Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1

The 16. proposition.

He that believeth the Gospel, believeth God.

Argument.
• Da. He that believeth God's word, believeth God.
• ri. The Gospel is God's word.
• j. Ergo, he that believeth the Gospel, believeth God.

To believe the Gospel is this:

• That Christ is the Savior of the world. John 4.
• Christ is our Savior. Luke 2.
• Christ bought us with his blood. Heb. 13. 1. Pet. 1. Apo. 5
• Christ washed us with his blood. Apoc. 1.
• Christ offered himself for us. Heb. 9.
• Christ bare our sins on his own back, &c. 1. Pet. 2.

The 17. proposition.

He that believeth not the Gospel, believeth not God.

Argument.
• Fe. He that believeth not God's word believeth not God himself.
• ri. The Gospel is God's word.
• o. Ergo, he that believeth not the Gospel, believeth not God him self, and consequently he that beeleueth not those things above written and such other, believeth not God.

The 18. proposition.

He that believeth the Gospel, shall be safe.

Go ye into all the world and preach the Gospel, unto every creature: he that believeth and is baptized, shall be saved, but he that believeth not, shall be condemned. Mark. 16.

A comparison between faith, and incredulity.

FAith is the root of all good.

Incredulity is the root of all evil.

Faith maketh God and man good friends.

Incredulity maketh them foes.

Faith bringeth God and man together.

Incredulity sundereth them.

All that faith doth, pleaseth God.

All that Incredulity doth, displeaseth God.

Faith only maketh a man good and righteous.

Incredulity only maketh him unjust and evil.

Faith maketh a man a member of Christ.

Incredulity maketh him a member of the devil.

Feith maketh a man the inheritor of heaven.

Incredulity maketh him inheritor of hell.

Faith maketh a man the servant of God.

Incredulity maketh him the servant of the devil.

Faith showeth us God to be a sweet father.

Incredulity showeth him a terrible judge.

Faith holdeth stiff by the word of God.

Incredulity wauereth here and there.

Faith counteth and holdeth God to be true.

Incredulity holdeth him false and a liar.

Faith knoweth God.

Incredulity knoweth him not.

Faith loveth both God and his neighbor.

Incredulity loveth neither of them.

Faith only saveth us.

Incredulity only condemneth us.

Faith extolleth God and his deeds.

Incredulity extolleth her self and her own deeds.

Of hope.

HOpe is a trusty looking after the thing that is promised us to come: as we hope after the everlasting joy, which Christ hath promised unto all that believe in him.

Of Charity.

CHaritie is the love of thy neighbor. The rule of charity is this: Do as thou wouldest be done to: for Christ holdeth all alike, the rich, the poor, the friend and the foe, the thankful and unthankful, the kinseman and stranger.

A comparison between Faith, Hope, and Charity.

FAith cometh of the word of God: Hope cometh of faith: and Charity springeth of them both.

Faith believeth the word: Hope trusteth after it that is promised by the word: Charity doth good unto her neyghbor, thorough the love that it hath to God, and gladness that is within her self.

Faith looketh to God and his word: Hope looketh unto his gift and reward: Charity looketh on her neighbors profit.

Faith receiveth God: Hope receiveth his reward: Charity loveth her neighbor with a glad heart, and that without any respect of reward.

Faith pertaineth to God only: Hope to his reward: and Charity to her neighbor.

The doctrine of works. No manner of works make us rightwise.

WE believe that a man shall be justified without works. Rom. 3.

No man is justified by the deeds of the law, but by the faith of Jesus Christ, and we believe in Jesus Christ that we may be justified by the faith of Christ, and not by the deeds of the law: For if righteousness come by the law, then died Christ in vain. Gal. 2.

That no man is justified by the law, is manifest, for a rightwise man liveth by his faith, but y ^e law is not of faith.

Moreover, since Christ the maker of heaven & earth, and all that is therein, behooved to die for us, we are compelled to grant that we were so far drowned & sunken in sin, that neither our deeds nor all the treasures that ever God made or might make, could have holpen us out of them: therefore no deeds, no Works may make us rightwise.

Certain brief Notes or declarations upon the foresaid places of M. Patrick.

THis little treatise of M. Patricks places, albeit in quantity it be but short, yet in effect it comprehendeth matter able to fill large volumes, declaring to us the true doctrine of the law, of the Gospel, of faith, and of works, with the nature and properties, & also the difference of the same. Which difference is thus to be understanded, that in the cause of salvation, and in the office of justifying, these are to be removed and separated a sonder, the law from the Gospel, and faith from works: Otherwise in the person that is justified, and also in order of doctrine, they ought commonly to go necessarily together.

Therefore, where soever any question or doubt riseth of salvation, or our justifying before God, there the law, & all good works must be utterly excluded, and stand apart, that grace may appear free, the promise simple, and that faith may stand alone. Which faith alone, without law or works, worketh to every man particularly his salvation, through mere promise, and the free grace of God. This word (particularly) I add, for the particular certifying of every man's heart privately and peculiarly, that believeth in Christ. For as the body of Christ is the cause efficient of the redemption of the whole world in general: so is faith the instrumental cause, by which every man applieth the said body of Christ particularly to his own salvation. So that in the action and office of justification, both law & works here be utterly secluded and exempted, as things having nothing to do in this behalf. The reason is this: for seeing that all our redemption universally springeth only frō the body of the son of God crucified, then is there nothing, that can stand us in stead, but that only, wherewith this body of Christ is apprehended. Now, for so much as neither the law nor works, but faith only is the thing which apprehendeth the body and death of Christ, therefore faith only is that matter which justifieth every soul before God, thorough the strength of that object which it doth apprehend. For the object only of our faith, is the body of Christ, like as the brazen Serpent was the object only of the Israelites looking, and not of their hands working: by the strength of which object, through the promise of God, immediately proceeded health to the beholders. So the body of Christ being the object of our faith, striketh righteousness to our souls, not through working, but believing only.

Thus you see, howe faith being the only eye of our soul, standeth alone with her object, in case of justifying: but yet nevertheless, in the body she standeth not alone: for besides the eye, there be also hands to work, feet to walk, ears to hear, and other members moe, everyone convenient for the service of the body, and yet there is none of them all that can see, but only the eye. So in a Christian man's life, and in order of doctrine, there is the law, there is repentance, there is hope, charity, and deeds of charity: all which in life, and in doctrine, are joined, & necessarily do concur together, and yet in the action of justifying, there is nothing else in man, that hath any parte or place, but only Faith apprehending the object which is the body of Christ Jesus for us crucified, in whom consisteth all the worthiness and fullness of our salvation, by faith, that is, by our apprehending and receiving of him, according as it is written. John 1. Whosoever received him, he gave them power to be made the sons of God, even all such as believed in his name, &c. Also Isaiah. 53. And this just servant of mine, in the knowledge of him shall justify many. &c.

Argument.
• Da. Apprehending and receiving of Christ only, maketh us justified before God, John 1.
• ti - Christ only is apprehended and received, by Faith.
• si. Ergo, faith only maketh us justified before God.

Argument.
• Ba Justification cometh only by apprehending and receiving of Christ. Isaiah. 53.
• ro The law, and works do nothing pertain to the apprehending of Christ.
• co. Ergo, the law and works pertain nothing to Justification.

Argument.
• Ce - Nothing which is unjust of it self, can justify us before God, or help anything to our justifying.
• sa - Every work we do, is unjust before God. Isaiah 54.
• re. Ergo, no work that we do, can justify us before God, nor help anything to our justifying.

Argument.
• Ca - If works could anything further our justification, thē should our works something profit us before God?
• me No works (do the best we can) do profit us before God. Luke 17.
• stres. Ergo, no works that we do, can any thing further our justification.

Argument.
• Ba - All that we can do w ^t God, is only by Christ. John. 15.
• ro Our works and merits be not Christ, neither any part of him.
• co. Ergo, our works & merits can do nothing with God.

Argument.
• Da - That which is the cause of condemnation, cannot be the cause of justification.
• ri - The law is the cause of condemnation. Rom. 4.
• j. Ergo, it is not the cause of justification.

The order and differences of places.

• The Gospel
• The law.
• Faith
• Works.
• Grace
• Merits.
• Promise
• cōditiō.
• God's free election.
• mans free will.

The difference and repugnance of these foresaid places being well noted and ex • ended, it shall give no small light to every faithful Christian, both to understand the Scripture, to judge in cases of conscience, and to reconcile such places in the old and new Testament, as else may seem to repugn, according to the rule of Augustine, saying, Distingue tempora, & conciliabis scripturas &c. Make distinction of times, and thou shalt reconcile the Scriptures. &c. Contrariwise, where men be not perfectly in these places instructed, to discern between the law and the Gospel, between faith and works. &c. so long they can never ryghtly estable their minds in the free promises of God's grace: but walk confusedly, without order in all matters of religion. Exāple whereof we have to much in the Romish church, who confoūding these places together without distinction, following no method, have perverted the true order of Christian doctrine, and have obscured the sweet comfort & benefit of the Gospel of Christ, not knowing what the true use of the law, nor of the Gospel meaneth.

In the doctrine of the law, iii. things to be noted.

In the law therefore 3 things are to be considered: First, what is the true rigor and strength of the law, which is, to require full and perfect obedience of the whole man, not only to restrain his outward actions, but also his inward motions, and inclinatiōs of will and affection, from the appetite of sin: And therefore saith S. Paul: The law is spiritual, but I am carnal &c. Rom. 7 Whereupon riseth this proposition: That it is not in our nature and power to fulfil the law. Item, The law commandeth that which is to us impossible &c. 2 The second thing to be noted in the doctrine of the law, is to consider the time and place of the law, what they be, & how far they extend. For as the surging seas have their banks and bars to keep them in: so the law hath his times & limites which it ought not to pass. If Christ had not come & suffered, the time & dominion of the law had ben everlasting. But now seeing Christ hath come and hath died in his righteous flesh, the power of the law against our sinful flesh doth cease. For the ende of the law is Christ. Rom. 10. that is, the death of Christ's body is the death of the law to all that believe in him: so that who so ever reap̄teth their sins, & fly to the death and passion of Christ the condemnation & time of the law to them is expired. Wherefore this is to be understand as a perpetual rule in the scripture, that the law withal his sentences and judgments wheresoerver they are writ̄, either in the Old Testament or in the new, do ever include a privy exception of repentance and belief in Christ, to the which always it giveth place, having there his end, and can proceed no further, according as S. Paul doth say: The law is our Scholemaister until Christ, that we might be justified by faith. Gal. 3.

Moreover, as the law hath his time how long to reign, so also it hath his proper place, where to reign. By the reign of the law here is meant the cōdamnation of the law: for as the time of the law ceaseth, when the faith of Christ, in a true repenting heart, beginneth so hath the law no place in such, as be good and faithful, that is, in sinners repenting and amending, but only in them which be evil and wicked. Euil men here I call all such, which walking in sinful flesh, are not yet drivē by earnest repentance, to fly to Christ for succor. And therefore saith S. Paul: To the just man there is no law set, but to the unjust and disobedient, &c. 1. Tim. 1. By the just man here is meant, nor he which never had disease, but he, who knowing his disease, seeketh out the Physician, and being cured, keepeth himself in health as much as he may, from any mo surfeits: notwithstanding, he shall never so keep himself but that his health (that is, his new obedience) shall always remain frail & imperfect, and shall continually need the Physician. Where, by the way, these iii. things are to be noted. 1. the sickness itself. 2 the knowing of the sickness. 3. the Physician. The sickness is sin. The knowing of the sickness, is repentance, which the law worketh. The Physician is Christ. And therefore, although in remission of our sins, reap̄taunce is joined with faith, yet it is not the dignity or worthiness of repentance, that causeth remission of sins, but only the worthiness of Christ whom faith only apprehēdeath: no more then the feeling of the disease is the cause of health, but only the Physician. For else when man is cast and condemned by the law, it is not repentance that can serve or deserve life, but i • his pardō come, then is it the grace of the prince, and not his repentance that saveth.

The third point to be considered in the doctrine of the law, is this: That we mark well the ende and purpose why the law is given, which is, not to bring us to salvation, not to work God's favor, nor to make us good: but rather to declare and convict our wickedness, and to make us feel the danger thereof to this ende and purpose, that we seeing our condemnation, and being in our selves confounded, may be driven thereby to have our refuge in Christ the son of God, and to submit our selves to him, in whom only is to he found our remedy, and in none other. And this ende of the law discretely ought to be pondered of all Christians. Otherwise, they that consider not this • nd and purpose of the law, fall into manifold errors and inconveniences. First they pervert all order of doctrine. 2. They seek that in the law which the law cannot give. 3. They are not able to comfort themselves, nor other. 4. They keep men's souls in an uncertain doubt and dubitation of their salvation. 5. They obscure the light of God's grace. 6. They are unkind to God's benefits. 7 They are injurious to Christ's passion, and enemies to his cross. 8. They stop Christian liberty. 9▪ They beriue the church the spouse of Christ, of her due comfort, as taking away the son out of the world. 10 In all their doings they shoot to a wrong mark For where Christ only is set up to be apprehended by our faith, & so freely to justify us: they leaving this Justification by faith, set up other marks, partly of the law, partly of their own devising for men to shoot at. And here cometh in the manifest and manifold absurdities of the B. of Rome's doctrine, which here (the Lord willing) we will rehearse, as in Catalogue here following.

Errors and absurdities of the Papists touching the doctrine of the Law, and of the Gospel.

1. THey erroneously conceive opinion of salvation in the law, which only is to be sought in the faith of Christ, and in no other.

2. They erroneously do seek God's favor by works of the law, not knowing that the law in this our corrupt nature worketh only the anger of God. Rom. 3.

3. They err also in this, that where the office of the law is diverse and contrary from the Gospel, they without any difference, confound the one with the other, making the gospel to be a law, and Christ to be a Moses.

4. They err in deviding the law unskillfully in 3. partes into the law natural, the law moral, and the law Evangelical.

5. They err again in deviding the law Evangelical into precepts and counsels, making the precepts to serve for all men, the counsels only to serve for them that be perfect.

6. The chief substance of all their teaching and preaching resteth upon the works of the law, as may appear by their religion, which wholly consisteth in men's merits, traditions, laws, canons, decrees, and ceremonies.

7. In the doctrine of salvation, of remission, and justification, either they admixt the law equally with the Gospel, or else clean secluding the Gospel, they teache and preach the law, so that little mention is made of the faith of Christ, or none at all.

8. They err in thinking, that the law of God requireth nothing in us under pain of damnation, but only our obedience in externe actions: as for the inward affections and concupiscence, they esteem but light matters.

9. They not knowing the true nature and strength of the law, do erroneously imagine that it is in man's power to fulfill it.

10. They err in thinking, not only to be in man's power to keep the law of God, but also to perform more perfect works, then be in God's law commanded, and these they call the works of perfection. And hereof rise the works of supererogation, of satisfaction, of congruity, and cōdignity, to store up the treasurehouse of the Popes Church, to be sold out to the people for money.

11. They err, in saying that the state monastical is more perfect, for keeping the Counsels of the Gospel, then other states be, in keeping the law of the Gospel.

12. The counsels of the Gospel they call the vows of their religious men, as profound humility, perfect chastity, and willful poverty.

13. They err abominably, in equaling their laws & constitutions, with God's law, and in saying: that man's law bindeth under pain of damnation, no less then God's law.

14. They err sinnefully, in punyshing the transgressors of their laws more sharply then the transgressors of the law of God, as appeareth by their Inquisitions and their Canon law. &c.

15. Finally, they err most horribly in this, that where the free promise of God ascribeth our salvation, only to our faith in Christ, excluding works: they contrary ascribe salvation, only or principally, to works and merits, excluding faith. Wherupon riseth the applicatiō of the sacrifice of the Mass, Ex opere operato, for the quick and dead application of the merits of Christ's passion, in Bulls, application of the merits of all religious orders, and such other moe above specified more at large, in the former part of this history, about the pag. 21.22. &c.

Here follow three cautions to be observed and avoided in the true understanding of the Law.

But what stand I here numbering the sand? For if all the Register books were sought, it would be an infinite thing to recite all them, which through all the other Dioceses of the Realm in these days, before and since, were troubled and pursued for these and such like matters. But these I thought for example sake, here to specify, that it might appear what doctrine it is, and long hath been in the Church, for the which the Prelates and Clergy of Rome have judged men heretics, and so wrongfully have molested poor simple Christians.

Now, passing from the abiurations of those poor men, we will something speak (God willing) of the life & doings of the contrary part, who were their persecutors, and chief Rulers then of the Church, to the intent that by those Rulers, it may better be discerned and judged, what manner of Church that was, which then so persecuted the true doctrine of Christ, and members of his Church.

*A brief discourse, concerning the story and life of Thomas Wolsey, late Cardinal of York, by way of digression, wherein is to be seen and noted the express image of the proud vayneglorious Church of Rome, how far it differeth from the true Church of Christ Jesus.

ALthough it be not greatly pertinent unto this our history, nor greatly requisite in these so weighty matters entreating of Christ's holy Martyrs, to discourse much of Thomas Wolsey Cardinal of York: notwithstanding, forsomuch as there be many, which being carried away with a wrong opinion, and estimation of that false glittering Church of Rome, do think that holiness to be in it, which in deed is not: to the intent therefore, that the vain pomp and pride of that ambitious Church, so far differing from all pure Christianity, and godliness, more notoriously may appear to all men, and partly also to refresh the Reader with some variety of matter, I thought compendiously to express the ridiculous and pompous qualities, and demeaner of this foresaid Thomas Wolsey, Cardinal and Legate of Rome, in whom alone, the Image and life of all other such like followers and professors of the same Church, may be seen and observed. For like as the Lacedemonians in times past, were accustomed to show and demonstrate droncken men unto their children, to behold and look upon, that through the foulness of that vice, they might inflame them the more to the study and desire of sobriety: even so it shall not be hurtful sometimes to set forth the examples which are not honest, that others might thereby gather the instructions of better and more upright dealing.

Wherefore thou shalt note here (good Reader) in this history, with all judgment, the great difference of life and Christian conversation, between this Church, and the other true humble Martyrs and servants of God, whom they have, and do yet persecute. And first to begin, with the first meeting and coming in of this Cardinal, and his fellow Cardinal Campeius into England: it was about the time, when Pope Leo intending to make war against the Turks, sent three Legates together from Rome, whereof one went into Germany, another into France, Laurentius Campeius was appointed to come into England. When he was come to Calais, and that the Cardinal of York had understanding thereof, he sent certain Bishops and Doctors, with as much speed as he could, to meet the Legate, and to show him that if he would have his Ambassade take effect, he should send in post to Rome, to have the said Cardinal of York made Legate, and to be joined with him in commission. Which thing he much affected, misdoubtyng least his authority thereby might perhaps be diminished through the coming of the Legate, and therefore required to be joined with him in like degree of the Ambassade. Campeius being a man light of belief, and suspecting no such matter, gave credit unto his words, and sent unto Rome with such speed, that within xxx. days after, the Bull was brought to Calais, wherein they were both equally joined in Commission: during which time, the Cardinal of York, sent to the Legate at Calais, red cloth to clothe his servants withal, which at their coming to Calais, were but meanly appareled.

When all things were ready, Campeius passed y ^e Seas & landed at Dover, and so kept forth his journey toward London. At every good town as they passed, he was received with procession, accompanied with all the Lord's & Gentlemen of Kent. And when he came to black Heath, there met him the Duke of Norfolk, with a great number of Prelates, Knightes, and Gentlemen, all richly appareled, & in y ^e way he was brought into a rich tent of cloth of gold, where he shifted himself into a Cardinals robe, furred with Ermines, and so took his Mule ryding toward Lōdō. Now mark y ^e great humility in this Church of the Pope, and compare the same with the other Church of the Martyrs, and see which of them is more Gospel like.

Thys Campeius had eight Mules of his own, laden with diverse farthelles and other preparation. The Cardinal of York, thinking them not sufficient for his estate, the night before he came to London, sent him xii. mules more, with empty cofers covered with red, to furnish his carriage withal. The next day, these xx. mules were led through the City, as though they had been loden with treasures, apparel, and other necessaries, to the great admiration of all men, that they should receive a Legate as it were a God, with such and so great treasure, and riches. For so the common people doth always judge and esteem, the majesty of the Clergy, by no other thing then by their outward shows and pomp: but in the midst of this great admiration, there happened a ridiculous spectacle, to y ^e great derision of their pride & ambition. For as the Mules passed through Cheape side, and y ^e people were pressing about them, to behold and gaze (as the manner is) it happened that one of the Mules breaking his collar that he was led in, ran upon the other Mules, whereby it happened, that they so running together, and their girthes being loosed, overthrew diverse of their burdens, and so there appeared the Cardinals gay treasure, not without great laughter and scorn of many, and specially of boys and gerles, whereof some gathered up pieces of meat, othersome pieces of bread and roasted eggs, some found horse shoes, and old bootes, with such other baggage: crying out, behold, here is my Lord Cardinals treasure. The Muliters being therewithal greatly ashamed, gathered together their treasure again as well as they could, and went forward.

About three of the clock at after noon, the xxix. day of July, the Cardinal himself was brought through the City, with great pomp and solemnity, unto Paul's church whereas, when he had blessed all men with the Bishops blessing (as the manner is) he was guided forth unto y ^e Cardinal of Yorkes house, where as he was received by the said Cardinal, and by him, on the next day being Sunday, was conducted unto the King, to fulfill his Ambassade against the Turk, which might have destroyed all Hungary, in the mean time whiles they were studieng with what solemnity to furnish out their Ambassade.

When the Cardinal of York was thus a Legate, he set up a Court, and called it the Court of the Legate, and proved testaments, and heard causes, to the great hynderance of all the Bishops of the Realm. He visited Bishops & all the Clergy, exempt and not exempt: and under color of reformatiō, he got much treasure, & nothing was reformed, but came to more mischief: for by example of his pride, Priests and all spiritual persons waxed so proud, that they wear velvet, and silk, both in gowns, iackets, dublets, and shoes, kept open lechery, & so highly bare thē selves, by reason of his authorities & faculties, that no mā durst once reprove anything in them, for fear to be called heretic, and then they would make him smoke or bear a Fagot. And the Cardinal himself was so elated, that he thought himself equal with the King: and when he had said Mass, he made Dukes & Earls to serve him of wine with a say taken, and to hold the bason at the Lauatories.

Furthermore, as he was Ambassador sent to the Emperor at Brussels, he had over with him the great Seal of England, and was served with his seruitours kneeling on their knees, and many noble men of England waiting upon him, to the great admiration of all the Germans that beheld it: such was his monstrous pomp and pride, Ex Par • lip. Abb. Vrspur.

This glorious Cardinal in his tragical doings, did exceed so far all measure of a good subject, that he became more like a Prince then a Priest: for although y ^e King bare the sword, yet he bare the stroke, making (in a manner) the whole Realm to bend at his beck, & to dance after his pipe. Such practices and fetches he had, that when he had well stored his own cofers, first he fetched the greatest part of the Kings treasure, out of the realm, in xii. great barels full of gold & silver, to serve the Popes wars. And as his auaritious mind was never satisfied in getting, so his wrestles head was so busy, ruffling in public matters, that he never ceased, before he had let both England, France, Flaunders, Spain, and Italy, together by the cares.

Thus this Legate well following the steppes of his master the Pope, and both of them well declaring the nature of their religion, under the pretence of y ^e Church, practiced great hypocrisy, and under the authority of y ^e King, he used great extortion, with excessive taxes and lones, and valuation of every man's substance, so pilling the commons and Marchaunts, that every man complained, but no redress was had. Neither yet were the Churchmen altogether free from the pillax and pollax, from the pilling & polling (I mean) of this Cardinal, who under his power Legantine, gave by preuētions, all benefices belonging to spiritual persons: by which hard it is to say, whether he purchased to himself, more riches then hatred, of the spiritualty. So far his license stretched, that he had power to suppress diverse Abbeys, Priories, and Monasteries, and so did: taking from them all their goods, moveables, and not moveables, except it were a little pension, left only to the heads of certain houses. By the said power Legantine, he kept also general visitations through y ^e Realm, sending Doctor John Alein his Chaplein, riding in his gown of velvet, & with a great train, to visit all religious houses: whereat the Friers obseruants much grudged, & would in no wise condescend thereunto: wherefor they were openly accursed at Paul's cross, by frier Forest, one of the same order: so that the Cardinal at length prevailed both against them, and all other. Against whom great disdain arose among the people, perceiving how he by visitations, making of Abbots, probates of testaments, granting of faculties, licences, and other pollings in his courts Legantine, had made his treasure equal with the Kings, and yet every year he sent great sums to Rome. And this was their daily talk against the Cardinal.

Beside many other matters and greeuances which stirred the harts of the commons against the Cardinal, this was one, which much pinched them, for that the said Cardinal had sent out certain strait commissions in the Kings name, that every man should pay the vi. part of his goods. Wherupon there followed great muttering amongst y ^e commons, in such sort, y ^t it had almost grown to some riotous commotion or tumult, especially in the partes of Suffolk, had not the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, with wisdom and gentleness stepped in and appeased the same.

Another thing that rubbed the stomachs of many, or rather which moved them to laugh at the Cardinal, was this, to see his insolent presumption, so highly to take upon him, as the Kings chief counsailer, to set a reformation in the order of the Kings household, making and establishing new ordinances in the same. He likewise made new officers, in y ^e house of the Duke of Richmond, which was then newly begun. In like manner he ordained a Counsel, & established another household for y ^e Lady Mary, then being princes: so that all thing was done by his consent, & by none other. All this, with much more, took he vpō him, making the King believe, y ^t all should be to his honor, and y ^t he needed not to take any pain, insomuch that the charge of all things was committed unto him: whereat many men smiled to see his great folly and presumption.

At this time the Cardinal gave the King the lease of the Manor of Hampton Court, which he had of the Lord of S. John's, and on which he had done great cost. Therefore y ^e King again of his gentle nature, licenced him to lie in his Manor of Richmond, & so he lay there certain times. But when the common people, and specially such as were King Henry the vii. servants, saw the Cardinal keep house in the royal Manor of Richmond, which K. Henry the vii. so much esteemed, it was a marvel to here, how they grudged, saying: See a butchers dog lie in the Manor of Richmond. These with many other opprobrious words, were spoken against the Cardinal, whose pride was so high, that he regarded nothing: yet was he hated of all men.

And now to express some part of the 〈◊〉 practices and busy intermedlynges of this Cardinal in Princes wars, first here is to be noted, that after long wars between England & France. 1524. (in the which wars, king Henry taking the Emperors part against Francis the French king, had waged with his money, y ^e Duke of Bourbon, and a great part of the Emperors army, to invade and disturb certain partes of France) it happened that the French king coming with his army toward Milan, at the siege of Pauia, was there takē by the Duke of Bourbon, & Uiceroy of Neaples, and so led prisoner into Spain.

Here note by the way, that all this while, the Cardinal held with the Emperor, hopyng by him to be made Pope: but when that would not be, he went clean from the Emperor, to the French king, as (the Lord willing) ye shall hear.

After this victory gotten, and the French king being taken prisoner, who remained in custody about a year & half: at length through great labor & solicitation, as well of other, as namely of the Cardinal, and king Henry, an order was taken, and conditions propounded between the French king and the Emperor, among which other diverse conditions, it was agreed, that they should resist the Turks, & oppress the Lutherans: and so was the king set at liberty, leaving behind him, his ii. eldest sons, for pledges: But shortly after he revoked his oath, being absolved by y ^e Bishop of Rome, & said, that he was forced to swear, or else he should never have been delivered. Which was. an. 1526. Pope Clement vii. seeing the French king restored to liberty, & misdoubting the puissance and domination of the Emperor in Italy so near under his nose, absolveth the French king frō his oath: also joineth together a confederacy of Uenetians & other Princes against the Emperor, bearing great hatred against all thē, that any thing favored the Emperors part, especially the family of Columna in Rome, which family was then Imperial, & therefore to show his hatred against them, he said to Pompey Cardinal of the same family, in threatening words, that he would take away his Cardinals hatte. To whō it was answered again of the Cardinal, that if he so did, he would put on a helmet, to overthrow the Popes triple crown. Whereby it may appear, here by the way, what holiness and virtue lieth in the Pope and Cardinals in that Catholic sea of Rome.

Thus the false Pope, under the lying title of holiness, was the father of much mischief & of great wars, which after ensued. For the Duke of Bourbon and other of the Emperors Captains, having intelligence of the Popes purpose & confederacy, gathered their army together, and after much bloodshed and fighting, about Millā, Hawde and Cremona, at length they approached & bent their siege against Rome, & after three sharp assaults obtained the City with the whole spoil thereof: where also they besieged the foresaid Pope, with his Cardinals, in the mount of Adriā and took him prisoner. an. 1527. As touching the cause of the besiegyng of Rome, now ye have heard: for the manner of taking of Rome, and of the Pope, the order thereof is thus described in Hall, and other.

The sackyng of Rome, and taking of Pope Clement.

THe Emperors army departing from Florence, to the City of Seynes, where they lost their ordinance, took counsel there to go to Rome, and so much they travailed by night and day, commonly passing xl. mile day and night (their good will was such) that the vi. day of May with bāners displayed, they came before the City of Rome being Saturday, the same day: and on Sunday the Romaines made Bulwarks, Rampires, and other defences; and laid ordinance on the walls, and shot at them without fiercely.

The Duke of Bourbō determined that it was not best to lie still without, and be slain with ordinance, cōsideryng, that they were all naked people, & without great ordinance: wherefor he determined to take the chance & to give the assault, and so manfully they approached the walls between the Burgo Nouo & old Rome. But the Romaines valiantly defended them with hādgunnes, pykes, stones, and other weapons, so that the enemies were fain to retreit. Then the Romaines were glad, and set many fair banners on their towers and bulwarks, and made great shoutes: which seeing the Duke of Bourbon, cried to a new assault. Then the drums • ades blew, and every man with a ladder mounted: and at first encounter, again the Romans put them a little back: Which the Duke of Bourbon p 〈…〉 uing, cried: God and the Emperor. Then every man manfully set on. There was a sore fight, many an arrow shot, and many a man felled, but at last the Emperors men got the wall, and between every assault fell a mist, so that they within could not see what part they without would assayle, which was profitable to the Emperors party. At the three assaults were slain three C. Swiss of the Popes gard. In this last assault was the Duke of Bourbon stricken in the thigh with a handgonne, of the which he shortly died in a chapel of S. Sist, whether his soldiers had brought him: and this chance notwithstanding, the army entered into Rome, and took the Popes palace and set up the Emperors arms.

The same day that these three assaults were made, Pope Clement passed little on the Emperors army: for he had accursed them on the Saturday before, and in his curse he called the Almaynes Lutherans, and the Spaniards Murreines or Mores: and when he was hearing of Mass, sodeinly the Almaines entered into the Church, and slue his Barde and diverse other. He seeing that, fled in all haste by a privy way, to the Castle of S. Angel: and all they that followed him that way and could not enter, were slain, and if he in that fury had been taken, he had been slain. The Cardinals and other Prelates fled to y ^e Castle of S. Angel, over the bridge, where many of the common people were ouerpressed and trodden down, as they gave way to the Cardinals and other estates, that passed toward the Castle for succor.

The Cardinal of Senes, of Sesarine, of Tudertine, of Iacobace and of the Ualle tarried so long, that they could not get to the Castle for the multitude of people: wherefor they were compelled to take another house, called the Palace of S. George, where they kept themselves for a while as secretly as they might. You must understand, through the City of Rome, runneth a famous River, called Tiber: and on the one side of the River standeth the Castle of S. Angel, or the Borough of S. Angel: and the other side is called Burgo Nouo, or, the New Borough. Thys Bridge is called, the Bridge of Sixte, which lieth directly before the Castle. At the ende of this Bridge was a wonderful strong Bulwark, well ordinanced and well manned. The Emperors men saw that they could do nothing to the Pope, nor to that porte of y ^e City, but by the bridge, determined to assault the Bulwark, and so, as men without fear, came on the bridge, and the Romans so well defended them, that they five almost iv.M. men. That seeing the Prince of Orenge, and the Marques of Gnasto, with all speed gave assault, and notwithstanding that the Romans shot great ordinances, handgunnes, quarrels, and all that might be shot: yet the Imperial persons never shrank, but manly entered the Bulwark and slue & threw down, out of the loupes, all the Romans that they found, and after rased the Bulwark to the ground. The Pope was in the Castle of S. Angel, and beheld this fight, and with him were xxiij. Cardinals, of which one called the Cardinal Sanctorum quatuor, or the Cardinal of Pouche, was slain, and with him were a M. Prelates and Priests, five hundred Gentlemen, five hundred Soldiers: wherefore immediately the Captains determined to lay siege to the Castle of S. Angel, least they within might issue out, and turn them to damage: wherefore sodeinly a siege was planted round about the Castle.

In the mean season the soldiers fell to spoil. Never was Rome so pilled, either of the Goths or Uandales, for the Soldiers were not content with the spoil of the Citizens, but they robbed y ^e Churches, brake up the houses of close religious persons, and overthrew the Cloisters, and spoiled virgins, and ravished married women. Men were tormented if they had not to give every new asker or demander: some were strangled, some were punished by the privy members, to cause them to confess their treasure. This woodnes continued a great while, & some man might think that whē they had gotten so much, then they would cease & be quiet, but that was not so, for they played continually at dyce, some v.C. some a M. Ducates at a cast: and he that came to play ladē with plate, went again almost naked, and then fell to rifeling again. Many of the Citizens which could not patiently suffer that vexation, drowned themselves in Tiber. The Soldiers daily that lay at the siege, made Iestes of the Pope. Sometime they had one riding like the Pope with a whore behind him, sometime he blessed, and sometime he cursed, & sometime they would with one voice call him Antichrist: and they went about to undermine the Castle, and to have thrown it down on his head, but the water that enuironeth the Castle, disappointed their purpose.

In this season the Duke of Urbine, with xv. M. men, came to aid the Pope: but hearing that Rome was takē, he tarried xl. mile from Rome, till he heard other word. The Marques of Saluce, and Sir Frederico de Bodso, with xv. M. footmen and a M. horsemē, were at 〈◊〉 be the tenth day of May: where they hearing that the City of Rome was taken, also tarried. The Cardinal of Colume, came with an army of Neapolitans to help the Emperors men: but when he saw the cruelty of the Soldiers, he did little to help them, but he hated them much.

The Bishop of Rome was thus besieged till the eight Ides of July, at which day he yielded himself for necessity and penury of all things in the Castle, and thē he was restored to give Graces and grant Bulls as he did before: but he tarried still in the Castle of S. Angel, and had a great number of Almaines & Spaniards to keep him: but the Spaniards bare most rule in the Castle, for no mā entered nor came out of the Castle but by them. When the month of July came, corn began to fail in Rome, and the pestilence began to wax strong: wherefor the great army removed to a place called Narma, xl. mile from Rome, leaving behind them such as kept the Bishop of Rome.

When they were departed, the Spaniards never were contented till they had gotten the Almaynes out of the Castle of S. Angel, and so they had the whole custody of the Pope. And thus much for the sacking of Rome. Ex Paralip. Abbot. Vrsper.

When the Cardinal here in England, heard how his father of Rome was taken prisoner, he began to stir coals, and hearing of his captivity, he labored with the King all that he might, to stir him up, to fight with the said Pope against the Emperor, and to be a defendour of the Church: which if he would do, the Cardinal persuaded him that he should receive great reward at God's hand. To whom the King answered again, and said in this manner: My Lord, I more lament this evil chance, then my tongue can tell, but where you say I am y ^e defendour of the faith, I assure you that this war between the Emperor & the Pope, is not for the faith, but for temporal possessions and dominions, and now since Pope Clement is taken by men of war, what should I do? My person nor my people cannot rescue him, but if my treasure may help him, take that which seemeth to you most convenient.

Thus the Cardinal, when he could not obtain at the Kings hands what he would, in stirring him up to mortal war, he made out of y ^e Kings treasure xii. score thousand pounds, which he carried over the Sea with him. After this, the Cardinal sent his commission as Legate, to all the Bishops, commanding fastings and solemn processions to be had, wherein they did sing the Litany after this sort, Sancta Maria, ora pro Clemente Papa. Sancte Petre, ora pro Clemente Papa, and so forth, all the Litany.

This Cardinal passing the Seas with the foresaid sums of money, departed out of Calais, accompanied with Cuthbert Tunstall Bishop of London, the Lord Sandes the Kings Chamberlain, the Earl of Darby, Syr Henry Guilford, and Syr Thomas Moore, with many other Knightes and Squiers, to the number of xii. hundred horse, having in his carriage lxxx. wagonnes, and threescore Moyles and sumpter horses.

It were long to discourse in this place, the manifold abuses and treasons, which he practiced whē he came to the French Court at Amias, converting the great sums of money, which before you heard he had obtained of the King, for the relief & ransom of Pope Clement, which at that time was prisoner in the Emperors army, and bestowed the same in the hyring of soldiers, & furnishing out the French Kings army, appointing also certain English Captains in the King of Englandes name, to go against the Emperor, to rescue the Pope: all which army was paid with the King of England's money.

Besides that, he privily by his letters caused Clarentius king of the arms, to join with the French Herald, and openly to defy the Emperor: whereby there began great displeasure to rise between y ^e Emperor & the King, but that the Emperor of his politic nature would take no occasion of displeasure against the Kyng of England.

Now again he uttered another of his practices, for upon the said defiaunce, the Cardinal surmising & whispering in the Kings ear, that y ^e Emperor had evil entreated and imprisoned the Kings Ambassadors in Spa • ne, caused Hugo de Mendosa the Emperors Ambassador in England, to be attached & put in safe keeping, and his house, with all his goods to be ceased. Which so remained, until y ^e manifest letters came of the gentle intreatye of the kings ambassadors in Spain, & there was again set at liberty. When as the ambassador complained hereof to y ^e Cardinal, he laid all the fault upon Clarentius, laying also that Clarentius had defied y ^e Emperor, w ^t out the kings knowledge, at the request of the Herald of France: wherefor at his return, he should lose his head at Calais. Wherof Clarentius being advertised by the captain of Bayon, in his return took shipping at Boleyn, & so privily came into England, and by means of certain of his friends of y ^e kings privy chamber, he was brought unto the kings presence, before the Cardinal knew of it, where as he shown unto y ^e king, the Cardinals letters of Commission, and declared the whole order and circumstance of their gentle entreaty. When the king heard the whole circumstance thereof, and had a while mused thereupon, he said: O Lord Jesus, he that I trusted most, told me all these things contrary. Well Clarentius, I will no more be so light of creed̄ce hereafter: for now I • ee well that I have been made believe the thing, that was never done, and from that time forward, y ^e king never put anymore confidence or trust in the Cardinal.

The cause why the Cardinal should bear the Emperor all this malice & grudge, after some writers, it appeareth to be thus. At what time as Pope Clement was takē prisoner (as is before said) the Cardinal wrote unto the Emperor, that he should make him Pope. But when he had received an answer that pleased him not, he waxed furious mad, and sought all means to displease the Emperor, writing very sharply unto him, many manacing letters, that if he would not make him Pope, he would make such a ruffling between Christian Princes, as was not this 100. years before, to make the Emperor repent, yea though it should cost the whole Realm of England.

Wherunto the Emperor made answer in a little book, Imprinted both in Spanish and Dutch, answering unto many manacings of the Cardinal, and diverse of his Articles: but specially to that his ruffling threate, wherein he manaced him, that if he would not make him Pope: he would set such a ruffling betwixt Christian Princes, as was not this 100. year, though it should cost the whole Realm of England. Wherunto the Emperor answering again, biddeth him look well about him, lest through his doings and attempts, he might bring▪ the matter in that case, y ^t it should cost him the Realm of England in deed.

You have heard before, howe that when Pope Clement was prisoner in the Emperors army, the Cardinal required the king, because he did bear the title of defendor of the faith, y ^t he would rescue the Pope: also what the kings answer was thereunto, and what sums of money he had obtained of the king. Now, because you shall not also be ignorant by what means and upon what occasion this title of the defender of the faith was given unto the King, we think it good somewhat to say in this place. When as Martin Luther had uttered the abomination of the Pope and his clergy, & diverse books were come into England, our Cardinal here thinking to find a remedy for that, sent immediately unto Rome, for this title of defendour of the faith, which afterward the vicar of Croydē preached, that the kings grace would not lose it, for all London & 20. mile about it. Neither is it marvel, for it cost more then London & 40. mile about it, considering the great sums which you have heard the Cardinal obtained of the King, for the Popes relief, beside the effusion of much innocent blood.

When this glorious title was come from Rome, the Cardinal brought it unto the kings grace at Grenewich, and though that the king had it already, and had read it, yet against the morning, were all the Lord's and Gentlemen that could in so short space be gathered, sent for, to come & receive it with honor. In the morning, the cardinal gate him through the back side, into the Frier obseruants, and parte of the Gentlemen went round about and welcomed him from Rome, parte met him half way, and some at the Court gate. The king himself, met him in the hall, and brought him up into a great chamber, whereas was a seat prepared on high, for the king and the Cardinal to sit on, whiles the Bull was read. Which pomp all men of wisdom and understanding, laughed to scorn.

Thys done, the king went to his Chapel to hear Mass accompanied with many nobles of his realm, and Ambassadors of sundry Princes. The Cardinal being reuested to sing mass, the earle of Essex brought the basen of water, the Duke of Suffolk gave the assay, & the Duke of Norfolk held the towel, & so he proceeded to mass. Whē mass was done, the bull was again published, the trumpets blew, the shawmes and suckbuts played, in honor of the kings new style. Then the king went to dinner, in the midst whereof, the king of Herauldes and his company began the largesse, crying: Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae & Franciae, defensor fidei & Dominus Hiberniae. Thus was all things ended with great solemnity.

Not much unlike to this, was the receiving of the Cardinals hatte, which when a ruffian had brought unto him to Westminster, under his cloke, he clothed the messenger in riche array, and sent him back again to Dover: appointing the Bishop of Canterbury to meet him, and then another company of the Lord's and Gentlemen, I wote not how often, before it came to Westminster, where it was set upon a cupbourd, and tapers round about it, so y ^t the greatest Duke in the lande must make courtesy thereuunto, and to his empty seat, he being away.

And for so much as we are in hand with the acts and doings of Cardinal Wolsey, among many other things, which of purpose we overpass, this is not to be exempted out of memory, touching his vncourtuous or rather currish handling of Richard Pacie, Dean of Paul's. Thys Pacie being the kings Secretary for the Latin tongue, was of such ripeness of wit, of learning & eloquence, also in foreign lāguages so expert, that for the one he was thought most meet to succeed after John Colet in the Deanery of Paul's: beside which he was also preferred to the Deanry of Excetour. For the other he was sent in the kings affairs, Ambassador to Venice. Which function there he so discharged, that it is hard to say whether he procured more commendation, or admiration among the Uenetians, both for dexterity of his wit, and especially for the singular promptness in the Italian tongue, wherein he seemed nothing inferior, neither to Peter Uanne here in England, the kings Secretary for the Italian tongue, nor yet to any other, which were the best in that tongue in all Venice. For opinion & fame of learning, he was so notoriously accepted, not only here in England w ^t Linacre, Grecinus, More, & other, but also known & reported abroad in such sort, that in all the great heap of Erasmus Epistles, he wrote almost to none, so many, as he wrote to this Richard Pacie.

As the said Pacie was resident Ambassador at Venice, the king having war the same time, with Francis the French king (as is afore rehearsed) through the conducting of the duke of Bourbon, whom he then waged w ^t his expenses, sent commandment to Pacie to give attēdance to the duke of Bourbon, concerning the receipt of that money, and other necessities & exploits to that expedition appertaining. In the mean while, as the French king with his army, and the Duke of Bourbon were approchyng in battle together, near about the city of Pauia, it so happened (some think through the crafty packing of the Cardinal) that the kings money was not so ready, as it was looked for. By reason whereof, y ^e duke of Bourbon perceiving his soldiors about to shrink from him to the French king for lack of payment, called to him the Ambassador, complaining unto him how the king of England had deceived him, and broke promise with him, to his great dishonor & utter undoing. &c. Pacie then being sure of the kings will, and suspecting the crafty fetch of the Cardinal, desired y ^e duke not to take discomfort, nor any diffidence of the Kings assured promise, excusing the delay of y ^e money, as well as he could, by intercipation, or other causes by the way incident, rather then for any lack of fidelity on the kings behalf: adding moreover, that if it would please him happily to proceed, as he had courageously begun, he should not stay for the kings money: so sure he was of the kings mind therein, that he would supply the lack of that payment upon his own credit, amongst his friends at Venice, and so did. Wherupon the soldiors being sufficiently satisfied with payment of their wages, proceeded forth with the Duke, unto the battle. In the which battle, the foresaid French king, the same time, before the City of Pauie, was taken prisoner, as is afore declared. Which being eftsoons known to the king of England, Pacie had both condign thanks for his faithful service, and also his money repaid again with the uttermost, as he well deserved. But as the laude, and the renowned praise of men, for their worthy prowesses, commonly in this world never go vnaccompanied without some privy canker of envy and disdain following after, so the singular industry of Pacie, as it wan much commendation with many, so it could not avoid the secrete sting of some Serpents. For the conceived hatred of this Cardinal so kindled against him, that he never ceased, till first he brought him out of the kings favor, and at last also, out of his perfect wits.

The occasion howe he fell beside himself, was this: for that the Cardinal after the death of Pope Adrian, hoping no less, but that he should have been advanced unto the Papacie, and yet missing thereof, he supposed with him self, the fault chiefly to rest in Pacies negligence, by whose great wit and learning, and earnest means and suit, he thought easily he might have acheued and compassed the triple crown. Wherefore he seeing it otherwise come to pass, and inflamed against Pacie for the same, wrought such ways and means, that by the space almost of two years, Pacie continuing at Venice, had neither wrytinge from the king, nor his counsel, what he should do, nor yet any manner of allowaunce for his diet (although he wrote, and sent letters for the same to England very often) for the Cardinal had altogether incensed the king against him. Whereupon the said Pacie took such an inward thought and conceit, that his wits began to fail him, he being notwithstanding in such favor among the Senators of Venice, that neither for gold nor silver he could there have lacked. By some it is reported, that the Uenitian Legate here in England, coming to the Cardinal, required if he would command any thing to the English Ambassador at Venice. To whom he should answer again in high words, saying: Paceus decepit Regem. Whyche words coming to Pacies ears, so deeply pierced his stomach, that he fell quite besides himself. I hard it moreover of another thus testified, who had a brother the same time dwelling with Pacie: that the Cardinal, about the returning of Pacie from Venice, sent him a letter so powdered (with what spices I cannot tell) that at the reading thereof, Pacie then being in the fields, fell suddenly in such a mighty running, for the space of 2, miles, that his servants had much a do, to take him, and bring him home.

This pitious case of Pacie was not a little lamented by the whole Senate, and chief learned men in Venice, in so much that the king was not only certified thereof by Thomas Lupset (who then was chief man about Pacie, and his Secretarye, for that Ambassage) but also the said Senate of Venice wrote in such sharp & vehement wise, unto their Ambassador then being in England, that he should signify to the king, touching Pacies case, that thereby the king knowing the truth, and the whole circumstance of the matter, was not a little sorrowful therefore. Whereupon Pacie was forthwith sent for home, and when he came to England, he was commanded by the king, to be specially well tended, & to lack no keeping: In so much that within a small process of time, he was pretely well come again to his wits, & began to study the Hebrew tongue, with Wakefield, so that (the Cardinal then being absent) such ways was found by his friends, that he was brought to the king, lying then at Richmond, where he and the king secretly communed together, by the space of 2. hours and more, not without great rejoicing to the king, as it was perceived, to see him so well amended, & returned to himself again, giving likewise strait charge and commandment, that he should lack nothing.

The Cardinal, being then not present, when he heard of this, fearing least he had disclosed somewhat to the king, which he would not have known, and doubting that the king should cast his favor again unto Pacie, began within a while after, to quarrel, and pike matters, and to lay certain things to Pacies charge, whereas he rather should have cleared himself of those things, which Pacie laid unto him before the King, which was contrary to all good form and order of justice. For where the king had willed the Cardinal to try himself of those things, which Pacie had rightly charged him withal, he sitting in judgment with the Duke of Norfolk, and other states of the Realm, not as a defendent, but as a Judge in his own cause, so bare out himself, and weied down Pacie, that Pacie was commanded to the tower of London, as prisoner: where he continued by the space of two years, or thereabout, and afterward by the kings commandment, was discharged. But he being there prisonner, was therewyth so deadly wounded, and strocken, that he fell worse from his wits then ever he was before, being in such a phreuesie, or lunasie, that to his dying day, he never came perfectly to himself again. Notwythstanding, this in him was no perpetual frenzy, but came by fits, and when the fit was past, he could look on his Book, and reason and talk handsomely, but that now and then he shown his disease. And thus much between the Cardinal and Pacie.

By this story of Pacie, and also by other places above mentioned, ye may partly conceive, how greedy this Cardinal was, to be made pope. Touching which matter, here by the way something to entreat, first is to be understanded, that forsomuch as Pacie either would not, or could not serve the Cardinals purpose herein, he thought to accomplysh his desire, by other names, and namely by Stephen Gardener, who was then shortly after, sent Ambassador to Rome by the king and the Cardinal, in the time of pope Clement the 7. and that for two special causes: one was about the divorcement, the other for promoting the Cardinal to be Pope. As touching the diuorcemente, we will speak (the Lord willing) hereafter. In the mean time, as concerning the advancement of the Cardinal, great labor was made, as in letters may appear sent from the Cardinal to the said Stephen Gardinar, in which letters he did solicit the said Gardinar, by all means, to pursue the suit, willing him to stick for no cost, so far as six or seven thousand pounds would stretch: for more he said he would not give for the triple crown. Mark here (Christian Reader) what an holy Catholycke Church this is, which rather may be called a Burse or Marte of Marchauntes ( ne quid dicam durius ) then any true form of a Church.

Manye, both of his, and also of the kings letters, I could here inserte, but for growing of the volume, I let them pass. One for example sake, sent by the Cardinal to Gardener, another also from the king to the said Gardinar, shall at this time suffice, concerning this matter. And first the Copy of the Cardinals ambitious letter here, in form followeth.

After this letter of the Cardinal, consequently here ensueth another letter of the king, to the foresaid Stephen Gardener, and other his Orators at Rome, containing such instructions and documentes, as they should practice with the Cardinals of Rome, in canuesynge for the said Thomas Wolsey Cardinal of York, to be elected Pope, if Pope Clement were dead. Or if he were not dead, yet at least, to instruct them, what to do, when he should die.

The contents of the letter, albeit they include no great matter worthy our knowledge, nor greatly necessary for our story, yet for the ridiculous manner of the handling, and the curious secretariship thereof, full of glorious affectation, I thought it not here unmeet for the studies and appetites of some, to exemplify the same, or at least, to make the reader some pastime by the way, in beholding the glorious style of this vain glorious Cardinal, being suit like to his glorious life. The copy of the letter, bearing the name of the king, but in deed savoring altogether of the Cardinals devise and swelling vain, doth thus proceed in form and style, as followeth.

In these so great labors, pursuits, & travails of y ^e king & of the Cardinal, as in these their instructions above inserted, may appear, thou hast for thine instruction (loving reader) to note & learn howe man purposeth one thing, & howe God disposeth another. For the kings purpose was to have the Cardinal & Legate of York placed in the See Papal, thinking by that means if this Cardinal had ben pope, y ^e cause of his divorce more easily might be compassed which otherwise he thought impossible to contrive. But God omnipotent, which only is directour of all affairs, brought it otherwise to pass, not as the king devised, but after his own wisdom, so that both the diuorcemēt was concluded, and yet neither Cardinal Wolsey made Pope, nor yet Pope Clement was dead. Yea, so he ruled the mater, that notw ^t standing Pope Clement was alive, yet both the divorce proceeded, and also the Popes authority was thereby utterly extinct and abolished out of this Realm of England, to the singular admiration of God's wondrous works, and perpetual praise to his merciful goodness. Of which divorcement, and suppressing of the Popes authority, we have likewise to make declaration. But first, as we have begun with the Cardinal of York, so we will make an ende of him. That done, we will (God willing) address our self to other matters of more importance.

As the ambassadors were thus travailing in Rome to promote the Cardinal to be Pope, although the Pope was not yet dead, in the mean time the Cardinal played the Popish persecutor here at home. For first he sitting in his Pontificalibus, in the Cathedral Church of Paul's, under his cloth of estate of rich cloth of gold caused Frier Barns, an Augustine Frier, to bear a fagot, for certain points, which he called heresy. Also he caused the same two merchants of the stilliarde likewise to bear fagottes, for eating flesh on a friday. At the which time the Bishop of Rochester made a sermon in reproof of M. Luther, who had before written against the power of the B. of Rome. This bishop in his sermon spake so much of the honor of the Pope and his Cardinals, and of their dignity and preeminence, that he forgot to speak of the Gospel which he took in hand to declare, which was about the year of our Lord. 1526.

After this the said Cardinal likewise. An. 1528. and in the month of Nouemb. sitting at Westminster, as legate, called before him the whole Clergy, and there promised that all abusions of the church should be amended, but there nothing else was done, save only he caused to be abjured, Arthur Bilney, Geoffrey Lome, and Garret, for speaking against the Popes authority, and his pompous pride. Of whom more shall be said (the Lord assisting us) hereafter. And this was, An. 1528.

The year next following, which was An. 1529. began the question of the kings marriage to be revived. Wherupon Cardinal Campegius was sent again into England from Rome, for the hearing and debating of the matter. Who then with Cardinal Wolsey consulting with y ^e king, although at first he seemed with his fellow Cardinal, to incline to the kings disposition, yet afterward perceiving the sequel of the case, whether it tended so far, as peradventure might be the occasion of a blot to the court of Rome, and might shake perhaps the chair of the Popes omnipotent authority, as well in other cases like, if this one case were thoroughly decided by learning, and truth of God's word: he therefore slipping his neck out of the collar, craftily shifted him self out of the Realm, before the day came appointed for determination, leaving his suttle fellow behind him, to wey with the king in the mean time, while the matter might be brought up to the court of Rome. The king thus seeing himself disappointed, foded with false promises, and craftily doubled withal by the Cardinals, and at last after so many delays and long expectation, nothing to be concluded, was sore aggrieved in his mind with them, but especially with Cardinal Wolsey, whom he had before so highly exalted, and promoted to so many great dignities, as to the Archbishoprike of York, the bishopric of Winchester, of Duresme, the abby of S. Albons, besides the Chancelorship of England, and many other high roumes & preferments in the realm, which caused him clearly to cast him out of his favor, so that after that time he never came more to the kings presence. Ex Hallo.

Then followed first a counsel of the nobles, called the first of Octob. During the which counsel, all the Lord's and other the kings Counsaile agreeing together, resorted to Windsore to the king, and there informed the king, that all things which he had done almost, by his power Legātine, were in the case of the Premunire, and provision: and that the Cardinal had forfaited all his lands, tenements, goods, and cattels to the king: wherefore the king willing order to him, according to the order of his laws, caused his attourney Christopher Hales to sue out a Wryt of Premunire against him, in the which he licenced him to make an Attorney.

And further, the 17. day of November he sent the two Dukes of Norffolke & Suffolk, to his place at Westminster, to fetch away the great Seal of England, which he was loath to deliver, if there had been any remedy, but in conclusion he delivered it to the two Dukes, which delivered the same to Doctor Tailor, Master of the Rolls, to carry it to the king, which so did the next day.

Besides this, the king sent Syr William Fitzwilliams Knight of the Garter, and Treasurer of his house, and doctor Stephen Gardener, newly made Secretary, to see that no goods should be embesiled out of his house: and further, ordained y ^t the Cardinal should remove to Asher, beside Kingston, there to tarry the kings pleasure, and to have all things delivered to him, which were necessary for him, but not after his old pompous and superfluous fashyon, for all his goods were ceased to the kings use. When the Seal was thus taken from the Cardinal, the Dukes of Norffolke and Suffolk, with many Earls, Bishops, and Barons came into the Star chamber, the xix. day of October, where the Duke of Norffolke declared that the kings highness, for diverse and sundry offenses: had taken from him his great Seal, and deposed him of all offices, and lest men might complain for lack of justice, he had appointed him and the Duke of Suffolk, with the assent of the other Lord's, to sit in the Star chamber, to hear and determine causes indifferently, and that of all things the kings pleasure and commandment was, that they should keep their hands close from any rewards taking, or maintenance: and so that week they sat in the Star chamber, and determined causes.

A few days after in the same month, the Cardinal removed out of his house, called York place, with • ne Cross, saying, that he would he had never borne more, meaning that by his cross, that which he bare as Legate, which degree taking, was his confusion, as you see openly: and so he took his barge, and went to Pueney by water, and there took his horse and road to Asher, where he remained till Lent after.

During which time, he being called on for an answer in the kings Bench, to the Premunire, for giving benefices by prevention, in disturbance of men's inheritance, and diverse other open causes in the Premunire, according to the kings license, constituted John Scute & Edmonde Ienny, Apprentises of the law, his attourneys, which by his own warrant signed w ^t his hand, confessed all things concerning the said suit, for they were too open to be cloaked or hidden, and so judgment was given, that he should forfeite all his lands, tenements, goods, and cattels, and should be put out of the kings protection: but for all that, the king sent him a sufficient protection, and of his gentleness left to him the bishoyprikes of York and Winchester, and gave to him plate and stuff convenient for his degree, and the Bishoprike of Duresme he gave to Doctor Tonstall Bishop of London, and the Abbey of S. Albones he gave to the Prior of Norwich, and to London he promoted Doctor John Stokesley, then Ambassadoure to the universities, for the marriage, as you heard before. For all this kindness shown to the Cardinal, yet still he maligned against the king, as you shall hereafter perceive, but first we will proceed in the course of these matters, as they passed in order.

The next year following, which was, Anno 1530. in the month of Nouemb. was summoned a general parliament, to be holden at Westminster. In the which year, about the 23. day of October, the king came to his manor of Grenwich, and there much consulted with his Counsaile, for a meet man to be his Chancelor, so that in no wise he were no man of the Spiritualtie, and so after longe debate, the king resoluted him self upon sir Thomas Moore knight, Chauncelor of the Duchy of Lancaster, a man well learned in the tongues, and also in the common law: whose wit was fine, and full of imaginations, by reason whereof he was a little too much given to mocking, more then became the person of M. More: and then on the Sunday, the 24. day of the same month, the king made him his Chauncelor, and delivered him the great seal, which Lord Chancelor the next morrow after, was led into the Chancerye, by the two Dukes of Norffolke and Suffolk, and there sworn, and then the Mace was borne before him.

Of this fall of the Cardinal, and of the placing of Syr Thomas More in the Chauncelorship, Erasmus in an Epistle to John Uergera thus writeth: The Cardinal of York hath so offended the kings mind, that he being turned out of his goods and all his dignities, is committed not into prison, but into a certain Lordship of his, with 30. servants or kepers, to give attendance upon him. Many and sundry complaints are cōmenced against him, so that he is not like to escape with his life. Such is the daliaunce of fortune, of a schoolmaster to be made a king. For so he reigned more like a king, then the king him self. He was dreaded of all men: he was loved but of a few, almost of none. A little before he was apprehended, he caused Richard Pacie to be cast in the tower. Also he threatened my Archbishop of Canterbury: Solomon saith, That before the fall of man, his spirit shall be eleuated. The Archb. of Canterbury was called or restored to be chosen Lord Chancellor, which is the chiefest office in all that realm, but he excused himself by his age, as being not able to weld such a function. Wherefore the said office was bestowed upon Tho. More, no les to the rejoicing of many, then the other was displaced from it. These news my servant brought me out of England. &c. Ex Epist. Erasm. ad John Vergeram.

You heard before, how a counsel of the Nobles was appointed by the king in the month of October, to assemble in the Star chamber, about the Cardinals matter: and also how a parliament was summoned to begin in the month of November in the year following, An. 1530. At the beginning of which Parliament, after that M. Moore the new Chancelor had finished his oration, the commons were commanded to choose them a Speaker, who was Thomas Audeley Esquire, and attorney of the Duchie of Lancaster. Thus the Parliament being begun the 6. day of the foresaid month of November at Westminster, where the king with all the Lord's were set in the Parliament chamber, the commons, after they had presented their speaker, assembling in the nether house, began to common of their grieves, wherewith the spiritualty had before time grievously oppressed them, contrary both to all righte, and to the law of the realm, and especially were sore moved with these 6. great causes.

The trouble of Humfrey Mummuth, Alderman of London.

MAister Humfrey Mummuth was a right godly and sincere Alderman of London, who in the days of Cardinal Woolsey, was troubled and put in the Tower, for the Gospel of Christ, and for maintaining them that favored the same.

Stokesley then Bishop of London, ministered Articles unto him, to the mumber of xxiiij. as for adhering to Luther and his opinions: for having and reading heretical books and treatises, for giving exhibition to William Tyndale, Roy, and such other, for helping them over the sea to Luther, for ministering privy help to translate, as well the Testament, as other books into English, for eating flesh in Lent, for affirming faith only to justify, for derogating from men's constitutions, for not prayeng to Saints, not allowing Pilgrimage, auricular confession, the Popes pardons: briefly, for being an aduauncer of all Martin Luther's opinions, &c.

He being of these articles examined, and cast in the Tower, at last was compelled to make his suit or purgation, writing to the foresaid Cardinal, then Lord Chauncelor, and the whole Counsayle out of the Tower. In the contents whereof he answered to the criminous accusation of them which charged him with certain books, received from beyond the sea: Also for his acquaintance with M. Tyndale. Whereunto he said, that he denied not, but that four years then past, he had heard the said Tindal preach two or three sermons at S. Dunstons in the West, and afterward meeting with the said Tyndale, had certain communication with him concerning his living, who then told him that he had none at all, but trusted to be in the Bishop of London his service: for then he labored to be his chaplain. But being refused of the Bishop, so came again to the said Mummuth this examinate, and besought him to help him. Who the same time took him into his house for half a year, where the said Tyndale lived (as he said) like a good priest, studieng both night & day. He would eat but soddē meat, by his good will, nor drink but small single beer. He was never seen in that house to wear lynnen about him, all the space of his being there. Whereupon the said Mummuth had the better liking of him, so that he promised him ten pound (as he then said) for his father and mothers souls, and all Christian souls, which money afterward he sent him over to Hamborow, according to his promise. And yet not to him alone he gave this exhibition, but to diverse other moe likewise which were no heretics: as to D. Royston, the Bishop of London's Chaplayne, he exhibited forty or fifty pounds: to D. Wodiall, Provincial of the Frier Augustine's, as much, or more: to D. Watson the Kings Chaplayne: also to other scholars, and diverse Priests, besides other charges bestowed upon Religious houses, as upon the Nunry of Dendey, above fifty pounds sterling bestowed, &c.

And as touching his books, as Enchiridion, the Pater noster, De libertate Christiana, an English Testament, of whom, some W. Tyndale left with him, some he sent unto him, some were brought into his house, by whom he could not tell, these books he said, did lie opē in his house, the space of two years together, he suspecting no harm to be in them. And moreover, the same books being desired of sundry persons, as of the Abbess of Denney, a Frier of Grenewich, the Father Confessor of Zion, he let them have them, and yet he never heard Frier, Priest, or lay mā, find any fault with the said books. Likewise to D. Watson, to D. Stockehouse, Master Martin, Parson of Totingbecke, he committed the perusing of the books of Pater noster, and De libertate Christiana, which found no great fault in them, but only in the book De libertate Christiana, they said there were things somewhat hard, except the Reader were wise.

Thus he excusing himself, and moreover cōplainyng of y ^e loss of his credit, by his imprisonment in the Tower and of the detrimentes of his occupying, who was wont yearly to shyp, over v. hundredth clothes to strangers, & set many Clothiars a work, in Suffolk and in other places; of whō he bought all their clothes, which almost were now all undone: by this reason at length was set at liberty, being forced to abjure, and after was made Knight by the king, and Shriffe of London.

Of this Humfrey Mummuth we read of a notable example of Christian patience, in the Sermons of M. Latimer, which the said Latimer heard in Cambridge of M. George Stafford, reader of the Divinity Lecture in that University. Who expoundyng the place S. Paul to the Romaines, that we shall overcome our enemy, with well doing, & so heap hot coals upon his head. &c. brought in an example, saying, that he knew in London a great rich Marchaunt (meaning this Humfrey Mummuth) which had a very poor neighbor: yet for all his poverty, he loved him very well, and lent him money at his need, and let him come to his table whensoever he would. It was even at that time, when D. Colet was in trouble, and should have been burnt, if God had not turned the kings heart to the contrary. Now the richman began to be a Scripture man, he began to smell the Gospel. The poor man was a Papist still.

It chanced on a time, when the rich mā talked of the Gospel sitting at his table, where he reproved Popery, and such kind of things. The poor man being there present, took a great displeasure against the rich man: in so much, that he would come no more to his house: he would borrow no more money of him, as he was wont to do before times: yea and conceived such hatred and malice against him, that he went and accused him before the Bishops. Now the riche man not knowing of any such displeasure, offered many times to talk with him, and to set him at quiet. It would not be. The poor man had such a stomach, that he would not vouchsafe to speak with him. If he mete the rich man in the streate he would go out of his way. One time it happened that he mete him so in a narrow streate, that he could not avoid, but come near him: yet for all that this poor man (I say) had such a stomach against the riche man, that he was minded to go foreward, and not to speak with him. The riche man perceiving that, caught him by the hand, and asked him, saying: Neighbor, what is come into your heart, to take such displeasure with me? What have I done against you? tell me, and I will be ready at all times to make you amends.

Finally, he spake so gently, so charitably, so lovingly, and friendly, that it wrought so in the poor man's heart, that by and by he fell down upon his knees, and asked him forgiveness. The riche man forgave him, and so took him again to his favor, and they loved as well as ever they did afore.

The history of Thomas Hitten.

Then it was time for the Cardinal to awake, and speedily to look about his business. Neither lacked he in this point any craft or subtlety of a serpent, for he understood well enough upon how slender a foundation their ambitious dignity was grounded, neither was he ignorant that their Luciferous and proud kingdom could not long continue against the manifest word of God, especially if the light of the Gospel should once open the eyes of men. For otherwise he did not greatly fear the power and dipleasure of Kings and Princes. Only this he feared, the voice of Christ in his Gospel, least it should disclose and detect their hypocrisy and deceits, and force them to come into an order of godly discipline: wherefore he thought good, speedily in time to withstand these beginnings. Whereupon he caused the said Bilney and Arthur to be apprehended and cast in prison, as before ye have heard.

After this, the xxvij. day of November, in the year of our Lord 1527. the said Cardinal accompanied with a great number of Bishops, as the Archbyshop of Canterbury, Cuthbert of London, John of Rochester, Nicholas of Eli, John of Exeter, John of Lincoln, John of Bathe and Welles, Harry of Saint Ass, with many other both Divines and Lawyers, came into the Chapterhouse of Westminster, where the said Master Thomas Bilney, and Thomas Arthur were brought before them, and the said Cardinal there inquired of M. Bilney, whether he had privately or publicly preached or taught to the people, the opinions of Luther or any other, condemned by the Church, contrary to the determination of the Church. Whereunto Bilney answered, that wittingly he had not preached or taught any of Luther's opinions, or any other, contrary to the Catholic Church. Then the Cardinal asked him, whether he had not once made an oath before, that he should not preach, rehearse, or defend any of Luther's opinions, but should impugn the same euerywhere? He answered, that he had made such an oath, but not lawfully, which interrogatories so ministered, and answers made, the Cardinal caused him to swear, to answer plainly to the articles and errors preached and set forth by him, as well in the City and diocese of London, as in the diocese of Norwich and other places, and that he should do it without any craft, qualifying or leaving out any part of the truth.

After he was thus sworn and examined, the said Cardinal proceeded to the examination of M. Thomas Arthur there present, causing him to take the like oath, that M. Bilney did. Which done, he asked of him whether he had not once told sir Tho. More knight, y ^t in the Sacrament of the altar was not the very body of Christ? Which interrogatory he denied. Then the Cardinal gave him time to deliberate til noon, and to bring in his answer in writing▪ After noon the same day, what time the examination of the foresaid Thomas Arthur was ended, the Cardinal and Bishops by their authority, Ex officio, did call in for witnesses before Mayster Bilney, certain men, namely, John Huggen, chief Provincial of the Friers preachers throughout all England, Geoffrey Iulles, and Richard Iugworth, professors of Divinity of the same order▪ Also William Iecket Gentleman, William Nelson, and Thomas Williams, which were sworn, that all favor, hate, love, or reward set apart, they should without concealing of any falsehood, or omitting any truth, speak their minds upon the Articles laid against them, or preached by him, as well within the Dioces of London, as the Dioces of Norwich: and because he was otherwise occupied about the affairs of the Realm, he committed the hearing of the matter to the Bishop of London, and to other Bishops there present▪ or to three of them, to proceed against all men, as well spiritual as temporal, as also against schedules, writings, and books, set forth and translated by Martin Luther, lately condemned by Pope Leo the tenth, and by all manner of probable means, to inquire and root out their errors and opinions, and all such as were found culpable, to compel them to abjuration, according to the law, or if the matter so required, to deliver them unto the secular power, and to give them full power and authority to determine upon them.

The xxvij. of November, in the year aforesaid, the Bishop of London, with the Bishop of Eli and Rochester, came unto the Bishop of Norwiches house, whereas likewise Ex officio, they did swear certain witnesses against master Thomas Arthur, in like sort as they had done before against master Bilney, and so proceeded to the examination of master Arthur: which being ended upon certain interrogatories, the Bishop of London warned him by virtue of his oath, that he should not reveal his examinations, nor his answers, nor any parte or parcel thereof.

The seconde day of December, the Bishops assembled again in the same place, and sware more witness against Mayster Bilney. That done, they called for Mayster Arthur, unto whose charge they laid these Articles following.

Articles against Thomas Arthur.

1 IN primis, that he exhorted the people in his prayers, to pray specially for those that now be in prison, which Article he denied.

2 That he said, though men be restrained to preach nowadays (which is against God's laws) yet I may preach: First by the authority of my Lord Cardinal, for I have his license. Secondly, by the authority of the University. Thirdly, by the Pope. Fourthly, by the authority of God, where he saith: Euntes in mundum, predicate Euangelium omni creaturae. By which authority, every man may preach, and there is neither Bishop nor Ordinary, nor yet the Pope, that may make any law to let any man to preach the Gospel. This Article he confessed that he spake.

3 When he spake of Laws, he brought a similitude of Crosses, set up against the walls of London, that men should not pisse there. When there was but one Cross or a few more, men did reverence them, and pissed not there: but when there was in every corner a Cross set, then men of necessity were compelled to pisse upon the Crosses: So in like manner, when there was but a few holy and devout laws in the Church, then men were afraid to offend them. Afterwarde, they made many laws for their advantage, and such as were pecuniall, those they do observe, and such as are not pecuniall, those they call Palea, and regard them not: and so nowadays there are so many laws, that whether a man do ill or well, he shall be taken in the law. He confessed that he spake the very same, or the like words.

4 He said, Good people, if I should suffer persecution for the preaching of the Gospel of God, yet there is 7000. more that would preach y ^e Gospel of God, as I do now. Therefore good people, good people (which words be often rehearsed as it were lamenting) think not that if these tyrants and persecutors put a man to death, the preaching of the Gospel therefore is to be forsaken. This Article he confessed that he spake in like words and sense, saving that he made no mention of tyrants.

5 That every man, yea every lay man is a priest. He confessed that he spake such words, declaring in his Sermon, that every Christian man is a Priest, offering up the sacrifice of prayer: and if they did murmur against the order of Priesthoode, they did murmur against themselves.

6 That men should pray to no Saints in heaven, but only to God, and they should use no other Mediator for them, but Christ Jesus our redeemer only. This Article he denied.

7 He preached that they should worship no Images of Saints, which were nothing but stocks and stones. This he also denied.

8 He did preach upon Whitsonday last within the University of Cambridge, such or like words and sentences: That a Bachelor of Divinity admitted of the University, or any other person having or knowing the Gospel of God, should go forth and preach in every place, and let for no man, of what estate or degree soever he were: and if any Bishop did accurse them for so doing, their curses should turn to the harm of themselves. He confessed this.

Which answers thus made and acknowledged, the said M. Arthur did revoke and condemn the said Articles against him ministered, and submitted him self to the punishment and judgment of the Church.

The third day of December, the Bishop of London, with the other Bishops, assemblyng in the place aforesaid, after that Bilney had denied utterly to return to the Church of Rome, the Bishop of London in discharge of his conscience (as he said) least he should hide any thing that had come to his hands, he did really exhibit unto the Notaries, in the presence of the said Master Bilney, certain letters, to wit, five letters or Epistles, with one Schedule in one of the Epistles, containing his Articles and answers folded therein, and another Epistle folded in manner of a book, with six leaves, which all and everyone he commanded to be written out and registered, and the originals to be delivered to him again.

This was done in the presence of Master Bilney, desiring a Copy of them, and he bound the Notaries with an oath, for the safe keeping of the Copies, and true Registryng of the same. Which Articles and answers, with three of the same Epistles, with certain depositions deposed by the foresaid witness, here follow truly drawn out partly of his own hand writing, and partly out of the Register.

*Interrogatories whereupon Master Thomas Arthur, and Master Bilney were accused and examined.

1 WHether they did believe with their hearts, that the Assertions of Luther, which are impugned by the Bishop of Rochester, were justly and godly condemned, and that Luther with his adherents, was a wicked and detestable heretic.

2. Whether they did believe that the general Councils and Ecclesiastical Constitutions once received and not abrogate again, ought to be observed of all men, even for conscience sake, and not only for fear.

3. Whether they did believe that the Popes laws were profitable and necessary to the preferrement of godliness, not repugnaunt to the holy Scriptures, neither by any means to be abrogate, but to be reverenced of all men.

4. Whether they did believe that the Catholic Church may err in the faith or no, and whether they think that Catholic Church to be a sensible Church, which may be demonstrate and pointed out as it were with a finger, or that it is only a spiritual Church, intelligible, & known only unto God.

5. Whether they think that the Images of Saints are Christenly set in the Churches, and ought to be worshipped of all true Christians.

6. Whether that a man may believe without hurt to his faith, or note of heresy, the souls of Peter and Paul, and of our Lady, either to be, or not to be in heaven, and that there is yet no judgment given upon the souls departed.

7. Whether that a man may believe without spot of heresy, that our Lady remained not always a virgin.

8. Whether holy days & fasting days ordained and received by the Church, may be broken by any private man, at his will and pleasure, without sin or obstinacy.

9. Whether we are bound to be obedient unto Prelates, Bishops, and Kynges, by God's commandment, as we are unto our parents.

10. Whether they believe that the Church doth well and godly in praying to the Saints.

11. Whether they think that Christ only should be prayed unto, and that it is no heresy, if any man affirm that Saints should not be prayed unto.

12. Whether they do think all true Christians to be by like right Priests, and all those to have received the keys of binding and loosing, at the hands of Christ, which have obtained the spirit of God, and only such, whether they be lay men or Priests.

13. Whether they believe with their heart, that faith may be without works and charity.

14. Whether they believe that it is more agreeable to the faith, that the people should pray in their own tongue, thē in a learned unknown tongue, & whether they commend the prayer in a strange tongue or no.

15. Whether they would have the Masses and Gospels openly to be read in Churches in the vulgare tongue, rather then in the Latin tongue.

16. Whether they commend that children should only be taught the Lord's prayer, and not the Salutation of the virgins, or Creed.

17 Whether they do think the wooden beads which the common people doth use, worthy to be denied, or not.

18 Whether they do think the whole Scripture ought to be translated into English, or that it should be more profitable for the people, then as it is now read.

19 Whether they would have the Orgaines and all manner of songs to be put out of the Church of God.

20 Whether they do think that it pertaineth to the Bishops to punish any man with bonds or imprisonment, or that they have any temporal power and authority.

21 Whether they think that constitution to be godly, that no man should preach in another mans diocese, w ^t out letters of commendation, and license obtained of the Bishop.

22 Whether they think the vows of religious men and private religion, to be constitute and ordained by the spirit of God, neither by any means to be repugnant to a free and perfect Christian life.

23 Whether they believe that we should pray for the dead, or believe that there is a Purgatory, or that we are bound by necessity of faith, to believe neither of them: but that it is free without sin, either to believe it, or not to believe it.

24 Whether they believe that moral Philosophy and natural, to prevail anything for the better understanding of the scriptures, & for the exposition and defense of the truth.

25 Whether they think that the Popes indulgences and pardons are rather to be rejected then received.

26 Whether it be contrary to the doctrine of Christ and his Apostles, that Christians should by any means contend in the law, to seek any manner of restitution.

27 Whether they believe all things pertaining to salvation and damnation to come of necessity, and nothing to be in our own willes.

28 Whether they believe God to be the author of evil, as well of the fault, as of the punishment.

29 Whether they think Mass only to be profitable to him which saith it, & whether every mā may alter or leave out the rite and order of the Mass, without hurt of faith.

30 Whether they believe that there can be any moral virtues without the grace of Christian living, or that the virtues which Aristotle hath set out, or rather feigned.

31 Whether they think it heresy, to teache the people, that it is free to give tithes unto Priests, or to any other poor man.

32 Whether they do think it more Christianlike to take away the Images out of the Churches, or to permit them to adorn them and honor them.

33 Whether they think it the part of a Christian man, that preachers should exhort men to pilgrimage, or to the worshipping of relics.

34 Whether that thou Thomas Bilney, being cited vpō heresy to appear before my Lord Cardinal, and before y ^e day of thy apparance, not having made thy purgatiō upon those points that thou wast cited, hast preached openly in diverse Churches of the City and diocese of London, without sufficient license from the Bishop, or any other.

Concerning the answers unto these Articles, (gentle Reader) for so much as in the most part of them, Bilney with Arthur seemed to consent and agree (although not fully and directly, but by way and manner of qualifying) yet because he did not expressly deny them, it shall not be needful here to recite them all, save only such wherein he seemed to dissent from them.

To the first and second Articles he answered affirmatively.

To the third he said, I believe that many of the Popes Laws are profitable and necessary, and do prevail unto godliness, neither in any point are repugnant unto the Scriptures, nor by any means are to be abrogate, but of all men to be observed and reverenced. But touching all those Laws I cannot determine: for, as for such as I have not read, I trust notwithstanding they are good also: and as for those that I have read, I did never read them to the ende and purpose to reprove them, but according to my power, to learn and understand them. And as touching the multitude of Laws, S. Augustine in his time did much complain, and Gerson also, who marveled that we could by any means live in safety amongst so many snares of constitutions, when as our forefathers being pure before their fall, could not observe one only precept.

To the fourth Article he said, that the Catholic Church can by no means err in faith, for it is the whole congregation of the elect, and so known only unto God, which knoweth who are his: otherwise no man should be ascertayned of another man's salvation, or of his own, but only through faith and hope. For it is written: No man knoweth whether he be worthy of hatred or love. It is also sensible, and may be demonstrate so far • oorth as it is sufficient to establish us in all things, that are to be believed and done: For I may truly say of the general Council being congregate in the holy Ghost, Behold here the Catholic Church, denominating the whole by the most worthy part.

To the fifth Article, he answered affirmatively in these words: Cum sint libri Laicorum, adorare oportet, at non imaginem, sed prototypon.

To the sixth Article he answered, that he did not believe that they are in heaven, being so taught by the scriptures, and holy Fathers of the Church.

To the seventh Article he said, that it is not to be thought contrary.

To the eight Article, whether a man may not observe the Feasts and Fastes of the Church prescribed, he thought that there is no man, but he ought to observe them.

To the ninth Article he said, that we are likewise bound as unto parents.

To the xiv. Article he answered thus, the fourteenth Chapter of Saint Paul, in his first Epistle to the Corinthians moveth me to believe, that it is best, that the people should have the Lord's Prayer, and the Apostles Creed in English, so that their devotion might the more be furthered by the understanding thereof, and also that thereby they might be the more prompt and expert in the Articles of their faith: of the which it is to • e feared, a great number are ignorant. Surely I have heard many say, that they never heard speak of the resurrection of the body: and being certified thereof, but they became much more apt and ready unto goodness, and more fearful to do evil.

To the fifteenth Article he said, he would wish that the Gospelles and Epistles should be read in English. For I would (saith Paul) rather have five words, &c. That the Church might be edified, &c. And Chrysostom exhorteth his hearers to look upon books, that they might the better commit unto memory those things which they had heard. And S. Bede did translate S. John's Gospel into English.

Touching the eighteenth Article, for the translation of the Scripture into English, concerning the whole, he did partly doubt. Notwithstanding he wished that the Gospels & Epistles of that day might be read in English, that the people might be made y ^e more apt to hear Sermons. But here some will say, there might also be danger for error. Wherunto he answered, But good & vigilant pastors might easily help that matter, by adding the plain interpretation of the fathers in the margents, in English, upon the dark and obscure places, which would put away all doubts. O how great profit of souls should the vigilant pastors get thereby, which contrariwise through their slothfulness bring great rain and decay.

To the xxv. Article, as touching pardons, he said, that as they be used, and have too long ben, it were better that they should be restrained, then y ^t they should be any longer used as they have been, to the injury of Christ's passion.

Touching the xxvj. Article, he said, that it is not against the doctrine of Christ and his Apostles, to contend in the Law, so it be done with charity. If Saint Agustine, and the reverend father Marcus Marulus did not err, which granted that liberty to the weak Christians: albeit that true Christians ought to give ear unto S. Paul's saying. Why do ye not rather suffer injury? And to Christ himself, which saith: He that would contend with thee in the law, and take away thy coat, give him thy cloke also.

Touching the xxviij. he answered, that God is the author of that punishment only, but not of the offense, as Basilius Magnus teacheth in his Sermon upon these words of the Prophet: Non est malum in ciuitate quod non fecit dominus. And S. Augustine in another place (as I remember) prayeth: That he be not led into that temptation, that he should believe God to be the author of sin and wickedness.

Here ensueth a brief summary or collection of certain depositions, deposed by the several witnesses aforenamed, upon certain interrogatories ministered unto them, for the inquiry of Master Bilneyes doctrine and preaching.

FIrst it was deposed, that in his sermō in Christ's church in Ipswich, he should preach and say, our savior Christ is our mediator between us and the father: what should we need then to seek any Saint for remedy? Wherefore it is great injury to the blood of Christ, to make such petitions, and blasphemeth out Savior.

That man is so imperfect of himself, that he can in no wise merit by his own deeds.

Also that the coming of Christ was long prophesied before, & desired by the Prophets: But John the Baptist being more thē a prophet, did not only prophecy, but with his finger shown him saying: Ecce agnus Dei qui tollit peccata mūdi. Then if this were the very Lamb which John did demonstrate, that taketh away the sins of the world, what injury is it to our Savior Christ, that to be buried in S. Frances cowle should remit four partes of penance, what is then left to our Savior Christ, which taketh away the sins of the world? This I will justify to be a great blasphemy to the blood of Christ.

Also that it was a great folly to go on pilgrimage, and that preachers in times past have been Antichrists, and now it hath pleased God somewhat to show forth their falsehood and errors.

Also that the miracles done at Walsingham, at Canterbury, & there in Ipswich were done by the devil, thorough the sufferance of God, to blind the poor people: and that the Pope hath not the keys that Peter had, except he follow Peter in his living.

Moreover, it was deposed against him, that he was notoriously suspected as an heretic, and twice pulled out of the pulpit in the diocese of Norwich.

Also it was deposed against him, that he should in the parish church of Willesdon, exhort the people to put away their God's of silver & gold, and leave their offerings unto thē, for that such things as they offered, have been known oftentimes afterward to have been givē to whores of the slewes. Also that Jews and Sarasens would have become christē men long ago, had it not been for the idolatry of Christian men in offering of candles, wax, and money to stocks and stones.

Ouer and besides these cauelling matters, articuled & deposed against him, here follow certain other Articles, whereupon he was detected, gathered out of his sermon, which he preached in the parish Church of S. Magnus, in Whitson week, in the year of our Lord. 1527.

*Certain other Articles producted against master Thomas Bilney.

FIrst he said, pray you only to God, and to no saints rehearsing the Litany, and when he came to Sancta Maria ora pro nobis, he said, stay there.

He said that Christian men ought to worship God only and no Saints.

He said that Christian people should set up no lights before the Images of saints, for saints in heaven need no light, and the Images have no eyes to see.

He said, as Hezekiah destroyed the brazen Serpent that Moses made by the commandment of God, even so should kings and princes now a days destroy and burn the Images of Saints set up in Churches.

These five hundred years there hath been no good Pope, nor in all the time past, we can find but fiftye, for they have neither preached, ne lived well, or conformablye to their dignity: Wherefore till now they have borne the keys of Simony. Agaynst whom, good people, we must preach and teache unto you. For we can not come to them, it is great pity, they have sore sclaundered the blood of Christ.

The people hath used foolishly of late, Pilgrimages, which for them had been better to have been at home.

Many have made certain vows, which be not possible for them to fulfill, and those nothing meritorious.

The preachers before this have been Antichrists and now it hath pleased our Savior Christ, to show their false errors, and to teach another way and manner of the holy Gospel of Christ, to the comfort of your souls.

I trust that there shall and will come others besides me, which shall show and preach to you the same faith and manner of living, that I do show and preach to you, which is the very true Gospel of our Savior Christ, and the mind of the holy fathers, whereby you shall be brought from their errors, wherein you have been long seduced: for before this, there have been many that have sclaundered you, and the Gospel of our Savior Christ, of whom spake our Savior. Math. xviij. Qui scandalizauerit vnum de pusillis istis, qui in me credit. &c.

These & many other such like depositions were deposed against him by the deponentes and witnesses before sworn, which wholly to recite, would be too long and tedious: wherefor these shall suffice at this time, being the principal matters, and in manner the effect of all the rest. But now, before we will return again to the order of his examination, we think it good here to infer a certain Dialogue containing a communication between a Friar named John Brusierd, and Mayster Thomas Bilney, which we have thought meet for this place, because it was done in Ipswich, and also about the time of these examinations: the Copy whereof we have, written with the friers own hand in Latin, the Copy whereof in English here ensueth.

A Dialogue between Friar John Brusierd, and Mayster Thomas Bilney, in Ipswich, concerning worshipping of Images.

The Submission of M. Thomas Bilney.

THe fourth day of December, the bishop of London with the other bishops his assistauntes, assembled again in the chapter house of Westminster, whether also M. Bilney was brought, and was exhorted & admonished to abjure and recant: who answered that he would stand to his conscience. Then the Bishop of London with the other Bishops, Ex officio, did publish the depositions of the witnesses, with his Articles and answers, commanding that they should be read. That done, the Bishop exhorted him again to deliberate with himself, whether he would return to the Church, and renounce his opinions or no, and bad him to depart into a void place, and there to deliberate with himself. Which done, the Bishoppe asked him again if he would return. Who answered: Fiat iusticia & iudicium in nomine domini, and being diverse times admonished to abjure, he would make no other answer, but Fiat iustitia. &c. And haec est dies quam fecit Dominus, exultemus & laetemur in ea. Then the Bishop, after deliberation, putting off his cap, said: In nomine patris & filij & spiritus sancti. Amen. Exurgat Deus & dissipentur inimici eius: and making a cross on his forehead and his breast, by the counsel of the other Bishops, he gave sentence against M. Bilney, being there present in this manner.

I by the consent and counsel of my brethren here present do pronounce thee Thomas Bilney who hast been accused of diverse Articles to be convict of heresy, and for the rest of the sentence, we take deliberation till tomorrow.

The 5. day of December the Bishops assembled there again, before whom Bilney was brought, whom the bishop asked if he would return to the unity of the Church, and revoke his heresies which he had preached. Wherunto Bilney answered, that he would not be a slander to the Gospel, trusting that he was not separate frō the Church, and that, if the multitude of witnesses might be credited, he might have 30. men of honest life on his part, against one to the contrary brought in against him: which witnesses, the Byshoppe said came to late, for after publication, they could not be received by the law. Then Bilney alleging the story of Susan and Daniel, the Bishop of London still exhorted him to return to the unity of the Church and to abjure his heresies, and permitted him to go into some secret place, there to consult with his friends, till one of the clock at after noon, of the same day.

At afternoon, the bishop of London again asked him whether he would return to the church and acknowledge his heresies. Bilney answered that he trusted he was not separate from the Church, and required time and place to bring in witnesses, which was refused. Then the Bishop once again required of him whether he would turn to the Catholic Church. Whereunto he answered, that if they could teach and prove sufficiently that he was convict, he would yield and submit himself, and desired again to have time and space to bring in again his refused witnesses, and other answer he would give none.

Then the Bishop put M. Bilney aside, and took counsel with his fellows, and afterward calling in M. Bilney, asked him again whether he would abjure: but he would make no other answer then before. Then the Byshoppe with the consent of the rest, did decree and determine that it was not lawful to hear a petition which was against the law and enquiring again whether he would abjure, he answered plainly no, and desired to have time to consult with his friends in whom his trust was: and being once again asked whether he would return and instanly desired thereunto, or else the sentence must be read: he required the Bishop to give him license to deliberate with himself until the next morrow, whether he might abjure the heresies wherewith he was defamed, or no. The Bishop granted him, that he should have a little time to deliberate with M. Dancaster: but Bilney required space till the next morrow, to consult with M. Farmar and Mayster Dancaster. But the Bishop would not grant him his request, for fear least he should appeal. But at the last, the Bishop inclining unto him, granted him two nights respite to deliberate: that is to say, till Saturday at 9. of the clock afore noon, and then to give a plain determinate answer, what he would do in the premisses.

The 7. day of December, in the year and place aforesaid, the Bishop of London, with the other Bishops being assembled, Bilney also personally appeared. Whom the Bishop of London asked, whether he would now return to the unity of the Church, and revoke the errors and heresies whereof he stood accused, detected, and convicted. Who answered that now he was persuaded by Master Dancaster and other his friends, he would submit himself, trusting that they would deal gently with him, both in his abjuration, & penance. Then he desired that he might read his abjuration: which the Bishop granted. When he had read the same secretly by himself, and was returned, being demanded what he would do in the premisses he answered that he would abjure and submit himself, and there openly read his abjuration, and subscribed it and delivered it to the Bishoppe, which then did absolve him: and for his penance enjoined him, that he should abide in prison, appointed by the Cardinal, till he were by him released: and moreover, the next day he should go before the procession, in the Cathedral Church of S. Paul, bare headed, with a Fagot on his shoulder, & should stand before the Preacher at Paul's Cross, all the Sermō time. Ex Regist. Lond.

Here for so much as mention is made before, of v. letters or Epistles, which this good man wrote to Cutbert Tonstall Bishop of London, and by the said Bishop delivered unto the Registers, we thought good to insert certain thereof, such as could come to our hands. The Copy of which letters, as they were written by him in Latin, because they are in the former Edition to be seen and read in the same Latin, wherein he wrote them, it shall suffice in this book to express the same only in English. Concerning the first Epistle, which containeth the whole story of his conversion, and seemeth more effectual in the Latin, then in the English, we have exhibited it in the second Edition, pag. 1141. and therefore have here only made mention of the same briefly. The copy whereof beginneth thus.