Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 1
Within a while after, the Bishop of Aix solicited master John Durand Counselor of the Court of the Parliament of Province, to execute the commission which was given him, that is, to go unto y e place of Merindoll, together with the Secretary of the said Court, and there, in y e presence of the Bishop of Cauaillon, accompanied with a Doctor of Divinity, to declare the errors and heresies which the Bishops pretended the inhabitants of Merindoll to be infected and entangled withal, and according to their duty, to make it appear by the word of God, and so being convict, to make them abjure and renounce the said heresies. Whereupon the said Counceller Durand, certified the day that he would be present at Merindoll, to the end & purpose that none of the inhabitaunts should be absent. At the day appointed, the said Counselor Durand, the Bishop of Cauaillon, a Doctor of Divinity, & a Secretary, came unto Merindoll, where as was also present, diverse Gentlemen and men of understanding, of all sorts, to see this commission executed. Then they of Merindoll were advertised, that they should not appear all at once, but y t they should keep themselves apart, and appear as they should be called, in such order & number, as should be appointed unto them. After that Durand, the Bishop of Cauaillon, the Doctor of Divinity, and the Secretary were set in place where justice was accustomed to be kept, there was called forth Andrew Maynard, the baylife of Merindoll, Ienon Roman, and Michelin Maynard Syndiques, John Cabrie, and John Palene, ancients of Merindoll, and John Bruneroll vnderbaylife. After they had presented themselves with all due reverence, the Counselor Durand spake thus unto them.
You are not ignorant that by the Arrest given out by the high Court of Province, you were all condemned to be burned, both men, women, and children: your houses also to be beaten down, and your town to be rased and made desolate, &c. as is more largely contained in the said arrest. Notwithstanding, it hath pleased the King our most gracious Prince, to send his letters unto the said Court, commanding that the said arrest should not so rigorously proceed against you: but if it could, by sufficient information be proved, that you or any of you had swerved frō the true Religion, demonstratiō should be made thereof unto you by the word of God, whereby you might be reduced again to the flock of Christ. Wherefore it was determined in the said Court of Parliament, that the Bishop of Cauaillon, with a Doctor of Divinity, should in my presence, declare unto you the errors and heresies wherewith they say, you are infected: and after good demonstration made by the word of God, you should publicly and solemnly renounce and abjure the said heresies, and in so doing, should obtain the grace and pardon contained in the Kings letters: Wherefore show yourselves this day, that you be obedient unto God, the King, and y e Magistrates. When he had thus spoken, what answer you (said he) to that which I have propounded?
Then Andrew Maynard the Baylife, desired that they would grant them an Advocate to answer according to the instructions, which they would give him, for so much as they were men unlearned, and knew not how to answer, as in such a case was requisite. The Counselor answered that he would hear their answer neither by Advocate nor by writing, but would hear them answer in their own persons: Notwithstanding he would give them leave to go apart and talk together, but not to ask any counsel, but only amongst themselves: and then to answer one after another. Upon this determination, the Bailiff and the two Syndiques, with other two ancient men, talked together a while, and determined that the two Syndiques should speak first, and after them the Baylife, then the two ancient men, every man according as God should give them grace, and by and by, presented themselves. Whereat the Counselor Durand was greatly abashed, to see that they had agreed and determined so speedily. Then Michelin Maynard began to answer, desiring the Counselor and the Bishop, with the other assistance, to pardon him if that he answered ouerrudely, having regard that they were poor, rude, and ignorant men. His answer here followeth.
We are greatly bound (saith he) to give God thanks, that besides other his benefits bestowed vpō us, he hath now delivered us frō these great assaults, and that it hath pleased him to touch the heart of our noble King, that our cause might be entreated with justice, and not by violence. In like manner are we also bound to pray for our noble King, which following y e example of Samuel & Daniel, hath not disdeined to look upon the cause of his poor subjects. Also we render thanks unto the Lord's of the Parliament, in that it hath pleased them to minister justice according to the Kings commandment. Finally, we thank you my Lord Durand, Commissioner in this present cause, that it hath pleased you in so few words, to declare unto us the manner and order how we ought to proceed. And for my part, I greatly desire to understand and know the heresies and errors, whereof I am accused, and where as they shall make it appear unto me, that I have holden any errors or heresies, I am contented to amende the same, as it shall be ordained and provided by you.
After him answered Ienon Roman the other Syndique, a very ancient father, approving all that which his fellow before had said, giving God thanks that in his time, even in his latter days, he had seen and heard so good news, that the cause of Religion should be decided and debated by the holy Scriptures, and that he had often heard ancient men say, that they could never obtain of the Judges in all their persecution, to have their cause debated in such sort.
Then Andrew Maynard the Baylife answered saying: that God had givē to those two Syndiques the grace to answer so well, that it was not necessary for him to say or add anymore thereunto. Notwithstanding it seemed good that their answers were put in writing, which was not done by the Secretary, that had done nothing else, but mock and gyre at all that had been said: wherefor he required the Commissioner to look unto the matter. Then the Commissioner was very angry and sharply rebuked his Secretary, commanding him to sit nearer and to write their answers word for word, and he himself with a singular memory, repeated their answers, and oftentimes asked if it were not so. The said answers being thus put in writing, the Cōmissioner asked the baylife if he had anymore to answer, saying that he had done him great pleasure to show him his Secretaries fault, willing him to speak boldly, what he thought good for the defense of their cause. Then the Baylife said, for so much as it hath pleased you to give me audience & liberty to speak my mind freely: I say moreover, that it seemeth unto me, that there is no due form of process in this judgment: for there is no party here that doth accuse us. If we had an accuser present, which according to the rule of the Scripture, either should prove by good demonstration out of the old and New Testament, that whereof we are accused, or if he were not able, should suffer punishment due unto such as are heretics: I think he would be as greatly troubled to maintain his accusations, as we to answer unto the same.
After that the Baylife had made this answer, John Palenc, one of the ancients of Merindol, said that he approved all that had been said by the Syndiques, and that he was able to say no more then had been said by them before. The Commissioner said unto him: you are (I see) a very ancient man, and you have not lived so long, but that you have something to answer for your part, in defense of your cause. And the said Palenc answered: seeing it is your pleasure that I sh • uld say something, it seemeth unto me impossible that (say what we can) we should have either victory or vantage: for our judges be our enemies.
Then John Bruneroll vnderbaylife at Merindoll, answered, that he would very fain know the authority of y e Counselor Durand, Commissioner in this cause, for as much as the said Counselor had givē them to understand, that he had authority of the high Court, to make them abjure their errors, which should be found by good and sufficient information, and to give them so doing, the pardon contained in the Kings letters, and quite them of all punishment and condemnation. But the said Commissioner did not give them to understand, that if they could not be found, by good and sufficient information, that they were in error, he had any power or authority to quite and absolve them of the said sentence and condemnation: Wherefore it seemed that it should be more vauntage for the said Merindolians, if it should appear that they were heretics, then to be found to live according to the doctrine of the Gospel. For this cause he required, that it would please the said Commissioner to make declaration thereof: concluding that if it did not appear by good and sufficient information against them, that they had swerved from the faith, or if there were no accuser that would come forth against them, they ought to be fully absolved, without being anymore troubled either in body or goods.
These things were thus in debating from seven of the clock in the morning, until xi. Then the Commissioner dismissed them till after dinner. At one of the clock at after noon, they were called for again, and demanded whether they would say any thing else, touching that which was propounded in the morning, by the said Commissioner. They answered, no. Then said the Commissioner, what do you conclude for your defense? The two Syndiques answered: we conclude that it would please you to declare unto us the errors and heresies, whereof we are accused. Then the Commissioner asked the Bishop of Cauaillon, what informations he had against them. The Bishop spake unto him in his ear, and would not answer aloud. This talk in the ear continued almost half an hour, that the Commissioner and all other that stood thereby, were weary thereof. In the ende, the Commissioner said unto them, that the Bishop of Cauaillon had told him, that it was not needful to make it apparent by information, for such was the common report. Herevnto they answered: that they required the causes and reasons alleged by the Bishop of Cauaillon, against them, should be put in writing. The Bishop was earnest to the contrary, and would have nothing that either he said or alleged, to be put in writing.
Then John Bruneroll required the Commissioner, that at the least, he would put in writing, that the Bishop would speak nothing against them, that they could understand, and that he would not speak before the Commissioner but only in his ear. The Bishop on the contrary part, defended that he would not be named in process. There was great disputation upon this matter, and continued long. Thē the Cōmissioner asked the Merindolians if they had the Articles of their confession, which they had presented to the high Court of Parliament. Then they required that their confession might be read, and by the reading thereof they might understand whether it were the doctrine, which they held, & the confession which they had presented, or no. Then the confession was read publicly before thē, which they did allow and acknowledged to be theirs. This done the Commissioner asked the Doctor if he did find in the said confessions, any heretical opinions, whereof he could make demonstration by the word of God, either out of the old or the new Testament. Then spake the Doctor in Latin a good while. After he had made an end: Andrew Mainard the Bailiff desired the Commissioner, according as he had propounded, to make the errors and heresies that they were accused of, apparaūt unto them by good information, or at the least, to mark those Articles of their confession, which the Bishop & the Doctors pretended to be heretical, requiring him also to put in Register, their refusal, as well of the Bishop as of the Doct. of whō the one spake in his ear, and the other in Latin, so that they of Merindoll could not understand one word. Then the Commissioner promised thē to put in writing all that should make for their cause. And moreover he said that it was not needful to call the rest of the Merindolians, if there were no more to be said to them, then had been said to those, which were already called. And this is y e sum of all that was done at the after noon.
Many which came thither to hear these disputations: supposing that they should have heard some goodly demōstrations, were greatly abashed to see the Bishop and the Doctor so confounded: which thing afterward turned to the great benefit of many: for hereby they were moved to require the copyes of y e confession of their faith: by means whereof they were converted and embraced the truth, and namely iii. Doctors, who went about diverse times to dissuade the Merindoliās from their faith: whose ministry God afterwards used in the preaching of his Gospel. Of whom one was Doctor Combaudi Prior of S. Maximin, afterwards a Preacher in the territory of the Lord's of Berne. An other was Doctor Somati, who was also a Preacher in the Bailiwycke of Tonon. The other was Doctor Heraudi, pastour and Minister in the County of Newcastle.
After this the inhabitaunts of Merindoll were in rest and quietness for a space, in so much that every man feared to go about to trouble them, seeing those which persecuted them, did receive nothing but shame and confusion: as it did manifestly appear, not only by the suddeyne death of the President Chassanee, but also many other of the chiefest Counsellers of the Parliament of Province, whose horrible end terrified many, but specially y e strange and fearful example of that bloody tyrant John de Roma, set out as a spectacle to all persecutors whereof we have spoken before.
Thus the Lord repressing the rage of the adversaries for a time, stayed the violence and execution of that cruel sentence or Arrest given out by the Parliament of Province, against the Merindoliās, until John Miniers, an exceeding bloody tyrant, began a new persecution. This Miniers being Lord of Opede near to Merindoll, first began to vex the poor Christians by pillyng and polyng, by oppression & extortion, getting frō them what he could, to enlarge his Segnorie or Lordshyp, which before was very base. For this cause he put v. or vi. of his own Tenauntes into a Cistern under the ground, and closing it up, there he kept them, till they died for hunger, pretending that they were Lutherans, and Uaudoys, to have their goods and possessions. By this and such other practices, this wretch was advanced in short space, to great wealth and dignity, & so at length became not only the chief President of the high Court of Parliament, but also the kings Lieutenaunt general in the country of Province, in the absence of the Lord Grignan, then being at the Council of Wormes in Germany. Now therefore seeing no opportunity to be lacking • o accomplish his devilish enterprise, he employed all his p • wer, richesse, & authority not only to confirm and to reu • ue that cruel Arrest given out before by the Court of Par • iament: but also (as a right minister of Satan) he exceedyngly increased the cruelty thereof, which was already so great, that it seemed there could nothing more be added thereunto. And to bring this mischief to pass, he forged a most impudentlye, giving the king to understand that they of Merindoll & all the country near about, to the mumber of twelve or fiueten thousand, were in the field in armor with their Ensign displayed, entendyng to take the Town of Marseille, and make it one of the Cantons of the Swiss: And to stay this enterprise, he said it was necessary to execute the Arrest manu militari, and by this means he obtained the Kings letters patents, thorough the help of the Cardinal of Tournon, commanding the sentence to be executed against the Merindolians, notwithstanding that the King had before revoked the said sentence, and given straight commandment that it should in no wise be executed, as before is mentioned.
After this he gathered all the Kynges armey, which was then in Province ready to go against the Englishmen, and took up all besides, that were able to bear armor, in the chiefest Towns of Province, and joined them with the armey which the Popes Legate had levied for that purpose, in Avigno and all the country of Venice, and employed the same to the destruction of Merindoll, Cabriers, and other Towns and Uillages, to the number of xxij. giving commission to his soldiers to spoil, ransack, burn, and to destroy altogether, and to kill man, woman and child, without all mercy, sparing none: no otherwise then the Infidels and cruel Turks have dealt with the Christians, as before in the story of the Turks, you may read.
For as the Papists and Turks are like in their Religion, so are the said Papists like, or rather exceed them, in all kinds of cruelty that can be devised. But this Arch-tyrant before he came to Merindoll, ransacked and burnt certain towns, namely La Roche, S. Stephens, Uillelaure, Lormarin, La Motte, Cabrierettes, S. Martin, Pipin, and other places mo, notwithstanding that the Arrest extended but only to Merindol. Where the most of the poor inhabitants were slain and murdered without any resistance: womē and maidens ravished: women with child and little infants borne and to be borne, were also most cruelly murdered: the paps of many women cut off, which gave suck to their children, which looking for suck at their mothers breast being dead before, died also for hunger. There was never such cruelty and tyranny seen before.
The Merindolians seeing all on a flaming fire round about them, left their houses and fled into the woods, and remained that night at the Uillage Sanfales and thereaboutes, in wonderful fear and perplexity: for the Bishop of Cauaillon, deputy to the Bishop of Rome's Legate, had appointed certain Captains to go and slay them. The next day they went a little further, hiding thenselves in woods, for there was danger on every side, and Miniers had commanded under pain of death, that no mā should aid them by any means, but that they should be slain without pity or mercy, wheresoever they were found. The same Proclamation was of force also, in the Bishop of Rome's dominions thereby: and it was said that the Bishops of that country did find a great part of the army. Wherefore they went a tedious and a painful journey, carieng their children upon their shoulders, and in their arms, and in their swaddling clothes, and many of them also being great with child, were constrained so to do. And when they were come to the place appointed, thither was already resorted a great number which had lost their goods, and saved themselves by flight.
Not long after, it was shown them how that Miniers was coming with all his power, to give the charge upon them. This was in y e evening, and because they should go thorough rough and cumbersome places, and hard to pass by, they all thought it most expedient for their safeguard to leave behind them, all the women and children, with a few other, and among them also, certain Ministers of the Church: the residue were appointed to go to the town of Mussie. And this did they upon hope that the enemy would show mercy to the multitude of women and children, being destitute of all succor. No tongue can express, what sorrow, what tears, what sighing, what lamentation there was at that woeful departing, when they were compelled to be thus separated asūder, the husband from his dear wife, the father from his sweet babes and tender infants, the one never like to see the other again alive. Notwithstanding, after the Ministers had ended their ordinary Sermons, with evening Prayers and exhortations, the men departed that night, to avoid a greater inconvenience.
When they had gone all the night long, and had passed over y e great hill of Libron, they might see many villages and farms set on fire. Miniers in the mean time, had divided his army into two partes, marching himself with the one, towards the Town of Merindoll, and having knowledge by espiall whether the Merindolians were fled, he sendeth the other parte to set upon them, and to show their accustomed cruelty upon them. Yet before they came to the place where they were, some of Miniers army, either of good will, or moved with pity, privily conveyed themselves away, and came unto them, to give thē warning that their enemies were coming: and one from the top of an high rock, where he thought that the Merindolians were underneath, casteth down two stones, and afterward, although he could not see them, he calleth unto them; that they should immediately fly from thence. But the enemies suddenly came upon them, finding them all assembled together at prayers, and spoiled them of all that they had, pulling off their garments from their backs: some they ravished: some they whipped and scourged: some they sold away like cattle, practicing what cruelty and villainy soever they could devise against them. The women were in number about five hundredth.
In the mean time Miniers came to Merindoll, where he found none but a young man named Maurice Blanc, who had yielded himself to a soldier, promising him for his ransom, two French crowns. Miniers would have had him away by force, but it was answered that the soldier ought not to lose his prisoner. Miniers therefore paying the two crowns himself, took the young man, and caused him to be tied to an Olive tree, and shot thorough with harquebushes, and most cruelly martyred. Many Gentlemen which accompanied Miniers against their willes, seeing this cruel spectacle, were moved with great compassion, and could not forbear tears. For albeit this young man was not yet very well instructed, neither had before dwelt at Merindoll, yet in all his torments having always his eyes lyfted up to heaven, with a loud voice, he ceased not still to call upon God: and the last words that he spake, were these: Lord God, these men take away my life full of misery, but thou wilt give unto me life everlasting, by thy son Jesus Christ: to whom be glory. So was Merindoll without any resistance, valiantly taken, ransacked, burnt, rased, and laid even with the ground. And albeit there was no man to resist, yet this valiant Captain of Opede armed from top to toe, trembled for fear, and was seen to change his color very much.
When he had destroyed Merindoll, he laid seege to Cabriers, and battered it with his ordinance, but when he could not win it by force, he with the Lord of the Town, and Poulin his chief Captain, persuaded with the inhabitauntes, to open their gates, solemnly promising, that if they would so do, they would lay down their armor, and also that their cause should be heard in judgment with all equity and Justice, and no violence or injury should be shown against them. Upon this, they opened their gates, and let in Miniers with his Captains and all his army. But the Tyraunt when he was once entered, falsified his promise, and raged like a beast. For first of all he picked out about thirty men, causing them to be bound and carried into a medowe near to the Town, and there to be miserably cut and hewn in pieces of his soldiers.
Then, because he would leave no kind of cruelty unattempted, he also exercised outrage and fury upon the poor selly women, and caused forty of them to be taken, of whom diverse were great with child, and put them into a barn full of straw and hey, and caused it to be set on fire at four corners. And when the seely women running to the great window, where the hey is wont to be cast into the barn, would have leaped out, they were kept in with pikes and halberdes. Then there was a souldyoure which moved with pity at the crying out and lamentation of the women, opened a door to let them out, but as they were coming out, the Tyraunt caused them to be slain and cut in pieces, opening their belies, that their children fell out, whom they trode under their feet. Many were fled into the wineseller of the Castell, and many hid themselves in caves, whereof some were carried into the medowe, and there stripped naked, were slain: othersome were bound two and two together, and carried into the hall of the Castell, where they were slain by the Captains, rejoicing in their bloody butcherie and horrible slaughter.
That done, this Tyraunt, more cruel then ever was Herod, commanded Captayne John de Gay with a bande of ruffians, to go into the Church (where was a great number of women, children and young infantes) to kill all that he found there. Which the Captayne refused at the first, to do, saying: that were a cruelty unused among men of war. Whereat Miniers being displeased, charged him upon pain of rebellion, and disobedience to the King, to do as he had commanded him. The Captain fearing that might ensue, entered with his men, and destroyed them all, sparing neither young nor old.
In this mean while certain soldiers went to ransack, the houses for the spoil: where they found many poor men that had there hidden themselves in sellers and other privy places, flying upon them and crying out: kill, kill. The other soldiers that were without the town, killed all that they could meet with. The noneber of those that were so unmercifully murdered, were about M. persons of men, women, and children. The infantes that escaped their fury, were baptized again of their enemies.
In token of this ioly victory, the Popes Officers caused a pillar to be erected in the said place of Cabriers, in the which was engraven the year and the day of the taking and sacking of this Town, by John Miniers Lord of Opede, & chief President of the Parliament of Province, for a memorial forever, of the barbarous cruelty, the like whereof was yet never heard of. Whereupon we withal our posterity, have to understand what be the reasons and arguments wherewith the Antichrist of Rome, is wont to uphold the impious seat of his abomination: Who now is come to such excess and profundity of all kinds of iniquity, that all justice, equity and verity being set a side, he seeketh the defense of his cause, by no other thing, then only by force and violence, terror and oppression, and shedding of blood.
In this mean while the inhabitauntes of Merindoll and other places thereabout, were among the mountains and rocks, in great necessity of viccualles, and much affliction: who had procured certain men, which were in some favor and authority with Miniers, to make request for them unto him, that they might depart safely, whether it should please God to lead them, with their wines and children, although they had no more but their shirts to cover their nakedness. Whereunto Miniers made this answer: I know what I have to do: not one of them shall escape my hands. I will send them to dwell in hell among the devils.
After this there was a power sent unto Costa, which likewise they overcame, & committed there great slaughter. Many of the inhabitants fled away and ran into an orcharde, where the soldiers ravished the women and maidens, and when they had kept them there enclosed a day and a night, they handled them so beastly, that those which had great bellies, and the younger maidens died shortly after. It were impossible to comprehend all the lamentable and sorrowful examples of this cruel persecution against the Merindolians and their fellows: In so much that no kind of cruel Tyrannie was vnpractised. For they which escaped by woods, and went wandering by mountains, were taken and set in galleis, or else were slain outright.
Many which did hide themselves in rocks and dark caves, some were famished with hunger, some were smothered with fire, and smoke put unto them. All which may more fully be understand by the records of the Court, and by the pleas between them and their adversaries in the high Consitory of the Courte of Paris: Where all the doors being set open, and in the public hearing of all the people, the case of this trouble and persecution was shortly after, solemnly debated between two great lawyers: the one called Aubrius, which accused Minerius the president committed to prison, and the other called Robertus, who was the defendant against him. The cause why this matter of Merindol was brought in plea and judgment to be decided by the law, was this:
Henry the second French king, which newly succeeded Francis his father above mentioned, considering howe this cruel and infamous persecution against his own subjects and people, was greatly misliked of other Princes, and also objected both against him and his father, as a note of shameful Tyrannie, by the Emperor him self, Charles the fifth, and that in the public Council of all the states of Germany, for so murthering & spoiling his own natural subjects, without all reason and mercy: he therefore to the intent to purge and clear himself thereof, caused the said matter to be brought into the Court, and there to be decided by order of Justice.
Which cause, after it was pleaded to and froe, in public audience, no less then fifty times, and yet in the ende, could not be determined, so it brake of and was passed over, and at length Minerius being loosed out of prison, was restored to his liberty and possessions again, upon this condition and promise made unto the Cardinal, Charles of Lorraine, that he should banish and expel these new Christians (terming so the true professors of the Gospel) out of all Province.
Thus Minerius being restored, returned again into Province, where he began again to attempt greater tyranny, then before. Neither did his raging fury cease to proceed, before the just judgment of God lighting upon him, brought him by a horrible disease, unto the torments of death, which he most justly had deserved. For he being strocken with a strange kind of bleding at the lower partes, in manner of a bloody flixe, and not being able to void any urine, thus by little and little his guts within him rotted: and when no remedy could be found for this terrible disease, and his entrails now began to be eaten of worms, a certain famous surgeon named La Motte, which dwelt at Arles, a man no less godly then expert in his science: was called for, who after he had cured him of this difficultye of making water, and therefore was in great estimation with him, before he would proceed further to search the other partes of his putrefied body, and to search out the inward cause of his malady, he desired y t they which were present in the chamber with Minerius, would depart a little a side. Which being done, he began to exhort Minerius with earnest words, saying howe the time now required that he should ask forgiveness of God by Christ, for his enormous crimes and cruelty in shedding so much innocent blood, and declared the same to be the cause of this so strange profusion of blood coming from him.
These words being heard, so pearsed the impure conscience of this miserable wretch, that he was therewith more troubled then with the agony of his disease: in so much that he cried out to lay hand upon the Surgeon, as an heretic. La Motte hearing this, eftsoons conveyed him self out of sight, and returned again to Arles. Notwythstanding it was not long, but he was sent for again, being entreated by his friends, and promised most firmly, that his coming should be without any peril or danger: and so with much ado, he returned again to Minerius, what time all now was past remedy: and so Minerius raging and casting out moste horrible and blaspheming words, and feeling a fire which burnt him from the nauill upward, with extreme stench of the lower parts, finished his wretched life. Whereby we have notoriously to understand that God through his mighty arm, at length confoundeth such persecutors of his innocent and faithful servants, & bringeth them to naught: to whom be praise and glory forever.
Moreover, besides this Justice of God shown upon Minerius, here also is not to be forgotten which followed likewise upon certain of the other, which were the chief doers in this persecution under Minerius aforesaid, namely Louis de Uaine, brother in law to the said President, and also the brother, and the son in law to Peter Durāt, master butcher of the Town of Aix: the which three did slay one another upon a certain strife that fell among them. And upon the same day the Judge of Aix, who accompanied Minerius in y e same persecutiō, as he returned homeward, going over the River of Durance, was drowned. Ex Hist. Gallica. Henr. Pantal, & alijs.
Notes upon the story of Merindoll above recited.
THus hast thou heard (loving Reader) the terrible troubles, & slaughters committed by the Bishops and Cardinals against these faithful men of Merindol, which for the heinous tyranny and example of the fact moste unmerciful, may be comparable with any of the first persecutions in the primitive Church, done either by Decius, or Dioclesianus.
Now, touching the said story and people of Merindol, briefly by the way is to be noted, that this was not the first time that these men of this country, were vexed, neither was it of late years, that the doctrine and profession of them began. For (as by the course of time, and by ancient Recordes it may appear) these inhabitaunts of Province, and other coasts bordering about the confines of France, and Piemont, had their continuance of ancient time, and received their doctrine first from the Waldenses, or Albigenses, which were (as some say) about the year of our Lord 1170. or (as other do reckon) about the year of our Lord 1216. whereof thou haste (gentle reader) sufficiently to understand, reading before, pag. 230. Item, pag. 260 Item, pag. 267. &c.
These Waldenses, otherwise called Pauperes, de Lugduno, beginning of one Petrus Waldus, Citizen of Lions, as is before shown, pag. 231. by violence of persecution being driven out of Lions, were disparcled abroad in diverse countries, of whom some fled to Massilia, some to Germany, some to Sarmatia, Liuonia, Bohemia, Calabria, and Apulia, diverse strayed to the Countreis of France, especially about Province, and Piemont, of whome came these Merindolians, above mentioned, and the Angrognians with others, of whom now it followeth likewise (God willing) to discourse. They which were in the country of Tolouse, of the place where they frequented, were called Albij, or Albigenses. Against the which Albigenses, Frier Dominicus was a great doer, laboring and preaching against them 10. years together, and caused many of them to be burned, for the which he was highly accepted, and rewarded in the Apostolical Court, and at length by Pope Honorius the 3. was made Patriarch of the black gard of the Dominic Friers. Ex Antonino part. 3. tit. 19. cap. 1.
These Albigenses, against the Pope of Rome, had set up to them selves a Bishop of their own, named Bartholomaeus, remaining about the coasts of Croatia, and Dalmatia, as appeareth by a letter of one of the Popes Cardinals, above specified, pag, 261. For the which cause the Sea of Rome took great indignation against the said Albygenses, and caused all their faithful Catholics and obedienciaries to their Church to rise up in armor, and to take the sign of the holy cross upon them, to fight against them. An. 1206 by reason whereof great multitudes of them were pitifully murdered, not only of them about Tolouse, & Avigno in France (as is afore to be seen, pag. 273.) but also in all quarters, miserable slaughters and burnings of them long continued, from the reign of Fridericke 2. Emperor, almost to this present time, through the instigation of the Roman Popes.
Paulus Aemylius the French Chronicler in his 6. book, writing of these Pauperes de Lugduno, and Humiliati, and deviding these two orders from Albigenses, reporteth that the two former orders were rejected of Pope Lucius 3. And in their place, other two orders were approved, to wit, the order of the Dominic Friers, and of the Franciscans. Which seemeth not to be true, for so much as this Pope Lucius was 20. years, before Innocent 3. and yet neither in the time of Pope Innocent, the order of the Dominic Friers was approved, but in the time of Pope Honorius the 3. who was 40. years after Pope Lucius. Again, Bernardus Lutzenbergensis, in Catal. haeret affirmeth, that these Pauperes de Lugduno, or Waldenses began first. an. 1218. Which if it be true, then must the other report of Aemylius be falls, writing of the sect of Pauperes Lugdunenses, to be refused by Pope Lucius the 3. who was long before this in the year of our Lord. 1181.
Among other authors which write of these Waldenses, John. Sleidan. Lib. 16. entreating of their continuance and doctrine, thus writeth of them. There be (saith he) in the French Province a people called Waldoys. These of an ancient trade and custom among them, do not acknowledge the Bishop of Rome, and ever have used a manner of doctrine somewhat more pure, then the rest, but especially since the coming of Luther, they have encresed in more knowledge and perfection of judgment. Wherefore they have been oftentimes complained upon to the king, as though they contemned the Magistrate, and would move rebellion, with other such matter falsely surmised against them, more of despite and malice, then of any just cause of truth. There be of them certain Towns and Villages, among which Merindoll is one. Against these Merindolians sentence was given, five years past, at Aix, being the high tribunal seat or judgment place of Province, that all should be destroyed without respect of age or person, in such sort, as that the houses being plucked down, the Village should be made plain, even with the ground, the trees also should be cut down, and the place altogether made desolate and desert. All beit, though it were thus pronounced, yet was it not then put in execution, by the means of certain that persuaded the king to the contrary, namely one William Bellay, who was at the same time, the kings Lieutenaunt in Piedmont. But at the last, the 12. day of April. an. 1545. John Minerius President of the Counsel of Aix, calling the Senate, read the kings letters, commanding them to execute the sentence given &c.
Moreover, concerning the confession, and the doctrine of the said Merindolians received of ancient time from their forefathers the Waldenses, thus it followeth in the said boke and place of John Sleidan.
At last (saith Sleidan, after he had described what great cruelty was shown against them) when the report hereof was bruted in Germany, it offended the minds of many: and in deed, the Suitzers, who were then of a contrary Religion to the Pope, entreated the King, that he would show mercy to such as were fled. Whereunto the said king Francis, made answer in this wise: pretending that he had just cause to do, as he did, inferring moreover, that they ought not to be careful, what he did within his dominions, or how he punished his offenders, more then he was about their affairs. &c, Thus hard was the king against them notwithstanding (saith Sleydan) that he, the yere before, had received from the said his subjects of Merindoll, a confession of their faith and doctrine. The Articles whereof, were, that they, according to Christian faith, confessed, first God the father, creator of all things: The son, the only Mediator and Advocate of mankind The holy spirit, the comfortour, and instructour of all truth. They confessed also the Church, which they acknowledged to be the fellowship of God's elect, whereof Jesus Christ is the head. The ministers also of the Church they did allow, wishing that such which did not their duty, should be removed.
And as touching Magistrates, they granted likewise the same to be ordained of God, to defend the good, & to punish the transgressors. And how they owe to him, not love only, but also tribute, and custom, and no man herein to be excepted, even by the example of Christ, who paid tribute himself. &c.
Likewise of Baptism, they confessed the same to be a visible, and an outward sign, that representeth to us the renewing of the spirit, and mortification of the members.
Furthermore, as touching the Lord's Supper, they said and confessed the same to be a thanksgiving, and a memorial of the benefit received through Christ.
Matrimony they affirmed to be holy and instituted of God, and to be inhibited to no man.
That good works are to be observed & exercised of all men, as holy Scripture teacheth.
That false doctrine, which leadeth men away from the true worship of God, ought to be eschewed.
Briefly, and finally, the order and rule of their faith, they confessed to be the old and new Testament, protesting that they believed all such things as are contained in the Apostolic Crede: Desiring moreover, the King to give credit to this their declaratiō of their faith, so that whatsoever was informed to him to the contrary, was not true, and that they would well prove, if they might be heard.
And thus much concerning the doctrine and confession of the Merindolians out of Sleidan: and also concerning their descent and offspring from the Waldenses.
*The History of the persecutions and wars against the people called Waldenses or Waldois in the valleis of Angrongne, Luserne, S. Martin, Perouse, and others, in the country of Piemont, from the yere 1555. to the yere of our Lord. 1561.
Albeit the people of Angrongne had before this time, certain to preach the word of God, and minister the sacraments unto them privately: yet in the year of our Lord 1555. in the beginning of the month of August, the Gospel was openly preached in Angrongne. The ministers and the people intended at the first, to keep themselves still, as secrete as they might: but there was such concourse of people from all parties, that they were compelled to preach openly abroad. For this cause they built them a Church in the mids of Angrongne, where assembles were made, and Sermons preached. It happened about that time, that one John Martin of Briqueras, a mile frō Angrongne, which vaunted everywhere, that he would slit the ministers nose of Angrogne, was assaulted by a Wolf, which bitte of his nose, so that he died thereof mad. Thys was commonly known to all the towns thereabout.
At this season the French king held these foresaid valleis, & they were under the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Thurin. In the ende of December following, news was brought, that it was ordained by the said Parliament, that certain horsemen and footmen should be sent to spoil and destroy Angrongne. Whereuppon some which pretended great friendship to this people, counseled thē not to go forward with their enterprise: but to forbear for a while, and to wait for better opportunity. But they notwithstanding, calling upon God, determined with one accord, constantly to persist in their religion, and in hope and silence, to abide the good pleasure of god: so that this enterprise against Angrongne, was soon dashed. The same time they began also openly to preach in Luserne.
In the month of March, An. 1556. the Ministers of the Ualley of S. Martin, preached openly. At that time certain Gentlemen of the Ualley of S. Martin, took a good man, named Barthelmew a book binder, prisonner, as he passed by the said Ualley, the which was sent by and by, to Thurin, and there with a marvelous constancy, after he had made a good confession of his Faith, he suffered death: In so much that diverse of the parliament were astonished and appalled at his constancy. Yet they of the said Parliament, being sore incensed against the Uandois, sent one named the President of S. Julian, associating unto him, one called de Ecclesia, and others, for to hinder their enterprise. These coming first to the Ualley of Perouse, where as yet no preachers were, but they were accustomed to resort to the Sermons at Angrongne, very much troubled and feared the poor people there.
From thence they went to the Ualley of S. Martin, and remained there a good while, tormentinge the poor people, and threatening their utter ruin and destruction. After that they came to Luserne, troubling and vexing the people there, in like manner. From thence they went to Angrongne, accompanied with many Gentlemen, and a great rabble of Priests, of the said Country: but by the way, the President inquired for one dwelling at S. John's near to Angrongne, and examined him whether he had not baptized his child at Angrongne, and wherefor he had so done. The poor simple man answered, that he had baptized his child at Angrongne, because Baptism was there ministered according to the institution of Christ. Thē the President in a great rage, commanded him in the kings name, to Baptise his child again, or else he should be burnt. The poor man desired the President that he might be suffered to make his prayer to God, before he should make answer thereunto. Which, after, he had done in the hall before all the company there present: he required the President that he would write and sign the same with his own hand, that he would discharge him before God of the danger of that offense, if he should baptize his child again, and that he would take the pearill upon him and his. The President hearing this, was so confounded, that he spake not one word a good while after. Then said he in a great fury, away thou vilaine, out of my sight: and after that he was never called again anymore.
After they were come to Angrogne, the President having visited the two Temples, caused a Monk to preach in the one, the people being there assembled, who pretended nothing else, but only to exhort them to return to the obedience of the Sea of Rome. The Monk with the President & all his retinue, kneeled down twice, and called upon the virgin Mary: but the ministers and all the people stood still, and would not knele, making no sign or token of reverence. As soon as the Monk had ended his Sermon, the people requested instantly, that their Minister might also be suffered to preach, affirming that the said Monk had spoken many things, which were not according to the word of God. But the President would not grant their request. After that, the said President admonished them in the name of the king, and the Parliament of Thurin, that they should return to the obedience of the Pope, upon pain of loss of goods and life, and utter destruction of their town: and withal he recited unto them, the pitious discomfiture of their brethrē and friends, which had been done before in Merindoll and Cabriers, & other places in the country of Province. The ministers and the people answered that they were determined to live according to the word of God, and that they would obey the king and all their superiors in all things, so that God were not thereby displeased: And furthermore, if it were shown unto them by the word of God, that they erred in any point of Religion, they were ready to receive correction, and to be reformed. Thys talk endured about six hours together, even until night. In the end, the President said there should be a disputation appointed for those matters. Wherunto the people gladly agreed. But after that there was no more mention made thereof.
Here he remained 14. days, daily practicing new devises, to vex and torment them, with new Proclamations, now calling to him the Syndiques and head officers, now severally and now altogether, y t so for fear he might make thē to relente: causing also assembles to be made in every Parish, by such as he appointed, thinking thereby to devide the people. Notwithstanding he nothing prevailed with all that he could do: but still they continued constant. In so much that they with one accord, presented a brief confession of their Faith, with an answer to certain interrogatories made by the President, in the which they confessed:
That the Religion wherein both they and their Elders had ben long instructed & brought up, was the same, which is contained both in the old and new Testament, the which is also briefly comprised in the 12. Articles of the Christian belief.
Also, that they acknowledged the Sacraments instituted by Christ, whereby he distributeth aboundauntly his graces and great benefits, his heavenly riches and treasures, to all those which receive the same, with a true and a lively faith.
Furthermore, that they received the Creedes of the four general Councils, that is to say, of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus and Calcedon, and also the Creed of Athanasius, wherein the mystery of the Christian faith and religion is plainly and largely set out.
Item, the ten Commaundementes expressed in the 20. chapt. of Exod. and in the 5. of Deut. in the which the rule of a godly & holy life, and also the true service which God requireth of us, is briefly comprised: and therefore following this article, they suffered not by any means (said they) any gross iniquities to reign among them, as unlawful swearing, perjury, blasphemy, cursing, sclandering, dissention, deceit, wrong dealing, usury, gluttony, drunkenness, whoredom, theft, murder, sorcery, witchcraft, or such like: but wholly endeavored them selves to live in the fear of God, and according to his holy will.
Moreover, they acknowledged the superior powers, as princes and magistrates, to be ordained of God, & that who so ever resisteth the same, resisteth the ordinance of God: and therefore humbly submitted themselves to their superiors, with all obedience, so that they commanded nothing against God.
Finally, they protested, that they would in no point be stubborn, but if that their forefathers or they had erred many one jot concerning true religion, the same being proved by the word of God, they would willingly yield, and be reformed.
The interrogatories, were concerning the Mass, auricular confession, baptism, marriage, and burials, according to the institution of the Church of Rome.
To the first they answered, that they received the Lord's supper, as it was by him instituted, and celebrated by his Apostles: but as touching the mass, except the same might be proved by the word of God, they would not receive it.
To the second touching auricular confession, they said, that for their parte, they confessed them selves daily unto God, acknowledging them selves before him, to be miserable sinners, desiring him of pardon and forgiveness of their sins, as Christ instructed his, in the prayer which he taught them: Lord, forgive us our sins. And as S. John saith: If we confess our sins to God, he is faithful and just to forgive us our sins, and to cleanse us from all unrighteousness. And according to that which God him self saith by his Prophet: O Israel, if thou return, return unto me. And again, O Israel, it is I, it is I, which forgeeueth thee thy sins. So that, seeing they ought to return to God alone, and it is he only that forgiveth sins, therefore they were bound to confess them selves to God only, and to no other. Also it appeareth, that David in his Psalms, and y e Prophets, and other faithful servants of God have confessed themselves, both generally and particularly unto God alone: Yet if the contrary might be proved by the word of God, they would (say they) with all humbleness receive the same.
Thirdly, as touching Baptism, they acknowledged and received that holy Institution of Christ, and administered the same with all simplicity, as he ordained it in his holy Gospel, without any changing, adding, or diminishing in any point, & that all this they did in their mother tongue, according to the rule of S. Paul, who willeth that in the church everything to be done in the mother tongue, for the edification of our neighbor. But as for their coniurations, oyling, and salting, except the same might be proved by the sacred Scripture, they would not receive them.
Fourthly, as touching burialles, they answered, that they knew there is a difference between the bodies of the true Christians, and the Infidels, for as much as the first are the menbers of Jesus Christ, temples of the holy ghost, and partakers of the glorious resurrectiō of the dead, and therefore they accustomed to follow their dead to the grave reverently, with a sufficient company, and exhortation out of the word of God, as well to comfort the parents and friends of the dead, as also to admonish all men, diligently to prepare them selves to die. But as for the using of candles or lights, prayers for the dead, ringing of belles, except y e same might be proved to be necessary, by the word of God, and that God is not offended therewith, they would not receive them.
Fifthly, as touching obedience to men's traditions, they received and allowed all those ordinances, which (as S. Paul saith) serve for order, decency, & reverence of the Ministry. But as for other Ceremonies, which have been brought into the Church of God, either as a parte of his divine service, either to merit remission of sins, or else to bind men's consciences, because they are mere repugnant to the word of God, they could by no means receive them.
And whereas the Commissioners affirmed the said traditions to have ben ordained by councils: first they answered, that the greatest part of them were not ordained by councils. Secondly, that Councils were not to be preferred above the word of God, which saith: If any man, yea or Angel from heaven, should preach unto you, otherwise then that which hath been received of the Lord Jesus, let him be accursed. And therefore (said they) if Councils have ordained anything dissenting from the word of God, they would not receive it.
Finally, they said, that the Councils had made diverse notable decrees concerning the election of Bishops, and Ministers of the Church: concerning Ecclesiastical discipline, as well of the Clergy, as of the people: also concerning the distribution of the goods and possessions of the Church. And further, that all pastors which were either whoremongers, drunkards, or offensive in any case, should be put from their office. Moreover, that whosoever should be present at the mass of a priest which was a whoremonger, should be excommunicate. And many such other things, which wer not in any point observed. And that they omitted to speak of many other things, with were ordained by diverse Councils, very superstitious, and contrary to the holy Commandments of God, as they would be ready to prove (said they) if they should have occasion and opportunity thereunto.
Wherefore they required the Commissioners, that a disputation might be had (as by the said President was pretended) publicly and in their presence, and then if it might be proved by the word of God, that they erred either in doctrine, or conversation and manner of living, they were content, with all humbleness to be corrected, and refourmed, as they had before said: beseeching them to consider also that their religion had ben observed & kept from their auncitours, until their time, many hundred years together: and yet for their partes, being convicted by the infallible word of God, they would not obstinately stand to the defense thereof: Saying moreover, that they, together with the said Lord's Deputies, confessed all one God, one Savior, one Holy Ghost, one Law, one Baptism, one hope in Heaven: and in Sum, they affirmed that their faith and religion was firmly founded and grounded upon the pure word of God, wherefore it is said, That blessed are they which hear the same, and keep it.
To be short, seeing it is permitted to the Turks, Sarazens, & Jews (which are mortal enemies to our Savior Christ) to dwell peaceablye in the fairest Cities of Christendom, by good reason they should be suffered to live in the desolate mountains & valleis, having their whole religion • ounded upon the holy Gospel, and worshipping the Lord Jesus: and therefore they most humbly besought them, to have pity and compassion upon them, and to suffer them to live quietly in their deserts, protesting that they and theirs would live in all fear & reverence of God, with all due subjection and obedience to their Lord and prince, and to his Lieutenants and officers.
The President and the rest of the Commissioners perceiving that they labored in vain, returned to Thurin, with the notes of their proceedings, the which immediately were sent unto the kings court, & there the matter remained one year, before there was any answer made thereunto: during which time, the Waldoys lived in great quietness, as God of his infinite goodness is wont to give some comfort & refreshing to his poor servants, after long troubles and afflictions. The number of the faithful so augmented, that throughout the valleis, God's word was purely preached, & his sacraments duly administered, and no mas • e was song in Angrōgne, nor in diverse other places. The yere after, the President of S. Julian with his associates, returned to Pigneroll, & sent for thither, the chief Rulers of Angrongne, & of the valley of Luserne, that is, for six of Angrongne, and for two of every parish besides, and shown unto them, how that the last yere they had presented their confession, the which by a decree made by the parliament of Thurin, was sent to the kings court, & there diligently examined by learned men, & condemned as heretical. Therefore the king willed and commanded them, to return to the obedience of the Church of Rome, upon pain of loss both of goods and life: enjoining them moreover, to give him a direct answer within 3. days. From thence he went to Luserne, & caused the householders, with great threatenings to assemble them selves before certain by him appointed: but they with one assent persisted in their former confession. And least they should seem stubbern in the defense of any erroneous doctrine, they desired that their confession might be sent to all the Universities of Christendom, and if the same in any part, by the word of God were disproved, it should be immediately amended: but contrariwise, if that were not done, then they to be no more disquieted.
The President not contented with this, the next morning sent for six of Angrongne by him named, & for two out of every other parish, the which he and the Gentlemenne of the country threatened very sore, and warned twelve of the chief of Angrongne, and certain of the other parishes, to appear personally at the Parliament of Thurine, and to bring before the Judges of the said Parliament, their ministers and scholemaisters, thinking if they were once banished the country, that then their enterprise might soon be brought to an ende. To the which it was answered, that they could not, nor ought not to obey such a commandment.
A little while after, Proclamation was made in every place, that no man should receive any preacher coming from Geneva, but only such as were appointed by the Archbishop of Thurin, and other his officers, upon pain of confiscation of their goods, and loss of their lives, and that everyone should observe the ceremonies, rites, & religion used in the Church of Rome. Furthermore, if any of the foresaid preachers of Geneva came into those quarters, that they should immediately be apprehended, and by no means their abode there by any one to be concealed, upon the pain aforesaid. And furthermore, the names of those which should disclose any one of them, should be kept secrete, and also for their accusation, they should have the third part of the goods confiscated, with a full pardon, if that the said accusers were any of those which privily did keep or maintain the said ministers: and that they and all other, which would return to their mother the Church, might freely and safely come and recante before the said Commissioners.
At the same season the Princes of Germany, and certain of the Suitzers sent unto the French king, desiring him to have pity on the foresaid Churches, and from that time until three years after, the people of the foresaid valleys were not molested by any of the kings officers: but yet they were sore vexed by the monks of Pigneroll, and the Gentlemen of the valley of S. Martin.
About that time a minister of Angrongne named Geoffrey Uarialla, borne in Piemont, a virtuous and learned man, and fearing God, went to visit certain churches in those quarters where he was borne, and coming homeward, was taken at Berge, and from thence led to Thurin where he after he had made a good confession of his faith, to the confirmation of many, and the terror of the adversaries, most constantly suffered.
A few days after, a minister of the valley of Luserne, returning to Geneva, was taken prisoner at Suse, & soon after sent to Thurin, and with an invincible constancy made his confession before those of the Parliament, and in the end was condemned to be burnt. The hangman at the time of execution feigned himself to be sick, and so conveyed him self away. And so likewise another served them, being appointed by the foresaid Court, to execute the poor minister. It is credibly reported, that the hangman which executed certain Germans a little afore, would by no means do this execution. Wherupon the minister was sent to prison again, where after long & painful endurance, seeing the prison door open, he escaped, and returned to his cure.
Now four years being past, in such manner as we have hitherto touched in this story, in the year following, which was 1559. there was a peace concluded between the French king, and the king of Spain. Whereupon the country of Piemont, (certain towns excepted) was restored to the Duke of Savoy: under whose regiment the foresaid Churches, and all other faithful people in Piemont, continued in great quietness, and wer not molested: and the Duke him self was content to suffer them to live in their religion, knowing that he had no subjects more faithful and obedient then they were. But Satan hating all quietness, by his ministers stirred the Duke against the said Churches of Piemont, his own natural subjects. For the Pope and the Cardinals seeing the good inclination of the Duke towards this people, incensed him to do that, which otherwise he would not. The Popes Legate also which then followed the Court, and other that favored the Church of Rome, labored by all means to persuade the Duke, that he ought to vanishe the said Waldoys, which maintained not the Popes religion: alleging that he could not suffer such a people to dwell within his dominion, without prejudice and dishonor to the Apostolic Sec. Also that they were a rebellious people against the holy ordinances and decrees of their holy mother the Church. And briefly, that he might no longer suffer the said people, being so disobedient & stubbern against the holy father, if he would in deed show him self a loving and obedient son.
Such deuilishe instigations were the cause of these horrible and furious persecutions, wherewith this poor people of the valleys and the Country of Piemont was so long vexed. And because they foresaw the great calamities which they were like to suffer: to find some remedy for the same (if it were possible) all the said Churches of Piemont, with one common consent wrote to the duke, declaring in effect, that the only cause why they were so hated, and for the which he was by their enemies so sore incensed against them, was their religion: which was no new or light opinion, but that wherein they and their auncitours had long continued, being wholly grounded upon the infallible word of God, contained in the old and New Testament. Notwithstanding, if it might be proved by the same word, that they held any false or erroneous doctrine, they would submit them selves to be reformed, with all obedience. But it is not certain whether this aduertisemente was delivered unto the Duke, or no: for it was said, that he would not hear of that Religion. But howe so ever it was, in the month of March following, there was great persecution raised against the poor Christians, which wer at Carignan. Amongest whom there were certain godly persons taken, & burnt within four days after, that is to say, one named Mathurine, and his wife, and John de Carquignan, dwelling in the valley of Luserne, taken prisoner as he went to the market at Pignerol. The woman died with great constancy. The good man, John de Carquignan had ben in prison diverse times before for religion and was always delivered by God's singular grace and providence. But seeing him self taken this last time, incōtinēt he said, he knew that God had now called him. Both by the way as he went, and in prison, and also at his death, he shown an invincible constancy, and marvelous virtue, as well by the pure confession which he made touching the doctrine of salvation, as also in suffering with patience the horrible torments which he endured both in prison, & also at his death. Many at that time fled away: others being afraid of that great cruelty, and fearing man also more then God, looking rather to the earth, then unto heavē, consented to return to the obedience of the Church of Rome.
Within few days after, these Churches of the said Waldoys, that is to say, Le Larch, Meronne, Mean, and Suse were wonderfully assaulted. To recite all the outrage, cruelty, and villainy that was there committed, it were too long: for brevities sake we will recite only certain of the principal and best known. The Churches of Mean & Suse suffered great afflictions. Their minister was taken amongst other. Many fled away, and their houses and goods were ransacked and spoiled. The Minister was a good & a faithful servant of God, and endued with excellent gifts and graces, who in the ende was put to moste shameful and cruel death. The great patience which he shown in the middes of the fire, greatly astonished the adversaries. Likewise the Churches of Larche and Meronne were marueilouslye tormented and afflicted. For some were taken and sent to the galleis, other some consented & yielded to the adversaries, and a great number of them fled away. It is certainly known, that those which yielded to the adversaries, were more cruelly handled then the others which continued constant in the truth. Whereby God declareth howe greatly he detesteth all such as play the Apostates, and shrink from the truth.
But for the better understanding of the beginning of this horrible persecution against the Waldoys, here note, that first of all proclamations were made in every place, that none should resort to the Sermons of the Lutherans, but should live after the custom of the Church of Rome, upon pain of forfeiture of their goods, and to be condemned to the Galleyes forever, or loose their lives. Three of the most cruel persons that could be found, were appointed to execute this commission. The first was one Thomas Iacomel, a Monk, and Inquisitor of the Romish faith, a man worthy for such an office, for he was an Apostate, and had renounced the known truth, and persecuted mortally and malitiouslye the poor Christians, against his own conscience, and of set purpose, as his books do sufficiently witness. He was also a whoremonger, and given over to all other villainies and filthy living, and in the horrible sin of Sodomitry, which he commonly used, he passed all his fellows. Briefly, he was nothing else but a misshapen monster both against God and nature. Moreover, he so afflicted and tormented the poor captives of the said Waldoys, by spoiling, robbery, and extortion, that he deserved not only to be hanged, but to be broken upon y e whele a hundred times, and to suffer so many cruel deaths, if it were possible: so great, so many, and so horrible were the crimes that he had committed.
The seconde was the Collateral Corbis, who in the examination of the prisoners, was very rigorous & cruel, for he only demanded of them whether they would go to the mass, or be burnt within three days, and in very deed executed his sayings. But it is certainly reported, that he seeing the constancy, and hearing the confession of the pore Martyrs, feeling a remorse, and tormented in conscience, protested that he would never meddle anymore.
The third was the Prouost de la Justice, a cruel and crafty wretch, accustomed to apprehend the poor Christians either by night, or early in the morning, or in the high way going to the market, and was commonly lodged in the valley of Luserne, or there aboutes. Thus the poor people were always as the seely sheep in the Wolves jaws, or as the sheep which are led unto the slaughter house.
At that season one named Charles de Comptes, of the valley of Luserne, and one of the Lord's of Angrongne, wrote to the said Commissioners, to use some levity towards them of the valley of Lusern. By reason whereof, they were a while more gently entreated then the rest. At that season the monks of Pignerol, & their associates tormented grievously the churches near about them. They took the poor Christians as they passed by the way, and kept them prisoners within their abbey. And having assembled a company of Ruffians, they sent them to spoil those of the said churches, and to take prisoners, men, women & children, and some they so tormented, that they wer compelled to swear, to return to the mass, other some also they sent to the galleis, and other some they burnt cruelly. They which escaped, were afterwards so sick, that they seemed to have been poisoned. The same year there were two great earthquakes in Piemonte, and also many great tempests and horrible thunders.
The Gentlemen of the valley of S. Martin, entreated their tennauntes very cruelly, threatening them, and commanding them to return unto the Mass, also spoiling them of th • yr goods, imprisoning them, and vexing them by all the means they could. But above all the other, two especially, y t is to say, Charles Truchet and Boniface his brother, the which the 2. day of April before day, with a company of Ruffians, spoiled a village of their own subjects, named Renclaret, the which as soon as the inhabitants of the said village perceived, they fled into the mountain covered with snow, naked and without victual, and there remained until the third night after. In the morning certain of his retinue toke a minister of the said valley prisonner, which was come out of Calabria, & was going to visit the poor people of Renclaret, and led him prisonner to the Abbey, where soon after he was burnt, with one other of the valley of S. Martin.
The third night after, they of Pragela having pity upon the poor people of Renclaret, sent about iv. C. to discomfite the company of the Truchets, and to restore those which were fled to their houses. They were furiously assaulted by the shot of their enemies, who notwithstanding in the end were put to flight, and but one of the four hundred hurt.
About a year before, the said Truchet being accompanied with a company of ruffians, arrested prisoner the minister of Renclaret, as he was at his Sermon. But the people was so moved by this outrageous dealing, & specially the women, that they had almost strangled the said Truchet, and the rest of them were so canuased, that they had no list to come there again anymore. By reason whereof he so vexed them by process, that they were compelled to agree with him, and to pay him xvi.C. crowns.
Soone after the lords of the said valley took another minister of the same valley, as he was going to preach in a parish, a mile frō his house: but the people perceiving that, speedily pursued him, and took him. The enemies seeing that they were not able to lead him away, wounded him so sore, that they left him for dead. Whereupon they so persecuted the poor people, that they were almost destroyed.
Here is not to be forgotten, that the same night in the which the company of Truchet was discomfited, was so stormy and terrible, and the Gentlemen of that Country were so terrified, that they thought they should have been all destroyed. Wherefore they used more gentleness towards the people then before, except Charles Truchet, & his brother, the which went to the Duke, and made grievous complaints against the Waldoys, not only for that which was done and past, but also persuaded the duke, that they went about to build three Fortresses in the mountains, and also intended to maintain certain garrisons of strangers: charging them further with diverse other crimes, of the which they were in no point guilty. The Duke being moved by these false surmises, gave in charge to the said accusers, and the Fortress of the valley of S. Martin, the which about twenty yere before was rased by the French men, should be builte again, and that therein should be placed a perpetual garrison, and that the people should make so plain and wide the rugged ways, that horsemen might easily pass, with diverse such other things: and all this to be done at the costs & charges of those that would not submit them selves to the abedience of the Romaine Church.
This commission being sealed, the Gentlemen caused the Fortress to be built again, and put therein a garrison, and proclaimed the commission. The poor people being thereat amazed, withstood the Commissioners, and sent certain to the Duke: and immediately after the Commissioners returned to the Dukes Courte, being at Nice, to inflame his anger more against them. But God soon prevented this mischief: For the Truchets being at Nice, went to the Sea, with diverse noble men, and immediately they were taken prisoners by the Turks, put into the Galleys, sore beaten with ropes, and so cruelly handled, that it was commonly reported that they were dead: and long time after denying their nobility, were sent home, having paid 400. crowns for their ransom. Some say, that the Duke himself was almost taken, but it is sure that he fell sick soon after.
In the month of April next following, the Lord of Raconis was present at a Sermon, in a place near unto Angrongne. The sermon being ended, he talked with the ministers, and having discoursed as well of the Dukes sickness, as also of his clemency and gentleness, he declared to them, that the persecution proceeded not of him, and that he meant not that the commission should have been so rigorously executed. After that he demanded of them, what way they thought best to appease the Dukes wrath. They answered, that the people ought not to be moved to seek by any means, howe to please & appease the Duke, which might displease God. But y e best way they knew, was the same, wherewith the ancient servants of God, used to appease the Pagan Princes and Emperors, in the time of the great persecutions of the church, that is to say, to give out and present unto them in writing, the confession of their faith, and defense of the religion which they professed: trusting that for as much as the fury of diverse profane and Ethnike Emperors and princes have been heretofore appeased by such means, the Duke being endued with such singular virtues, as they said he was, would also be pacified by the like means: And for that cause the poor people had before sent a supplication, with a Confession of their faith unto the Duke, but they were not certain whether he had received it, or no. Wherefore they desired him to present the same unto the said Duke him self. Whereunto he agreed & promised so to do. Wherupon they sent three supplications: one to the Duke, the second to the Duches, and the third to y e dukes counsel, wherein they briefly declared what their religion was, and the points thereof, which they and their aunciters had of a long time observed, being wholly grounded upon the pure word of God: and if by the same word it should be proved, that they were in error, they would not be obstinate, but gladly be refourmed, and embrace the truth. After this the persecution seemed to be somewhat asswaged for a little while.
In the ende of June next following, the Lord of Raconis, and the Lord of Trinity came to Angrogne, there to quallifie (as they said) the sore persecution. and caused the chief rulers and ministers to assemble together, propoundinge diverse points of Religion concerning Doctrine, the calling of Ministers, the Mass, and obedience towards Princes and Rulers: and furthermore declared unto them that their confession was sent to Rome by the Duke, and daily they looked for answer. To all these points the Ministers answered. After this they demanded of the chief rulers, if that the Duke would cause Mass to be song in their parishes, whether they would withstand the same, or no. They answered simply that they would not. Then they demanded of them if that the Duke would appoint them Preachers, whether they would receive them. They answered, that if they preached the word of God purely, they would hear them. Thirdly, if y t they were content, that in the mean time their ministers should cease, and if they which should be sent, preached not the word of God sincerely, then their ministers to preach again. If they would agree to this, they were promised that the persecution should cease, and the prisoners should be • estored again. To this question, after they had conferred with the people, they answered, that they could by no means suffer that their Ministers should forbear preaching.
The two Lord's not contented with this answer, commanded in the Dukes name, that all the Minysters which were strangers, should out of hand be banished the country: saying, that the Duke would not suffer them to dwell within his dominion, for that they were his enemies: demanding also whether they would foster and maintain the Princes enemies within his own lande against his own decree and express commandment? To the which, answer was made by the chief Rulers, that they could by no means banish them, unless they were afore convicted of some heresy, or other crime: for their part, they had always found them to be men of pure and sound doctrine, and also of godly life and conversation.
Thus done, immediately Proclamations were made, and the persecution began on every side to be more furious then it was afore. Amongest others, the Monks of Pignerol at that time were most cruel: for they sent out a company of hired Ruffians, which daily spoiled and ransacked houses, and all that they could lay hands of, took men, women, and children, and led them captives to the Abbey, where they were most spitefully afflicted and tormented. At the same time they sent also a band of the said ruffians by night, to the Ministers house of S. Germain, in the valley of Perouse, being led thither by a traitor which knew the house, and had used to haunt thither secretly: who knocking at the door, the Minister knowing his voice, came forth immediately, and perceiving himself to be betrayed, fled: but he was soon taken and sore wounded, and yet notwithstanding they pricked him behind with their halbards, to make him hasten his pace. At that time also many they slue, many they hurt, and many also they brought to the Abbey, and there kept them in prison, and cruelly handled them. The good Minister endured sore imprisonment, and after that a most terrible kind of death, with a wonderful constancy: For they roasted him by a small fire: and when half his body was burnt, he confessed and called upon the Lord Jesus, with a loud voice.
The Inquisitor Iacomel, with his Monks, and the Collateral Corbis, amongst other, shown one practice of most barbarous cruelty against this poor man. Who when he should be burnt, caused two poor women of S. Germain (which they kept in prison) to carry fagots to the fire, and to speak these words to their Pastor: take this, thou wicked heretic, in recompense of thy naughty doctrine, which thou hast taught us. To whom the good Minister answered: Ah good women, I have taught you well, but you have learned ill. To be brief, they so afflicted and tormented those poor people of Saint Germain, and the places thereabout, that after they were spoiled of their goods, and driven from their houses, they were compelled to fly into y e mountain to save their lives. So great was the spoil of this poor people, that many which before had been men of much w • alth, and with their riches had ministered great succor and comfort to others, were now brought to such misery, that they were compelled to crave succor and relief of other.
Now, for as much as the said Monks, with their troupes of ruffians (which were counted to be in number about three hundred) made such spoil and havoc in all the country, that no man could there live in safety: it was demanded of the Ministers, whether it was lawful to defend themselves, against the insolency and furious rage of the said Ruffians. The Ministers answered, that it was lawful, warning them in any case, to take heed of bloodshed. This question being once dissolved, they of the valley of Luserne and of Angrongne, sent certain men to them of S. Germain, to aid them against the supporters of these Monks.
In the month of June, the harvest being then in Piemont, diverse of the Waldoys were gone into y e country, to reap and make provision for corn, for very little groweth upon their mountains: the which were all taken prisoners at sundry times and places, not one knowing of another: but yet God so wrought, that they all escaped out of prison, as it were by a miracle: Whereat the adversaries were maruelously astonished. At the same time, there were certain other also, which had sustained long imprisonment, looking for nothing else but death: and yet they after a wonderful sort, by God's merciful providence were likewise delivered.
In the month of July, they of Angrongne, being in a morning at harvest, upon the hill side of S. Germain, perceived a company of soldiers spoylyng them of S. German: & doubting least they would go to Angrōgne, made an outcry. Then the people of Angrongne assembled together upon the mountain, and some ran to S. Germain over the hill, & some by the valley. They which went by the valley, met with the spoilers coming from S. Germain, loden with spoil, which they had gotten, and being but 50. set upon the other, amounting to the number of 120. men well appointed, and gave them soon the overthrow. The passage over the bridge being stopped, the enemies were fain to take the river of Cluzon, where diverse were sore hurt, many were drowned, & some escaped very hardly: and such a slaughter was made o • them, that the river was died with the blood of them, which were wounded and slain, but none of the Angrōgmans were once hurt. If the said river had been as great as it was wont commonly to be, there had not one mā escaped alive. The noise of the harquebushes was great, and within less then one hours space, there was three or four hundredth of the Waldoys, gathered together upon the river: and at the same time, they had purposed to fetch away their prisoners, which were in the Abbey, but they would not do it without the counsel of their Ministers, and so deferred the matter until the next day: But their Ministers coūsailed thē, not to enterprise any such thing: but to refrain themselves, and so they did. Albeit they doubted not, but if they had gone incontinent, after that discomfiture, unto the Abbey: they might have found all open, and easily have entered: For the Monks were so sore afraid, that they fled suddenly to Pignerol, to save their relics and Images, which they carried thither. The rest of the country about, were wonderfully afraid, & range the Belles everywhere. The greater part of them fled, doubting least the poor Waldoys would have revenged the wrongs and outrages done unto them.
The next day following, the Commander of Saint Anthony de Fossan came to Angrongne, accompanied with diverse Gentlemen, saying that he was sent by the Duke: and having assembled the chief Rulers and Ministers of Angrongne, and of the Ualley of Luserne, after he had declared unto them the cause of his coming, he read their Supplication directed to the Duke, which contained their confession, demaūdyng of them, if it were the same, which they had sent to the Duke. They answered, yea. Then he began to dispute, being sent (as he said) to inform them of their errors, not doubting, but they would amēde, according to their promise. Then he entered into a disputation of the Mass, in a great heat, deriuyng the same frō the Hebrew word Massa, which signified (as he supposed) consecration, and shown that this word Missa, might be found in ancient writers. The Ministers answered that he ill applied the Hebrew word: and further, that they disputed not of the word Missa, but of that which is signified by the same, the which he ought first to prove by y e word of God. Briefly that he could not prove either by the word of God, or the ancient fathers, their private Mass, their sacrifice expiatorie or propiciatorie, their transubstantiation, their adoration, their application of the same for the quick and the dead, & such other matters, which are principal partes of the said Mass. The Cōmaunder having here nothing to reply, fell into a marvelous color, railing and raging as if he had been stark mad, and told thē that he was not come to dispute, but to banish their Ministers, & to place others in their rooms, by the Dukes commandment, which he could not, unless their Ministers were first driven out of the country.
From thence he went to the Abbey of Pigneroll, where he & Iacomell caused a number of the poor inhabitaunts of Campillō, and of Feuill, which be of the Ualley of Luserne, to be taken prisoners, spoylyng them of their goods, driuyng away their cattle, and forcing them to swear & forswear, & in the end raūsomed them, for great sums of money. About that time, a Gentlemā of Campillon agreed with those which were fled, for xxx. crowns to be paid unto him out of hand, that he would warrant them from any further vexation or trouble, so that they remained quiet at home. But when he had received the money, he caused the Commander of Fossan with his men, by night to come to his house, and then sent for the poor men thinking traitorously to have delivered thē into the hands of their mortal enemy, following therein the Decree of the Council of Constance: which is, that no promise is to be kept with heretics. But God knowing how to succor his, in their necessity, prevented this danger: for one of them had intelligence of the Commaunders coming, & so they all fled. Thereupon they writ to the Lord of Rāconis, declaring unto him y e proceedings of the Cōmaūder, and that he neither would nor could show or prove any thing by the word of God, as he had promised: but threatened them great wrongs & injuries, and would not suffer their Ministers to reply, or say any thing for the defense of their cause: & therefore they desired him to signify the same unto the Dukes grace, to the end that he should not be offended, if they persisted still in their religiō, seeing it was not proved unto them, by any reason taken out of the Scripture, that they erred.
After this, there were many commandments and injunctions given out thorough all the country, to banish these poor Waldoys, with the doctrine of the Gospel (if it were possible) out of the mountains and Ualleyes of Piemont: But the poor people still desired that, according to that, which they had so often before protested by word & writing, they might be suffered to serve God purely, according to the rule prescribed in his word: simply obeying their Lord & Prince always & in all things. Notwithstanding they were still vexed and tormented with all the cruelty that could be devised, as partly it is already declared: but much more you shall perceive by that which followeth.
In the end of October next following, the rumor went that an army was leuying to destroy them, and in very deed there were certain bands leuyed, ready to march at an hours warning. Furthermore, those malefactors which heretofore were fled, or banished for any offense or crime committed, were called home again, and pardoned of altogether, so that they would take them to their weapons, and go to destroy the Waldoys. The Ministers and chief Rulers of the valleys of Luserne and Angrongne, therupō assembled together oftentimes to take advise what in such an extremity, were best to do. In the ende they determined, that for certain days following, there should be kept a general fast, and y e Sunday after, a communion. Also that they should not defend themselves by force of arms, but that everyone should withdraw himself into the high mountains, and everyone to carry away such goods as he was able to bear: and if their enemies pursued them thither, then to take such advise and counsel as it pleased God to give them. This Article of not defending themselves, seemed very strange to the people, being driven to such an extremity, and y e cause being so just. But yet everyone begā to carry their goods and vitailes into the mountains, and for the space of eight days, all the ways were filled with comers and goers to the mountains, like unto Ants in Summer, which provide for winter. All this did they in this great perplexity & danger, with a wonderful courage and cherefulnes, praising of God and singing of Psalms, and everyone comforting another. Briefly, they went with such joy and alacrity, that you should not have seen any, which grudged to leave their houses and fair possessions, but were wholly determined patiently to abide the good pleasure of God, and also to die if he had so appointed.
A few days after, certain other Ministers hearing what they of Angrongne & Luserne had concluded, wrote unto them, that this resolution seemed very strange to some, that they ought not to defend themselves against the violence of their enemies, alleging many reasons, that in such an extremity and necessity, it was lawful for them so to do: especially, the quarrel being so just, that is, for the defense of true Religion, and for the preservation of their own lives, and the lives of their wives and children: knowing that it was the Pope and his Ministers which were the cause of all these troubles and cruel wars, and not the Duke. Who was stirred up thereunto only by their instigations: Wherefore they might well and with good conscience, withstand such furious and outrageous violence. For the proof hereof, they also alleged certain examples.
During this season, the Lord of Angrongne, named Charles de Comptes of Luserne, labored earnestly by all means possible, to cause them of Angrongne, to condescend to the Dukes pleasure, & solicited them to send away their Ministers, promising that he would cause a Mass to be song at Angrongne, and that the people should not be compelled to be present thereat, hoping that by that means, the Dukes wrath would be appeased. The chief of Angrōgne thereupon were assembled and made this answer, that if the Duke would permit them to choose other Ministers, they were content to send away their foreign ministers & strangers. But as touching the Mass, his highness might well cause it to be song in their parishes, but they for their part, could not with safe consciences, be present at the same, nor yet give their consent unto it.
The xxij. of October, the said Lord of Angrongne, went from Luserne, to Mondeuis (where he was then governor for the Duke) and sent for the chief Rulers of Angrongne, at several times, declaring unto them the great perils and dangers wherewith they were environed, the army being already at hand: yet promising them if they would submit themselves unto him, he would send immediately to stay the army. They of Angrongne answered, that they all determined to stand to that, which they, two days before in their assemble, had put in writing. With this answer he seemed at that present, to be content. The next day the rumor was, that they of Angrongne had submitted themselves to the Duke. On the morrow, which was Sunday, you should have seen nothing but weeping and mourning in Angrongne. The Sermon being ended, the Rulers were called before the ministers and the people, the which affirmed, that they wholly cleaved unto their former writing, and they sent secretly to the Notary, for the copy of that which was passed in the counsel house, at their last assemble before the Lord de Comptes: in the which was comprised, that Angrongne had wholly submitted hirselfe to the good pleasure of the Duke. The people hearing that, were sore astonished, and protested rather to die, then obey the same, and thereupon it was agreed, that at that very instant, (albeit it were very late) certain should be sent to the Lord of Angrongne, to signify unto him, that the determination of the Council was falsified, and that it might please him, the next morning to come to Angrongne, to hear the voices of the people, not only of the men, but also of the women and children. But he himself went not thither, (having intelligence of the uproar) but sent thither the Judge of that place. Then that which had been falsified, was duly corrected, the Judge laying all the blame upon the Notary.
During this time, the adversaries cried out through all the Country of Piemont, To the fire with them, to the fire with them. The Thursday after, Angrongne, by proclamations and writings set up in every place, was exposed to the fire and sword. On Friday after, being the seconde of November, the army approached to the borders of the valley of Luserne, and certain horsemen came to a place called S. John, a little beneath Angrongne. Then the people retired into y e mountains. Certain of S. John perceiving that the horsemen not only spoiled their goods, but also took their fellows prisoners, set upon them. It is not certain what number of the enemies were there slain: but suddenly they retired to Bubiane, where their campe then was, and not one of them of S. John was slain or hurt. It happened at the same time, that two of the foresaid horsemen being sore amazed, galoped before the rest, towards the army, being ready to march towards Angrongne, crying, they come, they come. At whose cry, the whole army was so astonished, that every man fled his way, and they were all so scattered, that the Captains that day were not able to bring them in order again, and yet no creature followed them.
On the Saturday in the morning, the army mustered in the medowe ground of S. John, near to Angrongne. They of Angrongne had sent certain to keep y e passages, and stop the army, that they should not enter, if it were possible. In the mean season, the people retired into the medowe of Tower, and little thought of the coming of the army so soon, or that they would have made such a sodeine assault, for they were yet carrying of victuals and other stuff: so that few of them kept the passages. Now they which kept the straits, perceiving that their enemies prepared themselves to fight, fell down upon their knees, and made their prayers unto God, that it would please him to take pity upon them, and not to look upon their sins, but to the cause which they maintained: to turn the harts of their enemies, and so to work, that there might be no effusion of blood: and if it were his will to take them, with their wives & infantes, out of this world, that he would then mercifully receive them into his kingdom. In this sort most fervent prayers were made of all those that kept the passages, with exhortation that they should altogether cry unto God, and crave his succor and assistance in this great distress. All this the Lord of Trinity and the army did well perceive.
Their prayers thus ended, suddenly they perceived their enemies coming towards them, through the vines, to wynne the top of the mountain of Angrongne. In the mean time the Prior of Saint John, and Iacomel, were within the temple of Angrongne, and communed with the Rulers touching an agreement. These were sent thither by the Lord of Trinity, to keep the people occupied. To be short, the combat began in diverse places, and endured for a long space in the passages of Angrongne. The poor Waldoys (being but few in number, and some of them having but slings and crossebowes) were sore pressed with the multitude of their enemies. At length they retired to the top of the mountain, where they defended themselves until night.
When they had found a place where they might wythstande their enemies still pursuing them, they turned themselves, and slue diverse of them, and hurt many. When the evening came, the enemies rested, and were about to encamp themselves, there to sup and lodge all night. Which thing, when the Angrongnians perceived, they fell to prayer, desiring God to assist and succor them: but the enemies flouted them, and laughed them to scorn. Then y e poor people devised to send a drumme into a little valley hard by. And as they were making their prayers unto God, & the drumme sounded in y e valley, the Lord of Trinity caused his soldiers which were about, to encamp themselves, to remove thence: which was a great vauntage to the poor people, which now were sore weeried with travail, all wet with sweating, and very thyrstie, and in great peril, if God had not given them some little breathing time. Many of the enemies that day were slain, and many hurt, of the which very few escaped. In so much that they reported that the shot was poisoned, which this poor simple people never used to do in all these wars. Of the Angrongnians, that day there were but three slain, and one hurt, which afterwards was well healed again. This combat gave great courage to the Waldoys, and sore astonished the adversaries. The same time the army retiring, burnt many houses, and made great spoil as they went, destroyeng also the wines which were in the presses.
The said Lord of Trinity, with his army, camped in a village beyond Tour, in the valley of Luserne, at the foot of the hill, between Angrongne and y e other towns of y e valley of Luserne, which professed y e Gospel. They of the said village were always sore against y e Waldoys, & haters of true religion, and were glad of this outrage and violence done against the professors thereof: but they had their just plague, for they were all destroyed. After this the said Lord of Trinity caused the Fortress to be built again, which the Frenchmen had rased, and placed there a garrison, and after sent another to the Forte of Uillars, which is of the valley of Luserne, and another he sent to the Fortress of Perouse, and a fourth garrison he placed in the Castle of S. Martin. They of Angrongne (seeing themselves to be now as it were in a sea of troubles) after they had recommended themselves unto God by prayer, and committed their cause unto him: sent to them of Perouse, of S. Martin, and of Pragela, for aid and succor: which sent them all the help that they were able.
The next day following, there came letters to Angrongne, from the Lord of Trinity: The effect whereof was this, that he was sorry for that which was done the day before, and that he came not thither to make war against them, but only to view if it were a place convenient, to build a Fort therein to serve the Duke. Furthermore, that his soldiers seeing the people assembled, as it were, to defy them, upon that occasion only were stirred up to give assault and to set upon them. Also that he was sory that such spoil was made of their goods and such hurt done by fire. But if they would show themselves obedient to y e Duke, he had good hope that all should be well, and trusted that some good agreement should be made. The Angrongnians answered, that they were marueylously aggrieved to be so assaulted, spoiled, and tormented by the subjects of their liege and natural prince: and as they had oftentimes before offered themselves to be more faithful and obedient to their sovereign prince the Duke, then any of all his subjects besides: so yet still they offered the same obedience. Also they most humbly besought him, not to think it strange, if they being constrained by such extreme necessity, defended themselves. Finally, as touching their Religion, they affirmed that it was the pure word of God, even as it was preached by the Prophets and Apostles: and the same which their predecessors had observed for certain hundredth years past. Moreover, that the cause was not concerning the goods of the world, but the honor and glory of God, the salvation, or destruction of the souls both of them and theirs, and therefore it were much better for them to die all together, then to forsake their religion: and yet if it might be proved unto them by good demonstration out of the word of God, that they were in error, not by force of arms, by blood and fire: they would then yield themselves with all obedience, most humbly beseeching him and all other the Lord's of the Country of Piemont, to be their intercessors and advocates to the Duke in this behalf.
Upon Monday being the fourth day of November, the Lord of Trinity sent his army to Uillars and Tailleret. The lesser company ascended toward Uillers. The people seeing their enemies aproching, after they had called upon God with fervent prayer, strongly defended themselves, and slue many: many also were hurt, and the rest fled. The other company ascended towards Tailleret. And although they of that place were but few in number, and that parte of the army the greater, yet making their prayers unto God, and commending their cause unto him, they defended themselves likewise valiantly.
In the mean season they of Uillars being emboldened by their late victory, came to assist their neighbors, and being assembled together, they courageously pursued their enemies, and put them to • light. In this pursuit it chanced (which here is not to be forgotten) that this poor people, by an ambush of their enemies, which came another way, were suddenly enclosed on every side, and like to be destroyed: but yet they all escaped, and not one of them was slain, only iii. were hurt, which were soon cured again. On the enemies side, there were so many slain, that they were laid together by whole cart loades. This was the reward of those which were so desirous to shed innocent blood. The same day the inhabitauntes of Sanson near to Roccapiata, assembled in great number together, and went to a riche man's house of Roccapiata, and spoiled all that he had. Certain of Roccapiata (in number not past xvij.) understanding this, set upon them, & soon put them to flight, took away their drumme, & forced them to leave their bootie behind them.
After that the Lord of Trinit • e had received the letters of the Angrongnians, he sent unto them his Secretary, named Christopher Gastaut, (which said him self, that he favored the verity of the Gospel) accompanied with a Gentleman of the said valley. Whose charge was to cause the chief rulers to send certain to common with the said Lord of Trinity, saying that he had good tidings to declare unto them, & moreover, that he would deliver them a safe conduct to come and go. Wherupon they sent four unto him, whom he entreated very courteously, & rehearsed unto them, how the Duke at his departure from the Court, told him, that although the Pope, the Princes, and Cities of Italy, yea his own counsel were fully resolved that of necessity they of the said Religion should be destroyed, yet notw t stādyng God otherwise put in his mind, and that he had taken counsel of God, what he should do in this matter: that is, that he would use them gently. Furthermore, he declared unto them, that the Duches bare them good affection, and favored them very much, & that she had commended their cause unto the Duke, perswadyng with him, to have regard to that poor people, & that their Religion was ancient & old, with many such other things. Moreover they had (said he) great friends in the Dukes Court, not doubting but if they would send certain to the Court with a Supplication, they should obtain more, then they themselves would require, and he for his part would employ himself in their affairs, to the uttermost of his power: and so he promised that he would retire him self with his army. This he seemed to speak unfeignedly. The people desiring but to live peaceably in their Religion, and under the obedience of their Prince, were content to follow his counsel.
About this season, they of Angrongne perceived that a part of the army ascended the hill of Tailleret (which is the half way between Angrongne, and those of the valley of Luserne) & the other part had already gotten a way, which led to the Medow of Tour, by the which they of Angrōgne might easily have been enclosed. Therefore they sent certain immediately to keep the way, who soon after encountered with their enemies, and obtained the victory, pursuyng and chasing them to their camp, not without great loss of their men. The number of their enemies slain, was not known: for their custom was, immediately to carry away those which were slain. Not one of Angrongne perished that day, nor yet was hurt. It was feared that this combat would have hyndred the agreement. But the Lord of Trinity could well dissemble this matter, and excused that days journey, putting the fault upon them of Tailleret, whom he charged to have slain certain of his men in the high way, but amongst other, his Barber.
On Saturday following, being the ix. of November, the said Lord of Trinity sent again for them of Angrongne, to consult with him touching the agreement, using the like communication, as before: and added thereunto, that in token of true obedience, they should carry their armor into two of the houses of the chief Rulers, not fearing but it should be safe: for it should remain in their own keeping, and if need were, they should receive it again. Also that▪ he upon Sunday (which was the next day) would cause a Mass to be song within the temple of S. Laurence in Angrongne, accōpanyed with a very few, and thereby the Dukes wrath would be asswaged. The next morning he went in the temple, (whereat they were sore aggrieved, albeit they could not withstand him) his army marchyng afore him: and having caused a Mass to be song, he desired to see the Medow of Tour, so much spokē of, that thereof he might make a true report unto the Duke: and thither the Rulers, with a great troupe of his own men, went: the residue of his company remain behind, the which spoiled certain houses, and ceased the armor which they had delivered up before: but they found no great store, for the people had taken away the greatest part thereof. The said Lord being entered into the Medow of Tour, the people began to make a commotion. Whereof he having intelligence, returned immediately. All that day he shown himself very courteous to all whom he met.
The people in this mean time, perceived themselves to be in great danger, and were sore moved at the sight of the army, the spoil of the soldiers, the taking away of their armor, but especially because the said Lord of Trinity had viewed the Medow of Tour, foreseeing his traiterous meaning and purpose. A few days after, the said Lord of Trinity sent his Secretary Gastaut to Angrongne, to talk with them concerning the agreement, and to make a full resolution thereof: which was read in the assemble, by the Secretary, the sum whereof, was this: That the people of Angrongne submitted themselves to render all honor and reverence to God, according to his holy word, and all due obedience to the Duke their sovereign Prince: to whom they should send certain men to demand pardon of him, concerning their bearing of armor in their extreme necessity, and humbly to beseech him that he would suffer them to live peaceably in their religion, which was according to the word of God, not compelling them to do any thing against their conscience: as it appeareth more amply in the supplication, which after this the Angrongnians made, and caused to be read before the Secretary, in the open assemble, the which here ensueth.
To the most excellent and worthy prince, The Duke of Savoy, &c. our sovereign Lord, and natural Prince.
MOst noble and renowned prince, we have sent certain of our men unto your highness, to give testimony of our humble, hearty, and unfeigned obedience unto the same, and with all submission, desire pardon, touching the bearing of armor by certain of our people in their extreme necessity, and for all other our trespasses, for the which your sovereign grace might conceive any offense against us.
Secondly, to desire in most humble wise, your said highness, in the name of our Lord Jesus, that it would please the same, to suffer us to live with freedom of conscience in our religion, which also is the religion of our auncitours, observed for certain hundredth years past. And we are persuaded that it is the pure Gospel of our Lord Jesus, the only verity, the word of life and salvation, which we profess. Also that it may please your most gracious clemency, not to take in ill part, if we, fearing to offend and displease God, cannot consent unto certain traditions and ordinances of the Church of Rome: and herein to have pity upon our poor souls, and the souls of our children: to the end that your highness be not in any wise charged in the just judgment of God for the same, where all men must appear to answer for their doings.
On our part, we protest that we will seek nothing but to be the true servants of God, to serve him according to his holy word: and also to be true and loyal subjects to your highness, and more obedient then any other: being always ready to give our goods, our bodies, our lives, and the lives of our children, for your noble grace, as also our religion teacheth us to do: only we desire that our souls may be left at liberty, to serve God according to his holy word.
And we your poor humble subjects, shall most heartily pray our God and father, for the good and long prosperity of youre highness: for the most virtuous Lady your wife, and for the noble house of Savoy.
To this supplication, they of S. John, of Roccapiata, of S. Bartholomewe, and of Perouse, with those of the valley of Luserne, did agree: For it was concluded, that the agreement made, should extend to all the confederates of the same religion. Whiles they were treating of this agreement, the Lord of Trinity vexed cruelly them of Tailleret, under this pretence, because they had not presented themselves, to treat of this agreement. He tormented them after this sort. First he commanded that all their armor should be brought before him, and then they, on their knees, should ask him pardon, because they came not to treat of the agreement with the rest: which notwithstanding the most parte of them did. Then he commanded them, to attend upon him, to enrolle all the names of those, which would be of the foresaid agreement. Wherupon the next morning, the chief of the householders went to the village named Bouuets, the place appointed thereunto, and when they had heard the Sermon, and called upon God, they began to write their names. The enrolling of their names not being fully ended, word was brought, that the soldiers had gotten the top of the mountain, and taken all the passages, whereat they of Tailleret were sore amazed, and ran with all speed to defend their wives and children. Some they saved: the most part, with their goods, were in their enemies hands already. At this time, wich sacking, spoiling, and burning, they did much mischief.
After this, the Lord of Trinity sent word to them which were fled, that if they would return, he would receive them to mercy. The poor people (for the most parte) trusting on his promise, returned to Bouuets, and yet the next morning the soldiers came thither, to apprehend them and their ministers, and beset y e place one every side. Suche as were swift of foot, and could shift best, escaped, but very hardly. The rest were all hurt or taken, and yet they all escaped by a marvelous means: For it happened that there was an old man, which could not run fast, to whom one of the soldiers came with a naked sword in his hand to have slain him. The old man seeing the imminent danger, caught the soldier by the legs, overthrew him, and drew him by the heels down the hill. The soldier cried out, help, help, this villain will kill me. His fellows hearing him cry, made hast to rescue him: but in the mean time the old man escaped. The rest seeing what the old man had done, took heart of grace, and albeit their armor and weapons were taken from them, yet with stones and slings, they so beat and discomfited their enemies, that at that time they carried no prisoners away. The day following y e soldiers returning to the said Tailleret, robbed, spoiled, and carried away all that they could find, and so continued three days together: which was very easy for them to do, because the poor men fearing least they should be charged with violating the agreement, made no resistance, but retired toward Uillars.
The fourth day, the said Lord of Trinity, to torment the poor Taillerets yet more cruelly, sent his army again before day, to y e mountain, and into the same place. And because the people of the said village were retired towards Uillars, and scattered about the borders thereof, in the high mountains, the souldyers not yet satisfied with spoiling and sacking the rest that they found in the said Tailleret, raunging about the confines thereof, rauened, and made havoc on every side, of whatsoever they could lay hands on, taking prisoners both men and women, which were loden with carriage. The poor prisoners were cruelly handled. Amongest other there was one, whose care a soldier of Montdeuis, in a raging fury, bit cleave off, with these words: I will carry (said he) y e flesh of these wretched heretics with me, into my country. They of Uillars also complained of the great cruelty that was shown unto them, during the time of the agreement. The which when the Lord of Trinity understood, to make a show that he was offended therewith, he came to his soldiers (which were so weary, that they could scantly go, not with fighting, but because they were so heavily loden with the spoil, that they were not able to carry it) and pretending to be in a great choler, some he beat, and some things also of a small value, he caused to be restored, but all the rest was kept back, and carried away. The same day, two women, the mother and the daughter were found in a cave in the mountain, wounded to death by the soldiers, and died immediately after. So likewise a blind man, a hundredth years of age, which was fled into a cave, with his sons daughter, being eighteen years old, which fed him, was slain by the enemies, and as they would have forced the maiden, she escaped from them, and fell from the top of the mountain, and died.
At that time also a great company of women of Tailleret & Uillars, were taken as they fled, with their goods, and brought to the campe, and sent away emptye. There was at the same time a certain soldier which promised the Lord of Trinity, to find out the minister of Tailleret, and to deliver him into his own hands. And to bring his purpose to pass, he never ceased until he had found him, and after that he pursued him a long time. But as he was pursuing and chasing him, certain at unawares coming out of the mountain, rescued the poor minister, and killed the soldier with stones.
But this especially is to be noted, that during these troubles, diverse of the Papists had sent their daughters into the mountains unto the Waldoys to be kept, fearing least they should have ben ravished by the soldiers, being wholly given over, as to all cruelty and rauine, so to all villainy and abomination, by whom they were before threatened to be so abused.
All this being done, the said Lord of Trinity caused the head officers and chiefest of y e people, to assemble together, and declared unto them, that the maintaining of the army was a great charge unto the Duke: and that it was meet that they should bear the one half of the charges. For this cause he demanded of them twenty thousand crowns. But by the means of his Secretary Gastaut, who was promised a hundredth crowns for his wyne, (that is to say, for a bribe) four thousand of those twenty, were abated, so that they granted unto him xvj. thousand: of the which sum the Duke released the one half. Then the Lord of Trinity pressed this poor people to deliver the eight thousand out of hand, to pay the souldyers their wages (as he said) and so to withdraw his army. The year before corn was exceeding dear, for a sack was commonly sold for six crowns, yea and some for eight crowns, and also they had very little corn growing upon their mountains: wherefore they were now very bare of money. But they being in this perplexity, and desiring nothing more then to live in peace and quietness, went about to sell their cattle, to pay this money. But the Lord of Trinity had given out a commandment, y t none should buy any cattle of the Waldoys, without his license. Then license was given out to certain, to buy great store of cattle, and that for a small price: and the common brute was, that he had part of the gain. When this money was paid, yet the army notwithstanding retired not.
After this, the Lord of Trinity commanded the Waldoys, to surrender up all their armor, to furnish y e Dukes fortes: otherwise he threatened to send his souldyers amongst them, and in deed he constrained many so to do. Then he demanded moreover the eight thousand crowns which the Duke had remitted, and constrained them to promise the payment thereof. After that he commanded that the ministers should be sent away, until the matter were determined before the Duke: otherwise he would send his soldiers to dislodge them out of hand: whereupon with one common assent and accord, they determined that their ministers should withdraw themselves for a space, until the army were retired: which was not done without marvelous sighs, lamentation, and tears. At that season there fell such abundance of snow, that the like had not been seen of a long time before: so that the people were constrained to make a way with great travail and pain, through the top of the mountain of S. Martin, for their ministers to pass. Now thought the Lord of Trinity so to have enclosed them, he keeping the plain, and the mountains being covered so thick with snow, that by no means they should have escaped his hands. But the people caused thē to pass the top of the mountain, and at their departure, there flocked out of every quarter great multitudes, to the village of Boby, and came together into a secrete place there, called le Puis, not without great grief and sorrow: For they found thē altogether in tears and mourning, that their ministers should so be taken frō them, and they now left as lambes amongst wolves.
The army was advertised that the ministers were assembled together, and incontinent a great troupe of harquebushes were at hand, which sought them even to the very top of the mountain, in so much that if they had remained there but one hour longer, they had been all taken. From that time, for certain days after, they did nothing but raunge about in all places, seeking for the ministers, and there was no house, chamber, cave, nor secrete corner, into the which they did not enter, under pretence to seek the Ministers. There was neither chest, nor anything else so strong, but they brake it open, saying, that the ministers were hidden therein, and by that means they took, spoiled, and carried away whatsoever they would.
The Lord of Trinity promised often times, that although it were forbidden to all the Ministers to preach, yet the Minister of Angrongne, should be excepted: and furthermore sent the said Minister word, that if he would demand any thing of the Duke, it should be granted him. Whereupon the said Minister made this request, that the poor people might live peaceably in their religiō. A while after he sent for the said Minister to confer with him privately, vpō certain points of religion. The minister went unto him, having thereto the consent of the people. The Lord of Trinity propounded unto him three points. The first concerning the supremacy of the Pope: the other concerned transubstantiation. Of the which two points, the minister then immediately declared his opiniō, and he seemed to agree thereunto, and required him to put the same in writing. The last (which was his whole drift) was to persuade the minister to go to the Dukes Court, and there to defend the cause of the people, alleging certain reasons to persuade him so to do. Whereunto the minister answered, that he was bound to God and his church, and if it seemed convenient to the ministers and people, that he should go, he would be content to do the same, and thereof he promised to send him answer immediately, with the which answer he seemed to be contented.
Shortly after the foresaid Lord, not tarrying for an aūswear, sent his army to the temple of S. Laurence in Angrongne, pretendyng to sing a Mass there, & suddenly the soldiers besieged the Ministers house. The Minister being warned thereof, assayed to escape. The soldiers attempted nothing by force, but used gentle persuasions to the contrary, for there were not yet many of them. But the Minister pushed on further, & the soldiers followed him half a mile, but fearing the people, durst go no further. The Minister withdrew himself into the rocks vpō the moūtaine, accompanied with v. other. The army was by & by at his heels, & sought a good while in the houses and cotages on every side, cruelly handling the people whom they took, to make thē confess where their Minister was, spoylyng their houses, taking some prisoners, & beatyng other some: but yet they could not learn of them where their Minister was. At the length they espied him amongst the rocks, where they thought to have enclosed him, & so they pursued him in y e rocks, all covered with snow, until it was night, & could not take him. Then they returned & spoiled his house, and diligently searched out all his books & writings, and carried them to the Lord of Trinity, in a sack, who caused them all to be burnt in his presence, supposing (as it well appeared) that y e letters which he had sent to Angrongne, touching the agreement, should be with the rest burnt: for he did not the like in the other Ministers houses. That day they spoiled forty houses in Angrōgne, broke their mylles, and carried away all the corn and meal that they found.
About midnight the soldiers returned with torchlight, to the Ministers house, to seek him, & searched every corner. The next morning, commandment was given to the rulers of Angrongne, that within xxiiij. hours they should deliver their Minister, or else Angrōgne to be put to the fire & sword. The Rulers answered, that they could not so do, for they knew not where he was, and the soldiers had chased him over the mountain. After certain days, whē the soldiers had burned houses, spoiled the people, broken their mylles, & done what mischief they could, the army retired. Notwithstandyng the Lord of Trinity left garrisons in the forenamed Fortresses, but all at y e costs and charges of the Waldoys: the which garrisons not contented with their wages, spoiled continually. Upon a night v. soldiers went with torches to a rich man's house of Angrongne, & spoiled the same. The good man of the house hardly escaped with life, by the top of the house, for there were xii. pellets shot of at him. Whereof one touched his face, & stroke his hat from his head, without any further hurt.
The Rulers of Angrongne which were gone to the Fortress to carry thither victuals and money, were by the soldiers received, & in despite of them & the people, caused a Mass to be song before them, and forced them to be present at it: and because they would not kneel down to it, they were beat̄ almost to death. The one of them was sent again for more money, the other with great peril of his life, lept over the walls, and being pursued to Angrongne escaped.
Certain days after, a certain company of soldiers came unto the midst of Angrōgne, as though they would have passed through, and called for meat and drink. The poor men brought that they had unto thē, in a close court. Whē they had eaten and drunken, they caused the women to avoid, & then bound xiv. of those which had brought thē victuals by ii. and ii. together, & led them away. Their wives & children perceiving this, so fiercely pursued them with stones, that they were fain to let go x. of their prisoners for hast, & had much ado to save them selves. The other iv. they led away to the Fortress: of the which two were ransomed, the other two were hanged up by the feet & the hands, & having tormented them almost to death; they released them for a great sum of money. The one of the which died the next night: the other lay sick without hope of life, long time after, and his flesh fell from his hands and his feet, and thereof he became lame, and after that his fingers fell of also. In like manner did the other garrisons entreat the villages adjoining unto them.
The garrison of Tour & of Uillars being assembled together in a night, went to Tailleret, to the place called Bouuets, & breaking in at the windows and tops of the houses, breaking open the doors, sackyng & spoylyng all that they could lay hands of, took also xiv. prisoners; and bound them two & two together by the arms, and so led them to the Fortress of Tour. But two which were escaped, whiles the soldiers were taking other, set upon them which led the prisoners, and so valiantly assaulted & beat them with stones, that they forced them to let go xii. of the prisoners: the which tumbling and rolling themselves down the mountain, having their hands bound behind their backs, and fastened two and two together by the arms, were contented rather so to die, then to be carried to the Fortress, and yet in the ende they escaped. The other two which were led to the Fortress, were cruelly tormented, and in the end, the one of them the Captayne strangled with his own hands, who was very young and but a child: the other which was about threescore years of age, whose name was Odull Gemet, suffered a strange & cruel death: For when they had bound him, they toke a kind of beasts which live in horsedoung, called in French Escarbotz, and put them unto his nauell, covering them with a dishe, the which within short space pierced into his belly, and killed him. These and the like, more then barbarous cruelties, have been revealed by the soldiers themselves.
The poor Waldoys were yet in great captivity and distress, but especially because they had not the preaching of God's word amongst them, as they were wont to have, and therefore taking to them a good courage, they determined to begin preaching again, albeit secretly, for two principal causes: The one, for fear of moving the Duke, and hindering the voyage of their messengers, having yet some hope of good success. The other, that no occasion might be given to the soldiers of further trouble and outrage, for that was it which they especially desired. Also they of Angrongne were fully determined, as soon as their messengers were returned from the Duke, to preach openly, what news soever they brought, were they good or evil: and furthermore, not to be contributaries to the finding of the garrison, neither yet to suffer the same to enter into Angrongne.
The messengers which were sent to the Duke, being at Uerceil, were there detained vi. weeks, and all that while were cruelly handled by the Popish Doctors, and were constrained by force and violence to promise to return to the Mass. Furthermore, they would have constrained them to promise the same in the behalf of the rest, but they would not. After they were presented to the Duke, the Secretary Gastaut took the supplication of the Waldoys out of the messengers hands, and delivered another. After they had presented themselves to the Duke, and asked pardon for bearing of armor, they were constrained also to crave pardon of the Popes Legate: which at the bginning they would in no case do. Now when these messengers were returned, bringing these woeful news, and the people understood that there was a new commandment given out, that they should return to the Mass: also that the Popish preachers were appointed, and ready to come unto them, and they commanded to go to fetch them, and entertain them accordingly: there was wonderful lamentation, weeping, and mourning for this great calamity.
Hereupon they of the valley of Luserne and of Boby, being assembled together, by one assent, sent two Ministers, with certain other of the people, to the Churches of Pragela (which be in the country of Dolphine) to signify unto them, the piteous estate of the poor Churches of the valleys of Piemont, to have their counsel and advise, howe to prevent the great dangers at hand, if it were possible. For this cause they fell all to prayer, and after they had long called upon GOD, desiring his grace, and the spirit of discretion and counsel, well to consider of those weighty and urgent affairs wherewith they were oppressed: in the ende it was concluded, that all the people dwelling in the said valley and mountains of Piemont, and those of Dolphine, should join in a league together. Whereupon they all promised, by God's grace and assistance, to maintain the pure preaching of the Gospel, and administration of the holy Sacraments: the one to aid and assist the other, and to render all obedience to their superiors, so far as they were commanded by the word of God. Moreover, that it should be lawful for none of the same valleys to promise or conclude any thing touching the estate of religion, without the consent of the rest of the valleys: and for more sure confirmation of the said league, certain of the Ministers and Elders of the Churches of Dolphine, were sent to the valley of Luserne, to understand if they would give their consent hereunto, and ratifye the same.
These messengers, the Ministers and others of Dolphine, being arrived in the evening, at the village of Boby, & the people being there assembled, word was brought that the next day every householder should appear in the Counsel house, to know whethey they would return to the Mass, or no, and that they which would receive the Mass, should quietly enjoy their houses, and they which would not, should be delivered to the Justices, and condemned to be burned, or sent to the Galleyes. Wherefore the people was brought to this extremity, either to die, or flee, or else to renounce God. To flee, it seemed them best, if the great snow had not let them. Wherefore seeing themselves in such distress, they most gladly consented to the league. After this, they exhorted one another, saying: For as much as we shall be all called for tomorrow, to renounce and forsake our God, and revolt again to Idolatry, let us now make solemn protestation, that we will utterly forsake the false religion of the Pope, and that we will live and die in the maintenance and confession of God's holy word. Let us all go tomorrow into the Temple, to hear the word of God, and after, let us cast down to the ground all the Idols and aultars. To this every man agreed, saying, Let us so do: yea, and that the very same hour, in the which they have appointed us to be at the Counsel house.
The next day after, they assembled themselves in the Church of Boby, and as soon as they came into the Temple, without any further delaye, they beat down the Images, and caste down the aultars. After the Sermon, they went to Uillars to do the like there. By the way they encountered with a bande of souldyers, which were going to spoil a village, named Le val Guichard, and to take the poor inhabitants prisoners. The soldiers seeing them so ill appointed, mocked them, and discharged their handgunnes upon them, thynking at the first brunt, to have put them to flight. But they valiantly defended themselves, and with stones chased them even to the Fortress. When they came to Uillars, they beat down their Images and aultars, and afterwards besieged the fortress, and demanded the prisoners which were there detained.
The same day the Judge of Luserne, called Podesta, went to the Counsel house, to enrolle the names of those which would return to the Mass, but seeing what was done, he was sore afraid, and desired the people to suffer him to return quietly: which they wyllingly granted unto him. Divers Gentlemen also of the valley came thither with the Judge, to make their poor tenauntes to forsake God: but seeing the tumult, they were fain to flee into the Castle, where they and the Garrison were besieged ten days together, not without great danger of their lives. The seconde day of the sege, the Captayne of Toure went with a company of souldyers, thinking to raise the siege, but they were, by those that kept the passages, either slain or discomfited. As much was done the third day. The fourth day, he returned with three bands, and with the Garrison of Tour, which caused a furious combat: wherein many of the enemies were slain, but a great number hurt, and yet of those that besieged the Fort, there was not one man hurt.
In the time of this siege, they attempted divers means to take the said Fortress, but without ordinance, it was impossible so to do: wherefore they were now past all hope of winning it. Moreover, the Lord of Trinity returning with his army, was come to the valley of Luserne, and the next day after, might easily have raised the siege. Wherefore, when the Garrison (not knowing that the Lord of Trinity was so near) desired that they might depart with bag and baggage, they granted their request. In this siege half of the souldyers were slain, and many were hurt, as well with harquebushes, as with stones. During this siege, the souldyers for lack of water, were constrained to bake their bread with wine, which tormented their stomachs, and caused great diseases. Here is not to be forgotten, that the soldiers which a while before did so cruelly persecute the poor Ministers, seeking by all means possible to destroy them, were now fain to pray them to save their lives, and to promise them that they should have no hurt, and also to safeconduct them into a sure place: neither would they depart, until they had promised them so to do. Which the Ministers did promise, and also perform very willingly. Then the soldiers seeing themselves much beholden to the Ministers so gently dealing with them, gave them great thanks, and promised them, in recompense thereof, all the pleasure that they could show them. The same night the Fortress was rased.
The 2. day of February, the Lord of Trinity camped at Luserne, and placed a Garison in the Priory of S. John a village of the Waldoys, between Luserne & Angrōgne. The next day in the morning, the said Lord of Trinity sent word unto them of Angrongne, that if they would not take part with the rest, they should be gently handled. All the week before, they were solicited by him to consent to the same, but they would give no answer. The same day, they of Angrongne, and the rest of the Ualleys, fully agreed and determined to defend their religiō by force, and that the one should aide the other, and no agreement to be made, by any one, without the consent of the rest. About noon, the Lord of Trinity marched with his army, by S. John, to enter into the borders of Angrongne, by a place called La Sonneillette, where they had foughte before. The people had made certain bulwarks of earth and stone, not past three foot hie: where they defended themselves valiantly against their enemies, which assailed them diverse ways. When the enemies were so wearye that they could fright no longer, they put fresh Soldiers into their places: so that the combat endured until night, and all that day, the army could not enter into the borders of Angrongne. Many of the enemies were slain, and a great number hurt: and but two of Angrongne slain, of whom the one was slain by his own folly, because he was too greedy upon the spoil. The army being now well beaten and tired, rested a while, to make themselves stronger for a further mischief.
The Friday following, which was the seventh of Februarye, at the break of the day, the army marched towards Angrongne, by five several places. The people of Angrongne were not yet assembled, and none there were to resist, but only a few, which kept the watch: the which seeing their enemies coming upon them in so many places, and perceiving that they went about to inclose them, after they had valiantly fought for a space, they reculed by little and little, to a high place called La Casse, where the combat was renewed with a greater fierceness, then before. But the Lord of Trinity, seeing the loss of his men, and above all, that one of great creditie and authority in the Dukes Courte, was wounded to death, blue a retreite, and descended to Angrongne (the people being fled to the Medowe of Toure) and there spoiled and burnt all the wines, victuals, and the rest of the goods that he could find: so that in a short space, he had burned about a 1000. houses of Angrongne.
And here is not to be forgotten, that they oftentimes, set fire upon the two Temples of Angrongne, where the word of God was preached, but they could never burn them. So did they also to the Ministers house, which notwithstanding remained whole, the houses round about, being all consumed with fire. That day none of Angrongne was slain or hurt, saving only one that was hurt in his thighe.
There were in all Angrongne, but two that were enemies to the word of God, which that same day, were slain by the soldiers, not in the Combat: but for their riches, which they had about them, as they were running away. The one of them was a very covetous wretch, and had great store of gold and silver, and would spend nothing, either to help himself, or succor others: no not his poor parents. All this was spoiled by the soldiers, with a hundredth or two hundredth crowns besides which he had about him. Besides these two, there was not one of Angrongne slain that day. All the rest of the people retired to the Medowe of Toure: The situation whereof, we will here declare, for the better understanding of that which followeth.
Tour is a little Ualley upon the borders of Angrongne, environed about with Mountains: two miles in length, but very narrow. On both sides, and in the mids thereof, there be about two hundredth small houses and cotages: also meadows, pastures for cattle, ground for tillage, trees and goodly fountains. On the South side and the North, the mountains be so high, that no man cā that way approach unto the said Ualley. On the other coasts a man may enter by seven or eight ways. This place is not past two miles from Angrongne. The way thither is very narrow, and il to pass by, because of the hills, which be on both sides. There is also a River hard by, but very small, but the banks thereof be very high in many places. The people had carried thither very few victuals, partly because the way was so ill, and also through the sudden return of the army.
In the mean time the Lord of Trinity after he had now twice assaulted Angrongne, sent certain to burn Rosa, and to discover the ways, which led to the valley of Luserne: but the Souldioures were driven back four days together by those which kept the passages. Whereuppon he sent his whole army, whom they valiantly withstood from the morning till night. Then they of Luserne sent new aide. During this combat, an ambushment of soldiers descended from the top of the mountain, by a place so hard to pass by, that no man would have suspected it. The poor people seeing themselves so environed of their enemies, saved them selves, some running through the middes of their enemies, and other some into the rocks.
The enemies being entered into Rosa, consumed all with fire and sword. The residue of the people fled by a secrete way, leading to the Ualley of Luserne, and wandered all that night upon the mountains full of snow, loden with their stuff, carrying their little infantes in their arms, and leadinge the other by the hands, with great pain and travail. When they of the valley saw them, they ran unto them, praising God for their deliverance, for they thought they had been all slain. All be it this poor people were here in such great extremity, yet they were joyful, and comforted them selves, without any lamentation or mourning, except the little poor infantes, which cried out for cold.
A few days after, the Lord of Trinity entered into the Ualley of Luserne, by three several ways: that is to say, by Rosa, by the plain, and by the sides of Tailleret. They which kept the passages, at the first resisted their enemies valiantly: but perceiving that they were assailed on every side, they retired to Uillars, and there defended them selves a while. But because they saw that their enemies had already passed the Plain, and gotten above Uillars, towards Boby: they gave over, and leafte Uillars, and fled into the mountains. The soldiers being entered, burned houses, and slew all that they could find. The poor people which were fled to the mountains, seeing the village on fire, praised God, and gave him thanks, that had made them worthy to suffer for his name, and for his cause: and also they were glad to see the village on fire, least that their enemies should encamp there themselves. Then the soldiers in great rage mounted the hills on every side, pursuing this poor people in great fury: but a few of them, after they had ardently called upon God, toke courage, and beat back their enemies to Uillars. This done, the army retired.
Fewe days after the medowe of Tour was assaulted by three several ways on the East side. The combat dured a long season, where diverse of the enemies were hurt, and many slain: but none of this poor people were slain that day, only two were hurt, which were soon healed again. But to declare the conflicts, assaults, skirmishes, and alarms which were at Angrongne, and other places thereabout, it were too long: for brevities sake it shall be sufficient to touch the most principal, & those which are most worthy of memory.
On Saturday, which was the fourteenthe day of Februarye, the people which were in the uppermost parte of the Medowe of Toure, perceived that a company of soldiers were ascended up the hill to Angrongne, and burning y e rest of the houses there. They doubted that it was a policy of their enemies, to draw them thither, and in the mean time to set on them behind, and so to win the Medowe of Tour from them. Therefore they sent only six harquebushes against those soldiers, the which having the higher ground, and not espied of their enemies, discharged their gunnes altogether. Whereuppon incontinent the soldiers fled, albeit no man pursued them. Whether they fled of policy, or for fear, it was not known.
Shortly after, they of the ward of the Medowe of Tour, which were in the watch on the top of the mountain (because every morning there was a sermon made, whereunto the people resorted, and they might see a far of round about them) espied a troupe of soldiers marching on that side of the hill, which is between the Easte and the Northe, and soon after that, discovered another company, which marched on the North side, towards the said troupe. The first were ascended an hour before the other, and fought on the top of the mountain called Melese, but they were soon discomfited: and because they could not run fast, by means of the deep snow, and difficulty of the ways: in fleeing they fell often down upon the ground. Whiles they that pursued them were earnest in the chase, and had taken from them their drumme: behold, there came certain unto them, cryinge out, that the other troupe was entered into the medowe of Toure, by means whereof they gave over the chase, or else not one of their enemies had escaped, as they which were there, reported for a truth. Not one of Angrongne were slain or hurt.
The other troupe which came by the North side, took a high hill in the top of the mountain, the which seemed to be almost inaccessible, by reason of the snow and ice which was there. The chiefest of this company were Lodouicke of Monteil (which had been before master of the campe in the kings wars) and Charles Truchet. When they wer come to the top of the hill, they caused seven soldiers to go down the hill, and to view the way, and to see whether the troupe might descend that way, or no. These 7. went down almost to the houses. They sent also other to occupy the rest of the high places, which were near to the foot of the hill and the rocks. In the mean time the ministers and the people which were in the middes of the valley of the medowe, saw all this, and were much discouraged therewith: wherefor they fell to prayer, & called upon God ardently, not without great sighs, lamentation and tears, even until night.
The seven spies which came down to discover the ways, cried unto their captain Truchet, Come down, come down Seignior Charles, this day Angrongne shall be taken. The other cried to them again, ascend, ascend, & return, or else ye shall be slain everyone of you. Immediately issued out five against these spies, and took certain, and chased the rest. The first of the five which set vpō them, cast two of them down upon the ground with a forke of fire. Soone after, eight of Angrongne issued out against the whole troupe, which was wonderful to see them go with such courage and boldness, to assail such a multitude, and it seemed that they should have ben all destroyed and hewn in pieces. The first of the eight went a good way before the other, to discover the enemies, and carried a great staff, which they call a Rancon, and is somewhat bigger then a halbarde. The other followed by two & two together, with harquebushes. These eight went frō rock to rock, from hill to hill about the mountain, and chased their enemies valiantly. Then came twelve other, the which joining with the rest, foughte with a wonderful courage, and made great slaughter of their enemies. Sone after, there came from the valley of Luserne, an hundredth harquebushes, with one of their Ministers, according to their manner, which are wont to send out a minister withal, as well for prayer and exhortation, as to keep the people in order, that they exceed not measure, as it came to pass that day.
At the length they saw them also coming, which returned from the discomfiture of the former troupe, making a great noise, and having a drumme sounding afore them, which they had taken from their enemies: which joined with them of the valley of Luserne, and having made their earnest prayer unto god, immediately they came to succor the other that now were encountering valiantly with their enemies. Then the enemies seeing such a company marching against them, with such courage and boldness: after the other had once called upon God, their hearts were so taken from them, that suddenly they fled, and as soon as the other began to pray, they began also to flee. But because they could not well save them selves by running away, they turned back twice, and foughte, and some in the mean time fled.
He that carried the Rancon, and discovered the enemies, was but a very young and a simple man, and was esteemed to be one that could do nothing, but (as they say in their language) handle La Sap, that is to say, a Hatchet, and kept cattle: and yet he with those that followed, so discomfited the enemies, that it was wonderful to behold. He brake his great Rancon with laying load upon them, and after that, he brake also four of their own swords in pursuing of them. There was a boy of 18. years of age, and of small stature, which alone slue the Lord of Monteil, master of the campe (as is said) to the king: wherewith the enemies were marvelously astonished and discouraged. An other simple man, who a man would have thought, durst not once have looked Charles Truchet in the face (because he was a very big man, strong & puissant, and one of the chiefest captains of the whole army) threw down the said Truchet with the stroke of a stone. Then a young man leapte upon him, and slue him with his own sword, which was four fingers broad, and cleaft his head in pieces.
This Truchet was one of the principal authors of this war, and one of the chiefest enemies of true religion, and of the poor Waldoys, that could then be found. It was said also, that he vaunted and promised before, to the said Lord of Trinity, that he would deliver into his hands the meadow of Tour. But God soon brought his proud brag to naught. And for his spoiling, pilling, and polling of the poor people, he lay spoiled and naked like a beast, in the wild mountain of Angrongne. Two of the chiefest among them offered to pay a great sum of crowns for their ransom, but they could not be heard. They were pursued more then a mile, & were so discomfited, that they fled w t out any resistance, and if the night had not let them, they had pursued them further.
The minister when he saw the great effusion of blood, and the enemies to flee, he cried to the people, saying, that it was enough, and exhorted them to give thanks unto God. They which heard him, obeyed, and fell to prayer: but they which were further of, and heard him not, chased their enemies till dark night. In so much, that if the rest had done the like, very few of their enemies had escaped. That day they spoiled their enemies of a great part of their armor and munition. So God restored in this combat and in others, to the poor Waldoys, the armor which the Lord of Trinity had taken from them before. Thanks were given unto God in every place, and every man cried, who is he which seeth not, that God fighteth for us? This victory gave great courage to the poor Waldoys, and greatly astonished the enemies.
The eightenth of February, the Lord of Trinity, not satisfied with burning and destroying the greatest parte of Uillars returned to burn all the little villages round about, which pertain to the same, and especially, to pursue the poor people, which were fled up into the mountains, and dividing his army into 3. partes, he entered, by the 3. several ways above mentioned. The two first companies joined together between Uillars and Boby, having a great company of horsemen. From thence they went to seek the people which were in the mountain of Comb, by such a way, as they did not suspecte, and where there were no warders to defend the place: Notwithstanding, the warders which were next, seeing their enemies ascending that way, speedily ran before them, and calling upon God for his aide and succor, they set themselves against their enemies: and albeit they were but thirty in number, yet they valiantly beat them back twice, coming out of their bulwarks, that is to say, certain houses, which at that time served them for that purpose, albeit they were not made to that use. Many of y e enemies were slain at those two combats, and not one of the other side. The Lord of Trinity seeing his men so fiercely driven back, sent out the greatest parte of his army: which were esteemed to be above xv. hundredth men. There came also about a 100. to succor the warders. The combat was very cruel and fierce. At length, the poor people were assaulted so vehemently, that they were fain to forsake their bulwarks, loosing two of their men. Then the enemies thought all to be theirs, and blew their trumpettes, triumphing that they had put the people to flight: But the people retiring not past a stones cast, toke courage, and crying altogether to the Lord for succor, they turned themselves to the face of their enemies, and with great force and power, they hurled stones at them with their slings.
After this, the enemies rested themselves a while, and by and by after, they gave a furious assaulte, but yet they were again mightily resisted. Yet once again the enemies rested, and in the mean time, the people fell to prayer, calling upon God altogether, with their faces lifted up towards heaven: which frayed the enemies more then anything else. After this they gave yet another great assaulte, but God by the hands of a few, drove them back. Yea God here shown his great power evē in the little children also, which fervently called vpō God, threw stones at their enemies, and gave courage also unto the men. So did also the women, and the vulgare sort, that is to say, those which were meet for no feats of war, remaining upon the mountain: and beholding these furious combats, kneeling upon the ground, and having their faces lifted up towards heaven, with tears and groanings, they cried: Lord help us. Who heard their prayers.
After that these three assaults were given, there came one unto them, crying, Be of good courage, God hath sent those of Angrongne to succor us: he meant, that they of Angrongne were fighting for them in another place, that is to say, towards Tailleret, where the third parte of the army was. The people perceiving y t they of Angrongne were come to that place to succor them, began to cry, blessed be God, who hath sent us succor: they of Angrongne be here, they of Angrongne be here to succor us. The enemies hearing this, were astonished, and suddenly blew a retreit, and retired into the plain.
That troupe with was gone towards Tailleret, divided themselves into three companies. The first marched by the side of the mountain, burning many houses, & joined with the main army. The seconde company which was of seven score, marched higher, thinking to take the people at unawares. But they were by seven men strongly resisted and driven back. The third company attained the top of the mountain, thinking to enclose the people, but as God would, they of Angrongne, which came to succor them, encountered with them, & with great force put them to flight.
They of Uillars, of whom mention is made before, after they had refreshed them selves with a little bread and wine (for the most part of them had eaten nothing all that day) chased their enemies til it was almost night: so fiersly that the master of the campe was fain to send to the Lord of Trinity (which was at Toure) for succoure, or else all would have been lost. Which he did: and immediately he road with all speed to Luserne, to save him self, hearing the alarm which was given at S. John, by those of Angrongne, & fearing least the way should have ben stopped. The army retired with great difficulty (notwithstanding the new aide which was sent them) and with great loss of their men. One of their captains confessed since, that if they had been pursued any further, they had fled all that night longe. Since that time, they never returned again into the valley of Luserne.
On Monday, being the 17. day of Marche next following, the Lord of Trinity, to be revenged of those of the meadow of Tour, assembled all the force that he could make with the Gentlemen of the Country. In so much, that whereas before his army was commonly but four thousand, it was now between six and seven thousand: and secretly in the night season he encamped with parte of his army in the midst of Angrongne, from whence the poor inhabitants were fled before. The next morning, after the Sermon and prayers were ended, they perceived the other parte of the army to be encamped at the foot of the mountain of Angrongne, on the East side. Sone after they perceived how both partes of the army coasted the hills side, the one towards the other, being such a multitude, so glittering in their harness, & marching in such array, that the pore people at the first, were astonished thereat. Notwythstanding the assemble fell down upon their knees 3. or 4. times, crying, Help us, O Lord, beseching him to have regard to the glory of his holy name, to stay the effusion of blood, if it were his good pleasure, & to turn the hearts of their enemies to the truth of his holy Gospel. These two partes of the army joined together, nere to the bulwarks of the meadow of Toure, & gave the assault in three several places. One of the bands mounted secretly by the rocks, thinking to have enclosed the people in their Bulwarks. But as soon as they which kept the bulwark be low, had espied them, they forsook their place, and marched straight towards them, & as they marched, they met with the aide which was sent unto them, from the valley of Luserne, very luckily, and coming (as it were) from heaven: which joining together, sone discomfited their enemies w t stones and harquebushes. They pursued them fiersly in y e rocks, and vexed them wonderfully, because the rocks are so steep, that no man can ascend or descend, without great pain and difficulty. The Captain of this band was named Bastian of Uergil, a man very expert in the affairs of war. He at his going out of his lodging, threatened y t he would do great & terrible things that day. His hostesse hearing that, said unto him, Monsieur, if our religiō be better then theirs, you shall have the victory: but if theirs be better then ours, you shall not prevail. Shortly after, the captain was brought again into his Inn, so wounded and so feeble, that he was not like to live. Then said his hostesse unto him, Monsieur, it is now well seen, that their religion is better then ours.
There was also another bande that kept the top of the hill, to assault the bulwarks, from thence. The middlemost bulwark was then assaulted, in the which were very few to defend the same: the which seeing the number of their enemies, retired back, leaving therein but 5. only to defend it. There was a huge cock not far from the foresaid bulwark, behind the same, a great number of the enemies were hid. And anon there issued out two ensigns, assuring them selves to win the bulwark: but immediately one of their ensign bearers was wounded to death. Whereupon many reculed back. The other set up his ensign upon the bulwark. They which were within, had neither halbard, nor any other long weapon, but only one Pike, and the same without an iron: the which one of the 5. took, and threw down the ensign, and manfully beat back the sealers, and threw them down to the ground. Divers of the enemies were entered into the bulwark, by a door below, and slue one of the five, which kept y e middle parte of the bulwark. The other four looked to be destroyed out of hand. Then one of the four chased away those which had entered below, with stones: and the other three leaving their handguns, defended themselves likewise with great stones: and perceiving the bande which was on the rocks to flee, they took courage, and w t stood their enemies valiantly, til their companions were returned from the chase.
In the mean time, the Bulwark which was upon the side of the mountain, was furiously assailed by the one half of the army. Those that were within suffered their enemies to approach near to the Bulwark, without any gunshot or other defense: whereat the enemies much marveled. But when they were even at hand, they fell upon them, some with throwing of stones, some with rollynge down mighty stones, & some with harquebushes. There was a huge stone rolled down, which passed throughout y e whole army, and slue diverse. The soldiers at that time had won a little cotage, near to the said bulwark, which did much hurt to the poor men. But among them, one devised to roll down a great huge stone against the cottage, which so shook it, and amazed the soldiors, that they thought they had been all destroyed, and incontinent they fled, and never would enter into it again.
Then the soldiers made certain fences of wood, five foot long, three foot broad, and of the thickness of three boardes, but they were so sore vexed w t the shot of the harquebushes, that they were fain to lay all those fences aside. The miners also made others of earth for the soldiers. But all these policies of the enemies auailed them nothing: for the slaughter was so great, that in diverse places you might have seen three lie • ng dead one upon another. God so wrought with the poor Christians, that the shot of two harquebushes slew four men. It was said for a certainty, that the shot of an harquebush came so near the Lord of Trinities head, that it brake a wande which he bare in his hand, and made him to retire six score pases backward, and seeing his soldiors in such great numbers murdered & wounded on every side, he wept bitterly. Then he retired the rest of his army. That day he thought assuredly to have entered into the medowe of Tour. Moreover he was determined, if that days journey had not succeeded, to encamp thereby, and the next morning very early, to renew the assault. Many gentlemē and others came thither, to see the discomfiture of the pore Waldois: and likewise those of the Plain looked for nothing, but to hear y e piteous ruin and desolation of this poor people. But God disposed it otherwise: For the Lord of Trinity had much ado to save himself and his: and seeing the mischief which they intended to do unto others, was fallen now upon their own heads, they were wonderfully astonished. They of y e plain also, when they saw the number of the dead bodies, & the wounded to be so great (for from noon until the evening, they ceased not to carry them away) were likewise exceedingly dismayed. Albeit they carried not away all, for there were many that lay nere to the bulwarks, which the people covered with winding sheets, the next morning. The soldiers them selves confessed to them of the medowe of Tour, that if they had pursued them, they had ben all slain, they were so tired and clean out of heart.
Many marveled why the people did not follow the army, but especially the soldiers, seeing the great discomfiture which they had done, and that they had gotten such vantage of them already. But this was done for two causes. The one was, because they had already determined not to follow the army being once retired, to avoid the effusion of blood, meaning only to defend them selves. The other cause was, for that they were weary, and had spent all their munition: For many of them had shot of, about 30. times, and none of them, under twenty, spending great store both of pellets and haileshot. The rest of the army retired, crying with a loud voice, God fighteth for them, and we do them wrong.
The next day, one of the principal captains of the army, surrendered his charge to the L. of Trinity, saying unto him, that he would never fight against this people any more, and upon that he departed. It is a marvelous thing and worthy of perpetual memory, that in y e combat there were but two of the Waldoys slain, and two hurt. Thorow y e whole country of Piemont, every man said, God fighteth for them. One of the Captains confessed, that he had been at many fierce assaults and combats, and sundry battles well fought, but yet he never saw soldiers so faint hearted and amazed: yea the soldiers themselves told him, they wer so astonished, that they could not stryke. Moreover, they said, that this people never shot, but they hurt or killed some of the Soldiers. Some other said that the ministers by their prayers, conjured and bewitched them, that they could not fight: and in deed wonderful is it, and marvelous are the judgments of God, that notwithstanding so many combats and conflicts, so great assaults and adventures, so much & so terrible shot, continually made against this poor people, yet all in a manner came to no effect: So mightily God's holy power wrought for his people: In so much, that for all y e said combats, skirmishes, and so many conflicts: of all the Angrongnians, there were but 9. only that miscarried, and the whole number of those that were slain, were but only 14. persons. Where also is to be noted, not without great admiration, how few there were, and those also but poor seely shepherds and neatherds, to encounter w t such a mighty power, of so strong and brave soldiers coming against them with weapon and armor, being so well furnished and appointed with munition as they were, in all points accordingly, and the other on the contrary side being unarmed, and unprovided of all habiliment of war, having for their defense for the most parte, nothing else but slings and stones, and a few harquebushes.
The 9. day of Marche, there was a hot skirmishe at Angrongne. For 3. companies of soldiers went to Angrongne, to burn and spoil all that remained, & to destroy the wines, which were hidden in the ground. Where, amongst themselves, they mocked & flouted the poor people, saying: these Lutheran Waldoys, are valiant fellows behind their bulwarks: but if they had been in the plain field, they had been well canuased. After this it chanced that 30. of the Waldoys went and assailed these foresaid companies in the plain field. They fought a long season, and that so near, that some of them fought hand to hand. In this conflict, one of those of Angrongne, wrestled w t a captain of the enemies, strong and mighty, and cast him down upon the ground. Many of the soldiers were slain, and many hurt. But of y e Angronians there was but one slain and another hurt a little, which notwithstanding gave not over to fight manfully. Then the soldiers seeing the loss of their men, retired suddenly.
After that, the Lord of Trinity sent 2. Gentlemen of the Ualley of Luserne, to them of Angrongne, to fele them if they would come to any agreement. To whom answer was made, y t they would stand to their first answer. From that time he sent very often, to entreat of the agreement: but what his meaning was, it might well appear. For when the pore people hoped for some agrement, they were most furiously assaulted. Upon this there was a day assigned in the valley of Luserne to confer touching the agreement, w t certain men pertaining to the Lord of Raconis, and the safe conduct was promised and granted.
The night afore the ministers & rulers of Angrongne should take their journey, they perceived a company of soldioures going up a hill, by the which they of Angrongne should pass, & hid them in houses on the ways side, thinking to take at unawares them of Angrongne, which were sent to treat of the agrement. But they having intelligence of this conspiracy, watched and warded. It was an easy matter as diverse thought, that night to have taken the L. of Trinity, and have spoiled his whole campe. But they of Angrongne, and Luserne, would not execute this enterprise, least thereby they should offend God, and pass the bounds of their vocation, taking upon them no more but to defend themselves.
At that time a pitiful case happened in the Medowe of Tour. The Lord of Raconis seeming to be sorry for this war, sent into y e meadow of Tour, an honest man of Briqueras, named Francis of Billes, to take advise, what means were best, to further the agreement. Who having consulted with the ministers and rulers, returned homeward that day according to his masters commandment, and having sent back one which conducted him, was murdered soon after at the foot of Angrongne, by two of Angrongne, which otherwise seemed to be honest, and of good parentage. Soone after, one of the two which had committed this fact, entered into the Medowe of Toure, and was immediately apprehended and bound. He confessed the fact without any further delay. Immediately the other also was taken.
The Waldoys were maruelously troubled & aggrieved with this fact, and wrote to y e Lord of Raconis, declaring unto him the whole circumstance of the fact, and that they had the offenders in ward, and that, if it would please him to send certain to examine the matter, they for their part, would so execute justice in y e punishment of them, that their innocence to all men should appear. The lord of Raconis, wrote unto them, y t they should deliver unto him y e offenders, and that he would do such justice upon them, as the cause required. To the which they of Angrongne answered, that upon three conditions, they should be delivered, according to his request. First▪ that the prisoners should be compelled to do nothing against their consciences, and as touching religion, nothing should be spokē unto them, but out of the word of God. Secondly, that speedy and sharp justice should be executed upon them: and y t hereafter this should be no prejudice to y e liberties and privileges of the people of Angrongne. The third, that the execution of thē should be upon the borders of Angrongne, for an example to all other. This being accorded with one assent (yea w t out contradiction of their parents) they sent them prisoners accompanied with 60. gunners, to the cōfines of Luserne, and there delivered them into the hands of the Lord of Raconis. This redounded to the great commendation of them of Angrongne.
After this the lord of Trinity having left certain garrisons about Angrongne, and the valley of Luserne: went to Perouse nere to the valley of S. Martin, to succor the garrison there, being in great danger, and there remained a month. During which time, they of Angrongne, and of the valley of Luserne, lived in more quietness then afore: but yet they were so afflicted, by reason of the scarcity of vitailes, which sore pressed them, and namely those of the medowe of Toure, for they were spoiled of their vitailes. This poor people lived with milk and with herbs, having very little bread. But afterwards, when they were even like to be famished, God of his goodness, sent them better succor, both of corn & bread, then they had before. The enemies thought to have taken the meadow of Toure by famine: for they toke away the vitailes that were to be had in all places round about▪ Every household was suffered to have no more then should sustain them that day, and that also was very little: to the ende that they should not succor this poor people.
After that, the Lord of Trinity being returned from Perouse to Luserne, sent certain to entreat of an agreement, and required to common with some of the people. Then they began to consulte and devise by all means, how they might come to some good agreement. But one Monday being the 17. day of April, by break of day, he sent certain bands of Spaniards, which he had there, with the Garrison of Toure, to the mountain of Tailleret, by the way which leadeth to the meadow of Tour, on the Southside. They murdered men, women and children of Tailleret, whom they found in their beds. Then they marched on along upon the mountain, towards the meadow of Tour. Anone after the people perceived 2. other companies of soldiers marching by Angrongne, by 2. several ways, to assault the Medow of Toure. In the morning, as soon as they rose, they blue their horns, for they saw the Spaniards already entered. When they had made their prayers, every man ran to meet the enemies, some on the East side and the other on the Southe. They which first resisted the Spaniards (who were already paste the bulwarks) were in the beginning but 12. Gunners, and a few other whom they caused to go up to the hill, and rolle down great stones. These 12. having found a fit place for their purpose to stay the Spaniards, began to shoot of their harquebushes at them. The Spaniards seeing themselves so sore assailed both above and beneathe, & the place so narrow and so straight, reculed back, and retired as fast as they could, by the same way, by the which they came. If they had tarried a little longer, they had ben enclosed between the two mountains: which place was so strait that they could not have escaped. The people chased them unto their campe, which was at Toure. As they fled they found often, some Fortes, where they did resist for a little while: but they were always beaten out. In this combat God gave victory to the poor Waldoys, with great slaughter of the Spaniards: where also very many of thē were sore hurt and wounded.
The said L. of Trinity sent unto the Spaniards, that they should not faint and give over, but stick to it like mē, and he would shortly send them succor: but they would not. Those of the Ualley of Luserne, hearing of this conflict, came in the mean time, to help their neighbors. Amongest other, there was one slain in that battle, for whom the Lord of Trinity much lamented, saying that he would rather have lost a whole band, then that man. The other 2. companies, which marched by Angrongne, perceiving the Spaniards to be so beaten and put to flyght, & seeing also those of y e meadow of Tour coming to encounter w t them, retired in hast. Upon that, the lord of Trinity went to Cauors three miles from Luserne, being in a great perplexity: and as he was about to send succoure to the Spaniards, he heard the sound of a drumme above Luserne, & suspected that there was an army of the Waldoys coming against him. Upon this diverse of the soldiers fled away by the plain, crying that all was lost. It was certainly reported, that if the Waldoys had pursued the army, as they might easyly have done, the campe had that day ben chased out of Luserne. The poor people lacked no courage so to do: for albeit they had neither eaten nor drunken all that day before, & had sore traveled and fought: yet they said, that if they had but a little refreshed themselves with a morsel of bread, and a glass of wine, they durst take upon them to enter into the campe of their enemies.
Within a few days after, they of Angrongne were advertised by the L. of Trinities letters, that he fully determined to cut down their trees and vines, and destroy their corn being on the ground. And furthermore, that 2. fortes should be built at Angrongne. The day was assigned, & horsemen appointed, with all speed to execute this mischievous enterprise. The poor people thought y t they should be assailed as sore as ever they were, and fight as hard as ever they did before. But God prevented this cruel attempt. For the night afore that this should be executed, the lord of Trinity received certain letters from the Duke, which stayed this enterprise. They of the medowe of Tour, being advertised that the lord of Trinity did now intend to send ordinance to beat down the bulwarks which were made of stones: they made a bulwark of earth, which was in compass about 500. paces: which they might easily see frō Luserne. They of the meadow of Tour told the lord of Trinities men, that if they brought any artillery, they should not so soon carry it away again, and shortly the ordinance was sent back again.
About this season, the chief rulers and ministers of the Waldoys requested earnestly the Lord of Raconis, to present a supplication which they had made to the Duchesse of Savoy. For they had intelligence that she was sore offended y t her subjects were so cruelly handled. In the which supplication they declared the equity of their cause, protesting all due obedience to the duke their sovereign Lord: and if it might be proved by the pure word of God that they held any error, they would with all humble submission, receive correction and be reformed, humbly beseeching her grace to appease the displeasure which the Duke had conceived against them, by the untrue surmises of their adversaries: and if there were anything wherein they had offended him, they most humbly craved his gracious pardō.
About this time the lord of Trinitye, by sickness, was in great danger of his life. Soone after the supplication was delivered: the Duchesse sent an answer to the Waldoys, by the said Lord of Raconis. The effect thereof was, that she had obtained of the Dukes grace all that they demanded in their supplication, upon such conditions as the said lord Raconis would propound unto them. But whē they understood that the said conditions were very rigorous, they sent another supplication unto the Duches, wherein they humbly besought her grace to be a mean that the said conditions and Articles might be moderated: which Articles here follow.
First, that they should banish their Ministers.
Secondly, that they should receive the Mass and other ceremonies of the Romish church.
Thirdly, that they should pay a ransom to the soldiers for certain of their men which they had taken.
Fourthly, that they should assemble and preach no more as they were wont to do.
Fifthly, that the Duke would make fortresses at his pleasure, in all that country, with other like things.
The people made humble request in this their last supplication, that it would please the said Duches to give the Duke her husband to understand, how y t these conditions were strange and rigorous. And as for their partes, although they had good trial of their ministers, y t they were good men and fearing God, of sound doctrine, of good life & honest conversation, yet nevertheless they were contented so to do, if he would give leave to some of them to remain: requesting this, that it might be permitted unto thē to choose some other good Ministers in their places, before they departed, least that their Churches should remain without Pastors.
Concerning the Mass, and other Ceremonies of the church of Rome, if the duke should cause them to be ministered in their parishes, they neither would, nor could withstand the same, and for their part, they would do no injury or violence to those that should minister them or be present thereat: notw t standing they besought him, that they might not be constrained to be present thenselves, at the ministratiō thereof, or to pay anything to the maintenance of the same, or else to yield either favor or consent thereunto.
As touching the ransom which was demanded of them for their prisoners, considering the extreme poverty that they were in, and the great calamities and damages which they had suffered, it was to them a thing impossible. Yea if his highness wer truly informed what loss they had sustained, by burning, spoiling and sacking of their houses and goods, without all mercy or pity, he would not only require of them no such thing, but as a gracious and merciful Prince, he would succor and supporte them, that they might be able to maintain their poor families, whom they nourished (as they were bound to do) to the service of God, and their said Lord and Prince: and therefore they desired that it might please him that their poor brethren remaining in captivity and prison, and such as were sent to the galleis for the profession of their religion, might speedily be delivered and set at liberty.
As for their assembles and preachings, they were contented that they should be kept only amongst themselves, in their accustomed places and in other Ualleys aforesaid, where any assemble of the faithful should be, which were desirous to hear the preaching of the Gospel.
Touching y e Fortresses, for as much as by those which were already made, they had suffered great molestations and troubles as well concerning their goods, as also their religion: they were assured that if he should build up new Fortes, they should never be able to abide the troubles, miseries, and calamities, that would follow thereupon, and therefore they most humbly desired the said Duchesse to be so good and gracious unto them, as to obtain of the Duke that he would accept their persons in the stead of Fortes: and that, seeing those places were by nature and of themselves strong and well fortified, it might please their said lord the duke, to receive them into his protection and safeguard: and by the grace and assistance of God, they would serve him them selves for such Walls, and Forts, that he should not need to build any other. And because many of those which dwelt near about them, had robbed & spoiled them, not only of their household goods and such other things, but also driven away their cattle: that it might please him to give them leave to recover the said goods, by the way of Justice, and to buy again that which the soldiers had sold, and that for the same price, for the which it was sold.
Briefly, they also besought their said Lord, y t it might please him to be so gracious unto them, as to grant them a confirmation of all their franchises, immunities, and privileges, as well general, as particular, given unto them as well by him, as by his predecessors: and likewise of those which, as well they, as their anciters had bought of their Lord's, and to receive them as his most humble and obedient subjects, into his protection and safeguard.
And because in time past, in the stead of good and spedie Justice, all iniquity was committed by those that had the administration of justice in their Ualleis: and for as much as their purses were emptied & punished rather then the malefactors: that it might please him to give order that such justice might be done amongst them, whereby the wicked might be punished with all severity, and the innocent defended and maintained in their right.
Finally, forasmuch as diverse of this poor people (being astonished at the coming of the army, & fearing least they should not only be spoiled of all their goods, but also they with their wives and children, be utterly destroyed) made promise against their consciences, to live according to the traditions of the church of Rome: they were maruelously troubled and tormented in spirit, and did nothing but languish in that distress. Wherefore they humbly besought the said Duches to take pity upon them, & to obtain that they might not be compelled to do anything against their conscience: and moreover, that it might please the Duke to permit them, to live in liberty and freedom of conscience: also, that all their poor brethren, banished for the cause of Religion, might return home to their houses: and that all confiscations and penalties made against them, might be abolished. And for their part they promised to give all due reverence and honor to God and his holy word, and to be true and faithful subjects to their Lord & Prince. Yea more then any other. Underneath the said supplication, there was written:
After that this supplication was viewed & read of the said Duchesse, she so persuaded with the Duke, that answer was made with these conditions declared in these articles following.
Conclusions and Articles, lastly agreed upon between the right honorable Lord of Raconis on the part of the Dukes highness, and them of the Valleys of Piemont, called the Waldoys.
THat there shall shortly be made letters Patentes by the Dukes highness, by the which it may appear that he hath forgiven and pardoned them of the Ualleys of Angrongne. Boby, Uillers, Ualquichard, Rora, Tailleret, La Rua de Bonet bordering upon Tour. S. Martin, Perouse, Roccapiata, S. Bartlemew, and all such as have aided them: of all such faults as they have committed, as well in bearing armor against his highness, as against the Lord's and certain other gentlemen whom he retained and kept in his protection and safeguard.
That it shall be lawful for them of Angrongne, Boby, Uillard, Ualquichard, Rora, (members of the Ualley of Luserne) & for them of Rodoret, Marcele, Maneillan, and Salsa (members of the Ualley of S. Martin) to have their congregations, sermons & other ministries of their religion, in places accustomed.
That it shall be lawful for them of Uillars (members of the Ualley of Luserne) to have the same, but that only until the time that his highness doth build a Forte in the same place. But whilst the said fort is in building, it shall not be lawful to have their preaching and assemblies with in the said precinct of the place, but it shall be lawful for them to build a place for that purpose, near at hand, where they shall think good, on that side towards Boby. Neuertheles it shall be permitted to their ministers to come within the precinct aforesaid, to visit the sick, and exercise other things necessary to their Religion, so that they preach not nor make any assemble there.
It shall be also permitted to them of Tailleret, La Rua de Bonet bordering upon Tour, to have their Sermones and assembles in places accustomed, so that they enter not for that purpose into the rest of the confines of Tour.
That it shall not be lawful for the said members of the Ualleys of Luserne and S. Martin, to come to the rest of their borderers, nor any other of his highness dominion: nor to have their preachings, assembles or disputations, out of their own borders, having liberty to have them therein. And if they be examined of their faith, it shall be lawful for them to answer without danger of punishment in body or goods.
The like shall be lawful for them of the parish of Perouse, which at this present are fled because of the said religion, & were wont to have their assembles and preachings & other ministries according to their religion, at the place called le Puis: so that they come not to other places & borders of the said parish.
It shall be permitted to them of y e parish of Pinachia, of the Ualley of Perouse, which at this present be fled because of the said religion, and were wont to go to Sermons and assemblies and other ministries of that religion, to have the like only at the place called le Grandoubiou.
It shall be permitted to them of the parish of S. Germain of the Ualley of Perouse, and to them of Roccapiata, which at this present are fled because of the said religion and continue in the same, to have one only minister, which may the one day preach at S. German, at the place called l'Adormilleux, and the other day at Roccapiata, at the place called Uandini only.
It shall be permitted to all them of the towns and Uillages of the said Ualleis, which at this present are fled, and continue in the said religion, notwithstanding any promise or abjuration made before this war against the said religion, to repair & return to their houses with their households, and to live according to the same, going and coming to the Sermons and assembles which shall be made by their ministers in the places above specified, so that they obey that which is abovesaid.
And because that many of the said towns and villages dwell out of the precinct of the preaching, having need to be visited▪ and of other things according to their said religion, their ministers which dwell within the precinct, shall be suffered without prejudice, to visit and duly aide them of such ministries as shall be necessary for thē, so that they make no sermons or assembles.
By especial grace it shall be permitted to all them of the Ualley of Mean, and them of S. Bartlemew, neyghbors to Roccapiata, and are fled and continue in the said religion, peaceably to enjoy the grace and liberties granted in the next article before, so that they observe all which they before promise to observe.
The goods already ceased as forfait, shall be restored to all the inhabitants of the said Ualleis, and to all that are fled and continue in the said religion, as well of them of the said Ualleis, as of Roccapiata, S. Bartlemew, and of Mean, so y t they be not ceased for any other cause then for the said religion, and for the war present and lately past.
It shall be lawful for them aforesaid, to recover by way of Justice, of their neighbors, their movable goods and cattle, so it be not of Soldiers: and that which hath been sold, they shall also recover by way of Justice, so that they restore the price for which it hath been sold. Theyr neighbors shall have the like against them.
All their franchises, fredomes, and privileges, as well general, as particular, granted as well by his highness predecessors, as by him self, and obtained of other inferior Lord's, whereof they shall make proof by public writings, shall be confirmed unto them.
The said Ualleis shall be provided for to have good Justice ministered unto them, whereby they may know they are kept in sauegard by his highness, as well as all his other subjects.
The inhabitants of the said Ualleis shall make a rolle of all the names & surnames of all them of the said valleys, which are fled for religion, as well such as have abjured, as other, to the ende they may be restored, and maintained in their goods and households, and enjoy such grace and benefits as their Prince and Lord hath bestowed on them.
And in so much as it is known to every man, that the Prince may build fortresses in his country, where it shall please him without contradiction, nevertheless, to take all suspicion out of the minds of the aforesaid Waldoys, it is declared that if, at any time hereafter, his highness will make a Forte at Uillars, the inhabitants of the said place shall not be constrained to bear the charges, but only as they shall think good, lovingly to aide their Prince. Which Forte being built (by God's aide) A Gouernoure and Captain shall therein be appointed, which shall attempt nothing but the service of his highness, without offense of the inhabitants either in their goods or consciences.
It shall be lawful for them, before y e discharging of their Ministers, such as it shall please his highness to have discharged, to choose and cal other in their steades: so that they choose not M. Martin de Pragela, nor change not from one place to another, of the said valleis, any of them which be discharged.
The Mass and other service after the usage of Rome, shall be kept in all the parishes of the said Ualleis, where the Sermons assembles, and other ministers of their religion are made, but none shall be compelled to be present thereat, nor to minister aide or favor to such as shall use that service.
All the expenses and charges borne by his highness in this war, shall be forgiven and released to them forever. Also the eight thousand crowns wherein the inhabitants of the said Ualleys were behind, as parte of sixteen M. crowns, which they had promised in the war passed: and his highness will command that the writings, for that cause made, shall be adnulled and cancelled.
All the prisoners shall be rendered & restored which shall be found to be in the hands of the soldiers, paying ransom reasonable, according to their goods, as they shall be ceased: and those which shall be adjudged to be wrongfully taken, shall be released without ransom.
Likewise, all they of the said Ualleis, which for religion, & not for other causes, are detained in the Galleis, shall be released without ransom.
Finally, it shall be lawful for all them of the said valleis, them of Mean, Roccapiata, and s. Bartlemewe, of what degree, estate, or condition so ever they be (except ministers) to accompany and dwell, and to be in daily conversation w t the rest of his highness subjects, and to tarry, go & come, in all places of his highness country, to sel and buy, and use all trades of merchandise, in all places in his highness country, as before is said, so that they preach not, nor make any assembles, or disputations, as we have before said: and that they which be of the limites, dwell not out of them: and they which be of the towns & villages of the said valleis, dwell not out of them, nor of their borders: and in so doing they shall not be molested by any means, and shall not be offended nor troubled in body or goods: but shall remain under the protection and safeguard of his highness.
Furthermore, his highness shall set order to stay all troubles, inconveniences, secret cōspiracies of wicked persons after such sort, that they shall remain quietly in their religion. For observation whereof, George Monastier, one of the elders of Angrongne, Constantion Dialestini, otherwise called Rembaldo, one of the Elders of Uillars, Pirrone Arduino, sent frō the comminaltie of Boby, Michael Ramondet, sent from the comminaltie of Tailleret and of la Rua de Bonet bordering upon Tour, John Malenote, sent from certain persons of S. John, Peter Paschal sent from the comminaltie of the valley of S. Martin, Thom. Roman of S. Germain, sent from the comminaltie of the same place, and of all the Ualley of Perouse, promise for thē and their comminalties severally, that the contents of these conclusions aforesaid, shall be inuiolately kept, and for breach thereof do submit themselves to such punishment as shall please his hignes: promising likewise to cause the chief of the families of the comminalties, to allow and confirm the said promise.
The honorable Lord of Raconis doth promise that the Dukes highness shall confirm and allow the foresaid conclusions to them both generally and particularly, at the intercession and especial favor of the noble Lady the Princesse.
In testimony whereof, the foresaid Lord of Raconis hath confirmed these present conclusions, with his own hand, and the Ministers have likewise subscribed in the name of all the said Ualleys, and they which can write, in the name of all their comminalties.
At Cauor, the v. of June. 1561.
- Phillip of Savoy.
- Francis Valla, Minister of Villars.
- Claudius Bergius, Minister of Taillaret.
- Georgius Monasterius.
- Michael Raymundet.
THis accord being thus made and passed, by the means of the Duchesse of Savoy, the poor Waldoys have ben in quiet until this present: and God of his infinite goodness having delivered them out of so many troubles and conflicts, hath set them at liberty, to serve him purely and with quietness of conscience.
Wherefore there is none at this present (except he be altogether blind or senceles) but he seeth and well perceiveth that God would make it known by experience, to these poor Waldoys, and all other faithful people, that all things turn to the best to them, which love and fear him. For by all these afflictions which they suffered (as is before rehearsed) this good heavenly father hath brought them to repentance and amendment of life. He hath effectuously taught them to have recourse to his fatherly mercy, and to embrace Jesus Christ, for their only Savior and redeemer.
Furthermore, he hath taught them to tame the desires and lusts of the flesh, to withdraw their harts from the world, and lift them up to heaven, and to be always in a readiness to come to him, as unto their most loving and pitiful father. To be short, he hath set them to the school of his children, to the end they should profit in patience and hope: to make them to mourn, weep, and cry unto him. And above all, he hath made them so oft to prove his succors at time of need, to see them before their eyes, to feel and touch them with their hands (as a man would say) after such sort, that they have had good occasion and all the faithful with them, never to distrust so good a father, and so careful for the health of his children: but to assure themselves never to be confounded, what thing soever happen.
And yet to see this more manifestly, and that every man may take profit thereof, it shall be good to understand what this poor people did, whiles they were in these combats and conflicts. So soon as they saw the army of their enemies approach, they cried altogether for aid and succor to the Lord, and before they begā to defend thenselves they fell to prayer, and in fighting, lifted up their hearts, and sighed to the Lord. As long as the enemies were at rest, everyone of these poor people, on their knees, called upon God. When the combat was ended, they gave him thanks for the comfort and succor, which they had felt. In the mean time, the rest of the people with the Ministers, made their hearty prayer unto God with sighs and tears, and that, from the morning until the evening. When night was come, they assembled again together. They which had fought, rehearsed the wonderful aid and succor which God had sent them, and so altogether rendered thanks unto him for his fatherly goodness. Always he changed their sorrow into joy. In the morning trouble and affliction appeared before them, with great terror on all sides: but by the evening, they were delivered, and had great cause of rejoicing and comfort.
This poor people had two terrible enemies: war and famine, which kept them under, in such sort that a man would have thought they had been utterly lost & destroyed. But God of his endless mercy, delivered thē from such dangers, and restored them to their houses, where they remained afterwards in peace and quietness, & all they which had declared themselves to be their open enemies, were brought to confusion, as well those which fought to get their goods, as those which only desired to shed their blood. For proof whereof, the only example of two Gentlemen of the Ualley of Luserne shall suffice. These not only moved cruel war against their poor tenauntes and others, but most shamefully spoiled them, and took intolerable fines of all those that disobeyed their Edicts, to keep a good conscience.
Besides this, they went about to cease all their goods as forfeit: waytyng to have the whole forfayture thereof themselves. And for this cause they did not only incense the Duke with false reports and with grievous complaints and accusations, against these poor Waldoys: but also pursued the same so long and with such charges, that they were fain to sell their inheritance, in hope to bring their purpose to pass, and to enjoy that goodly pray, which they thought could not escape their hands. But in the ende, for their reward, they got nothing but shame and confusion.
And as for the Monks and Priests which by such means thought to advance themselves, & to bring their trumpery to estimation, they have lost the little rule which they had over that people, and are confounded, and their Religion brought in disdain. Thus God beateth down those which exalte themselves above measure, and maketh his adversaries to fall into the pits which they themselves have made.
Let us pray unto him therefore, that it would please him likewise to stretch out his puissaunt arm at this day, to maintain his poor Church now afflicted, and to confound all the devises of Satan and his members, to the advancement of his glory and kingdom.
The conclusion of the story.
And thus hast thou (Christiā reader) for thy erudition and comfort, the story and doings, discoursed concerning these two countries, both of Province & also of Piemont, the one being subject under the dominion of France, the other belōgyng to the Duke of Savoy. In the which two foresaid regions and countries, how long the Gospel of Christ hath continued (evē from the time of the first Waldenses) the history it self declareth.
Furthermore, what injuries and wrongs have been done against them for the Gospels sake, what rigor and cruelty hath been shown of the adversary part: again, for their part, what patience in their suffering, what constancy in their doctrine, what truth in their words, and simplicity in their deeds, what obedience toward their Magistrates, and faith toward God they have used, & finally, how miraculously and mightily God hath fought for his people, and confounded the enemies, the said history may give thee full knowledge and experience.
Wherein this thou hast moreover for thy more learning, to note and to consider with thyself, besides many other memorable things in this story contained how vnwillyng this people were at first, & what remorse of conscience they had, for their obedience toward their Magistrates, to lift up any hand or finger, for their own defense. And therefore many of them being slain & cruelly murdered as willingly offering their throats without any resistance, to the cruel hands of their enemies, the rest were compelled to fly into the mountains, being spoiled of house, vittaile, & weapon, only to save their poor lives with flying, which otherwise they would not with resisting, in rocks & caves, thinking there rather to perish by famine, then to use that defense for thenselves, which nature giveth to every brute beast to help it self as it may, against violence & injury. Yet these poor Waldoys refusing all resistance, & laying down their own weapon (for obedience sake) yea not lifting up their own hands, to defend their own heads, only used the poor shift of flying frō their enemies, till at length the rage of those bloody persecutors, satisfied with no blood, nor contented with any reason, ceased not still most furiously, to infest them, yea to take also the mountains frō them, which had taken from them their houses before, neither yet permittyng them to live with the wild beasts in the desert, which could not live in their towns at home: till at length, by extreme necessity, the providence of God so working with them, they were compelled to turn their faces, & to take those weapons, which the ground gave to their hands. And with those stones, so marvelously the God of hosts wrought for his people, that they beat, vanquished & overthrew their adversaries, they cōfounded their pride, they abated their malice, & at last, stayed the intolerable rage of their persecutiō. So mercyfully and victoriously the Lord God omnipotent fought with his people, or rather for his people, they but turning almost their faces unto their enemies, no otherwise then he fought in times before, with Joshua against the heathen, with the Israelites against the Phelistians, with the Macabees, against Antiochus and the Sirians.
This history caryeng with it a true narration of things done in the said country of Piemont, and written (as it seemeth) by certain of the Ministers, which were at the doing thereof, with the like faith and simplicity we have collected partly out of the Italian, partly out of the French tongue: for in both the languages it is written, although in the French tongue, it is much more largely discoursed, which book most principally herein we have followed. The title whereof thus beginneth, Histoire des persecutions & Guerres faites contre le peuple appelle Vaudois, &c.
Now that we have finished these foreign Histories, concerning such matters as have been passed in other Realms and nations of Germany, Italy, Spain, France, and Savoy: consequently it remaineth after this degresse, to return and reduce our story again, to our own country matters, here done and passed at home, after that first we shall have added one foreign story more, concerning y e Martyrdom of a Christian Jew, which suffered about these years in Constantinople, among the Turks, in this wise as followeth.
The story of a Christian Jew in Constantinople martyred by the Turks.
HAuing thus comprehended the troubles and persecutions of such godly Saints, and blessed Martyrs, which have suffered in other foreine nations above mentioned, here now ending with them, and beginning the eyght book, we have (God willing) to return again to our own matters, and to prosecute such Acts and records, as to our own country of England do appertain. In the proees whereof among many other things, may appear the marvelous work of God's power and mercy in suppressing and banishing out of this Realm, the long usurped supremacy of the Pope: also in subuerting and overthrowing the houses of Monks, and Friers, with diverse other matters pertaining to the reformation of Christ's true Church and Religion. All which things as they have been long wished, and greatly groaned for in times past of many godly learned men: so much more ought we now to rejoice and give God thanks, seeing these days of reformation, which God hath given us. If John Hus, or good Jerome of Prague, or John Wycliffe before them both, or William Brute, Thorpe, Swynderby, or the Lord Cobham, if Zizka, with all the company of the Bohemians, if the Earl Raymundus, with all the Tholossians, if the Waldoys or the Albingensis, with infinite other, had been either in these our times now, or else had seen then this ruyne of the Pope, and revealing of Antichrist, which the Lord now hath dispensed unto us, what joy and triumph would they have made? Wherefore now beholding that thing which they so long time have wished for, let us not think the benefit to be small, but render therefore most humble thanks to the Lord our God: Who by his mighty power and brightness of his word, hath revealed this great enemy of his so manifestly to the eyes of all men, who before was hid in the Church so coulourably, that almost few Christians could espy him. For who would ever have judged or suspected in his mind, the Bishop of Rome (commonly received and believed almost of all men, to be the Vicare and Vicegerent of Christ here in earth) to be Antichrist, and the great adversary God, whom S. Paul so expressly prophesieth of in these latter days to be revealed by the brightness of the Lord's coming, as all men now for the most part may see is come to pass. Wherefore to the Lord and Father of lights, who revealeth all things in his due time, be praise and glory forever. Amen.
The eyght Book, continuing the history of English matters appertaining to both states, as well Ecclesiastical, as Civil and Temporal.
In the mean season we think good to express here his Articles, and order of his process, as we received them from Scotland, out of the registers.
The Articles and opinions objected against Master Patrick Hamelton, by James Beton, Archbyshop of S. Andrew's.
THat man hath no free will.
That there is no Purgatory.
That the holy Patriarchs were in heaven, before Christ's passion.
That the Pope hath no power to loose and bind: neither any Pope had that power, after S. Peter.
That the Pope is Antichrist, and that every Priest hath the power that the Pope hath.
That Mayster Patrick Hamelton was a Bishop.
That it is not necessary to obtain any Bulls from any Bishop.
That the vow of the Popes religion, is a vow of wickedness.
That the Popes laws be of no strength.
That all Christians worthy to be called Christians, do know that they be in the state of grace.
That none be saved, but they are before predestinate.
Whosoever is in deadly sin, is unfaithful.
That God is the cause of sin, in this sense, that is, that he withdraweth his grace from men, whereby they sin.
That it is devilish doctrine, to enjoin to any sinner, actual penance for sin.
That the said M. Patrick himself doubteth whether all children departing incontinent after their Baptism, are saved or condemned.
That auricular confession is not necessary to salvation.
These Articles above written, were given in, and laid against M. Hamelton, and inserted in their registers, for the which also he was condemned, by thē which hated him to death. But other learned men, which commoned & reasoned with him, do testify, that these Articles following were the very Articles, for the which he suffered.
1. Man hath no free will.
2. A man is only justified by faith in Christ.
3. A man, so long as he liveth, is not without sin.
4. He is not worthy to be called a Christian, which believeth not that he is in grace.
5. A good man doth good works: good works do not make a good man.
6. An evil man bringeth forth evil works: evil works, being faithfully repented, do not make an evil man.
7. Faith, hope, and charity be so linked together, that one of thē cannot be without another, in one mā, in this life.
And as touching the other Articles, whereupon the Doctors gave their judgments, as diverse do report, he was not accused of them before the Bishop. Albeit in private disputation, he affirmed and defended the most of thē.
Here followeth the sentence pronounced against him.
CHristi nomine Inuocato: We James, by the mercy of God, Archbyshop of Saint Andrew, primate of Scotland, with the counsel, decree, and authority of the most reverend fathers in God, and Lord's, Abbots, Doctors of Theology, professors of the holy Scripture, and masters of the University, assisting us for the time, sitting in judgment within our Metropolitan Church of S. Andrew, in the cause of heretical pravity, against Mayster Patrick Hamelton, Abbot or pensionarie of Ferme, being summoned to appear before us, to answer to certain Articles affirmed, taught, and preached by him, and so appearing before us, and accused, the merits of the cause being ripely weighed, discussed, and understanded by faithful inquisition made in Lent last passed: we have found the same M. Patrick, many ways infamed with heresy, disputing, holding, and maintaining diverse heresies of Martin Luther, and his followers, repugnant to our faith, and which is already condemned by general Councils, and most famous Universities. And he being under the same infamy, we decerning before, him to be summoned and accused upon the premisses, he of evil mind (as may be presumed) passed to other partes forth of the Realm, suspected and noted of heresy. And being lately returned, not being admitted, but of his own head, without license or privilege, hath presumed to preach wicked heresy.
We have found also, that he hath affirmed, published, & taught, diverse opinions of Luther, and wicked heresies, after that he was summoned to appear before us and our Council: That man hath no free will: That man is in sin so long as he liveth: That childrē incontinent after their baptism, are sinners: All Christians that be worthy to be called Christians, do know that they are in grace: No man is justified by works, but by faith only: Good works make not a good man, but a good man doth make good works: That faith, hope, and charity, are so knit, that he that hath the one, hath the rest, and he that wanteth the one of them, wanteth the rest, &c. with diverse other heresies and detestable opinions: and hath persisted so obstinate in the same, that by no counsel nor persuasion, he may be drawn therefrom, to the way of our right faith.
All these premisses being considered, we having God and the integrity of our faith before our eyes, and following the counsel and advise of the professors of the holy Scripture, men of law, and others assisting us, for the time: do pronounce, determine, and declare, the said M Patrick Hamelton, for his affirming, confessing, and maintaining of the foresaid heresies, and his pertinacitie (they being condemned already by the Church, general Councils, and most famous Universities) to be an heretic, and to have an evil opinion of the faith, and therefore to be condemned and punished, like as we condemn, and define him to be punished, by this our sentence definitive, depriving and sentencing him, to be deprived of all dignities, honors, orders, offices, and benefices of the Church: and therefore do judge and pronounce him to be delivered over to the secular power, to be punished, and his goods to be confiscate.
This our sentence definitive, was given and read at our Metropolitan Church of S. Andrew's, the last day of the month of February, an. 1527. being present, the most reverend fathers in Christ, and Lord's, Gawand Bishop of Glasgow, George Bishop of Dunkelden, John, Bishop of Brecham, William, Bishop of Dunblane, Patrick, Prior of S. Andrew. David, Abbot of Abirbrothoke, George, Abbot of Dunfermeling, Alexander, Abbot of Caunbuskyneth, Henry, Abbot of Lendors, John Prior of Pittyrweme, the Dean, and Subdeane of Glasgow, M. Hugh Spens, Thomas Ramsay, Allane Meldrun, &c. In the presence of the Clergy and the people.
After the condemnation and Martyrdom of this true Saint of God was dispatched by the Bishops and Doctors of Scotland, the rulers and Doctors of the University of Leuven hearing thereof, received such joy & consolation, at the shedding of that innocent blood, that for the abundance of heart, they could not stay their pen, to utter condign thanks, applauding and triumphing in their letters, sent to the foresaid Bishop of S. Andrew's, & Doctors of Scotland, at the worthy & famous deservings of their a • chieued enterprise, in that behalf: as by the tenor of their said letter may appear, which here followeth.
The copy of a letter congratulatorie, sent from the Doctors of Leuven, to the Archbysh. of S. Andrew's and Doctors of Scotland, commending them for the death of master Patrick Hamelton.
YOur excellent virtue (most honorable Bishop) hath so deserved, that albeit we be far distant, both by sea and land, without conjunction of familiarity, yet we desire with all our harts, to thank you for your worthy deed, by whose works, that true faith which not long ago, was taynted with heresy, not only remaineth unhurt, but also is more confirmed. For as our dear friend M. Alexander Galoway, Chanon of Aberdon, hath shown us, the presumption of the wicked heretic Patrick Hamelton, which is expressed in this your example, in that you have cut him off, when there was no hope of amendment, &c.
The which thing, as it is thought commendable to us, so the manner of the proceeding was no less pleasant, that the matter was performed by so great consent of so many estates, as of the Clergy, nobility, and vulgare people, not rashly, but most prudently, the order of law being in all points observed. We have seen the sentence which ye pronounced, and always do approve the same, not doubting but that the Articles which be inserted, are erroneous: so that whosoever will defend for a truth, any one of the same, with pertinacitie, should be esteemed an enemy to the faith, and an adversary to the holy Scripture. And albeit one or two of them appear to be without error, to them that will consider only the bare words: as (for example) good works make not a good man, but a good man worketh good works, yet there is no doubt, but they contain a Lutheran sense, which in a manner, they signify: to wit, that works done after faith, and justification, make not a man the better, nor are worthy of any reward before God. Believe not, that this example shall have place only among you, for there shall be among externe nations, which shall imitate the same, &c.
Certaynly, ye have given us great courage, so that now we acknowledge your University, which was founded according to the example of our University of Leuven, to be equal to ours, or else above: and would God occasion were offered of testifying our minds toward you. In the mean time, let us labor with one consent, that the ravening Wolves may be expelled from the sheepfold of Christ, while we have time. Let us study to preach to the people more learnedly hereafter, and more wisely Let us have Inquisitors, & espyers of books, containing that doctrine, especially that is brought in from far countries, whether by a postatiue Monks, or by Marchauntes, the most suspected kind of mē in these days. It is said, that since Scotland first embraced the Christiā faith, it was never defiled with any heresy Perseuere therefore, being moved thereunto by the example of England, your next neighbor, which in this most troublous time, is not changed, partly by the working of the Bishops, among the which Roffensis hath showeth himself an Evangelical Phoenix, and partly of the king, declaring himself to be another Mathias of the new law: pretermittyng nothing that may defend the law of his realm. The which, if your most renowned king of Scotland will follow, he shall purchase to himself eternal glory. Further, as touching the condign commendation, due for your part (most reverend Bishop) in this behalf, it shall not be the least part of your praise, that these heresies have been extinct sometimes in Scotland, you being Primate of Scotland and principal author thereof: Albeit that they also which have assisted you, are not to be defrauded of their deserved praise, as the reverend Bishop of Glasgow, of whose erudition, we have here givē us partly to understand, and also the Reverend Bishop of Aberden, a stout defender of the faith, together with the rest of the Prelates, Abbottes, Priours, and professors of holy Scripture. Let your Reverend Fatherhood take this little testificate of our duty toward you, in good part, whom we wish long and happily well to fare in Christ. From Leuven. An. 1528. April. 21.
By the Masters, and professors, of Theology in the University of Leuven, yours to command
In this Epistle of the Louanian Doctors, I shall not need (gentle Reader) to note unto thee, what a pernicious thing in a common wealth, is blind ignorance, whē it • alleth into cruel hearts. Which may well be compared to a sword put in the hands of one, that is both blind and mad. For as the blind man, having no sense to see & judge knoweth not whom he striketh: so the mad man, being cruel & furious, hath no compassion in sparyng any. Wherupon it happeneth many times with these men, as it did with the blind furious Pharisees, that as they having the sword of authority in their hands, in stead of malefactors and false Prophets, slue the true Prophets of God, and at last crucified the king of glory: so these Catholic Louanians and followers of their Messias of Rome, take in their hands the sword of jurisdiction, who neither seeing what to spare, nor caring whom they smite, under the style and pretense of heretics, murder and blaspheme without mercy, the true Preachers of the Gospel, and the holy annointed of the Lord.
But to return to the matter again of M. Hameltō, here is moreover to be observed, as a note worthy of memory, that in the year of the Lord. 1564. in y t which year this present history was collected in Scotland, there were certain faithful men of credit thē alive, who being present the same time, when M. Patrick Hamelton was in the fire, heard him to cite & appeal the black Frier called Cāpbel, that accused him, to appear before the high God, as general judge of all mē, to answer to the innocency of his death, and whether his accusation was just or not, between that, & a certain day of the next month▪ which he there named. Moreover by the same witness it is testified, that y e said Frier died immediately before y e said day came, without remorse of conscience, that he had persecuted the Innocēt. By the example whereof diverse of the people the same time, much mused, and firmly believed the doctrine of the foresaid M. Hamelton, to be good and just.
Hereunto I thought good to adjoin a certain godly and profitable treatise of the said M. Patrick Hamelton, written first by him in Latin, and afterward translated by John Frith into English, which he names Patriks Places, not unprofitable in my mind, to be seen and read of all men, for the pure and comfortable doctrine contained in the same, as not only by the Treatise it self may appear, but also by the Preface of the said John Frith, prefixed before, which also I thought not inconvenient to insert with the same, as here followeth.
A brief treatise of M. Patrick Hamelton, called Patrikes Places, translated into English by John Frith, with the Epistle of the said Frith prefixed before the same, as followeth.
*John Frith unto the Christian Reader.
BLessed be God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, which in these last days and perilous times, hath stirred up in all coūtreys, witnesses unto his son, to testify the truth unto the unfaithful, to save, at the least some from the snares of Antichrist, which lead to perdition, as ye may here perceive by that excellent, and well learned young man, Patrick Hamelton, borne in Scotland of a noble progeny: who to testify the truth, sought all means, and took upon him Priesthode, (even as Paul circumcised Timothy, to win the weak Jews) that he might be admitted to preach the pure word of God. Notwithstanding, as soon as the Chamberleyne and other Bishops of Scotland had perceived that the light began to shine, which disclosed their falsehood that they conveyed in darkness, they laid hands on him, and because he would not deny his Savior Christ at their instance, they burnt him to ashes. Nevertheless, God of his bounteous mercy (to publish to the whole world what a man these monsters have murdered) hath reserved a little treatise, made by this Patrick, which, if ye list, ye may call Patrickes Places: For it treateth exactly of certain common places, which known, ye have the pith of all Divinity. This treatise have I turned into the English tongue, to the profit of my nation: to whom I beseech God to give light, that they may espy the deceitful paths of perdition, and return to the right way which leadeth to life everlasting. Amen.
The doctrine of the Law.
THE Law is a doctrine that biddeth good, and forbiddeth evil, as the Commandments do specify, here following.
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The ten Commandments of God.
- 1. Thou shalt worship but one God.
- 2. Thou shalt make thee no Image to worship it.
- 3. Thou shalt not swear by his name in vain.
- 4. Hold the Sabbath day holy.
- 5. Honor thy father and thy mother.
- 6. Thou shalt not kill.
- 7. Thou shalt not commit aduoutry.
- 8. Thou shalt not steal.
- 9. Thou shalt not bear false witness.
- 10. Thou shalt not desire ought that belongeth to thy neighbor.
All these Commandments are briefly comprised in these two here under ensuing.
Love thy Lord God with all thine heart, with all thy soul, and with all thy mind. This is the first, and great commandment. The second is like unto this, that is, love thy neighbor as thyself. On these two commandments hangeth all the Law and the Prophets.
Certain general propositions proved by the Scripture.
The first proposition.
He that loveth God, loveth his neighbor.
This proposition is proved 1. John. 4. If a man say, I love God, and yet hateth his brother, he is a liar. He that loveth not his brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God, whom he hath not seen?
The 2. proposition.
He that loveth his neighbor as himself, keepeth all the Commandments of God.
This proposition is proved Mat. 7. Rom. 13. Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, even so do to them. For this is the Law and the Prophets. Math. 7.
He that loveth his neighbor, fulfilleth the Law. Thou shalt not commit aduoutry. Thou shalt not kill: Thou shalt not steal: Thou shalt not bear false witness: Thou shalt not desire, &c. and if there be any other Commandment, all are comprehended in this saying: Love thy neighbor as thyself. Rom. xiii.
All the Law is fulfilled in one word, that is, Love thy neighbor as thyself. Gal. v.
The 3. proposition.
He that hath faith loveth God.
My father loveth you, because you love me, and believe that I come of God. John. 16.
The 4. proposition.
He that keepeth one Commandment of God, keepeth them all.
This proposition is confirmed. Heb. 11. It is impossible for a man, without faith to please God, that is, to keep any one of God's Commandments, as he should do. Then whosoever keepeth any one Commandment, hath faith.
The 5. proposition.
He that keepeth not all the Commandments of God, keepeth not one of them.
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Argument.
- He that keepeth one Commaundemente of God, keepeth all.
- Ergo, he that keepeth not all the Commandments of God, keepeth not one of them.
The 6. proposition.
It is not in our power to keep any one of the Commandments of God.
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Argument.
- Ba. It is impossible to keep any of the Commandments of God, without grace.
- ro. It is not in our power to have grace.
- co. Ergo it is not in our power, to keep any of the Commandments of God.
And even so may you reason concerning the holy Ghost, and faith, for so much as neither without them we are able to keep any of the Commandments of God: neither yet be they in our power to have. Non est volentis ne{que} currentis, &c. Rom. 9.
The 7. proposition.
The Law was given us to show our sin.
By the Law cometh the knowledge of sin. Rom. 3. I knew not what sin meant, but thorough the law. For I had not known what lust had meant, except the Law had said: Thou shalt not lust. Without the Law sin was dead, that is, it moved me not, neither wyst I that it was sin, which notwithstanding was sin, and forbidden by the Law, Rom. 7.
The doctrine of the Gospel.
THe Gospel is as much to say in our tongue, as good tidings: like as these be, here under following, and such other.
Christ is the Savior of the world.
Christ is the Savior.
Christ died for us.
Christ died for our sins.
Christ bought us with his blood.
Christ washed us with his blood.
Christ offered himself for us.
Christ bare our sins on his back.
Christ came into this world to save sinners.
Christ came into this world to take away our sins.
Christ was the price that was given for us & our sins.
Christ was made debtor for us.
Christ hath paid our debt, for he died for us.
Christ made satisfaction for us and our sins.
Christ is our righteousness.
Christ is our sanctification.
Christ is our redemption.
Christ is our peace.
Christ hath pacified the father of heaven for us.
Christ is our and all his.
Christ hath delivered us from the law, from the devil, and from hell.
The father of heaven hath forgiven us our sins, for Christ's sake. Or any such other, like to the same, which declare unto us the mercy of God.
The nature and office of the law, and of the Gospel.
THe law showeth us our sin.
The Gospel showeth us remedy for it.
The law showeth us our condemnation.
The Gospel showeth us our redemption.
The law is the word of Ire.
The Gospel is the word of grace.
The law is the word of despair.
The Gospel is the word of comfort.
The law is the word of unrest.
The Gospel is the word of peace.
*A disputation between the law and the Gospel, where is shown the difference or contrariety between them both.
THe law saith, pay thy dette.
The Gospel saith, Christ hath paid it.
The law saith, thou art a sinner, despair and thou shalt be damned.
The Gospel saith, thy sins are forgiven thee, be of good comfort, thou shalt be saved.
The law saith, make amends for thy sins.
The Gospel saith, Christ hath made it for thee.
The law saith, the father of heaven is angry with thee.
The Gospel saith, Christ hath pacified him with his blood.
The law saith, where is thy righteousness, goodness, and satisfaction.
The Gospel saith, Christ is thy righteousness, thy goodness, and satisfaction.
The law saith, thou art bound and obliged to me, to the devil, and to hell.
The Gospel saith, Christ hath delivered thee from them all.
The doctrine of Faith.
FAith is to believe God, like as Abraham believed God, and it was imputed unto him for righteousness.
To believe God, is to believe his word and to recount it true that he saith.
He that believeth not God's word, believeth not God himself.
He that believeth not God's word, he counteth him false and a liar, and believeth not that he may and will fulful his word, and so he denieth both the might of God, and God himself.
The 9. proposition.
The 11. proposition.
He that lacketh faith, cannot please God.
Without faith, it is impossible to please God. Rom 14. All that cometh not of faith, is sin, for without faith can no man please God. Heb. 11.
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Induction.An argument called Inductio.
- He that lacketh faith, trusteth not God: he that trusteth not God, trusteth not his word: he that trusteth not his word, holdeth him false and a liar: he that holdeth him false and a liar, believeth not that he may do that he promiseth, and so denieth he, that he is God.
- Ergo, a primo ad vltimum, he that lacketh faith, cannot please God.
- If it were possible for any man to do all the good deeds that ever were done, either of men or angels: yet being in this case, it is impossible for him to please God.
The 12. proposition.
All that is done in faith, pleaseth God.
Right is the word of God, and all his works in faith. Psal. 33.
Lord thine eyes look to faith: that is as much to say, as Lord thou delightest in faith. Ier 5.
The 14 proposition.
He that hath faith, and believeth God, cannot displease him.
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Induction.
- He that hath faith, believeth God: he that believeth God, believeth his word, he that believeth his word, wotteth well that he is true and faithful, and may not lie, knowing that he both may and will fulfill his word:
- Ergo, a primo ad vltimum, he that hath faith, cannot displease God: neither can any man do a greater honor to God, then to count him true.
The 15. proposition.
Faith is a certainty or assurednesse.
Faith is a sure confidence of things which are hoped for, and certainty of things which are not seen. Heb. 11.
The same spirit certifieth our spirit, that we are the children of God. Rom. 8. Moreover, he that hath faith, wotteth well that God will fulfill his word. Whereby it appeareth, that faith is a certainty or assurednesse.
A man is justified by faith.
ABraham believed God, and it was imputed unto him for righteousness. Rom. 4.
We suppose therefore that a man is justified by faith without the deeds of the law. Rom. 3. Gal. 2.
He that worketh not but believeth on him that justifieth the wicked, his faith is counted to him for righteousness. Rom. 4.
The just man liveth by his faith. Abac. 2. Rom. 1.
We wotte that a man is not justified by the deeds of the law: but by the faith of Jesus Christ: and we believe in Jesus Christ, that we may be justified by the faith of Christ and not by the deeds of the law. Gal. 2.