, daughter to king Immanuel of Portugal. Which Marriage was done in the yere of our Lord 1526. After this Marriage of the Emperor, the next year following, King Henry being disappointed thus of the Emperor, entered talk, or rather was labored too by the French Ambassadors, for the said Lady Mary to be married to the French kings son, Duke of Orliance. Upon the talk whereof, after long debating, at length the matter was put of by a certain doubt of the President of Paris, casting the like objection as the Spaniards had done before, that was, whether the Maryage between the king & the mother of this Lady Mary, which had been his brothers wife before, were good or no. And so the marriage twice vnluckely attempted, in like sort brake of again and was rejected: which happened in the yere of our Lord. 1527.

The king upon the occasion hereof casting many things in his mind, began to consider the cause more depely, first with himself, after with certain of his nearest counsel, wherein two things there were which chiefly pricked his mind, whereof the one touched his conscience, the other cōcerned the state of his Realm. For if that Marriage with his brothers wife stood unlawful by the law of God, then neither was his conscience clear in retaining the mother nor yet the state of the realm firm by succession of the daughter. It happened the same time that the Cardinal which was then nearest about the king, had fall̄ out with the Emperor, for not helping him to y ^e Papacy, as ye before have heard: for the which cause he helped to set the matter forward, by all practice he might. Thus the king perplexed in his conscience, and careful for y ^e common wealth and partly also incited by the Cardinal, could not so rest, but inquired further, to feel what the word of God & learning would say unto it. Neither was the case so hard, after it began once to come in public question, but that by the word of God and the judgments of the best learned clerks, and also by the censure of the chief Universities of all Christendom, to the number of .x. and moe, it was soon discussed to be unlawful.

All these censures, books and writings of so many Doctors, Clerks, and Universities sent from all quarters of Christendom, to the king albeit they might suffice to have full resolved and did in deed resolve the kings conscience touching this scruple of his marriage: yet would not he straight way use that advantage which learning did give him, unless he had withal the assent, as well of the Pope: as also the Emperor: wherein he perceived no little difficulty. For the Pope, he thought, seeing the marriage was authorised before, by the dispensation of his predecessor, would hardly turn his keys about, to undo that which the Pope before him had locked: & much less would he suffer those keys to be foiled, or to come in any doubt which was like to come, if that marriage were proved vndispensable by God's word, which his predecessor, thorough his plenary power had licenced before. Again the Emperor, he thought, would be no less hard for his part on the other side, for as much as the said Lady Katherine was the Emperors near aunt and a Spaniarde borne. Yet nevertheless his purpose was to prove and feel what they both would say unto it, & therefore sent Stephen Gardener to Rome, to way with Pope Clement. To the Emperor was sent Syr Nicolas Heruy knight, ambassador in the Court of Gaunt. Firste Pope Clement, not weighing belike, the full importance and sequel of the matter, sent Cardinal Campeius (as is said) into England, joined with the Cardinal of York.

At the coming of which Legates, the King first opening unto them the grief of his conscience, seemed with great reasons and persuasions, sufficiently to have drawn the good will of those two Legates to his side. Who also of their own accord, pretended no less but to show a willing inclination to further the kings cause. But yet the mouths of the common people, and in especial of women, and such other as favored the Queen, and talked their pleasure, were not stopped. Wherefore, to satisfy the blind surmises, and foolish communication of these also, who seeing the coming of the Cardinals, cast out such leaude words, that the king would for his own pleasure have another wife, with like vnseeming talk, he therefore willing that all men should know the truth of his proceedings, caused all his Nobility, Judges, and Counsaillors, with diverse other persons, to resort to his Palace of Bridewel the 8. day of Nouemb. An. 1529. where he openly speaking in his great chamber, had these words in effect as followeth.

Shortly after this Oration of the king, wherewith he stirred the harts of a number, then the two Legates, being requested of the king for discharge of his conscience, to judge and determine upon the cause, went to the Queen lying then in the place of Bridewell, and declared to her, how they were deputed judges indifferent between y ^e king and her, to hear and determine, whether the marriage between them stood with God's law nor not. When she understood the cause of their coming, being thereat something astonied at y ^e first, after a little pausing with her self, thus she began, answering for her self.

In the next year ensuing, an. 1530. at the black Friars of London was prepared a solemn place for two Legates, who coming with their crosses, pillars, axes, and all other Romish ceremonies accordingly, were set in two chayres covered with cloth of gold, and cushiōs of y ^e same. When all things were ready, then the king & the Qeuene were ascited by Doct. Sampson, to appear before the said Legates the 28. day of May: where (the commission of the Cardinals first being read, wherein it was appointed by the Court of Rome, that they should be the hearers & judges in the cause between them both) the king was called by name, who appeared by two Proctors. Then the Queen was called, who being accompanied with 4. Bishops, and other of her counsel, and a great company of Ladies came personally her self before the Legates: who there after her obeisance, with a sad gravity of countenance, having not many words with them: appealed frō the Legates, as judges not competent, to y ^e court of Rome and so departed. Notwithstanding this appeal, the Cardinals sat weekly, & every day arguments on both sides were brought, but nothing definitively was determined.

As the time passed on, in the month of June, the king being desirous to see an ende, came to the Courte, and the Queen also, where he standing under his cloth of estate, uttered these or like words in effect as followeth.

When the king had said, the Queen departed without anything, saying. Then she was called, to know whether she would abide by her appeal, or answer there before the Legates. Her Proctor answered that she would abide by her appeal. That notwithstanding, the Counsaillers on both sides every day almost, met and debated this matter substātially, so y ^t at the last the divines were all of opinion, that the marriage was against the law of God, if she were carnally known by the first brother, which thing she clearly denied. But to that was answered, that prince Arthur her husband confessed the act done, by certain words spoken, which being recorded in other Chronicles, I had rather should there be red, then by me here uttered. Furthermore, at the time of the death of prince Arthur, she thought and judged that she was with child, and for that cause, the king was deferred from the title & creation of the Prince of Wales, almost half a year, which thing could not have been judged, if she had not been carnally known.

Also she herself caused a bul to be purchased, in y ^t which were these words, Vel forsan cognitam, which is as much to say, as peradventure carnally known, which words were not in the first Bull granted by July at her second marriage, to the king, which seconde Bull with that clause was only purchased, to dispence with the second matrimony, although there were carnal copulation before, which Bul needed not to have been purchased, if there had ben no carnal copulation, for then the first Bull had been sufficient.

Moreover, for the more clear evidence of this matter that Prince Arthur had carnal knowledge of the said Lady Katherine his wife, it appeareth in a certain book of Recordes which we have to show touching this marriage, that the same time when Prince Arthur was first married with this Lady Katherine daughter to Ferdinando, certain Ambassadors of Ferdinando his Counsaile were then sent hither into England for the said purpose to see and to testify, concerning the full consummation of the said matrimonial conjunction. Which Counsaillers here resident, being solemnly sworn, not only did affirm to both their parents, that the Matrimony was consummate by that act: but also did send over into Spain to her father, such demonstrations of their mutual conjunction, as here I will not name, sparing the reverence of chaste ears: which demonstrations otherwise in those Records being named and testified, do sufficiently put the matter out of all doubt and question.

Besides that, in the same records appeareth that both he and she not only were of such years as were mete and able to explete the cōsummation hereof, but also they were and did lie together both here and in Wales by the space of 3. quarters of a year.

Out of a written book of Recordes, containing certain conferences betwixt the Cardinal and Queens Katherines Amner about this matter, remaining in our custody to be seen.

Thus when the Divines on her side, were beaten from that ground, then they fell to persuasions of Natural reasons, how this should not be undone for three causes. One was because, if it should be broken, the only child of the king should be a Bastard, which were a great mischief to the realm. Secondly, the separation should because of great unkindness between her kindred and this Realm. And the third cause was, that the continuance of so long space, had made the Marriage honest. These persuasions with many other, were set forth by the Queens Counsaile, and in especial by the Bishop of Rochester, which stood stiff in her cause. But yet God's precept was not answered, wherefore they left that ground and fell to pleading that the court of Rome had dispensed with that Marriage. To this some Lawyers said, that no earthly person is able to dispence with the positive law of God.

When the Legates hard the opinions of the Divines, and saw whereunto the end of this question would tend, for as much as men began so to dispute of the authority of the Court of Rome, & especially because the Cardinal of York perceived the king to cast favor to the Lady Anne, whom he knew to be a Lutheran, they thought best to wind them selves out of that brake by time, & so Cardinal Campeius dissembling the matter conveyed himself home to Rome again, as is partly above touched, pag. 187. The Kinge seeing himself thus to be deferred and deluded by the Cardinals, took it to no little grief: whereupon, the fall of the Cardinal of York followed not long after.

This was in the year of our Lord 1530. Shortly after it happened the same year, that the king by his Ambassadors was advertised that the Emperor and the Pope were both together at Bononie: Wherefore he directed Sir Tho. Bullein late created Earl of Wiltshire, and Doctor Stokesley (afterward Bishop of London) and Doctor Lee (afterward bishop of York) with his message to the popes Court, where also the Emperor was. Pope Clement understanding the kings case and request, and fearing what might follow after, if learning and Scripture here should take place against the authority of their dispensations, and moreover doubting the Emperors displeasure, bare him self strange of from the matter, answering the Ambassadors with this delay: that he presently would not define in the case, but would hear the full matter disputed when he came to Rome, and according to right he would do justice.

Although the king ought no such service to the Pope, to stand to his arbitremēt either in this case; or in any other having both the Scripture to lead him, and his law in his own hands to warrant him: yet for quietness sake: and for that he would not rashly break order (which rather was a disorder in deed) he bare so long as conueniētly he might. At length, after long delays and much dissembling, when he saw no hope of redress, he began somewhat to quicken & to look about him, what was best both for his own conscience, and the stablishment of his realm, to do.

No man here doubteth, but that all this was wrought not by man's devise, but by the secrete purpose of the Lord himself, to bring to pass further things (as afterward followed) which his divine providence was disposed to work. For else as touching the y ^e kings intent & purpose, he never meant nor minded any such thing as to seek the ruin of the pope, but rather sought all means contrary, how both to stablish the Sea of Rome, & also to obtain y ^e good will of the same Sea and Court of Rome, if it might have been gotten. And therefore intending to sue his diuorse frō Rome, at the first beginning: his devise was by Stephen Gardener his Ambassador at Rome, to exalt the Cardinal of York, as is before shown pag. 990. to be made pope and universal Bishop, to the end that he ruling that Apostolic sea, the matter of his unlawful marriage, which so troubled his conscience, might come to a quiet conclusion, without any further rumor of the world. Which purpose of his if it had taken effect as he had devised it, and the englsh Cardinal had once been made Pope, no doubt, but the authority of that sea had never been exterminate out of England. But God being more merciful unto us, took a better way then so. For both without and contrary to the kings expectation, he so brought to pass, that neither the Cardinal of York was Pope (which should have been an infinite cost to the king) and yet nevertheless the king sped of his purpose too, and that much better then he looked for: For he was rid, by lawful divorcement, not only from that unlawful marriage which clogged his conscience but also from the miserable yoke of the popes usurped dominion, which clogged the whole realm, and all at one time.

Thus God's holy providence ruling the matter (as I said) when the king could get no faourable grant of the Pope touching his cause being so good and honest, he was enforced to take the redress of his right into his own hands, and seeing this Gordian knotte would not be loosed at rome, he was drivē against his will (as God would) to play the noble Alexander himself, and with the sword of his princely authority knapt the knot at one stroke clean a sunder, loosing as it were with one solutiō, infinite questions. For where the Doctors and Canonistes had long disputed, and yet could never thoroughly discuss the largeness and fullness of the popes two swords both temporal and spiritual: the king with one sword did so cut of both clean out of England, as ye shall see more anon. But first, the king like a prudent prince, before he would come to the head of the sore, thought best to pare away such rank flesh and putrefied places as were about it, and therefore following his own proverb, like as one going about to cast down an old rotten wall, will not begin with the foundation first, but with the stones that lie in the top: so he to prepare his way better unto the Pope, first began with the Cardinal, casting him by the law of Premunire, out of his goods & possessions, and so at length by poisoning himself, he procured his own death: which was in the year 1530. Thys done, shortly after about the the year 1532. the King to provide by time against mischiefs that might come from Rome, gave forth eftsoons this proclamation as followeth.

THe kings highness straightly chargeth and commandeth, that no manner of person, what estate, degree, or condition so ever he or they be of, do purchase or attempt to purchase from the Court of Rome or else where, nor use and put in executiō, diuulge or publish anything heretofore w • thin this year passed, purchased, or to be purchased hereafter containing matter prejudicial to the high authority, jurisdiction and prerogative Royal of this his said realm, or to thē let, hinderance or impeache, meant of his graces noble and virtuous intended purposes in the premises, upon pain of incurring his highness indignation and imprisonment, and further punishment of their bodies for their so doing, at his graces pleasure, to the dreadful ex • mple of all other.

After this was done, the king then proceeding farther, caused the rest of the spiritual Lord's to be called by process into the kings benche to make their appearance, for so much as the whole Clergy of England, in supporting and maintaining the power Legatiue of the Cardinal, by the reason thereof were all entangled likewise in the Premunire, and therefore, were called into the kings benche, to answer. But before the day of their appearance, the Prelates together in their convocation, concluded among themselves an humble submission in writing, and offered the king for a subsidy or contribution, that he would be their good Lord and release them of the Premunire by Act of Parliament, first to be gathered in the province of Canterbury a C.M. pounds. And in the Province of York, xviij. hundredth, and xl. pound x. pence. The which offer with much labor was accepted, and their pardon promised. In this submission the clergy called the king supreme head of the Church of England, which thing they never confessed before: whereupon many things followed, as after (God willing) ye shall hear.

But first, forsomuch as we are in hand now with the matter, we will borrow by the way, a few words of the reader, to speak of this clergy money, of a 118840. pounds & x. pence, to be levied to the king, as is above touched. For the leuying of which sum, an order was taken among the prelates, that every B. in his Dioces should call before him all the Priests, Parsons, & Uicars, amongst whom D. Stokesley B. of London, a man then counted to be of some wit and learning, but of little discretion and humanity (which caused him to be out of the favor of the common people) called before him all the Priests within the City of London, whether they were Curates or Stipendaries, the first day of Sept. being Friday, in the Chapter house of S. Paul. At which day the priests appeared, and the Bishops policy was to have only 6. or 8. priests together, and by persuasions to have caused them to grant some portion toward the payment of the foresaid hundredth M. pound. But the number of the Priests was so great (for they were 6. hundredth at the least, and with them came many temporal men to hear the matter) that the Bishop was disapoynted of his purpose. For when the Bishops Officers called in certain Priests by name into the chapter house, with that, a great number entered, for they put the Bishops Officers that kept the door a side.

After this, the Officers got the door shut again. Then the Priests without, said: we will not be kept without, and our fellows be within: we know not what the bishop will do with them. The temporal men being present, comforted and encouraged the priests to enter, so that by force they opened the door, and one strake the Bishops Officer over the face, and entered the Chapter house, and many temporal men with them, and long it was ere any silence could be made. At last, whē they were appeased, the bishop stood up and said: Brethren, I marvel not a little, why you be so heady, and know not what shall be said to you: therefore I pray you to keep silence and to hear me patiently.

My friends all, you know well that we be men frail of condition and no Angels, and by frailty and lack of wisdom, we have misdemeaned our self toward the king our sovereign Lord and his laws, so that all we of the Clergy were in the Premunire, by reason whereof, all our promotions, lands, goods and cattels were to him forfeit, & our bodies ready to be imprisoned: yet his grace moved with pity and compassion, demanded of us what we could say, why he should not extend his laws vpō us. Then the Fathers of the Cleargye humbly besought his grace of mercy. To whom he answered that he was ever inclined to mercy. Then for all our great offenses, we had little penance: For where he might by the rigor of his law, have taken all our liuelode, goods and cattels, he was contented with one hundredth thousand pounds to be paid in 5. years. And although that this sum be more then we may easily bear, yet by the rigor of his laws we should have borne the whole burden. Wherefore my brethren, I charitably exhort you to bear your partes of your liuelode & salarie toward the payment of this sum granted.

Then it was shortly said to the Bishop: My Lord, twenty nobles a year is but a bare living for a Priest: for now vittaile and every thing is so dear, that poverty, in manner, enforceth us to say nay. Beside that, my Lord, we never offended in the Premunire, for we meddled never with the Cardinals faculties: let the Bishops and Abbottes which have offended, pay.

Then the Bishops Officers gave to the Priests high words, which caused them to be the more obstinate. Also diverse temporal men which were present, comforted the Priests, and bade them agree to no payment. In t • ys rumour, diverse of the Bishops servants were • u •• ered and stricken, so that the Bishop began to be afraid, and with fair words appeased the noise, and for all things which were done or said there, he pardoned them, & gave to them his blessing, and prayed them to depart in charity. Then they departed, thinking to hear no more of the mat ••• , but they were deceived: For the Bishop went to Sir Thom. More then being Lord Chancellor (which greatly favored the B. and the clergy) and to him made a grievous complaint, & declared the fact very grievously. Wherupon commandment was sent to syr Tho. Pargitor Major of the City, to attache certain priests and temporal men, and so 15. priests & 5. temporal men were arrested, of the which, some were sent to the Tower, some to the Fleet and other prisons, where they remained long after.

This being done in the year of our Lord 1532. it followeth moreover the same year, that diverse preachings were in the realm, one contrary to another, concerning the kings marriage: and in especial one Thom. Abel Clerke, which was the Queens Chaplain, to please her withal, both preached and also wrote a book in defense of the said marriage: whereby diverse simple mē were persuaded. Wherefore the king caused to be cōpiled and reduced into a boke, the determination of the universities, with the judgments of great Clerks, which book being printed & set abroad, did again satisfy all indifferent and reasonable persons, which were not too much wedded to their willes.

Mention was made a little before, of a parlamēt begun the 15. day of January, An. 1533. in the which Parliament the commons had put up a Supplication, complaining of y ^e strait dealing of the Clergy in their proceeding Ex officio. This complaint, although at the first it seemed not greatly to be tendered of the king, yet in prorogation of y ^e parliament, the time so wrought withal, that the King having more clear understanding of the abuses & enormities of the clergy, and in special of the corrupt authority of the Sea of Rome, provided certain acts against the same: First as concerning the laws, decrees, ordinances and constitutions made and stablished by the pretensed authority of the Bishops of Rome, to y ^e aduauncemēt of their worldly glory: y ^t who so did or spake anything either against their usurped power, or against y ^e said laws, decrees, or constitutions of theirs not approved nor grounded vpō holy scripture or else being repugnant to y ^e kings prerogative royal, should therefore stand in no danger nor be impeachable of heresy. And likewise touching such constitutions ordinances, & canons provincial or Synodal, which were made in this realm in y ^e convocation of bishops, being either preiudicial to y ^e kings prerogative, or not ratified before by the kings assent, or being otherwise onerous to the king and his subjects, or in any wise repugnant to the laws and statutes of this realm, they▪ were committed to the judgment of 32. persons chosen by the king, out of that higher & lower house, to be determined either to stand in strength, or to be abrogate at their discretions: and farther that all y ^e Clergy of this realm submitting themselves to the king should and did promise in verbo Sacerdotij, never hereafter to presume to assemble in their convocations without the kings writ, nor to enact or execute such constitutions without his royal assent. &c. Ex Statut. Henr. 8.

Farther in the same Parliament was enacted and decreed, that in causes and matters happening in contention no person should appeal, pruoke or sue, out of the kings dominions, to the Court of Rome, under pain of prouisours, provision, or Premunire.

Item, in the same parliament was defined and concluded, y ^t all exportation of Annates and first fruits of Archbishoprickes and Bishoprics out of this Realm to the Sea of Rome, for any bulls, brieues, or palles, or expedition of any such thing should utterly cease.

Also for the investing of Archbishops, Bishops, or other of any Ecclesiastical dignity, such order in the said Parliament was taken, that the king should send a license under the great seal, with a letter missiue, to the Prior and Convent, or to the Dean and Chapter of those Cathedral Churches where the Sea was vacant: by the virtue of which license or letters missiue, they within 12. days should chose the said person nominated by the king, & none other, and y ^t election to stand effectual to all intents, which election being done, then the party elect, making first his oath and fealty to the king, if it were a Bish. that was elect, then the king by his letters patents, to signify the said election to the Archb. of that province, and 2. other Bishops, or else to 4. bishops within this realm, to be assigned to that office, without any other suing, procuring, or obtaining any bulls, breues, or other things from the Sea of Rome.

Moreover, against all other whatsoever intolerable exactions and great sums of money used to be paid out of this realm to the B. of Rome, in pensions, censures, Peterpence, procurations, fruits, suites for provisions & expeditions of bulls, for Archb. and Bishops, for delegacies and rescriptes in causes of contentions and appeals, jurisdictions legatiue: also for dispensations, licences, faculties, grants, relaxations, writtes called Perinde valere, rehabilitations, abolitions, canonizations, and other infinite sorts of bulls, breues, and instruments of sundry natures, the number whereof were tedious particularly to be recited. In the said Parliament it was ordained, y ^t all such uncharitable usurpations, exactions, pensions, censes, portions, and Peterpence wont to be paid to the sea of Rome, should utterly surcease, and never more to be levied: so that the king with his honorable counsel should have power and authority from time to time, for the ordering, redress, and reformation of all manner of indulgences, privileges, &c. within this realm.

Where is to be noted by the way, as touching these Peterpēce aforesaid, that the same were first brought in and imposed by K. Iua, about the yere of our Lord. 720. Which Iua K. of the Westsaxōs, caused through all his dominiō in every house having a chimny, a penny to be collected & paid to the B. of Rome in the name of S. Peter, & thereof were they called Peterpēce vide supra▪ pag. 127. The same likewise did Offa K. of Merciās after him, about the yere of our Lord. 794. vide pag. 114. And these Peterpence ever since, or for the most part, have used of a long custom to be gathered and summoned by the Popes collectors here in England, frō the time of Iua aforesaid, to this present Parliament. An. 1533.

Finally, by the authority of the Parliament it was consulted and considered concerning the legalitie of the lawful succession unto the crown, in ratifying and inhabling the heirs of the kings body and Queen Anne. In the which parliament moreover the degrees of marriage plainly and clearly were explained and set forth, such as be expressly prohibited by God's laws, as in this Table may appear.

A Table of degrees prohibited by God's law to marry.
• The son not to mary the mother, nor stepmother.
• The brother not to mary the sister.
• The father not to mary his sons daughter, nor his daughters daughter.
• The son not to mary his fathers daughter gotten by his stepmother.
• The son not to mary his aunte, being either his fathers or his mothers sister.
• The son not to mary his uncles wife.
• The father not to mary his sons wife.
• The brother not to mary his brothers wife.
• No man to mary his wives daughter.
• No man to mary his wives sons daughter.
• No man to mary his wives daughters daughter.
• No man to mary his wives sister.
• All these degrees be prohibited by the scripture.

All these things thus being defined and determined in this foresaid Parliament, and also being in the same Parliamente concluded, that no man of what estate, degree, or condition soever, hath any power to dispense with God's laws, it was therefore by the authority aforesaid, agreing with the authority of God's word, assented that the marriage aforetime solemnised between the king and the Lady Katherine, being before wife to prince Arthur the kings brother, and carnally known by him (as is above proved) should be absolutely demed and adjudged to be unlawful and against the law of God, and also reputed and taken to be of no value nor effect: and that the separation thereof by Thomas Cranmer Archb. of Cant. should stand good and effectual to all intents: and also that the lawful matrimony between the king and the Lady Anne his wife should be established, approved, and ratified for good and consonant to the laws of almighty God. And further also, for the establishing of this kings lawful succession, it was fully by the said parliament adjudged that the inheritance of the crown should remain to the heirs of their two bodies, that is, of the King and Queen Anne his wife.

During the time of this Parliament, before the marriage of Queen Anne, there was one Temse in the Common house, which moved the Commons to sue to the king, to take the Queen again into his company, declaring certain great mischiefs like to insue thereof, as in bastarding the Lady Marie the kings only child, and diverse other inconveniences: which being reported to the kings ears, he sent immediately to syr Thomas Audley, Speaker then of the Parliament, expressing unto him amongst other matters, that he marveled much, why one of the Parliament did so openly speak of the absence of the Queen from him: which matter was not to be determined there, for it touched (said he) his soul, and wished the Matrimony were good, for then had he never been so vexed in conscience. But the Doctors of Universities (said he) have determined the marriage to be void, and detestable before God, which grudge of conscience (he said) caused him to abstain from her company, and no foolish, nor wanton appetite. For I am (said he) 41. year old, at which age the lust of man is not so quick, as it is in youth. And saving in Spain and Portugale, it hath not been seen, that one man hath married two sisters, the one being carnally known before: but the brother to mary the brothers wife, was so abhorred amongst all nations, that I never heard it, that any Christian man so did, but myself. Wherefore ye see my conscience troubled, and so I pray you report. And so the Speaker departing, declared to the Commons the kings saying.

Not long after that, the Kinge perceiving belike the minds of the Clergy not much favoring his cause, sent for the Speaker again and 12. of the Common house, having with him 8. Lord's, and said to them: Well beloved subjects, we had thought the Clergy of our realm had ben our subjects wholye, but now we have well perceived that they be but half our Subiectes: yea, and scarce our subjects: For all the Prelates at their consecration, make an oath to the Pope, clean contrary to the oath that they make unto us, so that they seem to be his subjects and not ours: and so the King delivering to them the Copy of both the oaths, required them to invent some order that he might not thus be deluded of his spiritual subjects. The Speaker thus departed, and caused the oaths to be read in the Common house, the very tenor whereof here ensueth.

The oath of the Clergy to the Pope.

I John Bishop or Abbot of A. from this hour forward, shall be faithful and obedient to S. Peter, & to the holy church of Rome, and to my Lord the Pope, and his successors Canonically entering. I shall not be of counsel nor consent, that they shall loose either life or member, or shall be taken or suffer any violence, or any wrong, by any means. Their counsel to me credited by them, their messengers or letters, I shall not willingly discover to any person. The Popedom of Rome, the rules of the holy fathers, and the regalities of S. Peter I shall help and retain, and defend against all men. The legate of the sea Apostolic going & coming, I shall honourably entreat. The rightes, honors, privileges, authorities of the Church of Rome, and of the Pope and his successors, I shall cause to be conserved, defended, augmented, & promoted. I shall not be in counsel, treaty, or any act, in the which anything shall be imagined against him or the Church of Rome, their rights, states, honors, or power: and if I know any such to be moved or compassed, I shall resist it to my power, and as soon as I can, I shall advertise him, or such as may give him knowledge. The rules of the holy fathers, the decrees, ordinances, sentences, dispositions, reservations, provisions and commandments Apostolic, to my power I shall keep and cause to be kept of other. Heretics, schismatics, and rebels to our holy father and his successors, I shall resist and persecute to my power I shall come to the Synod whē I am called, except I be letted by a Canonical impediment. The lights of the Apostles I shall visit personally or by my deputy, I shall not aliene nor sell my possessions, without the Popes council, so God me help and the holy Evangelists.

This oath of the Clergy men, which they were wont to make to the Bishoppe of Rome (now Pope quondam) was abolished and made void by statute, and a new oath ministered & confirmed for the same, wherein they acknowledged the King to be the supreme head under Christ in this Church of England, as by tenor thereof may appear here under ensuing.

The oath of the Clergy to the king.

I John B. of A. utterly renounce and clearly forsake all such clauses words, sentences & grants, which I have or shall have hereafter of the Popes holiness, of & for the bishopric of A▪ that in any wise hath been, is, or hereafter may be hurtful or prejudicial to youre highness, your heirs, successors, dignity, privilege or estate royal: and also I do swear that I shall be faithful and true: and faith and truth I shall bear to you my sovereign Lord, and to your heirs kings of the same, of life and limb, and earthly worship above all creatures, for to live & die with you and yours against all people, and diligently I shall be attendant to all your needs and business, after my wit and power, and your counsel I shall kepee and hold, knowledging myself to hold my Bishopric of you only, beseeching you of restitutiō of the temporalties of the same, promising (as before) that I shall be faithful, true, and obedient subject to your said highness, heirs, and successors during my life, and the services and other things due to your highness, for the restitution of the temporalties of the same Bishoprike; I shall truly do and obediently perform, so God me help and all Saints.

These oaths thus being recited and opened to the people, were the occasion that the Pope lost all his interest and jurisdiction here in England, within short while after. Upon the occasion and reason whereof, the matter falling out more & more against the Pope, Syr Thomas More, of whom mention is made before, being a great maintainer of the Pope, & a heavy troubler of Christ's people, and now not liking well of this oath, by God's good work, was enforced to resign up his Chauncelorship, and to deliver up the great seal of England into the kings hands. After whom succeeded syr Thomas Audley, Keeper of the great seal, a man in eloquence and gifts of tongue no less incomparable, then also for his godly disposed mind, and favorable inclination to Christ's religiō, worthy of much commendation.

These things being done in the parliament, the king w ^t in short time after, proceeded to the marriage of the foresaid lady Anne Boleyn, mother to our most noble Queen now, who w ^t out all controversy was a special comforter & aider of all the professors of Christ's gospel, as well of the learned as the unlearned: her life being also directed according to the same, as her weekly alms did manifestly declare: Who besides the ordinarye of a C. crowns, and other apparel that she gave weekly a year before she was crowned, both to men and women, gave also wonderful much privy alms to widows and other pore householders continually til she was apprehended, and she ever gave three or four pound at a time to the poor people, to buy them kine withal, and sent her Subamner to the towns about where she lay, that the parishioners should make a bill of all the poor householders in their parish, and some towns received 7.8. or 10. pound to buy kine withal, according as the number of the poor in the Towns were. She also maintained many learned mē in Cambridge. Likewise did the Earl of Wilshire her father, and the Lord Rochford her brother, and by them these men were brought in favor w ^t the king: of whom some are yet alive and can testify the same, which would to God they were now as great professors of the gospel of Christ, as then they appeared to be, which were D. Heath, and D. Thirlby: with whom was joined the L. Paget, who at that present was an earnest protestant, & gave unto one Rainolde West, Luther's books, and other books of the Germans, as Franciscus Lambertus de Sectis, and at that time he red Melanchthon's Rhetoric openly in Trinity hall in Cambridge, and was w ^t his M. Gardener a mainetainer of D. Barns and all the Protestants that were then in Cambridge, & helped many religious persons out of their cowles.

It hath been reported unto us by diverse credible persons which were about this Queen, and daily acquainted with her doings concerning her liberal and bountiful distribution to the pore, how her grace carried ever about her a certain little purse, out of the which she was wont daily to scatter abroad some alms to the needy, thinking no day well spent, wherein some man had not fared the better by some benefit at her hands. And this I write by the relation of certain noble personages which were chief & principal of her waiting maids about her, especially the Duches of Richmond by name.

Also concerning the order of her ladies & gentlewomen about her, one that was her silkwoman, a Gentlewoman not now alive, but of great credit and also of fame for her worthy doings, did credibly report, that in all her time she never saw better order amongst the ladies & gentlewomē of the Courte, then was in this good Queens days, who kept her maids and such as were about her so occupied in sowing and working of shirts & smockes for the poor, that neither was there seen any idleness then amongst them, nor any leisure to follow such pastimes as daily are seen now a days to reign in princes courts.

Thus the king being deuorced from the lady Dowager his brothers wife, married this gracious Lady, making a prosperous and happy change for us, being divorced from the foresaid Princesse and also from the Pope both at one time. Notwythstanding as good and godly purposes are never without some incommodity or trouble following, so it happened in this divorcement that the said Princesse procuring from Rome the Popes curse, caused both the king and the realm to be interdicted, whereof more is hereafter to be spoken.

In the mean time Queen Anne, shortly after her marriage, being great with child, the next year following, which was 1533. after the first divorcement publicly proclaimed, was crowned with high solemnity at Westminster: and not long after her Coronation, the 7. day of September she was brought a bed, and delivered of a fair Lady, for whose good deliverance Te Deum was song in all places, and great preparation made for the Christening.

The Major and his brethren with 40. of the chief Citizens were commanded to be present withal the nobles and Gentlemen. The kings Palace and all the walls between that and the Friers, was hanged with Arras, and the Friers Church. Also the Fonte was of silver, & stood in the midst of the Church three steppes high, which was covered with a fine cloth, and diverse Gentlemen with aprons and towels about their necks, gave attendance about it. Ouer the Fonte hong a fair Canapy of crimosine Satten fringed with Golde. About it was a rail covered with say. Between the Choir and the body of the church was a close place with a pan of fire to make the child ready in. These things thus ordered, the child was brought into the Hall, and then every man set forward. First the citizens 2. and 2. Then the gentlemen, Esquiers and Chapleins. Next after followed the Aldermen and the Major alone. Next the Major followed the kings Council. Then the kings Chapel. Then Barons, Bishops and Earls. Then came the Earl of Essex, bearing the covered Basons gilte. After him the Marques of Exeter with the taper of Virgin wax. Next him, the Marques Dorset bearing the Salte. Behind him the Lady Marie of Norfolk bearing the Chrisome which was very riche of Perle and stone. The old Duchesse of Norfolk bare the child in a Mantle of Purple Ueluette, with a longe train Furred with Ermine. The Duke of Norfolk with his Marshal rod, went on the right hand of the said Duchesse, and the Duke of Suffolk on the left hand. Before them went the Officers of arms. The Countess of Kente bare the long train of the childes mantell. Betwene the Countess and the child, went the Earl of Wilshire on the right hand, and the Earl of Darby on the left hand, supporting the said train. In the midst over the child was borne a Canapie by the Lord Rochford, the Lord Hussey, the Lord William Haward, and the Lord Thomas Hawarde the elder. In this order they came unto the Church door where the Bishop of London met it, with diverse Abbots and Bishops, and began the observances of the Sacrament. The Archbishop of Canterbury was Godfather, and the old Duchesse of Norfolk, and the old Marchionesse of Dorset, widows, were Godmothers, and the child was named Elizabeth.

After all things were done at the Church door, the child was brought to the Fonte & Christened. This done. Garter the chief king of arms cried aloud: God of his infinite goodness send prosperous life and longe, to the high and mighty princesse of England, ELIZABETH. Then the Trompettes blew, and the child was brought up to the altar and immediately confirmed▪ by the Archbishop, the Marchionesse of Exceter being Godmother. Then the Archbishop of Canterbury gave to the Princesse a standing cup of Gold. The Duchesse of Norfolk gave to her a standing cup of Golde, fretted with Pearl. The Marchionesse of Dorset, three gilte boles pounced, with a cover. The Marchionesse of Exceter, three standing boles gilt & graven with a cover. And so after a solemn bancket ended with Ipocras, Wafers, and such like in great plenty, they returned in like order again unto the Courte, with the Princesse, and so departed.

At the Maryage of this noble Lady, as there was no small joy unto all good and godly men, and no less hope of prosperous success to God's true Religion, so in like manner on the contrary parte, the papists wanted not their malicious and secret attempts, as by the false hypocrisy and feigned holiness of a false feigned hypocrite this year before espied & found out, may sufficiently appear what their deuilishe devises and purposes were. For certain Monks Friers, & other evil disposed persons, of a devilish intent, had put into the heads of many of the kings subjects, that they had revelation of God and his saints, y ^t he was highly displeased w ^t king Henry, for y ^e divorcement of the Lady Katherine, and surmised amongst other things, that God had revealed to a Nun, named Elizabeth Barton, whom they called the holy maid of Kente, that in case the Kinge proceeded in the said deuorce, he should not be king of this realm, one month after, and in the reputation of God, not one day nor hour. This Elizabeth Barton by falls dissimulation practiced and shown to the people, marvelous alteration of her visage and other partes of her body, as if she had been wrapped or in a trance, & in those feigned traunces by false hypocrisy (as though she had been inspired of God) she spake many words in rebuking of sin, and reproving the Gospel which she called heresy, and among them uttered diverse things to the great reproach of the king and Queen, & to the establishing of Idolatry, Pilgrimage, and the derogatiō of God's glory: which her naughtiness being spied out by the great labor and diligence of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Cromwell, and Master Hugh Latimer, she was condemned and put to death with certain of her affinity and Council in the month of April, an. 1533. The names of which conspirators with her, were these: Edward Bocking, Monk of Canterbury, Richard Master, Person of Aldington, John Dering, Monk of Canterbury, Hugh Riche, Frier Warden of the Gray Friers of Canterbury, Richard Risby, Henry Gold, bacheler of Divinity, and Person of Aldermary, Fisher Bishop of Rochester, John Adeson Priest, his Chapleine, Thomas Laurence, the Bishops Register of Canterbury, Edward Thwates, Thomas Abel. Of the which persons, the said Elizabeth Berton, Henry Gold, Richard Master, Edward Bocking, John Dering, Hugh Riche, Richard Risby, were attaynted of Treason by Acte of Parliament, and put to execution.

The residue as Fisher Bishop of Rochester, Thomas Golde, Thomas Laurence, Edward Thwates, John Adeson, Thomas Abel, being convict and atteynted of misprison, were condemned to prison, and forfayted their goods & possessions to the King. Ex Statut an. 25 Reg Hen 8.

Edward Hall, a writer of our English Stories, making mention of this Elizabeth Barton aforesaid, adjoineth next in his book, the narration of one Pauier or Pauie, a notorious enemy (no doubt) to God's truth. Thys Pauier being the town Clerke of the City of London, was a man (saith he) that in no case could abide to hear that the Gospel should be in English: In so much that the said Hall himself heard him once say unto him, and to other by, swearing a great oath: that if he thought the Kings highness would set forth the Scripture in English, and let it be read of the people by his authority, rather thē he would so long live, he would cut his own throat, but he brake promise (saith Hall) for he did not cut his throat with any knife, but with an halter did hang himself. Of what mind and intent he so did, God judge.

My information farther addeth this, touching the said Pauier or Pauie, that he was a bitter enemy, very busy at the burning of Richard Bayneham above mentioned. Who hearing the said Baynham at the stake speaking against Purgatory and transubstantiation: set fire (said he) to this heretic and burn him. And as the trayne of gunpouder came toward the Martyr, he lifted up his eyes and hands to heaven, saying to Pauier: God forgive thee, and show thee more mercy then thou doest to me. The Lord forgive Sir Thomas More, and pray for me all good people: and so continued he praieng, till the fire took his bowels and his head, &c.

After whose Martyrdom, the next year following, this Pauier the town Clerke of the City, went and bought ropes. Which done, he went up to an high garret in his house to pray, as he was wont to do, to a rood which he had there, before whom he bitterly wept: And as his own maid coming up found him so doing, he bad her take the rustye sword, and go make it clean, and trouble him no more, and immediately he tied up the rope, and hoong himself. The maids heart still throbbed, and so came up, and found him but newly hanged. Then she having no power to help him, ran crying to the Church to her mistress to fetch her home. His servants and Clerks he had sent out before to Finisbery, and to Master Edney Sergeant to the Lord Major, dwelling over Bishops gate, to tarry for him at Finisebery Court till he came: but he had dispatched himself before, so that they might long look for him before he could come. Which was an. 1533.

To this story of Pauier, may also be added the like terrible example of Doctor Foxford, Chancellor to the Bishop of London, a cruel persecutor and a common butcher of the good Saints of God: who was the condemner of all those aforenamed, which were put to death, troubled, or abjured under Bishop Stokesley through all the diocese of London. This Foxford died about this present year and time: of whose terrible end it was then certainly reported and affirmed by such as were of right good credit, unto certain persons, of whom some be yet alive, that he died suddenly sitting in his chair, his belly being brust, and his guts falling out before him.

About the same time died also William Warrham Archbyshop of Canterbury: in whose room succeeded Thomas Cranmer, which was the Kings Chapleyne, and a great disputer against the unlawful marriage of Lady Katherine Princesse Dowager, being then so called by Act of Parliament.

Ye heard before, how the Parliament had enacted, that no person after a certain day, should appeal to Rome for any cause. Notwithstanding which Acte, y ^e Queen, now called Princesse Dowager, had appealed to the Courte of Rome, before that Acte made: so y ^t it was doubted, whether that Appeale were good or not. This question was well handled in the Parliament house, but much better in the Conuocation house, and yet in both houses it was alleged, yea and by books shown, that in the Councils of Calcedone, Affrike, Toletane, and diverse other famous Councils in the primative Church, yea in the time of S. Augustine it was affirmed, declared, & determined that a cause rising in one Province, should be determined in the same & that neither the Patriarke of Cōstātinople should medle in causes moved in the iurisdictiō of the Patriarke of Antioch, nor no Bishop should entermedle within an others Province or country. Which things were so clerkly opened, & so cunningly set forth to all intētes, y ^t every mā that had wit, & was determined to follow y ^e truth, & not willfully wedded to his own mind, might plainly see y ^t all appeals made to Rome, were clearly void & of none effect. Which doctrines & coūsails, were shown to y ^e Lady Katherine Princesse Dowager, but she (as womē love to lose no dignity) ever continued in her old song, trusting more to the Popes partiality, then to the determination of Christ's verity.

Wherupon the Archbyshop of Canterbury Cranmer above named, accompanied with y ^e Bishops of London, Winchester, Bathe, Lincoln, & diverse other great Clerks 〈◊〉 a great number, road to Dunstable, which is vi. mile frō Ampthyl, where the Princesse Dowager lay: & there by a Doctor called Doctor Lee, she was ascited to appear before the said Archbyshop, in cause of Matrimony, in the said town of Dunstable: & at the day of appearance, she would not appear, but made default, & so was called peremptorily, every day .xv. days together, and at the last, for lack of appearance, & for contumacy, by the assent of all the learned men there being present, she was divorced from the king, & their Marriage declared to be void and of none effect: which sentence given, the Archbyshop and all the other, returned back again.

Where note that although this divorce following after the new Marriage, needed not at all to be made, the first Marriage being no Marriage at all before God, yet to satisfy the voice of the people, more then for any necessity, the king was contented through the persuasions of some, so to do. For else as touching God and conscience, what great need was of any divorce, where before GOD, no Marriage was to be accounted, but rather an incestuous & detestable adultery, as the Act of Parliament doth term it? But to our matter again.

After the dissolutiō of this first Marriage made between the king & the Lady Princesse Dowager, she nevertheless bearing a stout mind, would not yet relēt, neither to the determination of the Universities, nor to the censure of the Clergy, nor of the whole Realm, but following the coūsails rather of a few Spaniards, to molest the king & the realm by suit, & means made to the Pope, procured certain writings, first of monition and aggravation, thē of excommunication and interdiction to be sent down from Rome, wherein the Pope had interdicted both the king & the whole Realm. But the Popes Cursor being not the hardyest mā (belike) that ever shown his head, thought it much more sure for him to discharge his Popish car • age without the kings reach, & so keeping himself aloof of (like a pretty man) set up his writings in the Town of Dunkirke in Flaunders. In the which town, first upon the Northdoore of the Church was set up a monition, that the king of England should surcease the suit of divorce, the which John Butler Clerke, thē Commissary of Calais, by commandment took down in a night.

After that, before Whitsonweeke there was set up in the same place an excommunication, aggravation, regranation, & interdiction. For the which also, the said Butler by commandment was sent to Dunkirke to take it down. And because the counsel of Calais would be certified of his diligence therein, they sent a servant of the Lord Lisle, thē Deputy of Calais, whose name was Cranuell▪ and upon Wensday in Whitsonweke, at vii. of the clock in the morning, he took it down whole and brought it with him, & delivered the same to the Lord Deputy aforesaid. Which was about the year .1533.

This being known & certified unto the king, he was motioned by his counsel, that such as were about her, and moved her thereto, should be put frō her. And therefore the Duke of Suffolk was sent to Bugden beside Huntyngdō, where y ^e said Lady Katherine lay, who perceiving her stomach to continue froward still, in aūsweryng him with high words, & suddenly so in a fury to part frō him into her privy chamber, & shut the door: brake up the door of her Court, & discharged a great sort of her household servants, & yet left her a convenient number to serve her like a Princesse. They that remained still, were sworn to serve her as Princesse only, and not as Queen. Of whom some said they were once sworn to serve her as Queen, and otherwise would not serve, and so were dismissed. The other which were sworn to serve her as Princesse, she utterly refused for her servants, and so she remained with the fewer, living after this about the space of two years.

The abolishing of the Pope out of England.

THese things thus finished and dispatched concerning the marriage of Queen Anne, and divorce of Lady Katherine Dowager, next followeth the year 1534. In the which was assembled the hye Court of Parliament again after many prorogations, upon the third day of February, wherein was made an Acte of succession, for the more surety of the crown, to the which every person being of lawful age, should be sworn. During this Parliament time, every Sunday preached at Paul's cross a Bishop, which declared the Pope not to be head of the Church.

After this, Commissions were sent over all England, to take the oath of all men and women, to the Act of succession. At which, few repined, except D. John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, sir Tho. More late Lord Chancellor, and D. Nicholas Wilson, parson of S. Thomas Apostles in London. Wherefore these 3. persons, after long exhortatiō to thē made by y ^e Bishop of Canterbury at Lambeth, refusing to be sworn, were sent to the Tower, where they rrmained, & were oftentimes motioned to be sworn: but the Bishop and sir Tho. More excused thē by their writings, in which they said, that they had written before the said Lady Katherine to be Queen, & therefore could not well go frō that which they had written. Likewise the Doctor excused, that he in preaching had called her Queen, and therefore now could not withsay it again: Howbeit▪ at length he was well contented to dissemble y ^e matter, & so escaped: but the other two stood against all the Realm in their opinion.

From the month of Marche this Parliament farthermore was proroged to the iii. day of Nouemb. abovesaid. At what time, amongst other diverse statutes, most graciously and by the blessed will of God it was enacted, that the Pope, and all his college of Cardinals, with his pardons, Indulgences, which so long had clogged this Realm of England, to the miserable slaughter of so many good men, & which never could be removed away before, was now abolished, eradicate, & exploded out of this land, & sent home again to their own country of Rome, from whence they came, God be everlastingly praised therefore, Amen.

An Acte concerning the Kings highness to be the supreme head of the Church of England, and to have authority to reform and redress all errors, heresies, and abuses in the same. Cap. 1.

ALbeit the Kings Majesty justly and rightfully is and ought to be the supreme head of the Church of England, and so is recognised by the Clergy of this Realm in their Conuocations, yet nevertheless for corroboration & confirmation thereof, and for increase of virtue in Christ's Religion within this Realm of England, and to repress & extirpe all errors, heresies, and other enormities & abuses heretofore used in the same: be it enacted by authority of this present Parliament, y ^t the king our sovereign Lord, his heirs & successors, Kings of this Realm, shall be taken, accepted, & reputed y ^e only supreme head in earth of y ^e Church of England, called Anglicana ecclesia, and shall have & enjoy annexed and united to the Imperial crown of this realm, as well y ^e title & style thereof, as all honors, dignities, preeminences, jurisdictions, privileges, authorities, immunites, profits, and commodities to the said dignity of supreme head of the same Church belonging & appertaining: and y ^t our said sovereign Lord, his heirs & successors, Kings of this Realm, shall have full power and authority from time to time, to visit, repress, redress, reform, order, correct, restrain, and amend all such errors, abuses, offenses, contemptes & enormities, whatsoever they be, which by any manner of spiritual authority or jurisdiction ought or may lawfully be reformed, repressed, ordered, redressed, corrected, restrained, or amended, most to the pleasure of almighty God, the increase of virtue in Christ's religiō, and for the conservation of y ^e peace, unity, and tranquility of this realm, any usage, custom, foreign laws, foreign authority, prescription or anything or things, to the contrary hereof notwithstanding.

The Kings Proclamation, for the abolishing of the usurped power of the Pope.