Church History of Britain

1. Scripture generally read.

For such as were with the Holy Bishop Aidan, sive Attonsi, sive Laici, either Clergy or Laity, were tied to exercise themselves in reading the Holy Word, and learning of Psalms.

The Original preferred.

For Ricemarch a Britain, a right Learned and Godly Clerk, Son to Sulgen Bishop of Saint David's, flourishing in this Age, made this Epigram on those who translated the Psalter out of the Greek, so taking it at the Second hand, and not drawing it immediately out of the first Vessel.

No Prayers for the Dead, in the modern notion of Papists.

For, though we find Prayers for the Dead, yet they were not in the nature of Propitiation for their Sins, or to procure Relaxation from their Sufferings: but were only an honorable Commemoration of their Memories, and a Sacrifice of Thanksgiving for their Salvation. Thus S ^t . Cuthbert, after he had seen the Soul of one Hadwaldus carried by Angels into Heaven, did celebrate Obsequies of Prayers in his behalf.

Purgatory, though newly hatched, not yet fledged.

For, although there are frequent Visions and Revelations in this Age pretended, thereon to build Purgatory (which had no Foundation in Scripture) yet the Architects of that fancy-full Fabric had not so handsomely contrived it, as it stands at this day in the Romish Belief. For Bede, out of the Vision of Furseus, relateth certain great Fires above the Air, appointed to examine everyone according to the merits of his Work, differing from the Papists Purgatory; which Bellarmine, by the common Consent of the School-men, determineth to be within the Bowels of the Earth. Thus nothing can be invented, and perfected at once.

Communion under both kinds.

43. But if any desire farther Information herein, let him repair to the worthy Work, which James, the right learned and pious Arch-bishop of Armagh, hath written of the Religion professed by the ancient Irish and British. From whom I have borrowed many a Note (though not always thanking him in the Margin, by citing his Name) and therefore now must make one general Acknowledgement of my Engagement. In Cities we see, that such as sell by Retaile (though of less Credit) are of great Use, especially to poor people, in parcelling out Penny-worths of Commodities to them, whose Purses cannot extend to buy by Whole-sale from the Merchant. Conceive I in like manner, my Pains will not be altogether unprofitable, who in this History have fetched my Wares from the Store-house of that Reverend Prelate (the Cape-Merchant of all Learning) and here in little Remnants, deliver them out to petty-country-Chapmen, who hitherto have not had the Hap, or Happiness to understand the original Treasuries, whence they are taken. And clean through this Work in point of Chronology, I have with implicit Faith followed his Computation, setting my Watch by his Dial, knowing his Dial to be set by the Sun, and Account most exactly calculated, according to the critical truth of Time. Long may he live for the Glory of God, and Good of his Church. For whereas many learned men, though they be deep Abysses of Knowledge, yet (like the Caspian Sea, receiving all, and having no Out-let) are loath to impart ought to others; this bright Sun is as bountiful to deal abroad his Beams, as such dark Dales as myself, are glad, and delighted to receive them.

THE ELEVENTH CENTURY.

THis Century began (as Children generally are born) with crying; partly for a Massacre made by the English on the Danes, but chiefly for the Cruelty committed by the Danes on the English. Concerning the former; certain Danes fled into a Church at Oxford, hoping the Sanctity thereof (according to the devout Principles of that Age) would secure them: and probably such Pitty might have inclined them to Christianity. Whereas by command from K. Æthelred, they were all burned in the place; whose Blood remained not long unrevenged. The Danish Fury fell (if not first) fiercest on the City of Canterbury, with Fire and Sword, destroying eight thousand people therein: and which Authors who quadruple that number, surely take in not only the Vicenage, but all Kent to make up their account. Ealphegus the Archbishop of Canterbury, commonly called Alphage, was then slain, and since Sainted; a Church nigh Creeple-gate in London being consecrated to his Memory.

2. A Monk of Canterbury reports, that the Abbey of S ^t . Augustine was saved on this occasion; A Danish Soldier stealing the Pall from the Tomb of S ^t . Augustine, it stuck so close under his Arm-pits, that it could not be parted from his Skin, until he had publicly made confession of his Fault: Vltio Raptorem rapuit, faith the Author. And hereupon the Danes of Invaders, turned Defenders of that Monastery. But others conceive, if it found extraordinary favor, their Money (not this Miracle) procured it. Sure I am, when Achan stole the Babylonish Garment, he was left at large to discovery by Lot, and no Miracle detected him. Next year a nameless Bishop of London was sacrificed to their Fury, used worse then the Task-Masters of Israel, (on whose Back the number of Bricks wanting, were only scored in Blows) being killed out-right, for want of present pay of the Tribute promised unto them.

3. Cambridge and Oxford both of them deeply tasted of this bitter Cup at the same time. True it is, some two years since, when the rest of the East-Angles cowardly fled away, homines Comitatus Cantabrigiae viriliter obstiterunt, unde Anglis regnantibus laus Cantabrigiensis Provinciae splendide florebat. Hence it is that I have read (though unable at the instant to produce my Author ) that Cambridgeshire-men claim an ancient (now antiquated) Privilege, to lead the Van in all Battels. But Valour at last little befriended them, the Danes burning Cambridge to Ashes, and harassing the Country round about.

4. Here let State-Historians inform the Reader of intestine Wars betwixt Edmund Ironside (so called for his hardy enduring all Troubles) King of England, Defendour, and Canutus the Dane, Invader of this Land; till at last, (after a personal Duel fought) the Land was equally divided betwixt them. A division wherewith both seemed, neither were well pleased; seeing the least whole head cannot be fitted with the biggest half Crown; all or none was their desire. Canutus at last with his Silver Hand, was too hard for the other his Iron Side; who by his promised Bribes prevailed with one Edrick to kill this his Corrivall; which being performed he was fairly advanced with a Halter. It would spoil the Trade of all Traitors, if such Coyn only were currant in paying their Rewards.

5. Canutus or Knot the Dane (from whom a Bird in Lincolnshire is so called, wherewith his Palate was much pleased) bathed himself in English Blood, whom at this distance of time, we may safely term a Tyrant, so many Murthers and Massacres were by him committed. For his Religion, as yet he was a Mungrel betwixt a Pagan and a Christian; though at last, the later prevailed, especially after his Pilgrimage to Rome. In his passage thither, he went through France; where understanding that the people paid deep Taxes, he disburst so much of his own money in their behalf, that he brought their Taxes to be abated to one half: An Act of Pitty in a Prince without Precedent done to Forrainers. It is vain for the English to wish the like Curtesy from the King of France; partly because England lies not in their way to Rome, partly because they are fuller of Complements then Curtesie.

6. Coming to Rome, Canutus turned Convert, changing his Condition with the Climate, showing there many expressions of Devotion. Much he gave to the Pope, and something he gained from him; namely, an Immunity for Archbishops, from their excessive Charges about their Pall, and some other Favors he obtained for his Subjects. After his return into his own Country, he laid out all the remainder of his days in Acts of Charity, in founding, or enriching of religious Houses, and two especially, Saint Bennets in the Holm in Norfolk, and Hyde Abbey near Winchester.

7. To this latter he gave a Cross so costly for the Metall, and curious for the Making, that one years revenues of his Crown was expended on the same. But the Cross of this Cross was, that about the Reign of King Henry the sixth, it was burnt down with the whole Monastery, in a Fire which was very suspicious to have been kindled by intentional Malice. This Canutus towards the latter end of his Reign, never wore a Crown, resigning up the same to the Image of our Savior: he was also famous for a particular act of Humility done by him on this occasion.

8. A Parasite (and sooner will an hot May want Flies, then a Kings Court such Flatterers) sought to puff up King Canutus, with an opinion of his Puissance; as if, because England and Norway, therefore Aeolus and Neptune must obey him. In confuting of whose falsehood, Canutus commanded his Chair of State to be set on the Seashore, nigh South-Hampton, and settled himself thereon. Then he imperiously commanded the Waves (as a Fence which walled that Land, belonging unto him) to observe their due Distance, not presuming to approach him. The surly Waves were so far from obeying, they heard him not; who listened only to the Proclamation of a higher Monarch, Hither shalt thou come, and no further; and made bold to give the Kings Feet so course a Kiss, as wetted him up to the Knees.

9. On this accident King Canutus made an excellent Sermon: First, adoring the infinite Power of God, sole Commander of the Winds and Waves: Secondly, confessing the frailty of all Flesh, unable to stop the least Drop of the Sea: Thirdly, confuting the Profaneness of Flatterers, fixing an infinite Power in a finite Creature. As for the Laws made by King Canutus, we have purposely omitted them: not so much because many, large, and ordinarily extant; but chiefly because, most, of Civil Concernment.

10. Two of his Sons succeeded him, more known by their handsome Sur-names, then any other Desert. First his base Son, (taking advantage of his Brothers absence) called from his Swiftness, Harold Harefoot belike; another Asahel in Nimbleness, but Hares-heart had better befitted his Nature, so cowardly his disposition. Then his legitimate Son, called Hardy Canute, more truly bloody Canute, eminent for his Cruelty. With him expired the Danish Royal Line in England, leaving no Issue behind him, and opening an Opportunity for the banished Son of King Æthelred to recover the Crown, whose ensuing Reign is richly worth our description. Mean time it is worth our observing, in how few years the Danish Greatness shrank to nothing; and from formidable, became inconsiderable, yea contemptible. Indeed Canutus was one of extraordinary Worth, and the Wheel once moved will for a time turn of itself. Had Harold his Son (by what way it skilled not) been one of a tolerable disposition, he might have traded in Reputation, on the Stock of his Fathers Memory. But being so very mean, (considerable only in Cruelty) his Fathers Worth did him the Disadvantage, to render his Vnworthynesse the more conspicuous. Besides, when Hardy Canute his Brother succeeded him, and though better born, shown himself no better bred in his inhumane Carriage; it caused not only a Neuseation in the people of England of Danish Kings, but also an appetite, yet a longing after their true and due Sovereign.

11. Edward the Confessor, youngest Son of King Etherlred, (his elder Brethren being slain, and their Children fled away) came to be King of England. I understand not the Ceremony which I read was used to this Edward, whilst as yet (saith a Monkish Author, properly enough in his own Language) he was contained in the weak Cloisters of his Mothers Womb; at which time the Peers of the Land sware Allegiance unto him or her (the Sex as yet being unknown) before he was born. Indeed I find that Varanes his Child was crowned King whilst yet in his Mothers Body, applicata ad Vterum Corona. But what Solemnity soever was done to this Hans-en-Kelder, it did not afterwards embolden him to the Anticipation of the Crown, attending till it descended upon him.

12. A worthy King, no less pious to God, then just to Man: For, whereas formerly there were manifold Laws in the Land, made, some by the Britons, others by the Danes, others by the English, swelling to an unmeasurable Number, to the great Mischief of his Subjects; he caused some few of the best to be selected, and the rest, as captious and unnecessary, to be rejected. Hence, say some, they were called the Common Laws, as calculated for the common Good, and no private persons Advantage.

13. It is admirable, how the Danes in this Kings Reign were vanished away. They who formerly could scarce be numbered in England, they were so many, could now scarce be numbered they were so few, and those living quietly with their English Neighbors. As for foreign invading Danes in this Kings Reign, as I cannot see them, so I will not seek them, glad of their Room and Riddance. Indeed once I meet with an Assay of them in a Navy bound to infest England: but their King being casually drowned as he entered his own Fleet, put an end to their Hopes, and our Feares for that Design.

14. Emma, King Edward 's Mother, being suspected too familiar with Alwin Bishop of Winchester, under the color of Devotion, put herself to be tried by Ordall; whereof this the manner. Nine Plow-shares glowing hot were laid on the Ground, one foot distant from another; the party suspected was to be brought blind-folded, and bare-footed to pass over them: if he chanced to step in the Intervalls, or on the hot Iron unhurt, he was pronounced Innocent, otherwise condemned for an Offender. An unjust Law, wherein the Triers had no Precept, the Tryed no Promise. Must Innocence be ruined as often as Malice would wrong it, if Miracle would not rescue it? This was not a way to try man, but tempt God: As just a Trying by Fire, as that of our modern Witches by Water. This Trial Queen Emma admirably underwent, not sensible of the Plow-shares till past them, saying to such as led her, Oh, when shall I come to the place of my Purgation?

15. By what Power this was performed, I will not dispute, finding amongst the Heathens a City Feronia, twenty miles from Rome, under mount Soracte; where the Inhabitants, possessed with a spirit of a Deity therein worshipped, usually walked upon burning Coals, without any Harm. Only I wonder, that Bishop Alwin (equally suspected, and equally innocent with Emma) should not profer himself to the like Trial. But, perchance, the prudent Prelate remembered, that such barbarous Customs, though kept up amongst the Common People, were forbidden by the ancient Canons, as also by the Letter of Pope Stephen the fifth, which about the year eight hundred eighty and seven he wrote to Humbert, Bishop of Mainz: And now Emma, who went willingly on this sad Errand, did the Business for them both, and cleared their Credits. The Church of Winchester got well hereby, viz. nine Mannours, which Queen Emma bestowed thereon, in Commemoration of her Deliverance.

16. King Edward the Confessor was married to the devout Lady Edith; his Wife in Mind, but not in Body; in Consent, not Act; being only (as my Author saith) an Abishag to the King. Strange! that two Persons, if loving each other in the prime of their years, should light on so happy a Temper, as mutually to warm, not to heat one another; which the Wife-men in our Age will account difficult, and the Wanton impossible. Such will say, if this was true, that King Edward passed as great a Trial, as Queen Emma his Mother; and that his Ordall was as hard, as hers was painful.

17. Was it not pity, but the World should have more of the Breed of them, who were so godly a Couple? Let Baseness be barren, and Cruelty childless; Pious persons deserve a double Portion in that Charter of Fruitfulness, Multiply and increase. Yea, the English Crown now wanting an Heir, and, for Default thereof, likely to fall to Forreiners, might (I will not say have tempted, but) have moved King Edward to the Knowledge of his Wife. But whilst Papists cry up this his incredible Continency: others easily unwonder the same, by imputing it partly to his Impotence, afflicted with an Infirmitie; partly to the Distaste of his Wife, whom he married only for Coveniencie, and to the Distrust of her Chastity, on suspicion whereof, he confined her to the Monastery of Whore-well (as I take it) in Hamshire.

18. But grant Queen Edith a chaste Woman, as she is generally believed; Daughter she was to a wicked Father, Earl Godwin by name, whence the Proverb,

19. He cast a cavetous Eye on the fair Nunnery of Berkley in Glocestershire, and thus contrived it for himself. He left there an handsome young man, really, or seemingly, sick, for their Charity to recover; who quickly grows well, and wanton. He is toying, tempting, taking; such Fire and Flax quickly make a Flame. The Sisters loose their Chastity, and, without taking Wife in the way, are ready to make Mothers. The young man (if sick) returns to Earl Godwin in Health, leaving the healthful Nuns sick behind him. The same hereof fills the Country, flies to Court, is complained of by Earl Godwin to the King; Officers are sent to inquire, they return it to be true, the Nuns are turned out, their House and Lands forfeited, both bestowed on Earl Godwin; surprised Weakness being put out, and designing Wickedness placed in the room thereof. Surely King Edward knew nothing of Godwin 's Deceit herein; otherwise it was unjust, that the Whores should be punished, and the principal Pander rewarded.

20. At another time he had a mind to the rich Manor of Boseham in Sussex, and complemented it out of Robert Arch-bishop of Canterbury, in this manner. Coming to the Arch-bishop, he saith, Da mihi Basium, that is, Give me a Buss, or a Kiss, an usual Favor from such a Prelate. The Arch-bishop returns, Dotibi Basium, kissing him therewith. An holy Kiss (perchance) as given, but a crafty one as taken: for Godwin presently posts to Boseham, and takes possession thereof. And though here was neither real Intention in him who passed it away, nor valuable Consideration to him; but a mere Circumvention; yet such was Godwin 's Power, and the Arch-bishops Poornesse of spirit, that he quietly enjoyed it. Nor have I ought else to observe either of Berkley or Boseham, but that both these rich and ancient Mannours, Earl Godwin his brace of Cheats, and distant an hundred miles each from other, are now both met in the Right Honorable George Berkeley (as Heir apparent thereof) the paramount Mecoenas of my Studies: whose Ancestors as they were long since justly possessed of them; so I doubt not but their Posterity will long comfortably enjoy them.

21. The Monks that wrote this King Edward 's life, had too heavy a hand in over-spicing it with Miracles, which hath made the Relation too hot for the Mouth of any moderate Belief. A poor Cripple chanced to come to him, one who might have stocked a whole Hospital with his own Maladies. It was questionable, whether the Difficulty of his Crawling caused more Pain, or the Deformity thereof more Shame unto him. The sight of him made all tender Beholders Cripples by Sympathie, commiserating his sad Condition. But it seems, this weak Wretch had a strong Fancy, and bold Face, who durst desire the King himself to carry him on his Back into the Church, on assurance (as he said) that thereby he should be recovered. The good King grants his Desire, and this Royal Porter bears him into the Church, where so strange an Alteration is said to happen; Qui venit quadrupes, decessit bipes, He that came on all four, departed straight, and upright.

22. The Church into which the King carried the Cripple, was S ^t . Peter 's in Westminister, built by him on this Occasion. King Edward had made a Vow to visit the Relics of S ^t . Peter in Rome; and, because his Subjects could not safely spare him out of his own Country, the Pope dispensed with him for the Performance thereof. Now, although he went not to S ^t . Peter, S ^t Peter came to him, and in several Apparitions advised him to build him a Church in the place now called Westminster, then Thornie, because desolate, and overgrown with Thorns and Briars. Nor is it any news, that populous Cities at this present, were anciently Woods and Bushie plots. What else was Jerusalem itself in the days of Abraham, but a Thornie, when in the midst thereof on Mount Moriah, a Ram was caught by the Horns in a Thicket? This Church many years before had been dedicated to, and (as the Monks say) consecrated by S ^t Peter, till destroyed by the Danes, King Edward raised it from the Ruines, endowing it with large Privileges, and rich Possessions.

23. Next to St. Peter, our Edward 's Darling, he is said to be most in Favor with S ^t . John the Apostle, who is reported to have appeared unto him in the shape of a Begging Pilgrim; the King, not having at the present Money to supply his Wants, plucked off his Ring from his Finger, and bestowed it upon him. This very Ring, some years after, S ^t . John sent him back again by two Pilgrims out of Palestine; but withal telling him, that he should die within six months after: a Message more welcome then the Ring to such a mortified man. If any doubt of the truth thereof, it is but riding to Havering in Essex, so called (as they say) from this Ring, where (no doubt) the Inhabitants will give any sufficient Satisfaction therein.

24. Amongst the many Visions in this Kings Reign, one I will not omit, because seeming to have some what more then mere Monk therein. One being inquisitive, what should become of England after King Edward 's Death, received this Answer; The Kingdom of England belongeth to God himself, who will provide it a King at his pleasure. Indeed England is God's on several Titles. First, as a Country; the Earth is his, and the Fullness-thereof: Secondly, as an Island, which are God's Demesnes, which he keeps in his own hand of his daily Providence: Thirdly, as a Kingdom on which he hath bestowed miraculous Deliverances. Seeing then England is his own, we know who said, Is it not lawful to do what I will with mine own? May he dispose of his own to his own Glory, and the good of his own Servants.

25. Amongst the many resplendent Virtues in King Edward, Contempt of Wealth was not the least, whereof some bring in this for an Instance. The King lay on a Pallet surrounded with Curtains; by him stood a Chest of Silver, which Hugolin, his Treasurer (called away on some sudden Occasion) had left open. In comes a thievish Courtier, takes away as much Money as he could carry, and disposeth thereof. Then cometh he the second time for a new Burden, little suspecting that the unseen King saw him all the while; and having laden himself, departed. Some add, he returned the third time. Be content (quoth the King) with what you have, lest, if Hugolin come in and catch you, he take it all from you. Soon after the Treasurer returning, and fretting for loss of the Money, Let him have it quietly (said the King) he needeth it more then we do. Words which spake him a better man then King, as accessory to his own Robbing; who, if pleased to have made this pilfering Fellow to have tasted of the Whip for his pains, had marred a pretty Jast, but made a better Earnest therein.

26. Posterity conceived so great an opinion of King Edward 's Piety, that his Cloath; were deposited amongst the Regalia, and solemnly worn by our English Kings on their Coronation; never counting themselves so fine, as when invested with his Robes; the Sanctity of Edward the first Wearer excusing, yea adorning the modern Antiquenesse of his Apparel. Amongst these is the Rod or Sceptre, with a Dove on the Top thereof, (the Emblem of Peace) because in his Reign England enjoyed Halcyon days, free from Danish Invasions: as also his Crown, Chair, Staff, Tunick, close Pall, Tuisni hosen, Sandalls, Spurres, Gloves, &c. Expect not from me a Comment on these several Cloaths, or reason for the wearing of them. In general, it was to mind our Kings, when habited with his Cloaths, to be clothed with the habit of his virtuous Endowments; as when putting on the Gloves of this Confessor, their Hands ought to be like his, in moderate taking of Taxes from their Subjects. Indeed, Impositions once raised are seldom remitted, pretended Necessities being always found out for their Continuance. But our Edward released to his Subjects the grievous burden of Dane-gelt, paid to his Predecessors, conceiving it fit, now the Danes were departed, that the Gelt or Tax should go after them. But now Edward 's Staff is broken, Chair overturned, Cloaths rent, and Crown melted; our present Age esteeming them the Relics of Superstition.

27. And yet all things being cast up, I confess I understand not how the name Confessor is proper to King Edward, in the strict acceptance thereof. For a Confessor is one actually persecuted for the testimony of the Truth, and prepared to lose his Life for the same. He is a Martyr in Bullion, wanting only the Stamp of a Violent Death to be impressed upon him. Now a great part of our Edward 's Life, was led by him in Peace and Plenty; nothing bounding his Abundance but his own Moderation, & for twenty years together having no visible Foe to offend him. And although in his youth he lived in Normandy, in a middle Condition, betwixt an Exile and a Traveler, flying thither for fear of the Danes; yet such his Sufferings were of Civil Concernment, not directly relating to Conscience, though at distance reducible thereunto. But seeing in the Titles of great Persons, it is better to give too much then too little; a Confessor we found him, and a Confessor we leave him.

28. Our Eyes have been so intent in beholding the Virtues of this King, we have been little at Leasure to take notice of the Arch-bishops of Canterbury, during his Reign. Know then that about ten years since, Robert Arch-bishop of Canterbury, who succeeded Eadsin therein, fearing some hard measure from Earl Godwin (notwithstanding he had been contentedly kissed out of his Manor of Boseham) conveyed himself away beyond the Seas, to his Monastery in Normandy, whence he came first into England. After whose Depature, Stig and Bishop of Winchester intruded himself into that See, eminent only for Vice, and fordid Covetousness.

29. As for the Ecclesiastic all Laws made by this King in his Reign, it will be enough to affix their Principal Titles.

But I loose time, and refer the Reader to read these Constitutions at large, being three and twenty in number, in the worthy Work of that no less Learned then Religious Knight Sir Henry Spelman.

30. And now the full time was come, wherein good King Edward exchanged this life for a better. Who, as he was famous for many personal Miracles, so he is reported to have entailed (by Heavens Consort) an hereditary Virtue on his Successors the Kings of England, (only with this Condition, that they continue constant in Christianity) to cure the Kings Evil. This Disease, known to the Greeks by the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , termed by La • ines Struma, and Sorophulae, hath it's Cause from Phlegm, it's chief and common outward Residence, in or near the Neck & Throat, where it expresseth itself in Knobs and Kernells, pregnant often times with corrupted Blood, & other putrefied matter, which on the breaking of those Bunches, floweth forth, equally offensive to Sight, Smell and Touch. And yet this noisome Disease is happily healed by the Hands of the Kings of England stroking the Soar: & if any doubt of the Truth thereof, they may be remitted to their own Eyes for farther Confirmation. But there is a sort of men, who to avoid the Censure of over-easy Credulity, and purchase the Repute of prudent Austerity, justly incur the Censure of affected Frowardness. It being neither Manners nor Discretion in them, in matters notoriously known to give daily Experience the Lye, by the Backwardnesse of their Belief.

31 But whence this Cure proceeds, is much controverted amongst the Learned. Some recount it in the Number of those 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , whose Reason cannot be demonstrated. For as in vicious Common-wealths Bastards are frequent, who being reputed Filii Populi, have no particular Father: so man's Ignorance increaseth the number of Occult Qualities, (which I might call Chances in Nature,) where the Effect is beheld, but cannot be certainly referred to any immediate and proper Cause thereof. Others impute it to the power of Fancie, and an exalted Imagination. For when the poor Patient (who perchance seldom heard of, and never saw a King before) shall behold his Royal Hand dabling in a Puddle of Putrefaction, & with a charitable Confidence rubbing, smoothing, chafing those loathsome Kernells, (which I may call Clouds of Corruption, dissolved ofttimes into a feculent Shower;) I say, when the Sick-man shall see an Hand so humble of an Arm so high, such Condescention in a King, to stroke that Soar, at which meaner Persons would stop their Nostrills, shut their Eyes, or turn their Faces; this raiseth, erecteth, enthroneth the Patients▪ Fancie, summoning his spirits to assist Nature with their utmost Might, to encounter the Disease with greater Advantage. And who will look into the Legend of the Miracles of Imagination, shall find many strange, and almost incredible, things thereby really effected.

32. Other Learned men, and particularly Gaspar Peucenus, though acquitting this Cure from Diabolical Conjuration, yet tax it as guilty of Superstition. With him all such do side, as quarrel at the Ceremonies and Circumstances used at the Healing of this Maladie. Either displeased at the Collect read, (consisting of the first nine verses of the Gospel of S ^t . John) as wholly improper, and nothing relating to the Occasion; or unresolved of the Efficacy of the Gold pendent about the Patients Neck, (whether partly completing, or a bare Complement of the Cure;) or secretly unsatisfied, what manner and measure of Belief is required (according to the Model whereof Health is observed to come sooner or later;) or openly offended with the Sign of the Cross, which was used to be made by the Royal Hands on the Place infected. All which Exceptions fall to the ground, when it shall be avowed, that notwithstanding the Omission of such Ceremonies (as requisite rather to the Solemnity, then Substance of the Cure) the bare Hands of our Kings (without the Gloves, as I may term it, of the aforesaid Circumstances) have effected the healing of this Disease.

33. Hereupon some make it a clear Miracle, and immediately own God's Finger in the Kings Hand. That when the Art of the Physician is posed, the Industry of the Surgeon tired out, the Experience of both at a Loss, when all human Means cry craven; then that Wound made by the Hand of God, is cured by the hand of his Vice-gerent. Hath Heaven endued Vegetables (the worst and weak est of living Creatures) with cordial Qualities? yea, hath it bestowed precious Properties on dull and inanimate Waters, Stones and Mineralls, insomuch that such are condemned for Silly or Sullen, for Stupid or Stubborn, as doubt thereof? And shall we be so narrow-hearted, as not to conceive it possible, that Christian men, the nobiest of corporeal Creatures; Kings, the most eminent of all Christian men; Kings of Britain, the First-Fruits of all Christian Kings, should receive that peculiar Privilege, and sanative Power, whereof daily Instances are presented unto us? See here the vast Difference betwixt Papists and Protestants. How do the former court those Miracles, which fly from them; and often, in default of Real ones, are glad and greedy to hug and embrace empty Shadows of things falsely reported to be done, or fondly reputed to be Miracles? Whereas many Protestants, on the contrary, (as in the matter in hand) are scrupulous in accepting Miracles truly tendered unto them. But although our Religion, firmly founded on, and safely senced with the Scriptures, need no Miracles to confirm or countenance the truth thereof: yet when they are by the hand of Heaven cast into our Scales (not to make our Doctrine Weight, but) as superpondium, or an Over-plus freely bestowed; sure they may safely without Sin be received; not to say, can scarce be refused, without (at least) some suspicion of Neglect & Ingratitude to the Goodness of God.

34. Nor will it be amiss here to relate a Passage which happened about the midst of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, after Pope Pius did let fly his Excommunication against her. There was a stiff Roman Catholic (as they delight to term themselves) otherwise a man well accomplished, and of an ingenuous Disposition, who being cast into Prison, (I conceive for his Religion,) was there visited in an high degree, with the Kings Evil. And having with great Pain and Expence, but no Success, long used the advice of Physicians, at last he humbly addressed himself unto the Queens Majesty; by whom, with God's help, he was compleately cured. And being demanded, What news; I perceive, said he, now at last by plain experience, that the Excommunication denounced by the Pope against her Majesty is in very deed of none effect, seeing God hath blessed her with so great and miraculous a Virtue.

35. This mention of Queen Elizabeth (there is a magnetick Virtue in Stories, for one to attract another) minds me of a Passage in the beginning ofher Reign. Making her Progress into Glocestershire, people affected with this Discase did in uncivil Crowds press in upon her. Insomuch that her Majesty, betwixt Anger, Grief, and Compassion, let fall words to this effect: Alas, poor people, I cannot, I cannot cure you; it is God alone that can do it. Which words some interpreted, (contrary to her Intent and Practice, continuing such Cures till the day of her Death) an utter renouncing and disclaiming of any Instrumental Efficacy in herself. Whereas she only removed her Subjects Eyes from gazing on her, to look up to Heaven. For men's Minds naturally are so dull and heavy, that instead of traveling with their Thanks to God, the Cause of all Cures, they lazily take up their Lodging more then half-way on this side, mistaking the Dealer for the Giver of their Recovery. It follows not therefore, that the Queen refused to heal their Bodies, because careful in the first place to cure their Souls of this dangerous Mistake. A Princesse, who as she was a most exact Demander of her Due, (observed seldom or never to forgive her greatest Favorites what they owed her) so did she most punctually pay her Engagements to others, as to all men, so most especially to God, loath that he should lose any Honor due unto him, by her unjust Detaining thereof.

36. The Kings of France share also with those of England in this miraculous Cure. And Laurentius reports, that when Francis the first, King of France, was kept Prisoner in Spain, he, notwithstanding his Exile and Restraint, daily cured infinite Multitudes of people of that Disease; according to this Epigram:

37. Thus far we patiently hear, and sufficiently credit this Author; but can no longer afford him either Belief or Attention; when he presumeth to tell us, that the Kings of England never cured the Kings Evil, a Virtue appropriated only to his Majesty of France. Only he confesseth, that long ago some of our English Kings of the Anjouan Race (descended from Ieffery Plantagenet) did heal the Falling Sickness, with certain Consecrated Annulets, a Custom long since difused. Thus he seeks to deprive our Princes of their Patrimoniall Virtue, and to make them Reparations (instead of their sanative Power, whereof they are peaceably possessed to them and their Heirs, holding it of God in chief) with assigning them an old Lea • e, where the Title at the best was litigious, and the Term long ago expired. But the Reader may be pleased to take notice, that this Laurentius was Physician in ordinary to King Henry the fourth of France, and so had his Judgment herein bowed awry with so weighty a Relation; Flattery being so catching a Disease, wherewith the best Doctors of Physic may sometimes be infected. To cry quits with him, Doctor Tucker, Chaplain to Queen Elizabeth, in a Treatise he wrote of this Subject, denieth the Kings of France ever originally cured this Evil, but per aliquam Propaginem, by a Sprig of Right derived from the primitive Power of our English Kings, under whose Jurisdiction most of the French Provinces were once subjected.

38. Between these two Authors, violent in Opposition, haply we may find the Truth, whose constant Dwelling-place is pleasantly seated in a moderate Vale, betwixt two swelling Extremes. For it plainly appeareth by uncontrollable Arguments and Evidences, that both the Crowns, of England and France, have for many years been invested with this miraculous Gift; yet so, that our English Kings are the elder Brothers in the Possession thereof. For if S ^t . Louis, King of France (who was contemporary with our King Henry the third) was the first of that Royal Race, which healed this Evil, his Cradle was more then 160, years after the Cossin of our Edward the Confessor, from whom, as is aforesaid, our Kings derive this sovereign Power by constant Succession. But methinks my Book in this Discourse, begins to bunch or swell out, and some will censure this Digression for a Struma, or tedious Exuberancy, beyond the just Proportion of our History; wherefore no more hereof: only I will conclude with two Prayers; extending the first to all Good people, That Divine Providence would be pleased to preserve them from this painful and loathsome Disease. The second I shall confine to myself alone (not knowing how it will suit with the Consciences and Judgments of others,) yet so as not excluding any who are disposed to join with me in my Petition; namely, That if it be the Will of God to visit me (whose Body hath the Seeds of all Sickness, and Soul of all Sins) with the aforesaid Malady, I may have the Favor to be touched of his Majesty, the Happiness to be healed by him, and the Thankfulness to be grateful to God the Author, and God's Image the Instrument of my Recovery. I will only add this short Story and then proceed. A little before these Wars began, a Minister (not over-loyally affected,) was accused, and was like to have been troubled for this Passage in his Sermon, that Oppression was the Kings Evil. But being called to answer it before the Commissioners, he expounded his own words, that he meant Oppression was the Kings Evil, not that the King caused it, but only cured it, and alone in this Land could remedy and redress the same.

39. King Edward dying Childlesse, caused by his affected Chastity, left the Land at a Loss for an Heir in a direct Line, & opened a Door to the Ambition of Collateral Pretenders. Indeed the undoubted Right lay in Edgar Atheling, Son to Edward the Out-law, Grand-child to Edmond Iron-side King of England: But he being tender in Age, and (as it seems) soft in Temper, and of a foreign Garb, because of his Education in Hungary, (his most potent Alliance in Germany, out of Distance to send him seasonable Assistance,) was passed by by the English Nobility. These chose Harold to be King, whose Title to the Crown is not worth our deriving of it, much less his relying on it. But having endeared Martiallists by his Valour, engaged Courtiers by his Bounty, and obliged all sorts of People by his Affability, he was advanced to the Crown by those, who more considered his Ability to defend, then his Right to deserve it.

40. William Duke of Normandy was Competitour with Harold, who supplying in Number what he wanted in Strength of his Titles, claimed the Crown by Alliance, Adoption, and Donation from Edward the Confessor; though he was as unable to give and bequeath, as William, being a Bastard, in the Strictnesse of Saxon Laws, was uncapable to receive it. But his Sword was stronger then his Titles, and the Sins of the English more forceable then either, to deliver that Nation (now grown, as Authors observe, intolerably vicious) into his Subjection. So that in a pitched Field, he overcame and killed King Harold, with the prime of the English Nobility, (a just Punishment on their Perjury, for their deserting their Lawfull Prince;) and such as survived, were forced either to hold the Stirrup, or Lackey by the Side of many a mean-born Norman, mounted to Places of Profit and Honor. This was the fifth time wherein the South of this Island was conquered; first by Romans, secondly by Picts and Scots, thirdly by Saxons, fourthly by the Danes, and fifthly by the Normans. This mindeth me of the Prophet Elisha 's speech to Joash King of Israel; Thou shouldest have smitten Syria 5. or 6. times, then hadst thou smitten Syria, till thou hadst consumed it. (It seemeth five may, but six must dispatch a People.) God hath already smitten this Island five times with a Rod of Forrein Invasion; let us beware the sixth time (that final, fatal Number) for fear it prove the last, and utter Confusion and Destruction of our Nation.

41. Thus King William came in by Conquest, though in the later part of his Reign, growing more mild and moderate, he twisted his Right of Victory with Composition: as such who have ravished a Woman against her will, endeavor afterwards to make her Reparation by Wooing and Wedding her, whom formerly they had wronged; so with Love to cover their Lust, by the most excusable way of Marriage. So King William, though he had forced this Land, yet afterwards, not so much out of Remorse as Policy, (to suppress frequent Tumults, and procure Security to himself and Successors) is said to have closed with the Commons in a fair way of Agreement, restoring many ancient Privileges unto them. Thus, though Conquest was more honorable for his Credit, Composition was comfortable for his Conscience, and accounted most safe for his Posterity. Witness that judicial Sentence, which King William in open Court pronounced against himself, adjudging the Lord of Sharnborn in Norfolk, being an English -man, true owner of that Manor; contrary to that Grant, wherein he had formerly bestowed it on one Warren a Norman. Herein the Conqueror confessed himself conquered, submitting his Arbitrary Power and Pleasure to be regulated by Justice, and the ancient Rights of English -men.

42. But what Impression the Norman Victories made on the State, let Politicians observe; what Change it produced in the Laws, we leave to the Learned of that Faculty to prosecute: whilst that which renders the Conquest to Consideration in our Church-Story is, the manifest Change of Religion, from what formerly was publicly professed in England. To make this Mutation in it's due time more conspicuous, we will here conclude this Book with a brief Character of the principal Doctrines generally taught and believed by the English, in these four last Centuries, before tainted with any Norman Infection. For though we must confess and bemoan, that Corruptions crept into the Church by Degrees, and Divine Worship began to be clogged with superstitious Ceremonies; yet that the Doctrine remained still sound and entire, in most material Points, will appear by an Induction of the dominative Controversies, wherein we differ from the Church of Rome.

CENT. XI.

1. WIlliam Duke of Normandy being thus arrived, soon conquered Harold with an army of Normans, as far beneath the English in Number as above them in temperance: For the English being revelling before, had in the morning their brains arrested, for the arrearages of the indigested fumes of the former night, and were no better then drunk when they came to fight. But these things belong to the Historians of the State to relate; whilst it is proper to us to observe, that King William to testify his gratitude to God, for the victory, founded in that place, Battle-Abby, endowing it with revenues, and large immunities. The Abbot whereof (being a Baron of Parliament) carried a pardon in his presence, who casually coming to the place of Execution, had power to save any Malefactor. The Abbey-Church, was a place of safety for any Fellon or Murderer, though such Popish sanctuaries themselves, if accused as unlawful, can find no refuge in Scripture precepts, or presidents for their justification, seeing the very Horns of the Altar, by divine command, did push away those willful offenders which fled unto them: and impunity being the greatest motive to impiety, made their Covent the Center of sinners. Here the Monks flourished in all affluence, as the Old world in the days of Noah, they ate, they drank, they bought, they fold, would I might add, they married wives and were given in marriage, (for want whereof they did worse) till in the days of King Henry the eight they were all drowned in the general Deluge of the Dissolution.

2. Now it was proper to the place of Stigand, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, to perform the Solemnities of King Williams Coronation; but he declined that employment, pretending Williams unlawful title, and loath to pour the sacred oil on his Head, whose Hands had shed so much innocent blood: The other accounting himself to have a better title to the Crown, by conquest, then the Arch-Bishop had to his Miter by Simony, disdained his service, and accepted the Crown from the hands of Aldred, Arch-Bishop of York: who first required an Oath of him, to defend the Church, minister justice, and (amongst other things) to use English-men as favourably as Normans. Notwithstanding which Oath, he made the Normans his Darlings, and the English his Drudges; insomuch as many English Bishops and Abbots unable to comport themselves with his harshness, and conceiving it more credit and safety, to go then to be driven away; fearing by degrees they should all be quarrelled out of their places, unwillingly willing quitted their preserments, and fled into Scotland. Here King Malcolme Canmore (who had married Margaret Niece to Edward the Confessor) freely received them. He himself had formerly lived fourteen years in England; and now of a grateful Guest, became a bountiful Host, and courteously harboured these Exiles. And as, at this time, England began to turn France, imitating the language, Garbe, and manners thereof; so Scotland began now to turn England: the Families transplanted thither, transporting the English customs, fashions, and Civilities along with them.

3. About this time Doomes-day-book was made, containing an exact survey of all the houses and land in the Kingdom, impartially done with rigorous severity. They omitted Nec lucum, nec lacum, nec locum, so accurate they were in the very fractions of the land: and therefore it may seem a miracle, that the Monks of Crowland should find a courtesy peculiar to themselves, (belike out of veneration to their Covent) that their lands were rated nec ad spatium, nec ad praecium, neither so much in quantity, nor so high in value as indeed they were worth. This book of the General Survey of England, though now begun, did take up some years, before it was completed.

4. King William called a Synod of his Bishops at Winchester, wherein he was personally present, with two Cardinals sent thither from Rome. Here Stigand Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was deposed, for several uncanonical exorbitances, and Lanfrank a lordly Lombard substituted in his room. Stigand lived some years after in a Prison, and (which was worse) a prison lived in him, being straightened in his own bowels towards himself. For pretending poverty, he denied himself necessaries, being afterwards discovered to carry a Key about his Neck which opened to infinite treasure, so that none would lavish pity on him, who starved in store, and was willfully cruel to himself.

5. A learned lawyer hath observed, that the first encroachment of the Bishop of Rome upon the liberties of the Crown of England, was made in the time of King. William the Conqueror. For the Conqueror came in with the Popes Banner, and under it won the battle, which got him the Garland; and therefore the Pope presumed he might boldly pluck some flowers from it, being partly gained by his countenance and Blessing. Indeed King William kindly entertained these Legates, sent from Rome, so to sweeten the rank savor of his coming in by the sword, in the nostrils of religious men, pretending what he had gotten by power, he would keep by a pious compliance with his Holiness. But especially he did serve the Pope to be served by him; that so with more ease and less envy, he might suppress the English Clergy. But although this politick Prince was courteous in his complemental addresses to the See Apostolic, yet withal he was careful of the main chance to keep the essentials of his Crown, as, amongst others, by these four remarkable particulars may appear.

6. First he retained the ancient custom of the Saxon Kings, investing Bishops and Abbots, by delivering them a Ring and a Staff, whereby without more ado, they were put into plenary possession of the power and profit of their place. Yea, when Arch-Bishop Lansrank, one so prevalent, that he could persuade King William to anything, (provided that the King himself thought it fitting) requested William to bestow on him the donation of the Abbey of Saint Augustine in Canterbury; the King refused, saying, that he would keep all pastoral Staves in his own hand. Wiser herein then his successors, who parted with those Staves, wherewith they themselves were beaten afterward.

7. Secondly being demanded to do Fealty for his Crown of England, to Gregory the seventh Pope of Rome, he returned an answer as followeth.

EXcellentissimo Sanctae Ecclesiae Pastori Gregorio, gratia Dei Anglorum rex, & dux Normannorum Wilhelmus salutem cum amicitia. Hubertus Legatus tuus Religiose Pater, ad me veniens ex tua parte me admonuit, quatenus tibi & successoribus tuis fidelitatem facerem, & de pecunia quam antecessores mei ad Romanam ecclesiam mitere solebant, melius cogitarem. Vnum admisi, alterum non admisi. Fidelitatem facere nolui, nec volo, quia nec ego promisi, nec antecessores meos antecessoribus tuis, id fecisse comperio. Pecunia tribus serme annis, in Galli is me agent, negligenter collecta est. Nunc vero, divina misericordia me in regnum meum reverso, quod collectum per praefatum Legatum mittitur; Et quod reliquum est per Legatos Lanfranci, Archiepiscopi fidelis nostri, cum opportunum fuerit, transmittetur. Orate pro nobis, & pro statu Regni nostri, quia antecessores vestros dileximus, & vos prae omnibus sincere diligere & obedienter audire desideramus.

TO Gregory the most excellent Pastor of the holy Church, William by the grace of God, King of the English & Duke of the Normans, wisheth health, and desireth his friendship. Religious Father, your Legat Hubert coming unto me, admonished me, in your behalf, in as much as I should do fealty to you, and your successors, and that I should take better care, for the payment of the money, which my predecessors were wont to send to the Church of Rome. One thing I have granted, the other I have not granted. Fealty I would not do, nor will I, because I neither promised it, neither do I find that my predecessors ever did it to your predecessors. The money for almost three years when I was abroad in France, hath been but negligently collected. But now seeing by divine mercy, I am returned into my Kingdom, what is gathered is sent by the aforesaid Legat; and the arrears which remain, shall be sent by the messengers of Lanfrank, our faithful Arch-Bishop, in time convenient. Pray for us, and for the good state of our Kingdom, because we have loved your predecessors, and do desire sincerely to love, and obediently to hear you, above all others.

It is strange on what pretence of right the Pope required this Fealty; was it because he sent King William a consecrated Banner, that under the color thereof he endeavored to display his power over all England, as if the King must do him homage, as a Banneret of his creation, or because he had lately humbled Henry the fourth, the German Emperor, he thought that all Kings in like manner, must be slaves unto him, the Pope being then in his Vertical height, and Dog-days of the heat of his Power? But we need no further inquiry into the cause of his Ambition, when we read him to be Gregory the seventh, otherwise Hisdebrand that most active of all that sat in that Chair. Surely he sent this his demand rather with an intent to spy then hope to speed therein, so to sound the depth of King William, whom if he found shallow, he knew how to proceed accordingly; or else he meant to leave this demand dormant in the Deck, for his successors to make advantage thereof; who would claim for due, whatsoever they challenged before. However so bold an asker never met with a more bold denier. Soon did King William find his spirits, who formerly had not lost but hid them for his private ends. England 's Conqueror would not be Rome's Vassal, and he had Brain enough to deny, what the other had Brow to require, and yet in such wary language, that he carried himself in a religious distance, yet politick parity with his Holiness.

8. Thirdly, King William would in no wife suffer any one in his Dominion, to acknowledge the Bishop of Rome for Apostolical without his command, or to receive the Popes Letters, except first they had been shown unto him. As for the Arch-Bishop of CANTERBURY, Primate of England, though by his own authority he might congregate Councils of Bishops, and fit President in them; yet the King permitted him to appoint, or prohibit nothing, but what was according to His own will and pleasure, and what the King had ordained before.

9. Lastly, King William suffered no Bishop to excommunicate any of his Barons, or Officers, for adultery, incest, or any such heinous crime, except by the Kings Command, first made acquainted with the same. Here the word Baron is not to be taken in that restrictive sense, to which the modern acception hath confined it, only for such of the higher Nobility, which have place, and Votes in Parliament; but generally for such who by Tenure en chief, or in Capite (as they term it) held land immediately of the King. And an English Poet (counted the Virgil of his age, and the Ennius in ours) expresseth as much in his Rythmes, which we here set down, with all the rust thereof, without rubbing it off, (remembering how one John Throkmorton a Justicer of Cheshire, in Queen Elizabeth 's days, for not exhibiting a judicial Concord, with all the defects of the same; but supplying, or filling up what was worn out of the Authentical Original, was fined for being over officious) and therefore take them with their faults, and all, as followeth.

And a grave Author gives a good reason, why the King must be informed before any of his Barons be excommunicated, lest otherwise (saith he) the King not being certified thereof, should out of ignorance unawares, communicate with persons excommunicated, when such Officers of His, should come to kiss His hand, be called to his Council, or come to perform any personal attendance about Him. Hitherto we have seen how careful the Conqueror was, in preserving His own right in Church-matters. We will conclude all with the Syllogism, which the Oracle of the Common-Law frameth in this manner,

10. First, whereas before his time the Sheriff and Bishop jointly kept their Courts together, (especially at the two solemn times, about Easter and Michaelmas) King William, in favor of the Clergy, assigned the Bishops, an entire jurisdiction by themselves, wherein they should have cognizance of all causes, relating to Religion. I say relating to Religion, a latitude of a cheverel extension, adequate almost to the mind of him that will stretch it out, and few Ecclesiastical Judges would lofe, what might be got by measuring. Now formerly, whilst the power of Sheriff, and Bishop went hand in hand together in the same Court, neither could much outstrip other: but but since they were severed, the Spiritual power far outwent its old mate, improving his own, by impairing the Secular Courts; and henceforward the Canon-law took the firmer footing in England; Date we from hence the squint-eyes of the Clergy, whose sight (single before) was hereafter divided with double looks betwixt two objects at once; the Pope and the King, (to put him first whom they eyed most) acting hereafter more by foreign, then domestic interest.

11. A learned pen makes a just complaint, that Courts which should distribute peace, do themselves practice duels, whilst it is counted the part of a resolute Judge to enlarge the privilege of his Court. A grievance most visible in contest, betwixt the Common, and the Canon Law; which, as if they were stars of so different an Horizon, that the elevation of the one necessitated the depression of the other, lie at catch, and wait advantages one against another. So that, whilst both might continue in a convenient and healthful habitude, if such envious corrivalitie were deposed, now alternately those Courts swell to a tympany, or waste to a consumption, as their Judges find themselves, more, or less strength'ned with power, or befriended with favor. A mischief not to be remedied, till, either that mutual consent, or a predominant power to both, impartially state their jurisdictions, rightly setting down the land-marks thereof, and binding their proceedings not to exceed their bounds, which would both advance learning, and expedite the execution of Justice.

12. To return to King William: As He conferred power on, so he confirmed profit to the Clergy. Witness his Charter, granting them throughout England, tithes of calves, colts, lambs, milk, butter, cheese, woods, meadows, mills, &c. Which Charter is concluded ('tis the strong hem keeps all the cloth from reveling out) Qui decimam detinuerit, per justitiam Episcopy, & Regis (si necesse fuerit) ad redditionem • rguatar: Who shall detain his tithes, by the power of the Bishop, and King (if need be) let him be argued into the payment thereof. And Kings arguments, we know, are unanswerable, as a • authoritate, carrying power and pehalties with them. This Charter might seem to give the tenth loaf, of all the bread in the land, into the hands of the English Clergy. But the municipal laws, which were afterwards made, did so chip and pare this loaf, with their Modus decimandi, that in many places (Vicaridges especially) a small shiver of bread falls to the share of the Minister, not enough for his necessary maintenance.

13. And here, to make a short, but needful digression, I find in eminent Writers, two contrary characters of King William. Some make him an arrand Tyrant, ruling only by the Magna Charta of his own will, oppressing all English without cause, or measure. No author need to be alleged for the avouching thereof, the thing being author for itself, being so notoriously known, and generally believed. Others make him to quit his title by Conquest, and hold the Crown, partly by Bequest from King Edward the Confessor, whose good laws he is said to confirm (Leges boni Regis Edvardi quas Gulielmus bastardus postea confirmavit) and partly by compact with his people. Yea, the Chronicles of Lichfield make him to call a Parliament in effect; I mean, a Meeting of his Clergy and Nobility in a great Council; where, as if he had turned perfect English-man, he conformed his practice to their ancient constitutions.

14. Should I interpose between these opposite parties, to reconcile them; probably the blows from both sides would fall heavy on my charitable indiscretion. Yet thus far I will be bold to say, such confirmation of King Edward 's law (if made by King William) probably was rather oral and verbal, then real and effectual. But if real, certainly it was not general, but limited to some particular place, as the Province of Kent, the English land of Goshen, which alone enjoyed the light of liberty, though rather gotten by them, then given unto them. But if any will contend, that this confirmation was general, they must confess it done in the later end of his Reign. King William, when young, loved honor; when old, ease: when young, to conquer; when old, to enjoy. Age will make all to stoop, as here it bowed him to a better compliance with his people. However, this his confirmation of King Edward 's Laws, was not such as either gave general content to, or begat assured confidence in the English: perchance, because but a personal act, and but partially done, and no whit obligatory of his posterity. This made the English press so importunately (though in vain) to William Rufus, the King's son, and successor, for a re-confirmation of King Edward 's Laws, which had been needless (as being the same with actum agere, or rather dacum petere) had the former grant from King William his father been conceived sufficient for their security.

15. As for King William 's particular bounty to Battle-Abby in Sussex, (which he founded) it bare better proportion to the dignity of the giver, then to the deserts of the receivers. For (besides those privileges formerly mentioned) he gave it all the land within a league of the site thereof. He ordered that no foreigner should be obtruded on their Abbey, but in every vacancy, one of their own Covent should be elected Abbot thereof; except (which heavens forbid) no fit person should be found therein for that preferment. Nor should the Abbot be forced to appear at any Synod, or meeting, except pleased of himself so to do. These, and many moe immunities he confirmed to that foundation, in such an imperious style, as if therewith he meant to bluster all future Princes (and King Henry the eighth among the rest) into a perfect obedience unto his commands. Especially with that clause in his Charter, Nullus Successorum meorum violare praesumat. But dead King's Charters, though they have tongues to threaten, yet have no teeth to bite, especially when meeting with an equal after-power to rescind them.

16. The more the pity, that such drones, lazy Abby-lubbers went away with the honey, whilst the industrious Bees were almost starved. I mean, the Scholars of Oxford. For, at the coming in of the Conqueror, the Students in University-College (formerly founded by King Alfred) were maintained by pensions, yearly paid them out of the King 's Exchequer: which provision was then conceived, both most honorable, as immediately depending on the Crown, and less troublesome, issuing out in ready coin, free from vexatious suits, casualties of Tenants, and other incumbrances. But now King William, who loved that the tide of wealth should flow into, but not ebb out of his coffers, detained, and denied their exhibitions. Yea, the King picked a quarrel with them, because they sought to preserve, and propagate the English tongue, which the King designed to suppress, and to reduce all to the French Language. And yet the French speech was so far from final prevailing in this Kingdom, that it was fain at last to come to a composition with the English tongue, mixed together, as they remain at this day. Save that in terms of Law, Venarie, and Blazon, the French seemeth folly to command. The Scholars, thus deprived of their pensions, lived on the charity of such as loved the continuance of their native tongue. Their Latin was then maintained by their English: though surely it was no small disturbance to their studies, merely to depend for their subsistence, on the arbitrary alms of others.

17. Pass we now from King William unto Lanckfranck Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, next the King, then the most considerable person in our Ecclesiastical History. To Rome he went with Thomas, elect of York, and Remigius of Lincoln, all three for confirmation from the Pope in their preferment. Pope Alexander treated Lanckfranck so civilly, that a stranger, if beholding the passages betwixt them, haply might have mistook Lanckfranck for the Pope, and the Pope for the Petitioner. His Highness honored him as his Master, cujus studio sumus in illis quae scimus imbuti; by whose care (said he) we have been instructed in those things whereof we have knowledge.

18. Then Lanckfranck charged Thomas in the presence of the Pope, as canonically uncapable of that Arch-Bishopric, because the son of a Priest. And yet by Lanckfrancks leave, no Canon can be produced then in force, to debar Priests sons from preferment, though some few years after in the Council of Clermont such a prohibition was made. And therefore Eadmerus, speaking of Lanckfranck, calumniatus est Thomam coram Papâ, in the proper acception of his words, speaks more truth then he was aware of, or probably did intend. But Lanckfranck, being a Privado to the Popes projects, and as well to the intentions, as the actions of the Church of Rome; might by a Prolepsis antedate this objection against Thomas, using it for the present as a rub to retard him, which some years after was constituted a legal obstacle, to exclude any Priests son from promotion. But, even when that Canon some years after was made, the Pope was not so cruel, as thereby fully, and finally to exclude all Priests sons from Church dignity, but only to shut them out for a time, that they might stand at the door and knock, (I mean with the chink of their money) and at last be let in when they had paid dear for a dispensation.

19. Lanckfranck likewise charged Remigius, elect of Lincoln, as irregular, because guilty of Simony. Yet he did not tax him with a penny of money, either paid or contracted for, only charged him that officio emerar, by service-Simony he had purchased the place of King William; so that his officiousness to comply with the Kings pleasure, had made him injurious, and vexatious unto the people. Here all things were referred to Lanckfrancks own arbitration; whom the Pope, of an accuser made a Judge; so far as either to admit or exclude the aforesaid Prelates; affirming, that if any unworthiness crept into English preferment, be it charged on Lanckfranck his account, whom he made sole judge of men's merits to any promotion.

20. But all is well, that ends well; and so did this contest. Lanckfranck, having first given them a taste of his power, did afterwards give them a cast of his pity, and favourably accepted them both into their places. Hence they all post homewards, where we leave Lanckfranck safely arrived, and foundly employed in variety of business.

Nor was he affrighted with the heighth and greatness of Odo, Bishop of Bayeux (though half-brother to King William, and Earl of Kent) but wrestled a fair fall with him, in a legal trial, and cast him flat on his back, regaining many Lordships, which Odo had most unjustly invaded. Such as desire more of Lanckfranck his character, let them consult Eadmerus, a Monk of Canterbury, and therefore prodigal in Lanckfrancks praise, an Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and great promoter of monastical life. Indeed there was a design, driven on by Walkeline, Bishop of Winchester (who had privately wrought the King to abet it) to reinduce Secular Priests into Monks places, till Lanckfranck, getting notice, defeated the plot; procuring, that all such Monks, whom he had first fastened in their Covents, were afterwards riveted therein by Papal authority.

21. About this time a constitution was made, that Bishops should remove their Sees, from petty towns to populous places. This reason being rendered for their removal, Ne vilesceret Episcopalis dignitas, by their long living in so little villages. Such Bishops Churches could not properly be called Cathedrals, who fate not upon chairs, but low stools, so inconsiderably small were some places of their residences. A fair candle-stick, advantageously set, in some sense may be said to give light to the candle itself; and Episeopal luster will be the brighter, if placed in eminent Cities. Besides, Bishops having now gotten Canon-Law, and distinct Courts by themselves, much people repaired unto their Consistories, which conveniently could not be accommodated in little villages, but required bigger places for their better entertainment. In order to this command, the Bishop of Dorchester, near Oxford, removed to Lincoln; as somewhat before, Selsey was translated to Chichester; and Sherborne to Sarisbury; and, not long after, Thetford to Norwich. Now, as these Cities, to which they removed, being great before, grew greater afterwards: so those places which they left, Dorchester (and Selsey especially) decayed to contemptible villages, it faring with places, as with persons; the rich grow richer still, and the meaner are daily diminished,

22. As these Bishops accounted themselves well busied, in removing their Bishoprics: so some, I am sure, were ill employed in endeavoring to remove a good Bishop, I mean Wolstan, from his Church of Worcester. As the Poëts saign of Janus, that he had two faces, because living before, and after the flood: so this Wolstan may be charactered accordingly, made Bishop before, but continuing his place long after the Norman inundation. But, in what sense soever he may be said to have two faces, he had but one heart, and that a single and sincere one to God, and all goodness; yet his adversaries heaved at him, to cast him out of his Bishopric (because an Englishman of the old stamp) but he fate safe, right-poised therein, with his own gravity and integrity. And, being urged to resign his staff and ring, (ensigns of his Epifcopacy) he refused to surrender them to any man alive, but willingly offered them up at the Tomb of Edward the Confessor, from whom he received them. This his gratitude to his dead Patron, and candid simplicity in neglecting the pomp of his place, procured him much favor, and occasioned his peaceable confirmation in his Bishopric.

23. At this time several Liturgies were used in England, which caused confusion, and much disturbed men's devotions. Yea, which was worse, a brawl, yea, a battle happ'ned betwixt the English Monks of Glassenbury, and Thurstan, their Norman Abbot, in their very Church, obtruding a Service upon them, which they dislik'd. Unfit persons to fight (being by their profession men of peace) and unfitter the place for a quarrel. Have ye not houses to eat and drink in? saith S ^t Paul to the Corinthians, or despise ye the Church of God? Was there no other room in their Covent, for them to fall out, and fight in, but their Church alone? Here was an Holy War indeed, when Church-forms, candle-sticks, and Crucifixes, were used for shields, by the Monks, against the Abbot's armed-men, brought in against them. Nor was Holy-water only, but much blood spilled in the place; eight Monks being wounded, and two slain (or if you will sacrificed) near the steps of the High Altar. But this accident, ill in itself, was then conceived good in the event thereof, because occasioning a settlement, and uniformity of Liturgy all over England. For hereupon Osmund, Bishop of Salisbury, devised that Ordinary, or form of Service, which hereafter was observed in the whole Realm: his Churches practice being a precedent, and the devotion therein a direction to all others. Hence forward the most ignorant Parish-Priest in England (though having no more Latin in all his treasury) yet understood the meaning of, Secundum usum Sarum, that all Service must be ordered, According to the course and oustome of Salisbury Church.

24. I find no Jews in England (no deviation I hope from ChurchHistory, to touch at the Synagogue) before the Reign of the Conqueror, who brought many from Roan in Normandy, and settled them in London, Norwich, Cambridge, Northampion, &c. In what capacity these Jews came over, I find not; perchance as plunderers, to buy such oppressed English men's goods, which Christians would not meddle with. Sufficeth it us to know, that an invasion by Conquest (such as King William then made) is like an Inn entertaining all adventurers; and it may be these Jewish bankers assisted the Conqueror with their coin. These Jews (though forbidden to buy land in England) grew rich by usury (their consciences being so wide, that they were none at all) so that in the barest pasture (in which a Christian would starve) a Jew would grow fat, he bites so close unto the ground. And ever low down their backs, is part of God's curse upon the Jews. And crook-backed men, as they eye the earth, the center of wealth; so they quickly see (what straight persons pass by) and easily stoop to take up that they find thereon; and therefore no wonder, if the Jewish nation, whose souls are bowed down with covetousness, quickly wax wealthy therewith. King William favored them very much; and Rusiu, his Son, much more; especially, if that speech reported of him be true, that he should swear by S ^t Lake 's face (his common oath) if the Jews could overcome the Christians, he himself would become one of their sect.

25. Now was the time come of King Williams death, ending his days in Normandy. But see the unhappiness of all human felicity; for, his breath, and his servants forsook him both together; the later leaving him, as if his body should bury itself. How many hundreds held land of him in Knightsservice? whereas now, neither Knight, nor Esquire to attend him. At last, with much ado, his corps are brought in mean manner to be interred in Cane. As they were prepared for the earth, a private person forbids the burial, till satisfaction was made unto him, because the King had violently taken from him that ground, on which that Church was erected. Doth not Solomon say true, A living dog is better then a dead lion; when such a little curr durst snarl as the corps of a King, and a Conqueror? At last the Monks of Cane made a composition, and the body was buried. And, as it was long before this Kings corps could get peaceable possession of a grave: so since by a firm ejection he hath been outed of the fame. When French soldiers Anno Domini 1562. (amongst whom some English were mingled) under Chattllion conducting the remnant of those which escaped in the battle of Dreux, took the City of Cane, in his way (out of pretence, forfooth, to seek for some treasure supposed to be hid in his Tomb) most baratously and cowardly brake up his coffin, and cast his bones out of the same.

26. William the Conqueror left three sons, Robert, William, and Henry: and, because hereditary sir-names were not yet fixed in families, they were thus denominated, and distinguished;

The middlemost of these, William Rufus, presuming on his brother Roberts absence in Normandy, and pretending his Father got the Crown by Conquest, which by will he bequeathed unto him (his eldest brother being then under a cloud of his Fathers displeasure) adventured to possess himself of the Kingdom.

27. On the Twentie sixth of September, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with good Wolstan, Bishop of Worcester, assisting him, Crowned Rufus King of England, though but his Fathers second son. And indeed, the known policy of the former, and the reputed piety of the latter, were the best supporters of his title. Jacob, we know (acted with a prophetical spirit) guiding his hands wittingly, laid his right on Ephraim the younger, and his left on Manasseh the elder brother: but, what warrant these Bishops had to invert, and transpose natures method, by preferring the younger brother, before the elder, was best known to themselves. Under Lanckfranck he had his education, who made him a Knight, though it had been more proper for his Tutors profession, yea, and more for his credit, and his Pupils profit, if he (as the instrument) had made him a good Christian.

28. He began very bountifully, but on another man's cost; not as a Donor, but a Dealer thereof, and Executor of his Fathers Will. To some Churches he gave ten mark, to others six, to every country village five shillings, besides an hundred pound to every County, to be distributed among the poor. But afterward he proved most parcimonious, though no man more prodigal of never performed promises. Indeed Rehoboam, though simple, was honest, speaking to his Subjects, though foolishly, yet truly according to his intent, that his finger should be heavier then his fathers loins: Whereas Rufus was false in his proceedings, who, on the imminence of any danger or distress (principally to secure himself against the claim of his brother Robert) instantly to oblige the English, promised them the releasing of their taxes, and the restoring of the English Laws: but, on the sinking of the present danger, his performance sunk accordingly; no letter of the English Laws restored, or more mention thereof, till the returning of the like Statestorme, occasioned the reviving of his promise; and alternately, the clearing up of the one, deadened the performance of the other.

29. This year died Lanckfranck, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury: after whose death, the King seised the profits of that See, into his own hand, and kept the Church vacant for some years; knowing, the emptiness of Bishoprics caused the fullness of his coffers. Thus Arch-Bishop Rufus, Bishop Rufus, Abbot Rufus (for so may he be called, as well as King Rufus; keeping at the same time the Arch-Bishopric of Canterbury, the Bishoprics of Winchester, and Durham, and thirteen Abbeys in his hand) brought a mass of money into his Exchequer. All places which he parted with, was upon present payment. Simon Magus with his hands full of money, would carry anything from Simon Peter, with his Silver and gold have I none. Yea, John Bishop of Wells, could not remove his feat to Bath, nisi albo unguento manibus Regis delibatis, unless he had moist'ned the Kings hands with white ointment; though a less proportion, of a yellow color, would have been more sovereign to the same use. And picking a quarrel with Remigius, Bishop of Lincoln, about the founding of his Cathedral, he forced him to buy his peace, at the price of a thousand marks.

30. But in the midst of his mirth, King Rufus, coming to Gloucester, fell desperately sick, and began to bethink himself of his ill-led life. As all aches, and wounds prick, and pain most the nearer it draweth to night; so, a guilty conscience is most active to torment, men, the nearer they conceive themselves approaching to their death. Hereupon he resolveth to restore all ill-gotten goods, release all persons unjustly imprisoned, and supply all empty places with able Pastors. In pursuance hereof, he made Anselm (the Abbot of Beck in Normandy) one of eminent learning, and holiness of life, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; which place he was hardly persuaded, with much importunity, to accept. The first eminent act, of his Archiepiscopal office, which we find, was, when preaching at the Court on Ash-wednesday, he denied Ashes and Absolution to all those Courtiers, who affected effeminateness in their behavior; especially, in wearing their hair long, and kemb'd like women. A sin, no doubt; for, whereas Tertullian calls the length of women's hair, Sarcinam suae humilitatis, the same in men (so promiscuously worn) may be called, Sarcina suae superbiae.

31. There passeth a memorable expression of Anselm 's, cried up, and commended by some, for a master-piece of devotion; namely, That he had rather be in hell without sin, then in heaven with sin; which others condemn as an unfavoury speech, not according to Scripture-phrase, as from one not sufficiently acquainted with the justisication of a Christian man. Indeed, some high-flown expressions often knock at the door of blasphemy, but yet not with any intention to enter in thereat; in which we are more to mind the sense, then the found of the words. Amongst those may this of Anselm 's be ranked, uttered no doubt in a zealous detestation of sin; yea, which charitably may be desended in the very letter thereof. For, Adam (we know) was some while in Paradise (Heavens suburbs) after the eating of the forbidden-fruit, yet was sensible of no pleasure therein, which made him hide himself, as prosecuted by his guilty conscience: and some of the Ancients conceive, that Christ went locally to hell, yet no pain did feife on him there, seeing sorrow can arrest none, but at the suit of sin going before.

32. But, to leave Anselm 's words, let us come to his deeds. Who was scarce warm in his Arch-Bishopric, when the King sent to him for a thousand pound; which sum, being so small in itself (Rufus usually demanding more of less Bishoprics) and that after his entrance on his See, free from any precontract, might have passed without the suspicion of Simony, under the notion of a mere gratuity. However, Aaselme refused to pay it, because he would avoid the appearance of evil. Others say, that he freely sent the King five hundred pounds, with this complement; that, though it was the first, it should not be the last he would present to his Majesty: which the King in choler refused, because short to the sum he expected. Indeed, Rufus only retained this, of all his Archiepiscopal education (being bred under Lanckfranck, as is aforesaid) that thereby he experimentally knew the sweetness of Church-preferments; and in his bargain and sale, set a rate upon them accordingly, being after his recovery from his sickness, far more fordid, and sacrilegious then before.

33. Amongst the many Simoniacal Prelates that swarmed in the land, Herbert Bishop of Thetford, must not be forgotten; nick-named (or surnamed shall I say?) Loseng, that is, the Flatterer; our old English word leasing, for lying, retains some affinity thereunto, and at this day we call an insinuating fellow, a Glozing companion. Though the best perswafiveness of his flattery, consisted in down-right arguments of gold, and silver. For, guilty of the hereditary sin of Simony (his father formerly having bought the Abby of Ramsey) he purchased the Bishopric of Thetford of the King. But afterward he posted to Rome, confessed his fault, and was absolved from the guilt thereof. Thus, as the leprofie of Naaman was washed away in Jordan, so that his flesh came again as the flesh of a little child, and he was clean: so this Bishop was persuaded, that all his Simoniacal corruption was cleansed, in this his holy pilgrimage, conceiving himself henceforward to begin on a new account of integrity, especially having, after his return, removed his Episcopal Seat from The • ford to Norwtch, where he first founded the Cathedral.

34. wolstan, the venerable Bishop of worcester, left this life. A Bishop of the old edition, unacquainted with Lanckfranck's Italian additions; not faulty in his conversation, but Country, because an Englishman borne. It was laid to his charge, that he could not speak French (no essential quality in a Bishop, as S ^t Paul describes him) sure I am, he could speak the language of Caanan, humble, holy, heavenly discourse. A mortified man much macerating his body with fasting, and watching, if not overacting his part, and somewhat guilty of will-worship therein.

35. About this time began the Holy War, which here we will not repeat, having sormerly made an entire work thereof. Robert, Duke of Normandy, to fit himself for that voyage, sold his Dukedom to King William Rufus for ten thousand mark, say some; for six thousand, six hundred; sixty six pounds, that is, one mark less, say others; haply, abating the odd mark, to make up the rotundity of so sacred, and mystical a number. To pay this money, King Rufus laid a general, and grievous tax over all the Realm, extorting it with such severity, that the Monks were fain to sell the Church-plate, and very Chalices, for discharging thereof. Wonder not, that the whole land should be impoverished with the paying of so small a sum; for, a little wool is a great deal, when it must be taken from a new-shorn sheep: so pilled and polled were all people before, with constant exactions. Such, whom his hard usage forced beyond the seas, were recalled by his Proclamation; So that his heavy leavies would not suffer them to live here, and his hard Laws would not permit them to depart hence. And, when the Clergy complained unto him, to be eased of their burdens; I beseech you (said he) have ye not coffins of gold and silver for dead men's bones? intimating that the same treasure might otherwise be better employed.

36. The streams of discord began now to swell high, betwixt the King and Arch-Bishop Anselm; flowing principally from this occasion. At this time there were two Popes together, so that the Eagle with two heads, the Arms of the Empire, might now as properly have fitted the Papacy for the present. Of these, the one [Guibertus] I may call the Lay-Pope, because made by Henry the Emperor; the other [Urban] the Clergy-Pope, chosen by the Conclave of Cardinals. Now, because like unto like, King William sided with the former, whilst Anselm as earnestly adhered to Urban, in his affections, desiring to receive his Pall from him, which the King resused to permit. Hereupon Anselm appealed to his Pope, whereat King William was highly offended.

37. But, because none are able so emphatically to tell their stories, and plead their causes, as themselves, take them in them in their own words;

At last an expedient was found out, that Anselm should not want his Pall, nor fetch it himself from Rome, being by the King's consent brought to him by Gwalther, Pope Urban 's Legate (whom the King at last was fain to acknowledge) and so all things for the present reconciled.

38. But the wound betwixt them was rather skinned over, then perfectly healed; and afterwards brake out again, the King taking occasion of displeasure at Anselm's backwardness to assist him, in his expedition into Wales. Whereupon Anselm desired a second journey to Rome, there to bemoan, and probably, to relieve himself by complaint to the Pope. But the King stopped his voyage; affirming, that Anselm had led so pious a life, he need crave no absolution at Rome; and was so well stored with learning, that he needed not to borrow any counsel there. Yea, said the King, Urban had rather give place to the wisdom of Anselm, then Anselm have need of Urban. In fine, after much contesting, Anselm secretly stole out of the Realm, and the King seized all his goods, and lands into his own coffers. Three years was he in exile, sometimes at Lions, sometimes at Rome; welcome wheresoever he came, and very serviceable to the Church by his pious living, painful preaching, learned writing, and solid disputing, especially in the general Council of Bar, where he was very useful in confuting, and condemning the errors of the Greek-Church, about the Procession of the Holy Spirit.

39. King Rufus was a hunting in New-Forest, which was made by King William, his Father; not so much out of pleasure, or love of the game; as policy to clear, and secure to himself, a fair and large landing-place, for his forces out of Normandy, if occasion did require. Here then was a great devastation of Towns, and Temples; the place being turned into a wilderness for Men, to make a Paradise for Deer. God seemed displeased hereat, for (amongst other Tragedies of the Conquerors family, acted in this place) Rufus was here slain, by the glancing of an arrow shot by S ^r Walter Tirrel. An unhappy name to the Kings of England; this man casually, and another willfully (S ^r James Tirrel employed in the murthering of King Edward the fifth) having their hands in royal blood. Now it is seasonably remembered, that some years since, this King William had a desperate disease, whereof he made but bad use, after his recovery; and therefore now, Divine Justice would not the second time, send him the summons of a solemn visitation by sickness, but even surprised him by a sudden, and unexpected death.

40. Thus died King William Rufus, leaving no issue, and was buried (faith my Author) at Winchester, multorum Procerum conventu, paucorum vero planctu; many Noble-men meeting, but few mourning at his funerals. Yet some, who grieved not for his death, grieved at the manner thereof; and of all mourners Anselm, though in exile in France, expressed most cordial sorrow at the news of his death. A valiant and prosperous Prince, but condemned by Historians for covetousness, cruelty, and wantonness, though no woman by name is mentioned for his Concubine; probably, because thrifty in his lust, with mean, and obscure persons. But, let it be taken into serious consideration, that no pen hath originally written the life of this King, but what was made by a Monkish pen-knife; and no wonder, if his picture seem bad, which was drawn by his enemy. And he may be supposed to fare the worse, for his opposition to the Romish usurpation; having this good quality, to suffer none but himself, to abuse his Subjects, stoutly resisting all payments of the Popes imposing. Yea, (as great an enemy as he was conceived to the Church) he gave to the Monks called De Charitate, the great new Church of S ^t Savior's in Bermondsey, with the Manor thereof, as also of Charlton in Kent.

41. Henry Beauclarke, his brother, succeeded him in the Throne, one that crossed the common Proverb, The greatest Clerks are not the wisest men, being one of the most profoundest Scholars, and most politick Princes in his generation. He was Crowned about four days after his brothers death. At that time, the present providing of good swords, was accounted more essential to a Kings Coronation, then the long preparing of gay clothes. Such preparatory pomp as was used in after-ages at this Ceremony, was now conceived, not only useless, but dangerous, speed being safest to supply the vacancy of the Throne. To ingratiate himself to the English, he instantly, and actually repealed (for his brother William had put all the Land out of love, and liking of fair promises) the cruel Norman Laws. Laws written in blood, made more in favor of Deer, then of Men; more to manifest the power, and pleasure of the imposer, then for the good, and protection of the Subject; wherein, sometimes, men's mischances were punished, for their misdeeds. Yea, in a manner King Heary gave eyes to the blind in winternights; I mean, light to them who fomerly lived (though in their own houses) in uncomfortable darkness, after eight a clock; when heretofore the Curseu-bell did ring the knell of all the fire, and candle-light in English families. But now these rigorous Edicts were totally repealed; the good, and gentle Laws of Edward the Confessor generally revived; the late Kings extorting Publican's (whereof Ranulf Flambard, Bishop of Durham, the principal) closely imprisoned; the Court-corruption, by the Kings command, studiously reformed; adultery (then grown common) with the loss of virility, severely punished; Anselm from exile speedily recalled; after his return, by the King heartily welcomed; by the Clergy, solemnly and ceremoniously received; he to his Church; his lands, and goods to him fully restored; English and Normans lovingly reconciled; all interests, and persons seemingly pleased; Robert, the Kings elder brother (though absent in the Holy-Land) yet scarcely missed; and so this Century, with the first year of King Hearie 's reign, seasonably concluded.

CENT. XII.