Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

The same in English.

IN this behalf (most reverent Father in Christ) I think myself most happy, that it is my chance to be called to examination before your Reverence, for that you are of such wisdom and learning, of such integritye of life (which all men do confess to be in you) that even yourself cannot choose (if ye do not to lightely esteem God's gifts in you) as often as you shall remember the great things which God hath done unto you, but strayghte ways secretly in your heart, to his high praise, say: he that is mighty hath done great things unto me, & holy is his name. I rejoice, that I have now happened upon such a judge, & withal my heart give thanks unto God, which ruleth all things.

And albeit (God is my witness) I know not myself giltye of any error in my Sermons, neither of any heresy or sedition, which diverse do sclaūder me of, seeking rather their own luker and advantage, then the health of souls: notwithstanding I do exceedingly rejoice: that it is so foreseen by God's divine providence, that I should be brought before the tribunal seat of Tonstall, who knoweth as well as any other, that there will never be wanting Jannes and Jambres, which will resist the truth: that there shall never be lacking some Elemates, which will go about to subvert the straight ways of the Lord: and finally, that some Demetrius, Pithonesse, Balaam's, Nicolaites, Cayns, and Ishmael's, will be always at hand which will greedely hunt and seek after that which pertaineth unto themselves, and not that which pertaineth to Jesus Christ. How can it then be, that they can suffer Christ to be truly and sincerely preached (For if the people begin once wholly in every place, to put their confidence in Christ, which was for them crucified, then straight ways that which they have hitherto embraced instead of Christ shall utterly decay in the hearts of the faithful. Then they shall understand that Christ is not in this place, or in that place, but the kingdom of God to be in themselves. Then shall they plainly see that the Father is not to be worshipped, neither in the mount of Samaria, neither at Jerusalem, but in all places, in spirit and truth. Which thing if it come once to pass, the beasts of the field will think all their gain and lucre lost. In whom the saying of Ezekiel is fulfilled: My sheep are dispersed because they had no shepherd, & are devoured of the beasts of the field, & strayd abroad: my flock hath erred and wandered in every mountain, and upon every high hill, and is dispersed throughout all the earth, & there is no man which hath sought to gather thē together: no, there was no man which once sought after them. But if any man would seek to reduce those which were gone astray into the fold of Christ, that is, the unity of faith: by and by, there rise up certain against him, which are named Pastors, but in deed are wolves, which seek no other thing of their flock, but the milk, wool, and fell, leaving both their own souls, and the souls of their flock, unto the devil.

These men (I say) rise up like unto Demetrius, crying out, this heretic dissuadeth and seduceth much people every where, saying: that they are not gods, which are made with hands. These are they, these I say (most reverent father) are they, which under the pretence of persecuting heretitkes, follow their own licentious life: enemies unto the cross of Christ, which can suffer and bear anything rather, thē the sincere preaching of Christ crucified for our sins. These are they unto whō Christ threateneth eternal damnation, where he saith: Woe be unto you Scribes, Pharisees, & hypocrites, which shut up the kingdom of heaven before men, and you yourselves enter not in, neither suffer those which would ēter, to come in. These are they which have come in another way, to the charge of souls, as it appeareth. For if any man (saith Christ) come in by me, he shall be saved, and shall come in and go out, and find pasture. These men do not find pasture (for they never teach) & draw others after them, that they should not enter by Christ, which alone is the door, whereby we must come unto the father: but set before the people another way, persuading them to come unto God thorough good works, oftentimes speaking nothing at all of Christ, thereby seeking rather their own gain and lucre: then the salvation of souls: in this point being worse thē they which upon Christ being the foundation, do build wood, hey and straw. These men confess that they know Christ, but by their deeds they deny him.

These are those Physicians, upon whom that woman which was 12. years vexed with the bloody flixe, had consumed all that she had, and felt no help, but was still worse and worse, until such time as at the last, she came unto Christ, and after she had once touched the hem of his vesture through faith, she was so healed that by and by, she felt the same in her body. O mighty power of the moste h • ghost: which I also miserable sinner, have often tasted and felt. Which before that I could come unto Christ, had even likewise spent all that I had upon those ignorant Physicians, that is to say, unlearned hearers of confession so that there was but small force of strength left in me, (which of nature was but weak) small store of money, and very little wit or understanding: for they appointed me fastings, watching, buying of pardons, and Masses: in all which things (as I now understand) they sought rather their own g • yne, then the salvation of my sick and languishing soul.

But at the last I heard speak of Jesus, even then when the New Testament was first set forth by Erasmus. Which, when I understood to be eloquently done by him, being allured rather for the Latin, then for the word of God (for at that time, I knew not what it meant) I bought it even by the prouidece of God, as I do now well understand and perceive: And at the first reading, as I remember I chanced upon this sentence of S. Paul (O most sweet and comfortable sentence to my soul) in his first Epistle to Timothy and first chapiter: It is a true saying and worthy of all mē to be embraced, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners, of whom I am the chief and principal. This our sentence, through God's instruction and inward working, which I did not then perceive, did so exhilerate my heart, being before wounded with the guilt of my sins and being almost in despair, that immediately, I felt a marvelous comfort and quietness, in so much, that my bruised bones leapt for joy.

After this, the Scripture began to be more pleasant unto me thē the honey or the honey comb: wherein I learned that all my trauelles, all my fasting and watching, all the redemption of Masses and pardons, being done without trust in Christ, which only saveth his people from their sins: these (I say) I learned to be nothing else but even (as S. Augustine saith) a hasty and swift running out of the right way, or else much like to the vesture made of fig leaves, wherwithall Adam and Eve went about in vain, to cover their priuities, and could never before obtain quietness and rest, until they believed in the promise of God, that Christ the seed of the woman, should tread upon the serpentes head: Neither could I be releued or eased of the sharp stings and bitings of my sins, before that I was taught of God that lesson, which Christ speaketh of, in the third chapiter of John: Even as Moses exalted the serpent in the desert, so shall the son of man be exalted, that all which believe on him should not perish, but have life everlasting.

As soon as (according to the measure of grace given unto me of God) I began to taste & savor of this heavenly lesson, which no man can teache but only God, which revealed the same unto Peter: I desired y ^e Lord to increase my faith: and at last, I desired nothing more, then that I being so comforted by him, might be strengthened by his holy spirit and grace from above, that I might teache the wicked his ways, which are mercy and truth, and that y ^e wicked might be converted unto him by me, which sometime was also wicked, which thing, whilst that with all my power, I did endeavor before my Lord Cardinal and your fatherhoode, Christ was blasphemed in me (and this is my only comfort in these my afflictions) whom with my whole power I do teach and set forth. being made for us by God his father, our wisdom, righteousness, sanctification, & redemption, and finally, our satisfaction. Who was made sin for us (that is to say a sacrifice for sin) that we through him, should be made the righteousness of God. Who became accursed for us, to redeem us from the curse of the law: Who also came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance. The righteous (I say) which falsely judge and think themselves soe to be ( for all men have sinned and lack the glory of God, whereby he freely forgiveth sins vnro all believers, through redemption which is in Christ Jesus ) because that all mankind was greuouslye wounded in him which fell amongst thieves between Jerusalem and Ierico.

And therefore with all my whole power I teach that all men should first acknowledge their sins and condemn them, and afterward hunger and thirst for that righteousness, whereof Saint Paul speaketh: The righteousness of God by faith in Jesus Christ, is upon all them which Beleue in him, for there is no difference all have sinned, and lack the glory of God, and are justified freely thorough his grace, by the redemption which is in Jesus Christ. The which, who so ever doth hunger or thirst for, without doubt, they shall at the length so be satisfied, that they shall not hunger & thirst forever

But forsomuch as this hunger and thirst was wont to be quenched with the fullness of man's righteousness, which is wrought through the faith of our own elect and chosen works, as pilgrimages, buying of pardons, offering of candles, elect and chosen fasts, and oftentimes superstitious, & finally all kind of voluntary devotions (as they call thē) against the which gods word speaketh plainly in y ^e fourth of Deut. and in the 12. saying: Thou shalt not do that which seemeth good unto thyself, but that which I command thee for to do, that do thou neither adding to, neither diminishing anything from it: therefore I say oftentimes I have spoken of those works, not condemning them (as God I take to my witness) but reproving their abuse, making the law full use of them manifest, even unto children, exhorting all men not so to cleave unto them, that they being satisfied therewith, should loath or wax weary of Christ, as many do. In whom I bid your Fatherhood most prosperously well to fare.

And this is the whole some, If you will appoint me to dilate more at large the things here touched, I will not refuse to do it, so that you will grant me time: For to do it out of hand, I am not able for the weakness of my body, being ready always if I have erred in anything, to be better instructed.

Mayster Stafford of Cambridge.

AS the death of this Godly Bilney did much good in Norfolk where he was burnt: so his diligent travel, in teaching and exhorting other, and example of life correspondent to his doctrine, left no small fruit behind him in Cambridge, being a great means of framing that Uniuersity, & drawing diverse unto Christ. By reason of whō, and partly also of another called M. Stafford, the word of God begā there most luckely to spread, and many toward wits to flourish. In the company of whom was M. Latimer, D. Barns, D. Thistell of Penbroke hall, M. Fooke of Benet College, and M. Soude of the same College, D. Warner above mentioned, with diverse other moe.

This M. Stafford was then the public reader of the Divinity lecture in that Uniuersity. Who, as he was an earnest professor of Christ's Gospel: so was he as diligent a folower of that which he professed, as by this example here following may appear.

For as the plague was then sore in Cambridge, and amongst other a certain Priest called Syr Henry Coniurer lay sore sick of the said plague, M. Stafford hearing thereof, and seeing the horrible danger that his soul was in, was so moved in conscience to help the dangerous case of the Priest, that he neglecting his own bodily death, to recover the other from eternal damnatiō, came unto him, exhorted and so labored him, that he would not leave him, before he had converted him, and saw his conjuring books burned before his face. Which being done, master Stafford went home, and immediately sickened, & shortly after most christianly deceased. Ex fideli testimonio D. Ridlei, & Edmund. Episcoporum Lond.

Concerning which M. Stafford, this moreover is to be noted how that M. Latimer being yet a fervent and a zealous Papist, standing in the Schools when M. Stafford read, bad the Scholers not to hear him: and also preaching against him, exhorted the people, not to believe him, and yet the said Latimer confessed himself, that he gave thanks to God, that he asked him forgiveness before he departed.

And thus much by the way of good M. Stafford, who for his constant and godly adventure in such a cause, may seem not unworthy to go with blessed Bilney, in the fellowship of holy and blessed Martyrs.

The story of M. Simon Fish.

BEfore the time of M. Bilney, and the fall of the Cardinal, I should have placed the story of Simō Fish with the book called the Supplication of Beggars, declaring how and by what means it came to the kings hand, and what effect thereof followed after, in the reformation of many things, especially of the Clergy. But the missing of a few years in this matter, breaketh no great square in our story, though it be now entered here which should have come in six years before. The manner and circumstance of the matter is this:

After that the light of the gospel working mightily in Germany, began to spread his beams here also in England, great stir & alteration followed in the harts of many: so that colored hipocrisy, and false doctrine, & painted holiness began to be espied more and more by the reading of God's word. The authority of the Bishop of Rome, and y ^e glory of his Cardinals was not so high, but such as had fresh wits sparcled with God's grace, began to espy Christ from Antichrist, that is, true sincerity, from counterfeit religion. In the number of whom, was the said M. Simon Fish, a gentleman of Brayes Inn. It happened the first year that this Gentleman came to Londō to dwell, which was about the year of our Lord 1525. that there was a certain play or interlude made by one M. Roo of the same Inn gentlemā, in which play partly was matter against the Cardinal Wolsey. And where none durst take vpō thē to play that part, which touched the said Cardinal, this foresaid M. Fish took upon him to do it, whereupon great displeasure ensued against him, upon the Cardinals part: In so much as he being pursued by the said Cardinal, the same night that this Tragedy was played, was compelled of force to void his own house, & so fled over the Sea unto Tyndale: upon occasion whereof the next year following this book was made (being about the year .1527.) and so not long after in the year (as I suppose) 1528. was sent over to the Lady Anne Buileyne, who then lay at a place not far from the Court. Which book her brother seeing in her hand, took it and read it, & gave it her again, willing her earnestly to give it to the king, which thing she so did.

This was (as I gather) about the year of our Lord. 1528. The king after he had received the book, demanded of her who made it. Wherunto she answered and said, a certain subject of his, one Fish, who was fled out of the Realm for fear of the Cardinal. After the king had kept the book in his bosom 3. or 4. days, as is credibly reported, such knowledge was given by the kings servants, to the wife of the said Simon Fish, that she might boldly send for her husband, without all peril or danger. Whervpon she thereby being encouraged, came first & made suit to the king for the safe return of her husband. Who understanding whose wife she was, shown a marvelous gentle & cheerful countenance towards her, asking where her husband was. She answered, if it like your grace, not far of. Then saith he, fetch him, and he shall come and go safe without peril, & no man shall do him harm, saying moreover that he had much wrong that he was from her so long: who had been absent now the space of two years and a half. In the which mean time, the Cardinal was deposed, as is aforeshewed, and M. More set in his place of the Chauncellorship.

Thus Fishes wife being emboldened by the kings words, went immediately to her husband being lately come over, and lying privily within a mile of the Courte, and brought him to the king: which appeareth to be about the year of our Lord 1530. When the king saw him, and understood he was the author of the book, he came and embraced him with loving countenance: who after long talk: for the space of 3. or 4. hours, as they were riding together on hunting, at length dimitted him and bad him take home his wife, for she had takē great pains for him. Who answered the king again and said, he durst not so do, for •• are of Syr Thomas More then Chancellor, & Stoksley then Bishop of London. This seemeth to be about the year of our Lord. 1530.

The king taking his signet of his finger, willed him to have him recommended to the Lord Chancellor, charging him not to be so hardy to work him any harm, M. Fish receiving the kings signet, went and declared his message to the Lord Chancellor, who took it as sufficient for his own discharge, but he asked him if he had anything for the discharge of his wife: for she a little before had by chance displeased the Friers, for not suffering them to say their Gospels in Latin in her house, as they did in others unless they would say it in English. Whereupon the Lord Chancellor, though he had discharged the man, yet leaving not his grudge towards the wife, the next morning sent his man for her to appear before him: who, had it not been for her young daughter, which then lay sick of the plague, had been like to come to much trouble. Of the which plague her husband, the said M. Fish deceasing w ^t in half a year, she afterward married to one M. James Baynham, Syr Alexander Baynhams son, a worshipful knight of glostershyre. The which foresaid M. James Baynham, not long after was burned, as incontinently after in the process of this story, shall appear.

And thus much concerning Simon Fish the author of the book of beggars, who also translated a book called the Sum of the Scripture, out of the Dutch.

Now cometh another note of one Edmund Moddys the kings footman, touching the same matter.

This M. Moddys being with the king in talk of religion, and of the new books that were come from beyond the seas, said if it might please his grace to pardon him, & such as he would bring to his grace, he should see such a book, as was marvel to hear of. The king demanded what they were. He said, two of your Marchauntes, George Elyot, & George Robinsō. The king pointed a time to speak with them. Whē they came afore his presence in a privy closet, he demanded what they had to say, or to show him. One of thē said y ^t there was a book come to their h •• s, which they had there to show his grace. When he saw it, he demanded if any of them could read it. Yea said George Elyot, if it please your grace to hear it. I thought so, said the king, for if need were thou canst say it without book.

The whole book being read out, the king made a long pause, & then said, if a man should pull down an old stone wall and begin at the lower part, the upper part thereof might chance to fall upon his head: and then he took the book and • ut it into his deske, and commanded them upon their allegiance, that they should not tell to any man, that he had seen the book. &c. The Copy of the foresaid book, entitled of the Beggars, here ensueth.

A certain Libell or book entitled the Supplication of Beggars, thrown and scattered at the procession in Westminster on Candlemas day, before king Henry the 8. for him to read and peruse, made & compiled by M. Fish.

To the king our Sovereign Lord.

MOst lamentably cōplayneth their woeful misery, unto your highness, your poor daily bedemen the wretched hydious monsters, on whō scarcely for horror any eye dare look, the soul unhappy sort of lepers, and other sore people, needy, impotent, blind, lame, and sick, that live only by alms, how that their mumber is daily so sore increased, that all the alms of all the well disposed people of this your realm is not half enough for to sustain them, but that for very constraint, they die for hunger. And this most pestilent mischief is come upon your said poor bedemen, by the reason y ^t there is in the times of your noble predecessors passed, craftily crept into this your realm, another sort, not of impotent, but of strong, puisant, and counterfeit holy and idle beggars and vagabondes, which since the time of their first entry, by all the craft and wylines of Satan, are now increased under your sight, not only into a great number, but also into a kingdom.

These are not the herdes, but y ^e rauinous wolves, going in herdes clothing, devouring the flock, Bishops, Abbots, Priours, Deacons, Archdeacons, Suffraga • es, Priests, Monks, Canons, Friers, Pardoners & Somners. And who is able to number this idle ravenous sort, which (setting all labor aside) have begged so importunatly, that they have gotten into their hands, more thē the third part of all your Realm. The goodlyest Lordships, manors, lands, and territories are theirs. Besides this, they have the x. part of all the corn, meadow, pasture, grass, wood, coltes, calves, lambes, pigs, geese, and chickins. Ouer and besides, the x. part of every servants wages, the x. part of wolle, milk, honey, wax, cheese, and butter: yea & they look so narrowly upon their profits, that the poor wives must be countable to them for every x. egg, or else she getteth not her rightes at Easter, and shall be taken as an heretic. Hereto have they their four offering days. What money pull they in by probates of Testaments, privy tithes, and by men's offerings to their pilgrimages, and at their first Masses. Every man and child that is buried, must pay somewhat for Masses and Diriges, to be song for him, or else they will accuse their friends and executors of heresy. What money get they by mortuaries, by hearing of confessions (and yet they will keep thereof no counsel) by halowing of Churches, altars, superaltars, Chapels, and belles, by cursing of men, and absolving them again for money? what a multitude of money gather the Pardoners in a year? How much money get the Somners by extortion in a year, by asciting the people to the Commissaries Court, and afterward releasing the apparaun • es for money? Finally, the infinite number of begging Friers, what get they in a year?

Here if it please your grace to mark, you shall see a thing far out of joint. There are within your realm of England. 52000. Parishe Churches. And this standing, that there be but x. households in every Parishe, yet are there v.c. M. & xx. M. househoulds. And of every of these householdes hath every of the five orders of Friers, a penny a quarter, for every order: that is, for all the five orders, five pence a quarter, for every house: that is, for all y ^e five orders, 20. d. a year of every house. Summa, v.C. and xx.M. quarters of Angels, that is, 260000. half Angels. Summa 130000. Angels. Summa totalis, 430333. poūdes. 6. s. 8. d. sterling. Wherof not 400. years passed, they had not one penny.

Oh grievous & painful exaction, thus yearly to be paid: from the which the people of your noble Predecessors the Kings of the ancient Britain's, ever stood free. And this will they have, or else they will procure him that will not give it to them to be taken as an heretic. What Tyranne ever oppressed the people, like this cruel and vengeable generation? what subjects shall be able to help their Prince, that be after this fashion yearly poled? What good Christian people cā be able to succor us poor lepers, blind, sore, and lame, that be thus yearly oppressed? Is it any marvel that your people so complain of poverty? Is it any marvel that the taxes, fiftenes and subsidies, that your grace most tēderly of great compassion, hath taken among your people to defend them from the threatened ruin of their common wealth, have been so slouthfully, yea paynefully levied seeing almost the uttermost penny that mought have been levied, hath been gathered before yearly, by this erroneous insatiable generation? Neither the Danes nor the Saxons, in the time of the ancient Britons, should ever have been able to have brought their armies from so far, hither into your land, to have conquered it, if they had had at that time such a sort of idle glottons to find at home. The noble king Arthur had never been able to have carried his army to the foot of the mountains, to resist the coming down of Lucius the Emperor, if such yearly exactions had been taken of his people. The Greeks had never been able to have so long continued at the siege of Troy, if they had had at home such an idle sort of cormorantes to find. The ancient Romaines had never been able to have put all the whole world under their obeysaunce, if their people had been thus yearly oppressed. The Turk now in your time should never been able to get so much ground of Christendom, if he had in his Empire such a sort of Locusts, to devour his substance. Lay then these sums to the foresaid third part of the possessions of the realm, that ye may see whether it draw nigh unto the half of the whole substance of the Realm, or not: so shall ye find that it draweth far above.

Now let us then compare the number of this unkind idle sort, unto the number of the lay people, & we shall see whether it be indifferently shifted or not, that they should have half. Cōpare them to the number of men, so are they not the hundredth person. Compare them to men, womē & children, then are they not the four hundredth person in mumber. One part therefore in four hundredth partes divided, were to much for them, except they did labor. What an unequal burthē is it that they have half with the multitude, and are not the four hundredth person of their number? What tongue is able to tell that ever there was any commō wealth so sore oppressed, since the world first began?

And what doth all this greedy sort of sturdy, idle, holy thieves, with these yearly exactions that they take of the people? Truly nothing but exempt themselves from the obedience of your grace. Nothing but traslate all rule, power, Lordship, authority, obedience and dignity, from your grace, unto thē. Nothing but that all your subjects should fall into disobedience and rebellion against your grace, and be under thē, as they did unto your noble predecessor king John: which for because that he would have punished certain traitors that had conspired with the French king, to have deposed him from his crown and dignity (among the which a Clerke called Stephen, whom afterward against the kings will, the Pope made Bishop of Canterbury, was one) interdicted his land. For the which matter your most noble realm wrongfully (alas for shame) hath stand tributary not unto any kind of temporal prince, but unto a cruel devilish bloudsupper, drunk̄ in the blood of the Saints and Martyrs of Christ, ever since.

Here were an holy sort of Prelates, that thus cruelly could punish such a righteous king, all his realm and succession, for doing right. Here were a charitable sort of holy men that could thus interdite a whole Realm, & pluck away the obedience of the people from their natural liege Lord and king, for none other cause, but for his righteousness. Here were a blessed sort, not of meek heardes, but of bloudsuppers, that could set the French king upon such a righteous Prince, to cause him to lose his crown and dignity, to make effusiō of the blood of his people, unless this good and blessed king, of great compassion, more fearing & lamenting the shedding of the blood of his people, then the loss of his crown and dignity, against all right and conscience, had submitted himself unto them.

O case most horrible, that ever so noble a king, realm and succession, should thus be made to stoop to such a sort of bloudsuppers. Where was his sword, power, crown, & dignity become, whereby he might have done justice in this matter? where was their obedience become that should have ben subject under his high power in this matter? Yea where was the obedience of all his subjects become, that for maintenance of the common wealth should have holpen him manfully to have resisted these bloudsuppers, to y ^e shedding of their blood? was it not altogether by their policy, translated from this good king unto them?

Yea, and what do they more? Truly nothing, but apply themselves by all the sleights they may, to have to do with every man's wife, every man's daughter, and every man's maid, that cukoldry and baudry should reign over all, among your subjects, that no man should know his own child. that their bastards might inherit the possessions of every man, to put the right begotten children clear beside their inheritance, in subversion of all estates and godly order. These be they that by their abstaining from Marriage, do let the generation of the people, whereby all the Realm at length, if it should be continued, shall be made desert and inhabitable.

These be they that have made an 100000. idle Whores in your realm, which would have gotten their living honestly, in the sweat of their faces, had not their superfluous riches illected them to unclean lust and idleness. These be they that corrupt the whole generatiō of mankind in your Realm, that catch the pockes of one woman, and bear them to another, that be burnt with one woman, & bear it to another, that catch the lepry of one woman, & bear it to another. Yea someone of them shall boast among his fellows, that he hath meddled with an C. women, These be they, y ^t when they have once drawn men's wives to such incontinency, spend away their husbands goods, make the women to run away from their husbands, yea, run away themselves both with wife and goods, bringing both man, wife and children, to idleness, theft and beggary. Yea, who is able to mumber the great and broad bottomless Occeane Sea, full of evils, that this mischievous and sinful generation may lawfully bring upon us unpunished.

Where is your sword, power, crown and dignity become, that should punish by punishment of death even as other men are punished, the felonyes, rapes, murders, and treasons committed by this sinful generatiō? Where is their obedience become that should be under your high power in this matter? It is not altogether translated and exempt from your grace unto them? Yes cruely. What an infinite mumber of people might have been increased to have peopled the Realm, if this sort of folk had been married like other men? What breach of matrimony is there brought in by them? such truly as was never since the world began, among the whole multitude of the Heathē, Who is she that will set her hands to work, to get 3. d. a day, and may have at least 20. d. a day to sleep an hour with a Frier, a Monk, or a Priest? What is he that would labor for a groat a day, and may have at least 12. d. a day to be baude to a Priest, a Monk, or a Frier? What a sort are there of them that mary Priests sovereign Ladies, but to cloak the Priests incontinency, and that they may have a living of the Priests, thenselves for their labor? How many M. doth such lubricity bring to beggary, theft and idleness: which should have kept their good name, & have set themselves to work, had not been this excessive treasure of the spiritualitye? what honest man dare take any man or woman into his service, that hath been at such a school with a spiritual man?

Oh the grievous shypwracke of the common wealth, which in ancient time before the coming of these ravenous wolves, were so prosperous, y ^t then there were but few thieves: yea theft was at that time so rare, that Caesar was not compelled to make penalty of death upon felony, as your grace may well perceive in his institutes. There was also at that time, but few poor people, and yet thei did not beg, but there was given them enough unasked, for there was at that time, none of these ravenous wolves to ask it from them, as it appeareth in the Acts of the Apostles. Is it any marvel though there be now so many beggars, thieves, and • ole people? Nay truly. What remedy? make laws against them? I am in doubt whether ye be able. Are they not stronger in your own Parliament house then yourself? What a number of Bishops Abbots and Priors, are Lord's of your Parliament? Are not all the learned men of your realm in fee with them, to speak in your Parliament house for them against your crown, dignity, and common wealth of your realm, a few of your own learned Counsel only excepted? What law can be made against them that may be auayleable? Who is he (though he be grieved never so sore) that for the murder of his auncester, rauishmēt of his wife, of his daughter, robbery, trespass, man, debt, or any other offense, dare lay it to their charge, by any way of action: and if he do, then is he by and by, by their wyknes, accused of heresy: yea they will so handle him ere he pass, that, except he will bear a Fagot for their pleasure, he shall be excommunicate, & then be all his actions dashed.

So captive are your laws unto them, that no man whom they list to excommunicate, may be admitted to sue any actiō in any of your Courts. If any man in your Sessions dare be so hardy to indite a Priest of any such crime, he hath ere the year go out, such a yoke of heresy laid in his neck, that it maketh him wish that he had not done it. Your grace may see what a work there is in Londō: how the Bishop rageth for inditing of certain Curates of extortion, & incontinēcy the last yere in the Wardmote quest. Had not Richard Hunne commenced action of Premunire against a Priest, he had been yet alive and no heretic at all, but an honest man. Did not diverse of your noble progenitors, seeing their crown and dignity run into ruin, and to be thus craftily translated into the hands of this mischievous generatiō, make diverse statutes for the reformation thereof: among which the statute of Mortmayne was one, to the intent that after that time they should have no more given unto them? But what auayled it? have they not gotten into their hands more lands since, thē any Duke in England hath, the statute notwithstanding? Yea, have they not for all that translated into their hands from your grace, half your kingdom thoroughly, the only name remaining to you for your aūceters sake: So you have the name and they the profit. Yea I fear, if I should wey all things to the uttermost, they would also take the name unto them, and of one kingdom make twayne: the spiritual kingdom as they call it (for they will be named first) and your temporal kingdom. And which of these 2. kingdoms suppose you, is like to ouergrow the other, yea to put y ^e other clear out of memory? Truly the kingdom of the bloudsuppers, for to them is given daily out of your kingdom: and that that is once given them, cometh never from them again. Such laws have they that none of them may neither give nor sell nothing. What law can be made so strong against thē, that they either with money or else with other policy, will not break or set at naught? What kingdom can endure, that ever giveth thus frō him and receiveth nothing again? Oh how all the substance of your realm, your sword, power, crown, dignity & obedience of your people, runneth headlong into the insatiable whirlepole of these greedy goulfes, to be swallowed and devoured.

Neither have they any other color to gather these yearly exactions into their hands, but that they say they pray for us to God, to deliver our souls out of the pains of Purgatory, without whose prayer they say, or at least without the Popes pardon, we could never be delivered thence. Which if it be true, then it is good reason that we give thē all these things, although it were a hundred times as much. But there be many men of great literature and judgment, that for the love they have unto the truth and unto the common wealth, have not feared to put thenselves into the greatest infamy that may be, in abjection of all the world, yea in peril of death, to declare their opinion in this matter: which is, that there is no Purgatory, but that it is a thing invented by the covetousness of the spiritualty, only to translate all kingdoms from other princes unto thē, and that there is not one word spokē of it in all holy Scripture. They say also, that if there were a Purgatory, and also if that the Pope with his pardons for money may deliver one soul thence: he may deliver him as well without money, if he may deliver one, he may deliver a thousand: if he may deliver a thousand, he may deliver them all, and so destroy Purgatory, and then he • s a cruel tyrant without all charity, if he keep them there in prison and in pain, till men will give him money.

Likewise say they of all the whole sort of the spiritualtye, that if they will pray for no man but for thē that give thē money, they are tyrants & lack charity, & suffer those souls to be punished and payned uncharitably for lack of their prayers. This sort of folks they cal heretics, these they burn, these they rage against, put to open shame and make them bear Fagots. But whether they be heretics or no, well I wot, that this Purgatory & the popes pardons are all the cause of the translatiō of your kingdom so fast into their hands: wherefore it is manifest, it cannot be of Christ, for he gave more to the temporal kingdom, he himself paid tribute to Caesar, he took nothing frō him, but taught that the high powers should be always obeyed, yea he himself (although he were most free Lord of all, & innocent) was obedient unto y ^e high powers unto death. This is the great skabbe, why they will not let y ^e new testament go abroad in your mother tongue, least men should espy that they by their cloaked hypocrisy do translate thus fast your kingdom into their hands: that they are not obedient unto your high power: that they are cruel, unclean, unmerciful and h • pocrites: that they seek not the honor of Christ but their own: that remission of sins are not given by the Popes Pardon, but by Christ, for the sure faith and trust that we have in him.

Here may your grace well perceive, that except you suffer their hipocrisy to be disclosed, all is like to run into their hands, and as long as it is covered, so long shall it seme to every man to be a great impiety, not to give them. For this I am sure your grace thinketh (as the truth is) I am as good a man as my Father: why may I not as well give them as much as my father did? And of this mind I am sure, are all the Lord's, knights, squires, gentlemē, & yeomen in England: yea and until it be disclosed, all your people will think that your statute of Mortmaine was never made with no good conscience, seeing that it taketh away the liberty of your people, in that they may not as lawfully buy their souls out of Purgatory by giving to the spiritualty, as their predecessors did in times past.

Wherefore, if you will eschew the ruin of your crown & dignity, let their hipocrisy be uttered, & that shall be more speedefull in this matter, then all the laws that may be made, be they never so strong. For to make a law for to punish any offender, except it were more for to give other mē an ensample to beware how they commit such like, offense, what should it avail? Did not Doct. Alen most presumptiously now in your time, against all his allegiance all that ever he could, to pull frō you the knowledge of such plees, as belong unto your high Courtes, unto another Court in derogation of your crown and dignity? Did not also D. Horsey and his complices most heinously (as all the world knoweth) murder in prison that honest Marchaunt Rich. Hunne, for that he sued your writ of Premunire against a priest that wrongfully held him in plee in a spiritual court, for a matter whereof the knowledge belonged unto your high Courtes? And what punishment was there done, that any man may take example of, to beware of like offense? Truly none, but that the one paid 500. pound (as it is said) to the building of your chamber, & when that payment was once passed, the Captains of his kingdom (because he fought so manfully against your crown and dignity) have heaped to him, benefice upon benefice, so that he is rewarded x. times as much. The other (as it is said) paid 600. pound for him & his complices: which for because that he had like wise fought so manfully against your crown and dignity, was immediately as he had obtained your most gracious pardon, promoted by the captaynes of his kingdom, with benefice upon benefice, to the value of four times as much. Who can take example of punishment, to beware of such like offense? Who is he of their kingdom that will not rather take courage to commit like offense, seeing the promotions that fell to these men for their so offending? so weak and blunt is your sword to strike at one of the offenders of this crooked and perverse generation.

And this is by the reason that the chief instrument of your law, yea y ^e chief of your Council and he which hath your sword in his hand, to whom also all the other instruments are obedient, is always a spiritual man, which hath ever such an inordinate love unto his own kingdom that he will maintain that, though all the temporal kingdoms and common wealths of the world, should therefore utterly be undone. Here leave we out the greatest matter of all, least that we declaring such an horrible caren of evil against the ministers of iniquity, should seem to declare the one only fault, or rather the ignorance of our best beloved minister of righteousness, which is to be hid till he may be learned by these small enormities that we have spoken of, to know it plainly himself.

But what remedy to releue us your poor, sick, lame, and sore bedemen? To make many hospitals for the relief of the poor people? Nay truly. The moe the worse, forever the fat of the whole foundation hangeth on the Priests beardes. Divers of your noble Predecessors, kings of this realm, have given lands to Monasteries, to give a certain sum of money yearly to the poor people, whereof for the auncienty of the time, they give never one penny, They have likewise given to them, to have a certain of masses said daily for them: whereof they say never one. If y ^e Abbot of Westminster should sing every day as many masses for his founders, as he is bound to do by his foundatiō a thousand Monks were to few. Wherefore, if your grace will build a sure hospital that never shall sail, to relieve us all your poor bedemen, then take frō thē all these things. Set these sturdy loubies abroad in the world to get thē wives of their own, to get their living with their labor in the sweat of their faces, according to the commandment of God, Gen. 1. to give other idle people by their example, occasion to go to labor.

Tye these holy idle thieves to the cartes, to be whipped naked about every market Town, till they fall to labor, that they by their importunate begging, take not away the alms y ^t y ^e good christē people would give unto us sore, impotent, miserable people, your bedemē. Thē shall as well y ^e number of our foresaid monstrous sort, as of the bands, whores, thieves, and idle people decrease. Then shall these great yearly exactions cease. Then shall not your sword, power, crown, dignity, & obedience of your people be translated from you. Thē shall you have full obedience of your people. Then shall the idle people be set to work. Then shall matrimony be much better kept. Then shall the generation of your people be increased. Then shall your commons increase in riches. Thē shall y ^e Gospel be preached. Then shall none beg our alms frō us. Thē shall we have enough and more then shall suffice us: which shall be the best hospital that ever was founded for us. Thē shall we daily pray to God for your most noble estate long to endure.

Against this book of the Beggers above prefixed, being written in the time of the Cardinal, another contrary book or supplication, was devised and writ̄ shortly vpō the same, by one sir Thomas More knight, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, under the name and title of the poor seely souls pewling out of Purgatory. In the which book, after that the said M. More writer thereof, had first divided y ^e whole world into four partes, that is, into heaven, hell, middle earth, and purgatory: then he maketh the dead men's souls by a Rhetorical Prosopopoea, to speak out of Purgatory pynfolde, sometimes lamentably complaing, sometimes pleasauntly dalying & scoffing at the author of the Beggers book, sometimes scoldyng and railing at him, calling him fool, witless, frantic, an asse, a goose, a mad dog, an heretic, & all that naught is. And no marvel, if these seely souls of purgatory seme so fumish • testy. For heat (ye know) is testy, & soon inflameth choler, but yet these Purgatory souls, must take good heed how they call a man a fool, and heretic so often. For if the sentence of the Gospel doth pronounce thē guilty of hell fire, which say fatue, fool: it may be doubted lest those poor seely melancholy souls of Purgatory, calling this man fool so oft as they have done, do bring themselves thereby out of purgatory fire, to the fire of hell, by y ^e just sentence of the gospel: so that neither the 5. wounds of S. Francis, nor all the merits of S. Dominic, nor yet of all the Friers can release them poor wretches. But yet for so much as I do not, nor cannot think, that those departed souls, either would so far ouershoote themselves if they were in purgatory, or else that there is any such fourth place of Purgatory at all (unless it be in M Mores Utopia) as Mayster Mores Poetical vain doth imagine, I cease therefore to burden the souls departed, and lay all the wit in master More the author and contriuer of this Poetical book, for not keeping Decorum personae, as a perfect Poet should have done, They that give precepts of Art, do note this in all Poetical fictions, as a special observation to foresee and express what is convenient for every persō, according to his degree and condition to speak and utter. Wherefore if it be true that M. More saith in the sequel of his book, that grace & charity increaseth in thē that lie in the pains of Purgatory, then is it not agreeable, that such souls lying so long in Purgatory, should so soon forget their charity, and • all a railing in their supplication so fumishly, both against this man, with such opprobrious & vn •• cting terms, & also against John Badby, Richard Howndon, John Goose, Lord Cobham and other Martyrs of y ^e Lord burned for his word: also against Luther, Williā Tyndale, Richard Hunne and other moe, falsely belying the doctrine by them taught & defended: which is not like that such charitably souls of Purgatory would ever do, neither were it convenient for them in that case, which in deed though their doctrine were false, should redound to the more increase of their pain. Agayne, where the B. of Rochester defineth the Angels to be ministers to Purgatory souls some will think peradventure M. More to have missed some part of his Decorum in making the evil spirit of the author & the devil to be messenger between middle earth, & Purgatory, in bringing tidings to the prisoned souls, both of the book, and of the name of the maker.

Now, as touching the manner how this devil came into Purgatory, laughing, grinning, and gnashing his teeth, in • oath it maketh me to laugh, to see the merye Antiques of M. More. Belike thē this was some merry devil, or else ha • eaten w ^t his teeth some Nasturcium before: which coming into Purgatory, to show the name of this man, could not tell his tale without laughing. But this was (saith he) an •• mious and an envious laughing joined with grinning and gnashing of teeth. And immediately vpō the same, was contrived this scoffing & railing supplication of the pewling souls of Purgatory, as he himself doth term them. So then here was enmying, envying, laughing, grinning gnashing of teeth, pewling, scoffing railing, and begging and altogether to make a very black Sanctus in Purgatory. In deed we read in S • ripture, that there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth in hell, where the souls and bodies of men shall be tormented. But who would ever have thought before, that the evil angel of this man, y ^t made the book of Beggers, being a spiritual and no corporal substance, had teeth to gnashe, and a mouth to grinne? But where then stood M. More I marvel all this mean while, to see the devil laugh with his mouth so wide, that the souls of purgatory might see all his teeth? Belike this was in Utopia, where M. Mores Purgatory is founded, but because M. More is hence departed, I leave him with his merry Antiques. And as touching his book of Purgatory, which he hath left behind, because John Frith hath learnedly and effectuously overthrown the same, I will therefore refer the reader to him, while I repair again (the Lord willing) to the history.

After that the clergy of England, and especially the Cardinal understood these books of the beggars supplications foresaid, to be strawne abroad in the streets of London, and also before the king, the said Cardinal caused not only his servants diligently to attend to gather them up, that they should not come into the kings hands but also when he understood, that the king has received one or two of them, he came unto the kings Majesty saying: If it shall please your grace, here are diverse seditious persons which have scattered abroad books containing manifest errors and heresies, desiring his grace to beware of them. Wherupon the king putting his hand in his bosom, took out one of the books and delivered it unto y ^e Cardinal. Thē the Cardinal together with his bishops, consulted how they might provide a speedy remedy for this mischief, & thereupon determined to give out a commissiō to forbid the reading of all English books, and namely this book of Beggers, and the new Testament of Tyndals translation: which was done out of hand by Cutbert Tonstall Bishop of London, who sent out his prohibition unto his Archdeacons, w ^t all speed, for the forbidding of that book and diverse other more: the tenor of which prohibition here followeth.

*A prohibition sent out by Cutbert Tonstall Bysh of London, to the Archdeacons of his diocese, for the calling in of the new Testaments translated into English, with diverse other books: the Catalogue whereof hereafter ensueth.

CVthbert by the permission of God, Bishop of London, unto our well-beloved in Christ the Archdeacon of London, or to his Officiall, health, grace & benediction. By the duty of our pastoral office, we are bound diligently with all our power, to foresee, provide for, root out, and put away all those things, which seme to tend to the peril & danger of our subjects, and specially the destruction of their souls. Wherefore we having understanding by the report of diverse credible persons, & also by the evident apparaunce of the matter, that many childrē of iniquity mainteiners of Luther's sect, blinded through extreme wickedness wandering from the way of truth and the Catholic faith, craftily have translated the New Testament into our English tongue, entermedling therewith many heretical Articles and erroneous opinions, pernicious and offensive, seducing the simple people attempting by their wicked & perverse interpretations, to prophanate the majesty of the Scripture, which hitherto hath remained undefiled, & craftily to abuse the most holy word of God, & the true sense of the same: of the which translation there are many books imprinted, some with glosses and some without, containing in the English tongue that pestiferous and most pernicious poysō dispersed throughout all our diocese of London in great number: which truly without it be speedily foresene, without doubt, will contaminate and infect the flock committed unto us, with most deadly poison and heresy, to the grievous peril & danger of the souls committed to our charge, and the offense of God's divine majesty. Wherefore we Cuthbert the bishop aforesaid, grieuouslye sorowing for the premisses, willing to withstand the craft & subtlety of the ancient enemy and his ministers, which seek the destruction of my flock, & with a diligent care, to take heed unto the flock committed to my charge, desiring to provide spedy remedies for the premisses, do charge you jointly and severally, & by virtue of your obedience, straightly enioine & command you, that by our authority you warn or cause to be warned all & singular, as well exempt as not exempt, dwelling within our Archdeaconries, that within 30. days space, whereof 10. days shall be for the first 10. for the second 10. for the third and peremptory term, under pain of excommunication, and incurring the suspitiō of heresy, they do bring in and really deliver unto our vicar general, all & singular such books as contain the translation of the New Testament in the English tongue, and that you do certefy us or our said Commissary, within a months after the day of the date of these presents, duly, personally or by your letters, together with these presents, under your seals, what you have done in the premisses, under pain of contempt given under our seal, the 23. of October, in the 5. year of our consecration an. 1526.

The like Commission in like manner and form, was sent to the three other Archdeacons of Middlesexe, Essex, and Co • chester, for the execution of the same matter, under the Bishops seal.

*The names of the books that were forbidden at this time, together with the New Testament.

• THe supplication of Beggers.
• The revelation of Antichrist, of Luther.
• The New Testament of Tyndale.
• The wicked Mammon.
• The obedience of a Christian man.
• An introduction to Paul's Epistle to the Romans.
• A Dialogue betwixt the father and the son.
• Oeconomicae Christianae.
• Vnio dissidentium.
• Piae Precationes.
• Captiuitas Babilonica.
• Johannes Hus in Oseam.
• Zwinglius in Catabaptistas.
• De pueris instituendis.
• Brenz de administranda Republica.
• Luther ad Galatas.
• De libertate Christiana.
• Luther's exposition upon the Pater noster.

Besides these books here before mentioned, within a short time after, there were a great number more of other books in like manner prohibited by the kings proclamation: but yet by the Bishops procurement. an. 1529. the Catalogue whereof with the names & the authors, are here to be seen.

*Libri Sectae sieve factionis Lutherianae importati ad ciuitatem London▪ per fautores eiusdem Sectae, quorum nomina & auctores sequuntur.
• IOannis Wycleffi viri pijssimi dialogorū libri quatuor, quorum primus diuinitatem & ideas tractat. Secundus vniuersarum creationem complectitur. Tertius de virtutibus vitijs{que} ipsis contrarijs copiosissime loquitur. Quartus Romanae Ecclesiae sacramēta, eius pestiferam dotationem, antechristi regnum, fratrum fraudulentam originem atque eorum hypocrisim demonstrate.
• De bonis operibus doctoris Ma. Lutheri.
• Epistola Lutheri ad Leonem .x. summum Pontificem.
• Tessaradeca consolatoria pro laborantibus & oneratis Mart. Lutheri.
• Tractatus Lutheri de libertate Christiana.
• Sermo doctors Martini Lutheri.
• Enarrationes M. Lutheri in epistolas D. Petri.
• Resposio Martini Lutheri ad librū Magistri Bartholomei Catharini desensoris Siluestri Pontificis cum exposita vision Danielis 8. de an. Christi.
• De operibus Dei, Martino Cellario autore.
• Deutronomos Mosis ex Hebreo castigatus, cum annotationibus Martini Lutheri.
• Lutheri Cathecismus Latina donatus ciuitate, per Iohannem Lonicerum.
• Jonah Propheta, Martini Lutheri commentariolo explicatus.
• In Epistolā Pauli ad Galathas, Martini Lutheri cōmmētarius.
• Mart. Lutheri epistolarū farrago pietatis & eruditionis plena, cum Psalmorum aliquot interpretation.
• Enarrationes seu Postillae Mart. Lutheri in lections qua ex Evēgelicis historijs, Apostolorū scriptis, alijs{que} sacrae scripturae literis desumpta per vniuersum annū, tam diebus dominicis, quam diuorum memory facris super missam faciendam recitantur.
• Conclusiones sedecim R. patris Domini Martini Lutheri de fide & ceremonijs.
• Eiusdem de fide & operibus saluberrima declaratio.
• Ceremoniarum eruditissima resolutio, quid sint & quomodo eis vtendum.
• Conclusiones quinquaginta eiusdē pro timoratis cōscientijs.
• Resolutio Lutheriana super propositionem suam. 13. de potestate Papae.
• Didimi Fauentini aduersus Thomam Placentinū, pro Martino Luthero Theologo oratio.
• Enarrationes nouae Domini M. Lutheri in Ionam Prophetā.
• De votis monasticis Martini Lutheri iudicium.
• Enchiridion piarum precationum Martini Lutheri.
• Conciunculae quaedam Martini Lutheri in deiparae virginis & aliquot festos dies nuper e populari lingua latin factae.
• In Esaiam Prophetam cōmentarius Ioannis Oecolampadij.
• In Danielem Prophetam Ioannis Oecolampadij libri duo.
• Appologetica Ioannis Oecolampadij de dignitate Eucharistiae. Item, Sermones duo ad Theobaldum Billicanum, quinam in verbis Cenae alienum sensum inferant.
• De non habendo pauperum delectu, Johannes Oecolāpadius.
• In postremos tres Prophetas, nempe Haggeum, Zachariā, & Malachiam, commentarius Johannes Oecolampadij.
• Quid de Eucharistia veteres tū Graeci, tum Latini senserint dialogus, in quo epistolae Philippi Melanctonis & Johannes Oecolampadij insertae sunt.
• Apologetica Ioannis Oecolampadij de dignitate Eucharistiae.
• Johannes Oecolampadius de genuina verborum Domini, Hoc est corpus meum signification.
• In epistolam Pauli Apostoli adnotationes à Ioanne Oecolāpadio recognitae.
• Accuta exegesis id est expositio Eucharistici negotij ad Martinum Lutherum Huldricho Zwinglio author.
• Complanationes Esaiae Prophetae foetura prima, cum Apologia per Huldricum Zwinglium.
• Farrago Annotationum in Genesim, ex ore Hulderichi Zwinglij. Annotatiunculae per Leonē Iudam, ex ore Zwinglij, in vtrā{que} Pauli ad Corinthios Epistolam.
• Ad Phillippenses annotatiunculae per Leonem Iudam, ex ore Huldrichi Zwinglij exceptae,
• Ad illustrissimos Germaniae principes Augusta congregatos de conuitijs Eccij.
• In Catabaptistarum Stropeas Elenchus Huldrichi Zwinglij.
• De veteri & falsa religione Huldrichi Zwinglij commontarius.
• Ad illustrissimum cattorum principem Philippum, Sermones de prouidentia Dei, Huldricho Zwinglio autore.
• Complanationes Ieremiae Prophetae foetura prima, cum Apologia, per Huldricum Zwinglium.
• Ad Theobaldi Bellicani & vrbani regij Epistolas resposio Huldrichi Zwinglij.
• Quo pacto ingenui adolescentes formādi sunt, praeceptiones pauculae, Huldricho Zwinglio autore.
• Annotationes Johannnis Bugehagij Pomerani in Epistolas Pauli ad Galatas, Ephesios, Phillippenses, Collossenses, Thessalonicenses, primam & secundam.
• In Regum duos vltimos libros annotationes Ioannis Bugēhagij pomerani post Samuelem, iam primum emissae.
• Johannes Bugenhagij pomerani annotationes in Deuteronomium, & in Samuelem Prophetam, id est duos libros Regum.
• De coniugio Episcoporum & diaconorum, ad venerandū doctorem Wolfgangum Reysenbusts, per Ioannem Bugenhagiū Pomeranum.
• Explicatio breuis, simplex, & canonica libelli Ruth, ea forma qua totius veteris test. canonici libri expofiti sunt, autore Conrado Pelicanio.
• Psalterium Dauidis, Conradi Pellicani opera elaboratum: non esse ferendas in tēplis Christianorum imagines & statuas coli solitas, autoribus ecclesiastis argentoraten.
• Epistola Martini Buceri, Euangelistarū enarrationes nuncupata. De Ebdomadis que apud Danielem sunt opusculū, in quo tractatur de sacrificio missae abolendo, incerto autore.
• Nouae doctrinae ad veterem collatio per Vrbanum Regium, in quo tractat de sacris Ecclesiae.
• Collectaneae cōmuníum troporum sacrosanctae scripturae, Batholomeo Westhemero collectore.
• In epistolam ad Romanos, Andreae Kuophen Costermensis interpretatio. Adiecta est Epistola à Phillippo Melancthone.
• Loci vtriusque testamenti cōplectentes praecipua capita totius Christianismi, cum adiectis scholijs.
• Epistola Pauli ad Titum iam recens per Iohannem Agrigolam scholijs nouis illustrata.
• In Hoseam Prophetam. 5. sermons Capitonis.
• Dispositio orationis in Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos, Philippo Melancthone autore.
• Sancti Pauli ad Colessenses Epistola, cum comentarijs Philippi Milanctonis.
• Noua scholia Philippi Melancthonis in Prouerbia Salomonis.
• De autoritate, officio, & potestate Pastorum ecclesiasticorum, ex Philippi Melancthonis editione.
• Philippi Melancthonis Annotationes in Ioannem.
• Annotationes Philippi Melancthonis in Euangelium Mathaei.
• Enarrationes perpetuae in sacra quatuor Euangelia per Martinum Bucerum.
• In Sancti Pauli Epistolam ad Epheseos, Martinus Bucerus.
• In theophaniā, quē Sophoniam vulgo vocāt, Epitomographus, ad ebraicam veritatē versus, per Martinum Bucerum.
• Job cum commentarijs Johannes Brentij.
• Ecclesiastes Salomonis cum commentarijs Ioannis Brentij.
• In Diui Ioannis Euangelium Io. Brentij exegesis.
• Francisci Lamberti Auinionensis, in diui Lucae Evēgeliū commentarij.
• Francisci Lamberti commentarij de Prophetia, eruditione, & linguis, de{que} litera & spiritu.
• In regulam Minoritarū, & contra vniuersas perditionis Sectas, Francisci Lamberti commentarij.
• Eiusdem libellus de differentia stimuli carnis Sathnae nuncij, & vstionis.
• In Cantica Canticorū Salomonis, libellū quidē sensibus altissimis, in quo sublimia sacri coniugij mysteria quae in Christo, & Ecclesia sunt, pertractantur, Francisci Lamberti commentarij
• In Amos, Abdiam, & Ionam, Prophetas, commentarij Francisci Lamberti.
• Francisci Lamberti cōmentarij in .iv. vltimos Prophetas, nēpe Sophoniam, Aggeum, Zachariam, & Malachiam.
• Wessellus de sacramēto Eucharistiae, & de audiēda missa. Farrago Wesselli Groning. Lux mundi olim vulgo dicta, in qua tractatur de prouidentia Dei, de dignitate & pietate Ecclesiastica, de Sacramēto penitētiae, & quae sūt claues Ecclesiae, & de purgatorio.
• Weselli Epistola aduersus M. Eugelbertum Lerdens, in qua tractatur quid sit tenendū de spirituū & mortuorū apparationibus, ac de suffragijs & celebrationibus.
• Tractatur Wesselli de oratione & modo orandi.
• De Christi incarnatione, de magnitudine, & amaritudine dominicae passionis, libri duo Wisselli Groningensi author.
• In Dei gratiae & Christianae fidei commendationem, contra falsam & pharisaicam multorum, de iusticijs & meritis operū doctrinam & gloriationē, fragmenta aliquot D. Johannes Gocchij, nunquam ante hac excusa.
• Dialogus D. Johannes Gocchij Mechliniensis, de quatuor errorib. circa Euangelicam legem exortis.
• Quod nō sit onerosa consefsio paradox. Ioannis Oecolāpadij. De celibatu monachatu, & viduitate, Domino Andrea Carolostadio autore.
• Francisci Lamberti cōmentarij, de causis excaecationis multorum seculorum, ac veritate denuo & nouissime dei misericordia reuelata &c. Ex Regist London.

The New Testament in the Catalogue above recited, began first to be translated by William Tyndale, & so came forth in Print, about the year of our Lord. 1529. wherew ^t Cutbert Tonstall Bishop of London, with Sir Thomas More being sore aggrieved, devised howe to destroy y ^e false erroneous translation, as he called it. It happened that one Augustine Packington a Mercer, was then at Antwarpe, where the Bishop was. This man favored Tyndale, but shown y ^e contrary unto y ^e Bishop. The Bishop being desirous to bring his purpose to pass, cōmoned how that he would gladly buy the new Testaments, Packington hearing him say so, said: my Lord I cā do more in this matter then most Merchants y ^t be hear, if it be your pleasure: for I know the Dutchmen & strangers that have bought thē of Tyndale, and have them here to sell, so that if it be your Lordships pleasure I must disburse money to pay for thē, or else I cannot have them, & so I will assure you to have every book of them that is printed & vnsolde. The Bishop thinking he had God by the toe, said: do your diligence gentle Master Packington, get thē for me, & I will pay whatsoever they cost, for I intend to burn & destroy them all at Paul's Cross. This Augustine Packington, went unto William Tyndale and declared the whole matter, and so upon compact made between them, the Bishop of London had the books, Packington had the thanks, & Tyndale had the money. After this Tyndale corrected the same new Testaments again, and caused them to be newly imprinted, so that they came thick and threefold over into England. When the Bishop perceived that, he sent for Packington, and said to him how cometh this y ^t there are so many new Testaments abroad? you promised me that you would buy them all. Then answered Packington: surely I bought all that was to be had, but I perceive the have printed more since. I see it will never be better so long as they have letters and stamps, wherefor you were best to buy the stamps too, & so you shall be sure. At which answer the Bishop smiled and so the matter ended.

In short space after: it fortuned y ^t George Constantine was apprehended by syr Thomas More, which was then Chancellor of England, suspected of certain heresies during the time that he was in the custody of M. More. After diverse communications amongst other things M. More asked of him, saying: Constantine I would have thee plain with me in one thing that I will ask, and I promise thee I will show thee favor in all other things, whereof thou art accused. There is beyond the Sea, Tyndale, Ioye, and a great meany of you, I know they cannot live w ^t out help. There are some that help and succor them with money, and thou being one of them haddest thy part thereof, and therefore knowest from whence it came. I pray thee tell me, who be they that help them thus? My Lord quoth Constantine, I will tell you truly: it is the Bishop of London that hath holpen us, for he hath bestowed among us a great deal of money upon new Testaments to burn them, and that hath been and yet is our only succor and comfort: Now by my truth, quoth More I think even the same, for so much I told the Bishop before he went about it.

Of this Georg Constantine moreover it is reported by Syr Tho. More that he being taken and in hold, seemed well content to renounce his former doctrine, & not only to disclose certain other of his fellows, but also studied & devised, how those books, which he himself and other of his fellows had brought and shipped, might come to the Bishops hands to be burned, and shown to the foresaid Syr Tho. More Chancellor, the shipmans name that had them, and the marks of the fardels, by the which the books afterward were taken & burned. Besides this he is reported also to have disclosed diverse of his companions of whom some were abjured after, some had abjured before, as Rich. Necton, who was committed to Newgate upon the same, and is thought there to have died in prison or else had not escaped their hands, but should have suffered burning, if the report of M. More be to be credited. More in his preface against Tyndale.

Notwithstanding the same Constantine afterward, by the help of some of his friends, escaped out of prison over the seas, and after that, in the time of king Edward, was one of them that troubled the good Bishop of S. David's which after in Queen Mary's time, was Burned. But of Constantine enough.

Mention was made in the leaf before. pag. 1040. how the Bishops had procured of the king a proclamation to be set forth in the year of our Lord. 990. for the abolishing of diverse books aforenamed, and also for y ^e withstanding of all such as taught or preached anything against the dignity and ordinances of the Church of Rome. Upon this proclamation ensued great persecution and trouble against y ^e poor innocent flock of Christ, as here following you may see, with the said proclamation also prefixed before y ^e same the tenor whereof is this.

*A proclamation for resisting and withstanding of most damnable heresies, sown within this realm by the disciples of Luther and other heretics, peruerters of Christ's religion.

THe king our sovereign Lord, of his most virtuous and gracious disposition, considering that this noble realm of England, hath of long time continued in the true Catholic faith of Christ's religion, and that his noble progenitors, kings of this his said realm, have before this time made and enacted, many devout laws, statutes and ordinances, for the maintenance and defense of the said faith against the malicious and wicked sects of heretics and Lollards, who by perversion of holy Scripture, do induce the erroneous opinions, sow sedition among Christian people, and finally disturb the peace and tranquility of Christ̄ realms, as late happened in some parties of Germany, where, by the procurement and sedition of Martin Luther and other heretics, wer slain an infinite number of Christian people: considering also, that as well by the corruption & malice of indiscrete preachers, sautors of the said erroneous sects as by certain heretical and blasphemous books lately made and privily sent into this realm, by the disciples, fautors, & adherents of the said Martin Luther & other heretics, the kings subjects are like to be corrupted, unless his highness (as the defēsor of the faith) do put to his most gracious help & authority royal to the due & speedy reformation thereof, his highness therefore, like a most gracious Prince, of his blessed & virtuous disposition, for the incomparable zeal, which he hath to Christ's religion & faith, & for the singular love & affection that he beareth to all his good subjects of this his realm, & specially to the salvation of their souls, according to his office▪ & duty in that behalf, willeth and intendeth to provide with all convenient expedition, that this his noble realm may be preserved frō the said pestiferous, cursed, & seditious errors. And for as much as his highness is credibly informed, that some of the said errors be already sown & spread within this his realm, partly by the corruption of indiscrete preachers, partly by erroneous books, compiled, printed & written, as well in the English tongue, as in latin & other languages, repleat with most venomous heresies, blasphemies & slanders, intolerable to the clean ears of any good christen man: his highness therefore, like a most gracious & Christian Prince only intending the safeguard of this his realm, the preservation of his subjects, and salvation of their souls, willeth to put now in execution, with all diligence possible, all good laws, statutes and ordinances concerning the premisses before this time provided, made and ordained by his most noble progenitors kings of England, for that purpose & intent. Which laws and statutes by our sovereign Lord, and his most honorable counsel, by long and deliberate advise for the extirpation suppressyng & withstanding of the said heresies, have been seen, examined, & by them in every part, thought good & necessary to be put in execution.

Wherefore his highness chargeth and straightly commaūdeath all and every his Lord's spiritual and temporal, Judges, Justices of peace, Sheriffs, Mayors, Baylifs, Constables, and all other his Officers, Ministers, and all his true and loving subjects, that all favor, affection, and partiality laid apart, they effectually with all diligence and study, endeavor themselves substantially for the executing of all and every of the articles hereafter ensuing, without dissimulation, intermission or excuse, as they will avoid his high indignation and displeasure.

First, that no man within the kings realm or other his domynions, subject to his highness, hereafter presume to preach, teache, or inform anything openly or privily, or cōpile and write any book, or hold, exercise, or keep any assembles or schools, in any manner of wise, contrary to the Catholic faith, or determinatyon of holy church, nor that any person within this his said realm & domininions, do presume to preach openly or secretly, without they have first obtained license of the Bishop of the diocese, where they intend to preach, curates in their parishes, persons privileged, and other by the law of the church only except.

Also that no mā wittingly hereafter favor, support, or maintain any person, which preacheth in form aforesaid, or maketh any such or like conventicles and assembles, holdeth or exerciseth any schools, maketh, writeth, or publisheth any such book, teacheth, infourmeth, or stirreth the people or any of them, in any manner of form to the said errors. Moreover, that all & every person and persons having any books or writings of any such errors, erroneous doctrine and opinion, do deliver or cause to be delivered effectually and actually, all and every such books and writings, to the Bishops of the diocese, or to the ordinary of the place, within 15 days after this proclamation pronounced. And in case any person or persons, of what estate, condition, or degree soever they be, do or attempt anything contrary to this Act and proclamation, or do not deliver or cause to be delivered such books, within the time aforesaid, that every bishop in his diocese, or ordinary, shall cause that person or persons, and every of them to be arrested in that behalf diffamed or evidently suspected, and detayne & keep thē under safe custody in their persons, until such time that the said persons & every of thē, either have purged thenselves of the said errors, or else do abjure the said erroneous sects, preachings, doctrines, or opinions, as the law of holy Church doth require.

Furthermore, if any person by the law of holy Church be convicted before the bishop of the diocese, or his Cōmissary in any case above expressed, that the said Bishop may keep in prison, the said person or persons so convicted, as it shall seem best to his discretiō, after the greuousnes or quality of the crime, and further, may set a fine to be paid to the behoufe of the king, by the persō or persons convicted, as it shall be thought convenient to the said Bishop having respect to the greuousnes of the effence of the said persō or persons the said fine to be certified by the Bishop, into the kings Exchequer, there to be levied to the kings use, except in such cases in which by the laws of holy church, the said persons convict of heresies, ought totally to be left to the secular iurisdictiō.

Also, if any person within this his realm of England or other his dominions▪ be by sentence iudicial convicted of the said preaching and doctrines prohibited, erroneous opinions, schools & informations or any of them, and before the Bishop, or his Commissary do abjure, according to the form of the laws of holy church, the foresaid erroneous sects, doctrines, schools, or informations, or else be pronounced by the bishops or their cōmissaries after their abjuration by thē before made, to be relapsed, so that after the laws of holy church, they ought to be relinquished to the jurisdiction secular (wherein faith is to be given to the Bysh. or his Cōmissaries in that behalf) then the Sheriff of the Coūtie, Major, Shirifes, or Major and Baylifes of the same city, town or borough▪ next unto the said Bishop or Commissaries shall be personally present in the sentence giving, by the said Bishop or Cōmissaries thereunto required, and after the said sentence givē, shall receive the said persons and every of them, and put them to further excution, according to the laws of this realm.

Also the Chancellor, treasurer of England, the Justice of the one Bench and the other, Justices of peace, Shirifes, Mayors and Bailiffs of cities and towns, and other Officers having governance of the people, which now be, or for the time, hereafter shall be, shall make oath in taking their charge and ministration, to put their whole power and diligence, to put away, and to make utterly to cease, and destroy all manner of heresies and errors, commonly called Lollardies, within the precinctes of their offices and administrations, from time to time with all their power.

Also they shall assist the Bishops and their Commissaries, and them shall favor and maintain as oftentimes as that to do, they or any of them, shall be required by the said Bishops or their commissaries, so that the Bishops or their commissaries, shall bear & pay the reasonable costs of the said officers and ministers, when and as often as they shall travail or ride to arrest heretics and Lollards, or to assist the said Bishops or Commissaries by virtue of the kings laws and statutes.

Moreover the Justices of the kings Bench, Justices of peace, and Justices of Assise shall inquire at their Sessions and sittings, of all those that hold any errors or heresies, and who be their mayntainers, receptors, favorers and supporters, common writers of books, as also of their sermons, schools, conventicles, congregations, confederacies.

Furthermore, if any person be endicted of any of the points abovesaid, the Justices of the peace have power to awarde against them Acapias, and the shriues be bound to arrest such persons so endicted, as sone as they may be found by themselves, or by their Officers. And forsomuch as cognisaunce of heresy, errors, and Lollardies, appertaineth to the Judge of holy church, and not to the Judge secular, the persons so indicted to be delivered to the bishops of the places or their Commissaries, by indenture between them to be made within x. days after their arrest, or sooner if it can be done, thereof to be acquit or convict by the laws of holy church, in case that those persons be not endicted of other things, whereof the knowledge appeareth to the Judges & Officers secular. In which case, after they be acquit and delivered afore the Justice seculare, of those things pertaining to the Judge seculare that they be conveyed in safeguard to ordinaries or their Commissaries, and to them to be delivered by Indentures (as is abovesaid) there to be acquit or convicted of the said heresies, errors and Lollordies, (as is abouesaide) after the laws of holy church. Provided that the Inditementes be not taken in evidence, but for an information afore the Judges spiritual, against such indicte, but that the Ordinaries cōmence their process against those indicts in the same manner as no inditement had been, having no regard to such indictments.

Moreover, that no manner of person or persons, of what estate, degree or condition he or they be, do from henceforth presume to bring into this realm, or do sell, receive take or detayne any book or work printed or written, which is made, or hereafter shall be made against the faith Catholic, or against the holy decrees, laws and ordinances of holy Church, or in reproach, rebuke, or slander of the kings, his honorable counsel, or his Lord's spiritual or temporal. And in case they have any such book or work, they shall incontinent, upon the having of them, bring the said book or work to the Bishop of the diocese, without concealment or fraud: or if they know any person having any of the said books, they shall detect them to the said bishop, all favor or affection laid apart, and that they fail not thus to do, as they will avoid the kings high indignation and displeasure.

The books which in this Proclamation generallye are restrained and forbidden, be afterward in the Register more specially named by the Bishops. Whereof the most part were in Latin, as are above recited, and some were in English, as these and other partly also above expressed.

• A disputation between the father and the son.
• A book of the old God and new.
• Godly prayers
• The Christian state of Matrimony.
• The burying of the Mass.
• The sum of the Scripture.
• Matins and Evensong, vii Psalms. and other heavenly Psalms, with the commendations, in English.
• An exposition upon the vii. Chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinth.
• The Chapters of Moses, called Genesis.
• The Chapters of Moses, called Deuteronomos.
• The Matrymonie of Tyndale.
• David's Psalter in English.
• The practice of Prelates.
• Hotlulus animae in English.
• A. B. C. against the Clergy.
• The examination of William Thorpe. &c.

Although these books withal other of the like sort by the virtue of this proclamatiō were inhibited to all english men to use or to read: yet license was granted before, to sir Tho. More by Tonstall Bishop of London, An. 1527. that he notwithstanding might have and peruse them, with a letter also sent to him from the said Bishop, or rather by y ^e advise of other bishyps, desiring him that he would show his cunning and play the pretty man, like a Demosthenes, in expugning the doctrine of these books & opinions: who albeit he was no great divine, yet because he saw some towardness in him by his book of Utopia, & other fine Poetry of his, therefore he thought him a meet man for their purpose, to withstand the proceedings of the Gospel, either in making some apparance of reason against it, or at least, to outface it and dash it out of countenance. Wherein there lacked in his part, neither good will nor labor to serve y ^e Bishops turn, so far forth as all his Rhethoricke could reach: filling up with finenes of wit, and scoffing terms, where true knowledge and judgment of Scripture did fail: as by his works & writings against Bilney, Tyndale, Frith, Fish, Barns, Luther &c. may soon be discerned, if the reasons and manner of his handling be well waied: & rightlye examined with the touchstone of the scriptures. But now to fall into our story again:

Upon this fierce and terrible proclamatiō aforesaid, thus devised and set out in the kings name, an 1529. the Bishops which were the procurers hereof, had that now, which they would have: neither did there lack on their part any study vnapplyed, any stone vnremoued, any corner vnsearched, for y ^e diligent execution of y ^e same. Wherupō ensued grievous persecution, & slaughter of the faithful. Of whom the first that went to wrack was Thomas Bilney, of whō sufficiently afore hath been said: & the next was Richard Bayfield, as in the story here followeth.

Richard Bayfield Martyr.

FOlowing the order of years and of times, as the course of our history requireth, next after the consummatiō of Tho. Bilney, we have to entreat of the Martyrdom of Rich. Bayfield, which in the month of Nouemb. the same yere, which was the yere of our Lord, 1531. was burned in Smithfield.

This Rich. Bayfield sometime a Monk of Bury, was converted by D. Barns, and ii. godly men of London, Brickemakers, M. Maxwell, and M. Stacy Wardens of their company. Who were grafted in the doctrine of Jesus Christ, and through their godly conversation of life, converted many men and women, both in London and in the country: and once a year of their own cost, went about to visit the brethren and sisterne scattered abroad. Doctor Barns at that time much resorted to the Abbey of Bery, where Bayfield was to one D. Ruffam, who had been at Louaine together students. At that time it happened that this Bayfield the Monk, was Chamberlain of the house to provide lodging for the strangers, and to see them well entertained: who delyted much in Doctor Barns talk, and in the other lay men's talk afore rehearsed, and at the last Doctor Barns gave him a New Testament in Latin, and the other two gave him Tyndals Testament in English, with a book called the wicked Mammon, and the Obedience of a christen man: wherein he prospered so mightily in two years space, that he was cast into the prison of his house: there sore whipped, with a gagge in his mouth and then stocked, and so continued in the same torment .iii. quarters of a year before D. Barns could get him out, which he brought to pass, by the means of D. Ruffam aforesaid, & so he was committed to D. Barns to go to Cambridge with him. By that time he had been there a good while, he tasted so well of good letters, that he never returned home again to his Abbey, but went to Londō to Maxwel and Stacy, and they kept him secretly a while, & so conveyed him beyond the Sea. D. Barns being then in the Fleet for God's word. This Bayfild mightily prospered in y ^e knowledge of God, and was beneficial to M. Tyndale and M. Frith, for he brought substance with him, and was their own hand, and sold all their works and the Germaynes works both in France & in England, and at the last coming to London to M. Smiths house in Bucklers Bury, there was he bewrayed, & dogged from that house to his Bookebynders in mark lane, and there taken and carried to Lollards Tower, & from thence to the Colehouse, by reason y ^t one person Patmore Parson of Much Haddam in Essex thē lying in Lollards Tower, was in the doctrine and in the kingdom of Christ there confirmed by him. This Parson Patmore after long trouble was abjured and condemned by the Bishops to perpetual prison and delivered afterward by the kings pardon. As more appeareth in the sequel of his story among abiurers &c. He was taken because he married his priest in those days. He had always corn plenty and when the markets were very dear, he would send plenty of his corn thither to pluck down the prices thereof,

This Richard Bayfilde being in the Colehouse was woorser handled then he was before in the Lollards tower, for there he was tied both by the neck, middle and legs, standing upright by y ^e walls, diverse times manacled, to accuse other y ^t had bought his books, but he accused none but stood to his religion and confession of his faith unto the very end, and was in the consistorye of Paul's, thrice put to his trial, whether he would abjure or no. He said he would dispute for his faith, & so did to their great shame. Stokesley then being his judge, with the assistance of Winchester and other Bishops, whereof here followeth now the circumstance in order to be seen.

The articles laid to Richard Bayfield, by the foresaid Bishops were these, an. 1531. Nouemb. x,

Articles laid to Richard Bayfield.

FIrst, that he had been many years a Monk professed of the order of S. Benet, of S. Edmundes Bury in the diocese of Norwich.

2. That he was a priest and had ministered and continued in the same order, the space of 9. or x. years.

3. That sithens the feast of Easter last, he being beyond the sea, brought and procured to have diverse and many books and treatises of sundry sortes, as well of Martyne Luther's own works, as of diverse other of his damnable sect, and of Oecolampadius the great heretic, and diverse other heretics, both in Latin and English, y ^e names of which books were contained in a little bill written with his own hand.

4. That in the year of our Lord. 1528. he was detected & accused to Cutb. then B. of London, for affirming and holding certain Articles contrary to the holy Church, and specially that all laud and praise should be given to God alone and not to saints or creatures.

5. That every priest might preach the word of God by y ^e authority of the Gospel, and not to run to the Pope or Cardinals for license as it appeared (said they) by his confession before the said Bishop.

6. That he judicially abjured the said articles before the said Bishop, and did renounce and forswear them and all other articles contrary to the determination of holy Church, promising that from thenceforth he would not fall into any of them, nor any other errors.

7. That he made a solemn oath upon a book, & the holy Evangelists, to fulfill such penance as should be enjoined him by the said bishop.

8. After his abjuration it was enjoined to him for penance that he should go before the cross in procession, in the parish church of S. Buttolphes at Billings gate, and to bear a fagot of wood upon his shoulder.

9. It was enjoined him in penance, that he should provide an habit requisite and meet for his order and profession, as shortly as he might, and that he should come or go nowhere without such an habit, the which he had not fulfilled.

10. That it was likewise enjoined him in penance, that sometime before the feast of the ascension then next ensuing, his abjuration, he should go home unto the Monastery of Bury, and there remain according to the vow of his profession, which he had not fulfilled.

11. That he was appointed by the said bishop of Londō to appear before the said bishop, the 25. day of April, next after his abjuration, to receive the residue of his penance, and after his abjuration, he fled beyond the sea, and appeared not.

11. That the 20. day of June, next following his abjuration, he did appear before the said Bysh. Tonstall in the Chapel of the Bishop of Norwich his place, and there it was newly enjoined him in part of penance, that he should provide him an habit convenient for his order, & profession, w ^t in 8. days then next following, which he had not done.

That it was there again enjoined him, that he should depart from the city, diocese, & jurisdiction of London, and no more to come within it, without the special license of the bishop of London, or his successor for the time being, which he had not fulfilled.

The answer of Richard Bayfield to the Articles prefixed.

TO the first Article he confessed that he was professed a Monk in the monastery aforesaid, in the year .1414.

To the ii. Article he answered that he was a priest, and took orders. An. 1518.

To the third Article he confessed the bill and scedule to be written with his hand, which is annexed thereunto, and that he brought over the said books and works a year and a half past, & a great number of every sort. Being further demanded for what intent he brought them into the realm, he answered, to the intent y ^t the Gospel of Christ might be set forward, and God the more glorified in this realm amongst Christian people, and that he had sold and dispersed many of those books before named, to sundry persons within this Realm, and to diverse of the diocese of London. Being further demanded whether Martin Luther were condemned as an heretic by the Pope, he answered that he heard say, that Martin Luther with all his sect and adherents, were and are condemned as heretics by y ^e Pope. And being demanded, whether Zwinglius was of Luther's sect: he answered that he never spake with him. Being asked whether Zwinglius was a Catholic: he answered, that he could not tell. Being inquired whether the books contained in the scedules, did cōtain any errors in thē: he said, he could not tell, neither could he judge. Also he confessed that the common fame hath been within these ii. or iii. years, that Oecolampadius & Zwinglius be heretics: also y ^t such as leave to Martin Luther be heretics. Also he confessed that being beyond the sea, he heard say before be brought into this realm the books contained in the said bills, that y ^e king had by proclamation prohibited that no man should bring into this realm any of Martin Luther's books, or of his sect. Which confession thus ended, y ^e Bishop appointed him to appear the next day.

Saturday being the xi. of November, Richard Baifield appeared & acknowledged the answers, that he had made in the Session the day before. Which thing done, y ^e Officiall objected the 4, Article unto him: whereunto he answered, y ^t he could not tell whether there be any heresies in thē, for he had read no heresies in thē. And being demanded whether he had read any of those books, he answered, y ^t he had read y ^e greater part of thē here & there, but not throughout.

He was demanded, whether he believed the forenamed books to be good, and of the true faith. He answered that he judged they were good, and of the true faith. Beyng inquired, what books he read in the realm, he said that he had read the new Testament in Latin, and other books mentioned in the bills, but he read none translated: notwithstanding he did confess that he read a book called Thorpe, in the presence and audience of others, and also a book of John Friths purgatory, which he had read to himself alone as he said, and also had read to himself a book called the practice of Prelates, & also said, that he had read a book called the parable of y ^e wicked Mammon, but in y ^e presence and hearing of others, which he knew not.

Also he confessed that he had read the obedience of a Christian man, and the sum of scripture among company, & also the dialogue betwixt the Plowman & the Gentleman among company, as he thought: also he had read a piece of y ^e answer of Tyndale made to sir Thomas More: likewise he had read the dialogue of Frith to himself: he had read also the Prologues of the v. books of Moses contained in y ^e long scedule, and in company, as he thought.

All which books he had read under manner aforesaid within these ii. years last past. And as for y ^e new testament in english, he read it before he had these books specified in the scedules before rehearsed.

To the third article, as touching Zwinglius and others he supposed that they held y ^e same doctrine that Luther did but that he thought them to vary in some points.

The 16. day of November, Richard Bayfield appeared again before the Bishop, who inquired of him of what sect Zwinglius was. He said, he thought y ^t he held with Luther in some points &c.

Also he confessed that first he brought books of y ^e sortes abovenamed into this realm, about Midsomer was xii. month, & landed them at Colchester, & afterward brought part of them to this city, & some he dispersed and sold in this city. The second time that he brought books, was about all Hollowntide was xii. month, and landed them at S. Catherines, the which books y ^t L. Chaūcelor took frō him. Also that at Easter last, was the 3. time y ^t he brought over the books now shown unto him, & contained in these two bills, & landed with them in Norffolke, & from thence brought them to the city of London in a male.

To the v. vi. and vii. articles, he answered and confessed them to be true,

To the viii. he answered, that it was enjoined him, as is contained in the article, y ^e which injunction he fulfilled.

To the ix. he answered, that he did not remember it.

To the x. he answered, that it was adjoined him that he should go to the Abbey of Bery, & there continue: the which he said he did 3. times, but he did not wear his Monks cowle, as he was enjoined.

The xi. Article he confessed.

For the xii. Article, y ^t he did not wear his monks habit according to the abjuration, he referred himself to y ^e acts whether he were so enjoined or no.

To y ^e xiii. Article he said, y ^t he did not remember y ^e contents thereof, but referred him self to the acts. Notwithstāding he confessed, that he had no license of the Bishop of Londō, to come to the city or diocese of London, nor to make any abode there. Ex Registro Lond.

The sentence given against him in a case of relapse.

IN the name of God Amen. We John by the sufferance of God, Bishop of London, in a case of inquisition of heresy and relapse of the same, first begun before M. Rich. Foxfard, Doctor of both laws, our official, now dependynge before us undecided, against thee Rich. Bayfild Priest and Monk, professed to the order & rule of S. Benedict, in the Monastery of S. Edmondes Bery, in the diocese of Norwich, and by the means of the causes within written under our jurisdiction, & withal favor rightly and lawfullye proceeding, with all favor possible y ^e merits and circumstances of the cause of this inquisition heard, waied, understand & fully discussed by us the said Bishop, reserving unto our selves, y ^e which by law ought to be reserved: have thought good to proceed in this manner to the pronoūcing of our definitive sentence.

Forsomuch as by the Acts enacted, inquired, propounded, and alleged, & by thee judicially confessed, we do find that thou hast abjured certain errors & heresies & damnable opinions, by thee confessed, as well particularly as generally, before our reverent fellow and brother, then thy Ordinary, according to the form and order of the Church and that one M. Luther together with his adherents and complices, receivers and favorers whatsoever they be, was condemned as an heriticke by the authority of Pope Leo the x. of most happy memory, and by the authority of the Apostolic Sea, and the books & all writings, scedules and Sermons of the said master Luther, his adherents and complices whether they be found in Latin or in any other languages imprinted or translated, for the manifold heresies and errors, and damnable opinions that are in them, are condemned, reproved, and utterly rejected, and inhibition made by the authority of the said Sea to all faithful Christians, under the pain of excommunication and other punishments in that behalf to be incurred by the law, that no man by any means presume to read, teache, hear, imprint, or publish, or by any means do defend, directly or vndirectly, secretly or openly, in their houses or in any other public or private places, any such manner of writings, books, errors or Articles, as are contained more at large in the Apostolic letters, drawn out in form of a public instrument, whereunto and to the contents thereof, we refer our selves as far as is expedient, and no otherwise: And for so much as we do perceive that thou diddest understand the premisses, and yet these things notwithstanding, after thy abjuration made (as is aforesaid) thou hast brought in diverse & sundry times, many books of y ^e said Martin Luther and his adherents and complices, and of other heretics, the names, titles, and authors of which books here follow and are these, Martin Luther of the abrogating of the private Mass. The declarations of M. Luther upon the Epistles of Peter. Luther upon the Epystles of Paul and Jude. Luther upon monastical vowers. Luther's commentary upon the Epistle of S. Paul to the Galatians.

Johannes Oecolampadius upon the exposition of these words: Hoc est corpus meum. The Annotations of Oecolāpadius upon the Epistles of Paul unto the Romans, Oecolāpadius his Commētarry upon the 3. last prophets, Aggeus, Zechariah, and Malachi. The Sermons of Oecolampadius upon the Catholic Epistles of John. A book of Annotations upon Genesis, gathered of Huldecus Zwinglius. The Commentaries of Pomeran upon four chapters of the 1. Epistle to the Corinth. Annotations of Pomeran upon Deut. and Samuel. Pomeran upon the Psalms. The Commentaries of Frances Lambert of Avigno, upon the Gospel of S. Luke. A Congest of all matters of Divinity by Francis Lambert. The Commentaries of Francis Lambert upon the Prophet Joel. The Commentaries of Francis Lambert vpō the Prophets, Micah, Naum, Abacuc, Sophonias, Aggeus, Zacharias, Amos, Abdias, Jonah, and Osee. A new G • ose of Philip Melanchthon upon the Proverbs of Solomon. The Comentaries of Philip Melanchthon, upon the Epistle of S. Paul to the Colos. The Annotations of Philip Melanchthon, upon the Epistle of S. Paul to the Romans, and vpō y ^e Epistle to the Colo. Solomon's sentences translated according to the Hebrew by Philip Melanchthon. Most wholesome Annotations upon the Gospel of S. Mark, by Christopher Hegendorphinus. The Cōmentaries of John Brenz upon Job. The Commentary of John Brenz vpō Ecclesiastes of Solomon. Homilies of Brenz vpō the Gospel of S. John. The Annotations of Andrew Althomarus, & Brenz upon the Epistle of S. James. The Commentaries of Bucer upon Sophonias. Bucer upon the 4. Evangelists. The process Cōsistorial of the Martyrdom of John Hus. A brief commendatory of M. Luther unto Otho Brunfelsius, as touching the life, doctrine and Martirdome of John Hus. Felmus upon the psalter, his exposition upon Isaiah, his expositions upon Jeremiah. Capito upon Oseas. Capito upon Abacuc. Vnio dissidentium. The Pandect of Otho. The Cataloge of famous men. An answer of Tyndale unto Syr Thomas More. A disputation of Purgatory made by John. Frith in English. A prologue to the v. book of Moses called Deuteronomy. The first book of Moses called Genesis. A prologue to the iii. book of Moses called Leviticus. A prologue to the iv. book of Moses Num. A prologue to the ii. book of Moses called Exod. The practice of prelates. The New Testament in English, with an introductiō to the Romaines. The parable of the wicked Mammon. The obedience of a Christian man. A. B. C. of Thorpes. The Sum of Scripture. The primer in English. The Psalter in English. A Dialogue betwixt the Gentleman and the Plowman: Of all which kind of books both in Latin and English, translated, set forth and imprinted, containing not only Lutherian heresies, but also the damnable heresies of other heretics condemned, for as much as thou hast brought over from the parties beyond the Sea a great number into this Realm of England, & specially to our City and Dioces of London, and hast procured them to be brought and conveyed over, also hast kept by thee and studied those books, and hast published & read them unto diverse men, and many of those books also hast dispersed and given unto diverse persons dwelling within our City and Dioces of London, & hast confessed and affirmed before our Officiall, that those books of M. Luther and other heretics his complices and adherents, and all the conten • es in them are good & agreeable to the true faith, saying thus, that they are good and of the true faith, and by this means and pretence, hast commonded and praised M. Luther, his adherents and complices, and hast favored & believed their errors, heresies and opinions: Therefore we John the Bishop aforesaid, first calling upon the name of Christ, and setting God only before our eyes, by the counsel and consent of the Divines, and Lawiers, with whom in this behalf we have conferred, do declare and decree thee the foresaid Richard Bayfild, otherwise called Somersam, for the contempt of thy abjuration, as a fauorer of the foresaid M. Luther, his adherents, complices, favorers, and other condemned heretics, and for commending and studying, reading, having, retaining, publishing, selling, giving, and dispersing the books and writings, as well of the said M. Luther, his adherents and disciples, as of other heretics before named, and also for crediting, and maintaining the errors and heresies, and damnable opinions contained in the said books and writings, worthily to be and have been an heretic, and that thou by the pretence of the premisses art fallen again most damnably into heresy, and we pronounce that thou art and hast been a relapsed heretic, and hast incurred and oughtest to incur the pain and punishment of a relapse, and we so decree & declare, and also condemn thee thereunto, and that by the pretence of the premisses, thou hast even by the law, incurred the sentence of greater excommunication, and thereby we pronounce and declare thee to have been and to be excommunicate, and clearly discharge, exonerate and disgrade thee from all privilege and prerogative of the Ecclesiastical orders, and also deprive thee of all Ecclesiastical office and benefice: also we pronounce and declare thee by this our sentence or decree, the which we here promulgate and declare in these writings, that though • art actually to be disgraded, deposed, and deprived as followeth.

IN the name of God. Amen. We John by the permission of God, Bishop of London, rightly and lawfully proceeding in this behalf, do dimisse thee Richard Bayfild, alias Somersam, being pronounced by us a relapsed heretic, and disgraded by us frō all Ecclesiastical privilege, out of the Ecclesiastical Court, pronouncing that the secular power here present should receive thee under their jurisdiction, earnestly requiring and desiring in the bowels of Jesus Christ, that the execution of this worthy punishment, to be done upon thee, and against thee in this behalf, may be so moderated, that there be neither overmuch cruelty, neither to much favorable gentleness, but y ^t it may be to the health and salvation of thy soul, and to the extirpation, fear, terror, and conversion of all other heretics unto the unity of the Catholic faith. This our final decree by this our sentence definitive, we have caused to be published in form aforesaid.

Monday the xx. of November. 1531. In the Queere of the Cathedral Church of S. Paul before the said John Bishop of London judicially sitting, being assisted with John Abbot of Westminster, and Robert Abbot of Waltham, Nicholas Prior of Christ's Church in London, these honorable Lord's being also present, Henry Earl of Essex, Richard Gray, brother of the Marques of Somerset, John Lambert Major of London, Richard Gresham and Edward Altam Shrieffes (the which Major and Shriues were required to be there present by the Bishop of London's letters hereafter written, and by virtue of a statute of king Henry the fourth king of England) also in the presence of diverse Canons, the Chancellor, Officiall, and Archdeacon of London, with the Bishops Chaplains, and a great number both of the Clergy and Laity, Matthew Grefton the Register being also there present: M. Rich. Bayfild alias Somersam, was brought forth by Thomas Turnor the Aparator his keeper, in whose presence the transumpt of the Apostolic Bull of Pope Leo the x. upon the condemnation of Martin Luther and his adherents, was brought forth and shown, sealed with the seal of Thomas Wolsey late Legate de Latere, and subscribed with the sign and name of M. Robert Tunnes, public Notary, and also the decree upon the condemnation of certain books brought in by him, sealed with the seal of the Archbyshop of Canterbury, and subscribed by three Notaries.

Then the Bishop of London repeated in effect before him, his abjuration which he had before made, and other his demerits committed and done, beside his abjuration: and the said Baifield said, that he was not culpable in the articles that were objected against him, and desired that the heresies contained in the books which he brought over, might be declared in open audience. Then the Bishop, after certain talk had with the said Bayfield as touching the desert of his cause, asked him whether he could show any cause why he should not be delivered over unto the secular power, and be pronounced as a relapse, and suffer punishment as a relapse. The said Baifield declared or propounded no cause, but said, y ^t he brought over those books for lack of money, and not to sow any heresies. And incontinent the said Bayfield with a vehement spirit (as it appeared) said unto the Bishop of Lond. the life of you of the spiritualty is so evil, that ye be heretics, and ye do not only live evil, but do maintain evil living, and also do let, that what true living is, may not be known, & said that their living is against Christ's Gospel, and that their belief was never taken of Christ's Church. Then the said Bishop, after long deliberation had, for so much as the said Rich. Bayfield (he said) could show no cause why he should not be declared as relapse, he read the decree and sentence against him: by the which amongst other things, he condemned him as an heretic, and pronounced him to be punished with the punishment due unto such as fall again into heresy, and by his words did disgrade him, and also declared that he should be actually disgraded, as is more at large contained in the long sentence.

The foresaid sentence being so read by the Bishop of London, he proceeded immediately to the actual & solemn disgradyng of the said Richard Bayfild, alias Somersam, and there solemnly and actually disgraded him before the people, the which thing being done, he dismissed him by the sentence aforesaid, from the Ecclesiastical Court. Wherupon the secular power being there present, received him unto their jurisdiction, without any writ in that behalf obtained, but only by virtue of the Bishops letters by the statute of king Henry the .4. in that behalf provided and directed unto them under the Bishops seal. The tenor o • which letters here after follow.

On Monday the xx. day of November in the year aforesaid, in the Queere of the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul, the bishop of London calling unto him John Abbot of Westminster, Robert Abbot of Waltam, Nicholas Prior of Christ's Church of the City of London, master John Coxe Auditor and Vicar general to the Archebyshop of Canterbury, Peter Ligham Official of the Court of Canterbury. Thomas Baghe Chancellor of the Church of S. Paul's, William Clief, Archdeacon of London, John Incent Chanon residentary of the same, William Brytton, Robert Birch, and Hugh Aprice, Doctors of both laws, in the presence of us Matthew Grefton Register, Antony Hussy, Richard Martin and Thomas Shadwall public Notaries and Scribes appointed in this behalf, briefly rehearsed the answers of the same Bayfild in effect, and his abjuration, & other his demerits by him done beside his abjuration. The which religious persons and other Ecclesiastical men above said, thought it good and agreed y ^t the said Bishop should proceed against him in this case of relapse, and should pronounce and give forth the sentence against him, in case aforesaid, and so he was delivered to the Shriffes to carry to Newgate, being commanded to bring him again upon Monday following, into Paul's upper Queere, there to give attendaunce upon the bishop of London with the residue till they have done with him, & by and by the Sheriffs were commanded to have him into the Uestry, and then to bring him forth again in Antichrists apparel to be disgraded afore them. When he had disgraded him kneeling upon the highest step of the alter, he took his Crosier staff, and smote him on the breast, that he threw him down backewardes, and brake his head that he sounded, and when he came to himself again, he thanked God that he was delivered from the malignaunt Church of Antichrist, & that he was come into the true sincere Church of Jesus Christ militaunt here in earth, and I trust anon (said he) to be in heaven with Jesus Christ, & the Church triumphaunt forever, and so was he lead forth through y ^e Queere to Newgate, and there rested about an hour in prayer, and so went to the fire in his apparel manfully & joyfully, and there for lack of a speedy fire, was two quarters of an hour alive. And when the left arm was on fire and burned, he rubbed it with his right hand, & it fell from his body, and he continued in prayer to the end without moving.

Syr Thomas More, after he had brought this good man to his end, ceased not after his death, to rave in his ashes, to prye and spy out what sparks he could find of reproach and contumely, whereby to rase out all good memory of his name and fame. In searching whereof, he hath found out two things to lay against him. The one is, that he saith, he went about to sure himself to two wives at once, one in Brabant, another in England. The second, that after his taking, all the while that he was not in utter despair of his pardon, he was content to forswear hs doctrine, & letted not to disclose his brethren. For y ^e answer whereof, although there were no more to be said, yet

*John Teukesbery Leatherseller of London Martyr.

John Tewksbery was converted by the reading of Tindals Testament, and the wicked Mammon. He had the Bible written. In all points of religion he openly did dispute in the Bishops Chapel in his palace. Who in y ^e doctrine of justification and all other articles of his faith was very expert, and prompt in his answers, in such sort as Tonstall and all his learned men were ashamed, y ^t a Leatherseller should so dispute with them, with such power of the Scriptures and heavenly wisdom, that they were not able to resist him. This disputation continued a seuennight. The process of whose examinations, Articles and answers, here follow as they are out of the bishops Register extracted.

On Wensday the 21. day of April, in the year of our Lord. 1529. John Stewkesbery was brought into the Cōsistory at London before Cutbert Bishop of London and his assistaunces, Henry Bishop of S. Ass, and John Abbot of Westminster. Unto whom the Bishop of London declared that he had at diverse times exhorted him to recant the errors and heresies, which he held and defended, even as he did thē again exhort him, not to trust to much to his own wit & learning, but unto the doctrine of y ^e holy mother the Church. Who made answer that in his judgment, he did not err from the doctrine of y ^e holy mother the Church. And at the last, being examined upon errors, which (they said) were in the said book called y ^t wicked Mammon, he answered thus: Take ye the book and read it over, and I think in my conscience, ye shall find no fault in it. And being asked by the said bysh. whether he did rather give credit to his book or to the Gospel: he answered that the gospel is and ever hath been true. And moreover being particularly examined what he thought of this article, that the Jews of good intent and zeal slue Christ, he answered, look ye the book through, before and after, as it lieth, and ye shall find a better tale in it, then ye make of it, & further thought that whosoever translated y ^e new testament, and made the book, meaning the wicked Mammon, he did it of good zeal, and by the spirit of god.

Also being farther asked by the said Bishop of Londō, whether he would stand to the contents of his book, he answered: look ye the book before and after, and I will be content to stand to it. The being examined, whether that all good works must be done without respect of anything, he answer, that a man should do good works for the love of God only, & for no hope of any reward higher nor lower in heaven: for if he should, it were presumption. Also being demanded whether that Christ with all his works did not deserve heaven. He answered and said: that it was plain enough. Which things being done, the Bishoppe said further to John Tewkesbery thus: I tell thee before God and those which are here present, in examination of my conscience, that the Articles above named, and many other more contained in the same book, are false heretical, and condemned by the holy Church: howe thinkest thou? And further, the said Bishop of London said unto him again: I tell thee before God and those which are here present. &c. and so asked him again what he thought of those Articles. And after many exhortations, he commanded him to answer determinately under pain of the law, saying further unto him, that if he refused to answer, he must declare him an open and obstinate heretic according to the order of the law. Which things so done, the Bishop asked John Tewkesbery again, whether the said book called the wicked Mammon were good?

To which interrogatory he answereth, that he thinketh in his conscience, there is nothing in the book, but that which is true. And to this article objected, that is, that faith only justifieth without works, he answereth that it is well said. Wherunto the Bishop inferred again, that the articles before objected, with diverse other contained in the book called the wicked Mammon, were false, erroneous, damnable and heretical, and reproved and condemned by the Church: and before God and all those that were present, for the discharge of his conscience, he had often & very gently exhorted the said John Tewkesbery, that he would revoke and renounce his errors, otherwise if he did intend to persevere in them, he must declare him an heretic, which he would be very sory to do. These things thus done, the Bishop oftentimes offered him, that he should choose what spiritual or temporal man he would to be his Counselor, and gave him time as before, to deliberate with himself until the next sitting.

Also in the same month of April, in the year of our Lord aforesaid, the Bishop of London Cutbert Tonstal sitting in the Consistory, with Nicolas of Eli, John of Lincoln, and John of Bathe and Welles. &c. This John Tewkesbery was brought before them. After certain Articles being repeated unto him, the Byshoppe of London brought out before him a certain book called the wicked Mammon, asking him whether the book was of the same impression and making, as was his book that he had sold to others. Who answered and said, it was the same. Whervpon the bishop of London asked him again, whether the book contained the same errors or no. Who answered again, saying, I pray God, that the condemnation of the Gospel and translation of the Testament, be not to your shame, and that ye be not in peril for it: for the cōdemnatiō of it, and of the other is all one, Further he said, that he had studied holy Scripture by the space of these 17. years, and as he may see the spots of his face through the glass, so in reading the New Testament he knoweth the faults of his soul. Further, he was examined upon certain points and articles, extracted out of the said book of the wicked Mammon, as followeth.

FIrst, that Antichrist is not an outward thing, that is to say, a man that should suddenly appere with wonders, as your forefathers talked of him, but Antichrist is a spiritual thing. Whereunto he answered and said that he findeth no fault in it, Agayne it was demanded of him touching the article, whether faith only justifieth a man. To this he said, that if he should look to deserve heaven by works, he should do wickedly, for works follow faith, and Christ redeemed us all with the merits of his passion.

That the devil holdeth our harts so hard, that it is impossible for us to consent to God's law. To that he answered, that he findeth no fault in it.

That the law of God suffereth no merits, neither any man to be justified in the sight of God. To that he answered, that it is plain enough considering what the law is, and he saith, that he findeth no ill in it.

That the law of God requireth of us things impossible. To that he answered, that the law of God doth command, that thou shalt love God above all things, and thy neyghbors as thyself, which never man could do, and in that he doth find no fault in his conscience.

That as the good tree bringeth forth fruit, so there is no law put to him that believeth & is justified through faith. To that he answered and said, he findeth no ill in it.

All good works must be done without respect of anything, or any profit to be had thereof. To that he answered, it is truth.

Christ with all his works did not deserve heaven. To that he answered, that the text is true as it lieth, and findeth no fault in it.

Peter and Paul and Saynts that be dead, are not our friends, but their friends whom they did help when they were alive. To that he said, he findeth no ill in it.

Alms deserveth no reward of God To that he answered, that the text of the book is true.

The devil is not cast out by merits of fasting or prayer. To that he answered, thinking it good enough.

We cannot love except we see some benefit and kindness, as long as we live under the law of God only, where we see but sin and damnation, and the wrath of God up on us, yea where we were damned afore we were borne. We cannot love God, nor cannot but hate him as a tyrant, unrighteous & unjust, and flee from him, as did Cain. To that he answereth, and thinketh it good & plain enough.

We are damned by nature, as a tode is a tode by nature and a Serpent is a Serpent by nature. To that he answered it to be true as it is in the book.

Item, as concerning the article of fasting. To that he answered and said, the book declareth it self.

Everyone man is a Lord, of whatsoever another man hath. To that he answered, what law can be better then that, for it is plainly meant there.

Love in Christ putteth no difference betwixt one and another. To that he answered and said, it is plain enough of it self.

As concerning the preaching of the word of God, and washing of dishes, there is no difference, as concerning salvation, and as touching the pleasing of God To that he answered saying, it is a plain text, and as for pleasing of God, it is all one.

That the Jews of good intent and zeal put Christ to death. To that he answered, that it is true, and the text is plain enough.

The sects of S. Francis, S. Dominic, and others be damnable. To that he answered and said S. Paul repugneth against them. Which articles being so abiected & answer made unto them by John Tewkesbery, the said Bishop of London asked him whether he would continue in his heresies and errors above rehearsed, or renounce and forsake them. Who answered thus: I pray you reform yourself, and if there be any error in the book, let it be reformed: I think the book be good enough.

Further, the Bishop exhorted him to recant his errors. To the which the said John Tewkesbery answered as is above written: to wit, I pray you reform yourself, and if there be any error in the book, let it be reformed, I think it be good enough. Which thing being done, the bishop appointed him to determine better with himself against the morrow, in the presence of M. John Cox, Uicar general to the Archbishop of Canterbury, M. Balfride Warton, Rouland Philip's, Wiliam Philow, and Robert Ridley, professors of divinity.

The 13. day of April, in the year of our Lord abouesayde, in the Chapel within the Palace of Londō, before Cutbert bishop of Londō with his assistance, Nicolas, bishop of Eli. &c. Tewkesbery again appeared and was examined upon the articles drawn out of the book, called the wicked Mammon, as followeth.

First, Christ is thine and all his deeds be thy deeds: Christ is in thee and thou so knit in him inseparably: neither canst thou be damned, except Christ be damned with thee, neither canst thou be saved except Christ be saved with thee. To this he answered, that he found no fault in it.

Item, we desire one another to pray for us. That done, we must put our neighbor in remembrance of his duty, and that we trust not in his holiness. To this he answered, take ye it as ye will, I will take it well enough.

Item, now seest thou what alms meaneth and wherefor it serveth. He that seeketh with his alms, more then to be merciful: to be a neighbor, to succor his brothers need: to do his duty to his brother: to give his brother that he ought him: the same is blind & seeth not Christ's blood. Here he answereth, that he findeth no fault throughout all the book, but all the book is good, and it hath given him great comfort and light to his conscience.

Item that ye do nothing to please God, but that he commanded. To that he answereth and thinketh it good, by his truth.

Item, so God is honored on all sides, in that we count him righteous in all his laws and ordinances. And to worship him otherwise then so, it is Idolatry. To that he answered, that it pleaseth him well.

The examination of these Articles being done, the Bishop of London did exhort the said John Tewkesbery to recant his errors abouesayde: and after some other communication had by the Bishop with him, the said Bishop did exhort him again to recant his errors, and appointed him to determine with himself against the next Session, what he would do.

IN this next Session he submitted himself and abjured his opinions, and was enjoined penance, as followeth, which was the 8. of May.

In primis, that he should keep well his abjuration under pain of relapse.

Secondly, that the next Sunday following in Paul's Church in the open procession, he should carry a Fagot, and stand at Paul's Cross with the same.

That the Wednesday following he should carry the same Fagot about Newgate market and Chepeside.

That on Friday after, he should take the same fagot again at S. Peters church in Cornehill, and carry it about the market of Ledenhall.

That he should have 2. signs of Fagots embrothered, one on his left sleue, & the other on his right sleue, which he should wear all his life time, unless he were otherwise dispensed withal.

That on Whitsonday evē he should enter into the Monastery of S. Bartholomew in Smithfield, and there to abide, and not to come out unless he were released by the bishop of London.

That he should not depart out of y ^e city or diocese of London, without the special license of the B. or his successors. Which penance he entered into the 8 day of May. an. 1229.

And thus much concerning his first examinatiō, which was in the year .1529. at what time he was enforced thorough infirmitye as is before expressed to retract and abjure his doctrine. Notwithstāding, the same John Tewkesbery, afterward confirmed by the grace of God, and moved by y ^e example of Bayfild aforesaid that was burned in smithfield, did return and constantly abide in the testimony of the truth and suffered for the same. Who recovering more grace, & better strength at the hand of the Lord, two years after being apprehended again, was brought before Syr Thomas More, and the Bishop of Londō, where certain Articles were objected to him: the chief whereof we intend briefly to recite, for the matter is prolixe.

In primis, that he confesseth that he was baptized, and intendeth to keep the Catholic faith.

Secondly that he affirmeth that the abjuration, oath, & subscription that he made before Cutbert late Bishop of London, was done by compulsion.

Thirdlye, that he had the books of the obedience of a Christian man, and of the wicked Mammon in his custody, and hath read them since his abjuration.

Fourthly, that he affirmeth that he suffered the two fagots that were embrothered upon his sleue, to be taken frō him for that he deserved not to wear them.

Fifthly, he saith that faith only justifieth, which lacketh not charity.

Sixthly, he saith that Christ is a sufficient Mediator for us, & therefore no prayer is to be made unto any Saints. Wherupon they laid unto him this verse of the Anthem. Salue Regina, aduocata nostra. &c. To the which he answered, that he knew no other Advocate but Christ alone.

Seventhly, he affirmeth that there is no Purgatory after this life, but that Christ our Savior is a sufficient purgation for us.

Eighthly, he affirmeth that the souls of the faithful departing this life, rest with Christ.

Ninthly, he affirmeth y ^t a priest by receiving of orders, receiveth more grace, if his faith be increased, or else not.

Tenthly, and last of all, he believeth that the sacrament, of the flesh & blood of Christ, is not the very body of Christ, in flesh & blood as it was borne of y ^e virgin Mary. Whervpon the Bishops Chancellor asked the said Tewkesbery, if he could show any cause why he should not be takē for an heretic falling into his heresy again, and receive the punishment of an heretic. Wherunto he answered, that he had wrong before, and if he be condemned now, he reckoneth that he hath wrong again.

Then the Chancelor caused the articles to be read openlie, with the answers unto the same, the which the said Tewkesbery confessed, & thereupon the Bishop pronounced sentence against him, & delivered him unto the Shyriffes of Londō for y ^e time being, who were Rich. Greshā, & Edward Altam, who burned him in Smithfield vpō S. Thomas even, being the 20. of December, in the year aforesaid, the tenor of whose sentence pronounced against him by the Bishop, doth here ensue word for word.

IN the name of God, Amen. The deseruinges and circumstances of a certain cause of heretical pravity, & falling again thereunto by thee John Tewkesbery of the Parish of S. Michaels in the Querne, of the City of Londō, & of our jurisdiction, appearing before us sitting in judgment, being heard, seen, & understand, & fully discussed by us John by the sufferance of God, bishop of Londō, because we do find by inquisitions manifestly enough, that thou didst abjure freely & voluntarily before Cutbert, late Bishop of Londō thy ordinary, diverse & sundry heresies errors & damnable opinions, contrary to y ^e determination of our mother holy church, as well special, as general, & that since and beside thy foresaid abjuration, thou art again fallen into y ^e same damnable heresies, opinions, & errors, (which is greatly to be lamented) & the same doest hold, affirm & believe: we therefore John the Bishop aforesaid, the name of God first being called upon, & the same only God set before our eyes, & with the counsel of learned men assisting us in this behalf (with whō in this cause we have communicated of our definitive sentence & final decree, in this behalf to be done) do intend to proceed & do proceed in this manner. Because as it is aforesaid, we do find thee, the foresaid John Tewkesbery of our jurisdiction, to be a contēner of the first abjuration, & moreover, before & after the foresaid first errors, and other damnable opinions, to have fallen & to be an heretic fallen, & to have incurred the pain of such fallen heretics: we do pronounce, determine, declare, & condemn thee of y ^e premisses, to have incurred the danger of the greac excommunication, & do pronounce thee to be excommunicated, & also do declare thee the said Tewkesbery so dānably fall̄ again into heresy, to be in the secular power & in their judgment, (as the holy Canons have decreed) & here we do leave thee to the foresaid secular power & to their judgment, beseeching them earnestly in the bowels of Jesus Christ, that such severe punishment and execution as in this behalf is to be done against thee, may be so moderated, that no rigorous rigor be used, but to the health and salvation of thy soul, and to the terror, fear, and rooting out of heretics & their conversion to the Catholic faith & unity, by this our final decree, which we declare by these our writings.

This foresaid sentence definitive against John Tewkesbery was read and pronounced by the Bishop of London, the 16, day of the month of December, the year aforesaid, in the house of Syr Thomas More high Chancellor of England, in the Parish of Chelsey. After the which sentence, the Sheriffs received the foresaid Tewkesbery into their custody, and carried him away with them, and afterwards burned him in Smithfield, as is aforesaid, having no writ of the king for their warrant.

*The apprehension of one Edward. Frese, a Paynter.

EDward Freese was borne in York, and was Prentise to a Paynter in the same Citty, and by the reason of working for his master in Bearsy Abbay, or by some such occasion, was known unto the Abbot of the same house, for he was a boy of a pregnaunt wit, and the Abbot favored him so much, that he bought his years of his master, and would have made him a Monk. And the ladde not liking that kind of living, and not knowing how to get out, because he was a Nouice, ran away after a long space and came to Colchester in Essex, and remaining there according to his former vocation, was married and lived like an honest man. After he had been there a good time, he was hired to paint certain clothes for the new Inn in Colchester, which is in the middle of the market place, & in the upper border of the clothes, he wrote certain sentences of the Scripture, and by that he was plainly known to be one of them which they call heretics.

And on a time he being at his work in the same Inn they of the Town, when they had seen his work, went about to take him, & he having some incling thereof, thought to shift for himself, but yet was taken forcibly in y ^e yarde of the same Inn, & after this he was brought to London, and so to Fulham to the bishops house, where he was cruelly imprisoned, with certain others of Essex, that is to wit one Johnson and his wife, Wylye, his wife and his son, & father Bate of Rowshedge. They were fed with fine manchet made of saw dust, or at the least, a great part thereof, and were so straightly kept, that their wives and their friends could not come at them.

After the Painter had been there a long space, by much suit he was removed to Lollards tower. His wife in the time of her suit, whiles he was yet at Fulham, being desirous to see her husband, & preasing to come in at the gate, being then big with child, the porter lift up his foot and stroke her on the belly, that at length she died of y ^e same, but the child was destroyed immediately.

After that, they were all stocked for a long time, & then they were let lose in their prisons again. Some had horse locks on their legs, & some had other irons. This painter would ever be writing on the walls with chauke or a coal, & in one place he wrote Doct. Dodipall would make me believe that the Moon were made of grene cheese. And because he would be writing many things, he was manacled by the wrestes, so long till the flesh of his arms was grown higher then his irons. By the means of his manicles he could not kemme his head, and he remained so long manacled that his hear was felded together.

After the death of his wife, his brother sued to the king for him, and after long suit, he was brought out in the Consistory at Paul's, and as his brother did report, they kept him three days without meat, before he came to his answer. Then, what by the long imprisonment and much evil handling, and for lack of sustenance, the man was in that case, that he could say nothing, but look and gase upon the people like a wild man, and they asked him any questiō, he could say nothing, but my Lord is a good man. And thus, when they had spilled his body, and destroyed his wits, they sent him back again to Bersie Abbey, but he came away again from thence, and would not tarry amongst them: albeit he never came to his perfect mind, to his dying day.

His brother, of whom I before spake, whose name was Ualentine Freese & his wife, gave their lives at one stake in York, for the testimony of Jesus Christ.

Also the wife of the said father Bate, while he was at Fulham, made many supplications to the king, without redress, & at the last she delivered one to his own hands, and he read it himself, whereupon she was appointed to go into Chaūcery lane, to one whose came (as is thought) was M. Selyard, & at the last, she got a letter of the same Selyard to the Bishop, and when she had it, she thought all her suit welbestowed, hopinge that some good should come to her husband thereby. And because the wicked officers in those days, were crafty and desirous of his blood, as some others had proved their practice, some of her friends would needs see the content of her letter, and not suffer her to deliver it to the bishop, & as they thought, so they found in deed, for it was after this manner.

After commendations had▪ &c. Look what you can gather against Father Bate, send me word by your trustye friend Syr William Saxy, that I may certify the kings Majesty. &c. Thus the poor woman, when she thought he • suit had been done, was in less hope of her husbands life thē before. But within short space after, it pleased God to deliver him: for he gate out in a dark night & so was caught no more, but died within a short time after.

In this year also, as we do understand by diverse notes of old Registers and otherwise, Frier Roy was burned in Portugale: but what his examination, or articles, or order of his death was, we can have no understanding: but what his doctrine was it may be easily judged by the testimonies, which he left here in England.

In y ^e beginning of this year which we are now about, through the complaint of the Clergy made to the king, the translation of the New Testament with a great number of other books, were forbid̄. For the Bishops coming into Star chamber the 25· day of May, and communing with the kings Counsel, after many pretences and long debating, alleged that the translation of Tyndale and Joy were not truly translated, and moreover that in thē were Prologues and Prefaces, that smelled of heresy, and railed against the Bishops, wherefore all such books were prohibited, and commandment given by the king to the bishops, that they calling to them the best learned men of the Universities, should cause a new translation to be made, so that the people might not be ignorant in the law of God. Notwithstanding this commandment, the bishops did nothing at all, to the setting forth of any new translation, which caused the people much to study Tyndals translation, by reason whereof many things came to light, as ye shall hereafter hear.

This year also, in the month of May, the Bishop of London caused all the new Testaments of Tindals translation, and many other books which he had bought, to be brought • nto Paul's Churchyard, and there openly to be burned.

James Bainham Lawyer and Martyr.

James Bainham Gentleman, son to one M. Bainhā a knight of Glocestershyre, being virtuously brought up by his parents, in the studies of good letters, had knowledge both of the Latin & the Greek tongue. After that, he gave himself to the study of the law, being a man of virtuous disposition, & godly conversation, mightily addicted to prayer, an earnest reader of y ^e Scriptures, a great mainteiner of the godly, a visitor of the prisoners, liberal to scholars, very merciful to his clients, using equity and justice to the poor, very diligent in giving counsel to all the needy, widows, fatherless, and afflicted, without money or reward, briefly a singular example to all Lawyers.

This M. Bainham, as is above noted, married the wife of Simon Fish aforesaid, for the which he was the more suspected, and at last was accused to Syr Tho. More Chancellor of England, and arrested with a Sergeant at Arms, and carried out of the middle Temple▪ to the Chauncellors house at Chelsey, where he continued in free prison a while, till the time that Syr Tho. More saw he could not prevail in perverting of him to his sect. Then he cast him in prison in his own house, and whipped him at the tree in his garden, called the tree of troath, and after sent him to the Tower to be racked, and so he was, Syr Tho. More being present himself, till in a manner he had lamed him, because he would not accuse the Gentlemen of the Temple of his acquaintance, nor would not show where his books lay: and because his wife denied them to be at his house, she was sent to the Fleet, & their goods confiscate.

After they had thus practiced against him what they could, by tortures and torments. then was he brought before John Stokesly Bishop of London, the 15. of December, an. 1531. in the said town of Chelsey, and there examined upon these Articles and interrogatories ensuing.

FIrst whether he believed there were any Purgatory of souls hence departed.

Wherunto he made answer as followeth: If we walk in light even as he is in light, we have society together with him, and the blood of Jesus Christ his son, hath cleansed us from all sin. If we say we have no sin, we deceive our selves and the truth is not in us. If we confess our sin, he is fathfull and just, and will forgive us our sins, and will purge us from all our iniquityes,

2. Secondly, whether the Saints hence departed, are to to be honored and prayed unto, to pray for us.

To which he answered on this wise: My little children, I write this unto you, that you sin not. If any man do sin, we have an Advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the just, and he is the propitiation for our sins, and not only for our sins, but also the sins of the whole world. And further, upon occasion of these words: Omnes sancti Dei orate pro nobis, being demanded what he meant by these words. Omnes sancti, he answered: that he meant them by those that were alive, as S. Paul did by the Corinthians, and not by those that be dead: for he prayed not to them (he said) because he thought that they which be dead cannot pray for him. Item, when the whole church is gathered together, they use to pray one for another, or desire one to pray for another, with one heart: and that the will of the Lord may be fulfilled and not ours: and I pray, said he, as our Savior Christ prayed at his last hour. Father, take this cup frō me if it be possible, yet thy will be fulfilled.

3 Thirdly, he was demanded whether he thought that any souls departed were yet in heaven or no.

To this he answered and said: That he believed that they be thete as it pleaseth god to have them, that is to say, in the faith of Abraham, and that herein he would: commit himself to the Church.

4. Fourthlye, it was demanded of him, whether he thought it necessary to salvation, for a man to confess his sins to a Priest.

Whereunto his answer was this: That it was lawful for one to confess and knowledge his sins to another. As for any other confession he knew none. And further he said that if he came to a Sermon, or any other where, where as the word of God is preached, and there take repentance for his sins, he believed his sins, forthwith to be forgiven of God, & that he needed not to go to any confession.

5. Fiftely, that he should say and affirm, that the truth of holy Scripture hath been hid, and appeared not these 800. years, neither was known before now.

To this he said: That he meant no otherwise, but that the truth of holy Scripture was never, these 800 years past, so plainly and expressly declared unto the people, as it hath been within these 6. years.

6. He was demanded further, for what cause holy Scripture hath been better declared within these 6. years, then it hath been these 800. years before.

Wherunto he answered: To say plainly, he knew no mā to have preached the word of God sincerely & purely, and after the vain of Scripture, except M. Crome and M. Latimer, and said moreover, that the New Testament now translated into English, doth preach and teach the word of God, & that before that time, men did preach but only: that folks should believe as the church did believe, and then if the Church erred, men should err to. Howbeit the church said he, of Christ cannot err: & that there were 2. Churches, that is, the Church of Christ militant, and the Church of Antichrist, and that this church of Antichrist may & doth err, but the Church of Christ doth not.

7. Seventhly, whether he knew any person that died in the true faith of Christ, since the Apostles time.

He said: He knew Bayfild, and thought that he died, in the true faith of Christ.

8. Eighthly, he was asked what he thought of Purgatory and of vows.

He answered: If any such thing had been moved to Saynct Paul of Purgatory after this life, he thought S. Paul would have condemnede it for an heresy. And when he heard M. Crome preach and say, that he thought there was a Purgatory after this life, he thought in his mind that the said M. Crome lied, & spake against his conscience, and that there was a hundredth moe, which thought the same as he did: saying moreover that he had seen the confession of M. Crome in print, God wot a very foolish thing, as he judged.

And as concerning vows, he granted that there was lawful vows as Ananias vowed Act. 5. for it was in his own power, whether he would have sold his possession or not, & therefore he did offend. But vows of chastity, and all godliness is given of God by his abundant grace, the which no man of himself can keep, but it must be givē him of God. And therefore a Monk, Frier, or Nun, that have vowed the vows of Religion, if they think, after their vows made, that they cannot keep their promises that they made at Baptism, they may go forth and mary, so that they keep after their marriage, the promise that they made at Baptism. And finally he concluded, that he thought there were no other vows, but only the vow of Baptism.

9. Ninthly, he was demanded whether Luther being a Frier, & taking a Nun out of religion, & afterward marrying her, did well or no, and what he thought therein.

He answered: That he thought nothing. And when they asked him, whether it was lechery or no. He made answer he could not say so.

As concerning the Sacrament of anneling, being willed to say his mind.

He answered & said: It was but a ceremony, neither did he wotte what a man should be the better for such an oyling and anointing The best was, that some good prayers he saw to be said thereat.

Likewise, touching the Sacrament of Baptism, his words were these.

That as many as repent, and do on them Christ, shall be saved: that is, as many as die concerning sin, shall live by faith with Christ. Therefore it is not we that live after that, but Christ in us. And so whether we live, or die, we are God's by adoption, & not by the water only, but by water and faith: that is by keeping the promise made For ye are kept by grace and faith, saith S. Paul, & that not of yourself: for it is the gift of God.

He was asked moreover of matrimony, whether it was a Sacrament or not, and whether it conferreth grace, being commanded in the old law, and not yet taken away.

His answer was: that Matrimony is an order or law, that the Church of Christ hath made, and ordained, by the which men may take to them women and sin not.

Lastly, for his books of scripture, & for his judgment of Tyndale, because he was urged to confess the troth, he said: That he had the New Testament translated into the English tongue by Tyndale, within this month, and thought he offended not God in using and keeping the same, notwithstanding that he knew the kings proclamation to the contrary, and that it was prohibited in the name of the Church at Paul's cross. But for all that he thought the word of God had not forbid it: confessing moreover, that he had in his keeping within this month, these books: the wicked Mammon, the obedience of a Christian man, the practice of Prelates, the answer of Tyndale to Tho. Mores Dialogue, the book of Frith against Purgatory, the Epistle of George Gee, alias George Clerke: adding furthermore, that in all these books he never saw any errors And if there were any such in them, then if they were corrected, it were good that the people had the said books. And as concerning the new Testament in English, he thought it utterly good, and that the people should have it, as it is· Neither did he ever know (said he) that Tyndale was a noughtye fellow. And to these answers he subscribed his name. This examination (as is said) was the 15. day of December.

The next day following, which was the 16. day of December, the said James Bainham appeared again before the Bishop of London, in the foresaid place of Syr Thomas More at Chelsey, where, after the guise and form of their proceedings, first his former Articles with his answers were again repeated, and his hand brought forth. Which done, they asked him whether he would persiste in that which he had said, or else would return to the Catholic Church from whence he was fallen, and to the which he might be yet received, as they said: adding moreover many fair enticing & alluring words, that he would reconcile himself, saying the time was yet that he might be received: the bosom of his mother was open for him. Otherwise if he would continue stubbern, there was no remedy.

Now was the time either to save, or else utterly to cast himself away. Which of these ways he would take, the case present now required a present answer, for else the sentence definitive was there ready to be read. &c.

To conclude long matter in few words, Bainhā wavering in a doubtful perplexity between life on y ^e one hand, & death on y ^e other, at length giving over to the adversaries, gave answer unto thē that he was cōtēted to submit himself, in those things wherein he had offended, excusing that he was deceived by ignorance. Thē y ^e bishop requiring him to say his mind plainly of his answers above declared demanded what he thought thereof, whether they were true, or no.

To this Bainham said, that it was to high for him to judge. And then being asked of the Bishop, whether there was any Purgatory, he answered, and said: he could not believe that there was any Purgatory after this life.

Upon other Articles being examined and demanded, he granted as followeth: That he could not judge whether Bayfild died in the true faith of Christ or no. That a man making a vow, cannot break it without deadly sin. That a Prieste promising to live chaste, may not mary a wife. That he thinketh the Apostles to be in heaven. That Luther did naught in marrying a Nun. That a child is the better for confyrmation. That it is an offense to God, if any man keep books prohibited by the Church, the pope, the Bishop, or the King, and said that he pondered those points more now, then he did before. &c.

Upon these answers the Bishop thinking to keep him in safe custody, to further trial, committed him to one of the Counters.

The time thus passing on, which bringeth all things to their end, in the month of Febr. next following in y ^e yere of our Lord 1532. the foresaid I. Bainham was called for again to the bishops Cōsistory, before his Uicar general, & other his assistance: to whō Foxford the bishops Chancelor recited again his articles & answers above mentioned, protesting that he intended not to receive him to y ^e unity of y ^e holy mother church, unless he knew the said Bainhā to be returned again purely & unfeignedly to the catholic faith, and to submit himself penitently to the judgment of the Church. To whom Bainham spake in this effect, saying that he hath and doth believe the holy Church, and holdeth the faith of the holy mother the Catholic Church.

Wherunto the Chancelor offering to him a Bill of his abiuratiō, after y ^e form of y ^e Popes church conceived, required him to read it. Who was contented & read to y ^e clause of y ^e abiuratiō, containing these words: I voluntarily, as a true penitent persō returned frō my heresies, utterly abjure. &c. & there he staid & would read no farther, saying y ^t he knew not y ^e articles contained in his abiuratiō to be heresy, therefore he could not see why he should refuse thē. Which done, y ^e Chancelor proceeded to the reading of this sentence definitive, coming to y ^e place of this sentence: y ^e doctrine & determinatiō of the church. &c. & there paused, saying he would reserve y ^e rest till he saw his time. Whō then Bainhā desired to be good unto him, affirming that he did acknowledge y ^t there was a Purgatory: that y ^e souls of the apostles were in heaven. &c. Then began he again to read the sentence but Bainham again desired him to be good unto him. Whereupon he ceased the sentence, & said that he would accept this his confession for that time as sufficient.

So Bainhā for that present was returned to his prison again. Who then the 5. day after, which was the 8. day of February, appeared as before, in the consistory. Whom the foresaid Chancellor repeating again his articles & answers, asked if he would abjure and submit himself: who answered that he would submit himself, and as a good Christian man should. Agayne the Chancellor the second time asked if he would abjure. I will (said he) forsake all my Articles, and will meddle no more with them, & so being commanded to lay his hands upon the book, read his abjuration openlie. After y ^e reading whereof he burst out into these words, saying, that because there were many words in the said abjuration, which he thought obscure & difficile, he protested that by his oth he intended not to go from such defense, which he might have had before his oth. Which done y ^e Chancelor asked him why he made that protestation? Bainhā said, for fear least any man of ill will do accuse me hereafter. Thē y ^e Chancelor taking y ^e definitive, sentence in his hand, disposing himself (as appeared) to read the same: Well M. Baynham (said he) take your oath, and kille the book, or else I will do mine office against you, & so immadiatly he took the book in his hand and kissed it, and subscribed the same with his hand.

Which done, the Chancelor receiving the abiuratiō at his hand, put him to his fine, first to pay xx.li. to the king. After that, he enjoined him penance, to go before the Cross in procession at Paul's, & to stand before the preacher during the sermons at Paul's cross, with a fagot vpō his shoulder the next Sunday, & so to return w ^t the Sumner

The process against James Baynham, in case of relapse.

THe 19. day of April. 1532. M. Rich. Foxford Uicar general to the bishop of London, accompanied with certain Divines, & Matthew Grefton the Register sitting judicially, James Bainhā was brought before him by the Lieutenant of the tower, before whō y ^e vicar general rehearsed y ^e articles contained in his abjuration before made & shown him a bound book, which the said Bainhā acknowledged to be his own writing, saying that it was good. Then he shown him more of a certain letter sent unto the bishop of Londō, y ^t which also he acknowledged to be his: objecting also to the said Bainhā, that he had made & read the abjuration which he had before recited: showing him moreover certain letters which he had written unto his brother, the which he confessed to be his own writing, saying moreover, that though he wrote it, yet there is no thing in the same that is naught, if it be as my Lord Chancellor saith. Then he asked of Bainham how he understood this which followeth, which was in his letters: yet could they not see nor know him for God, when in deed he was both God & man, yea he was three persons in one, the father, the son & the holy ghost: & Bainham said it was naught. Whych things thus done, there was further objected unto him these words, that he had as leave pray to Joan his wife, as to our Lady. The which article Bainhā denied. The said Bainhā amongst other talk as touching the sacrament of y ^e alter, said: Christ's body is not chewed w ^t teeth, but received by faith. Further it was objected against him, that notw ^t standing his abjuration, he had said that the Sacrament of the altar was but a mystical or memorial body: y ^t which article Bainham denied. It was further laid unto him, that he should say, that S. Thomas of Canterbury was a thief and murderer, and a devil in hell. Whereunto he answered thus, that S. Thomas of Canterbury was a murderer, and if he did not repent him of his murder, he was rather a devil in hell, then a saint in heaven.

The 20. day of April, in the yere aforesaid, y ^e said James Bainhā was brought before the vicar general in y ^e church or all saints of Barking, where as he ministered these interrogatories unto him. First y ^t since y ^e feast of Easter last past he said, affirmed and believed, that the sacrament of the altar, was but a mystical body of Christ, and afterward he said, it was but a memorial: y ^t which article Bainham denied. The the vicar general declared unto him, that our holy mother y ^e catholic church determineth & teacheth in this manner: that in the sacrament of the altar, after the words of consecration, there remaineth no bread. The official asked Bainhā whether he did so believe or not. Wherunto Bainham answered, saying that S. Paul calleth it bread, rehearsing these words: Quotiescunque comederitis panem hunc, & de poculo biberitis, mortem Domini annunciabitis: and in that point he saith, as S. Paul saith, and believeth as y ^e church believeth. And being demanded twice afterward what he thought therein, he would give no other answer.

Item, that since the feast of Easter aforesaid, he had affirmed & believed that every man that would take vpō him to preach the Gospel of Christ clearly, had as much power as the Pope. To the which article he answered thus: He that preacheth the word of God, whatsoever he be, and liveth thereafter, he hath the key that bindeth and looseth both in heaven and earth. The which key is the same scripture that is preached, and the Pope hath no other power to bind and to loose, but by the key of the Scripture.

Item, that he affirmed that S. Thomas of Canterbury was a thief and a murderer, & in hell. Wherunto he answered as before.

Item, that he said he had as leave pray to Joan his wife, as to our Lady: the which he denied as before.

Item, that he affirmed & believed, that Christ himself was but a man, the which article he also denied.

The premisses thus passed, the vicar general received Frances Realms, John Edwards, Raphe Hilton, John Ridley, Frances Dryland, and Raphe Noble, as witnesses to be sworn upon the articles aforesaid, and to speak the truth before the face of the said James Bainhā, in the presence of M. John Nayler Uicar of Barking, M. John Rode Bachelor of divinity, Williā Smith, Richard Griuel, Tho. Wimple, and Richard Gill.

The 26. day of April in the year aforesaid, before M. John. Foxford vicar general of the bish. of Londō, in y ^e presence of Matthew Greftō Register, and Nicolas Wilson, & Will. Philley, professors of divinity, John Oliuer, Williā Midleton, & Hugh Apprise, doctors of the law, M. Richard Gresham Sheriff of London, & a great cōpanye of others, James Bainham was brought forth by the Lieutenaunt of the Tower, in whose presence the vicar general rehearsed the merits of the cause of inquisition of heresy against him, & proceeded to y