Church History of Britain
24. One Herveyus was made first Bishop of Eli: One who had been undone, if not undone, banished by the Tumultuous welsh, from the Beggerly Bishopric of Bangor; and now (in Pitty to his Poverty and Patience) made the rich Bishop of Eli. It is given to Parents to be most fond of, and indulgent to their youngest, which some perchance may render as a Reason, why this Bishopric, as last born, was best beloved by the King. Surely he bestowed upon it vast privileges; and his Successors cockering this See for their Darling, conferred some of their own Royalties thereon.
25. Bernard, Chaplain to the King, and Chancellor to the Queen was the first Norman made Bsyhop of S t David's. Presuming on his masters favor, and his own merit, he denied subjection to Canterbury, and would be, (as anciently had been) an absolute Arch-Bishop of himself. Indeed S t David's was Christian some hundred of years, whilst Canterbury was yet Pagan; and could show good Cards (if but permitted fairly to play them) for Archiepiscopal Jurisdiction, even in some respect Equal to Rome itself. Witness the ancient riming verse, about the proportions of Pardons given to Pilgrims for their visiting Religious places,
26. Giraldus Cambrensis states the Case truly and briefly. That Canterbury hath long prescription, plenty of Lawyers to plead her Title, and store of money to pay them. Whereas S t David's is poor, remote out of the road of preferment; intimating no less, that if equally accommodated she could set on foot as food an Archiepiscopal Title, as Canterbury itself. But he addeth, that except some great alteration happeneth (understand him, except Wales recover again into an absolute Principality ) S t David's is not likely to regain her ancient Dignity. William, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, aided by the Pope, at last humbled the Bishop of S r David's into a submission; Who vexed hereat, wreckt his spleen on the welsh Clergy; furiously forcing them to sorgo their Wives. The successors of this Bishop would have been more Thankful to his Memory had he labored less for the honor, and more preserved the profits of his See, whose lands he dilapidated with this his expensive suit, and on other designs for his own preferment.
27. King Henry died in Normandy of a surfeit by eating Lampreys. An unwholesome fish, insomuch, that Galen, speaking of Eels in general (whereto Lampreys may be reduced) expostulates with the gods, for giving them so delicious a taste, good so malignant, and dangerous an operation. But, grant them never so good, excess is venomous string, in the most wholesome flesh, fish, and sowl, and it was too great a quantity caused his surfeit. I find him generally commended for temperance in his diet; only his palate (his servant in all other meats) was commonly his master in this dish. He was buried at Reading, leaving but one daughter (the Sea having swallowed his Sons) surviving him.
28. Stephen, Earl of Bologn, hearing of Henry his death; hasteth over into England, and seizeth on the Crown. All his title unto it was this; First, Maud, the true heir thereof, was a female. Secondly, absent beyond the Seas. Thirdly, married to a foreigner. Fourthly, no very potent. Prince, viz. Geffery Plantagenet Earl of Angeou, whose land-lock-situation rendered him less formidable for any effectual impression on this Island. Lastly, he was Son to Adela, Daughter to King William the Conqueror (though a Male deriving his title from a Female ) conceiving himself the Daughters Son, to be prefer'd before Maud, the Sons Daughter. Indeed Stephen had an elder Brother, Theobald Earl of Blois, but he chose a quiet County, before a cumbersome Kingdom; the enjoyment of his own, rather then invasion of another's inheritance, seeing Maud was the undoubted heir of the English Crown.
28. This Maud, I may call, Maud the fourth; yea, England had no Queen of another name since the Conquest;
- 1. Maud the first, Wise to King William the Conqueror.
- 2. Maud the second, (Daughter to Malcolme King of Scots ) Wife to King Henry the first.
- 3. Maud the third, Wife to King Stephen.
- 4. Maud the fourth, Daughter to King Henry the first, and in right Queen of England.
29. William, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, notwithstanding his oath to Maud, solemnly crowned Stephen, and in the same act, shown himself perjured to his God, disloyal to his Princess, and ingrateful to his Patroness, by whose special favor he had been preferred. The rest of the Bishops, to their shame, followed his example; dealing with oaths, as sea-men with the points in the Compass, saying them forwards and backwards. Indeed covetousness, and pride prompted this disloyalty unto them, hoping to obtain of an Usurper, what they despaired to get from a lawful King. For, their modesty (and that little enough) in asking, was all Stephens measure in giving; resolving with himself for the present, to grant what should please them, and at leisure to perform what should please himself. Let him now get but the stump of a Crown, and with wise watering thereof, it would sprout afterwards. Hence was it that he granted the Bishops liberty to build, and hold many Castles; freedom in forests; investiture from the Pope; with many other immunities, which hitherto the Clergy never obtained. All things thus seemingly settled, yet great was the difference of judgments in the English, concerning King Stephen, which afterwards discovered themselves in the variety of men's practices.
30. Some acted vigorously for Stephen, conceiving possession of a Crown createth a right unto it. Where shall private persons (unable of themselves to trace the intricacies of Princes titles) fix their loyalty more safely, then on him whom success tendereth unto them for their Sovereign? God doth not now (as anciently) visibly, or audibly discover himself, we must therefore now only look, and listen, to what he showeth, and faith by his voice, in the success of things, whereby alone he expresseth his pleasure, what he owneth or disclaimeth. This their judgment was crossed by others, who distinguished betwixt Heavens permission, and consent; God sometimes suffering them to have power to compel, to whom he never gave authority to command.
31. But some urged, that Stephen was declared lawful King by popular consent, which, at this time, could alone form a Legal right to any in this Island. For Maud, Stephen 's corrival, in vain pretended succession, seeing the Crown, since the Conquest, never observed a regular, but an uncertain and desultory motion. Nor was it directed to go on by the straight line of primogeniture, which leapt over the Conquerors eldest, to his second Son: Then, taking a new rise, from the eldest still surviving, to Henry his third Son. Here no chain of succession could be pleaded, where no two links followed in order. But others answered, that such popular election of Stephen had been of validity, if the electors had been at liberty; whereas they being preingaged to Maud by former oath, could not again dispose of those their votes, which formerly they had passed away.
32. Others conceived that the stain of Stephen his usurpation in getting the Crown, was afterward scoured clean out by his long (more then eighteen years) enjoying thereof. For, suppose Providence for a time may wink, and connive, yet it cannot be conceived in so long a slumber; yea, asleep; yea, a lethargy, as to permit one peaceably so long to posses a Throne, except heaven had particularly designed him for the same. To this others answered, that Stephen all that time rather possessed, then enjoyed the Crown (alarm'd all his life long by Maud, and her Son) so that he had as little quiet in, as right to the Kingdom. But, grant his possession thereof never so peaceable, what at first was foundered in the foundation, could not be made firm by any height of superstructure thereupon. An error by continuance of time can never become a truth, but more inveterate error.
33. A third of maintained, that Subjects Loyaltie is founded on their Sovereigns protection, so that both sink together. Seeing therefore Maud was unable to afford her people protection, her people were bound to no longer allegiance. But thus position was disproved by such, who bottoming allegiance only on conscience, make protection but the encouragement, not the cause thereof, They distinguished also betwixt a Princes willful deserting his people, and his inability to protect them; not through his own default, but the forcible prevailing of others. Thus the conjugal tie is only dissolved by the parties voluntary uncleanness, and not by his, or her adventitious impotency to render due benevolence.
34. A fourth party avouched, that Maud (though, not actually, and openly, yet) tacitly, and interpretatively released the English from their allegiance unto her. For what Prince can be presumed so tyrannical, as to tie up people to the strict terms of Loyaltie unto him, when the same is apparently destructive unto them, and no whit advantageous to himself? But others disliked this position; for, where did nay such relaxation appear? It cancelleth not the obligation of a debtor, to fancy to himself an acquittance from his creditor, which cannot be produced.
35. Some acted at the commands, though not for the commands of King Stephen, namely in such things wherein his injunctions concurred with equity, charity, and order, consistent with the principles of public utility, and self-preservation. These, having the happiness to be commanded by an Usurper, to do that, which otherwise they would have done of themselves, did not discover themselves to act out of their own inclinations, whilst it passed unsuspected in the notion of their obedience to King Stephen. Thus many thousands under the happy conduct (or at leastwise contrivance) of Thurstan, Arch-Bishop of York, though in their hearts well affected to Maud her title, unanimously resisted David King of Scots, though he pretended recuperative arms in Queen Maud her behalf; under which specious title, he barbarously committed abominable cruelties, till nettled therewith, both Stephanists, and Maudists jointly bad him battle, and overthrew him, nigh Alerton in York-shire.
36. All generally bare the burdens, and no less politically, then patiently, paid all taxes imposed upon them. Recusancy in this kind had but armed King Stephen with a specious pretence to take all from them, for refusing to give a part. Nor scrupled they hereat, because thereby they strengthened his usurpation against the rightful heir, because done against their wills, and to prevent a greater mischief; Mean time they had a reservation of their loyalty, and, erecting a throne in their hearts, with their prayers, and tears, mounted Queen Maud on the same.
37. Robert, Earl of Gloucester (the Queens half-brother) may even make up a form by himself, finding none other before, or after him of the same opinion. Who conditionally did homage to King Stephen, scilicet, si dignitatem suam sibi servaret illibatam, namely, So long as he preserved this Roberts dignity (for so I understand the Pronoun's reciprocation) to be inviolated.
38. A few there were, whose relucting consciences remonstrated against the least compliance with King Stephen: whose high loyalty to Maud, interpreted all passiveness under an Usurper, to be activity against the right heir. These even quitted their Lands in England to the tempest of time; and secretly conveyed themselves, with the most incorporeal of their estates (as occuping in the least room in their wastage over) into Normandy.
39. The Clergy, perceiving that King Stephen performed little of his large promises unto them, were not formerly so forward in setting him up, but now more fierce in plucking him down, and sided effectually with Maud against him. An act, which the judicious behold, not as a crocked deed, bowing them from their last, but as an upright one, straight'ning them to their first, and bxest oath, made to this Maud in the life time of her father. But Stephen (resolved to hold with a strong, what he had got with a wrong hand) fell violently on the Bishops, who then were most powerful in the land (every prime one having, as a Cathedral for his devotion; so many manors for his profit, parks for his pleasure, and castles for his protection) and he uncastled Roger of Sarisbury, Alexander of Lincoln, and Nigellus of Eli, taking also a great mass of treasure from them.
40. Most fiercely fell the fury of King Stephen on the Dean, and Canons of Paul's, for crossing him in the choice of their Bishop. For, he sent, and took their Focarias, and cast them into London -Tower; where they continued many days, not without much scorn, and disgrace, till at last those Canons ransomed their liberty at a great rate.
41. What these Focariae were, we conceive it no disgrace to confess our ignorance, the word not appearing in any Classical Author, and we must by degrees screw ourselves into the sense thereof:
- 1. It signifieth some female persons, the gender of the word discovering to much.
- 2. They were near to the Canons, who had an high courtesy for them, as appears by procuring their liberty at so dear a price.
- 3. Yet the word speaks not the least relation of affinity, or consanguinity unto them.
- 4. All the light we can get in this Focariae, is from some sparks of fire which we behold in the word, so as if these shees were nymphs of the chimney, or fire-makers to these Canons.
42. Albericus, Bishop of Hostia, came post form Rome, sent by Pope Innocent the second into England; called a Synod at Westminster, where eighteen Bishops and thirty Abbots met together. Here was conluded; That no Priest, Deacon, or sub-Deacon should hold a wife, or woman, within his house, under pain of degrading from his Christendom, and plain sending to hell. That no Priests son should claim any spiritual living by heritage. That none should take a Benefice of any Lay-man. That none were admitted to Cure which had not the letters of his Orders. That Priests should do no bodily labor: And, that their transubstantiated God should dwell but eight days in the box, for fear of worm-eating, moulding or stinking; with such like. In this Synod, Theobald, Abbot of Becco, was chosen Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, in the place of William lately deceased.
43. The most considerable Clergy-man of England in this age, for birth, wealth, and learning, was Henry of Bloys, Bishop of Winchester, and Brother to King Stephen. He was by the Pope made his Legate for Britain, and outshined Theobald the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. For, although Theobald just at this time was augmented with the title of Legatus natus (which from him was entailed on his successors in that See) yet this Henry of Bloys, being for the present, Legatus factus, out-lustred the other as far, as an extraordinary Ambassador doth a Leger of the same Nation. In this Henry, two interests did meet, and contend; that of a Brother, and that of a Bishop; but the later clearly got the conquest, as may appear by the Council he called at Winchester, wherein the King himself was summoned to appear. Yea, some make Stephen personally appearing therein (a dangerous precedent to plead the cause of the Crown, before a conventicle of his own subjects) so that to secure Rome of Supremacy in appeals, he suffered a Recovery thereof against his own person in a Court of Record loosing of himself to save the Crown thereby unto himself. But William of Malmesbury present at the Council (and therefore his testimony is to be preferred before others) mentions only three parties in the place present there with their attendance:
| 1. | 2. | 3. |
| Roger of Sarisbury with the rest of the Bishops, grievously complaining of their Castles taken from them. | Henry Bishop of Winchester the Popes Legat, & President of the Council; With Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury pretending to umpire matters in a moderate way. | Hugh Arch-Bishop of Roan, and Aubery de Vere (ancester to the Ear of Oxford) as Advocate for King Stephen. |
This Aubery de Vere seems learned in the Laws, being charactered by my Author, homo causarum varietatibus exercitatus, a man well versed in the windings of causes.
44. In this Synod, first the commission of Pope Innocent the second was read, impowring the said Henry Bishop of Winchester, with a Legative authority. Then the Legate made a Sermon; Latiariter, which is, as I conceive, in the Latin tongue. We find not his text; But know this was the subject of his discourse, to inveigh against King Stephen depriving those Bishops of their Castles. Sermon ended, the Kings advocates or true subjects rather (many making them to speak only out of the dictates of their own Loyalty, & not to plead by deputation from the King) made his defense, that Bishops could not canonically hold Castles, and that the King had despoiled them of their treasure, not as Episcopal persons, but as they were his Lay-offices, advised thereto by his own security. The Bishops returned much for themselves, and in fine, the Synod brake up without any extraordinary matter effected. For soon after came Queen Maud with her Navy and Army out of Normandy, which turned debates into deeds, and consultations into actions: But we leave the readers to be satisfied about the alternation of success betwixt King Stephen and Maud to the Historians of our State. There may they read of Maud her strange escapes, when avoiding death, by being believed dead (otherwise she had proved in her grave, if not pretended in a Coffin) when getting out in white Lynen, under the protection of Snow: I say, how afterwards both King Stephen and Robert Earl of Gloucester were taken prisoners, and given in Exchange, the one for the liberty of the other; with many such memorable passages, the reader may stock himself from the pens of the civil Historians, the proper relators thereof.
45. It is strange to conceive how men could be at leisure in the troublesome Reign of King Stephen to build and endow so many Religious foundations. Except any will say, that men being (as mortal in peace) most dying in War, the devotions of those days (maintaining such deeds meritorious for their souls) made all in that Martial age most active in such employments. Not to speak of the Monastery of S r Mary de pratis, founded by Robert Earl of Leicester, and many others of this time: the goodly Hospital of S t Katharines nigh London, was founded by Maud, wife to King Stephen, though others assign the same to Ro. Bishop of Lincoln, as founder thereof. So stately was the Choir of this Hospital, that it was not much inferior to that of S t Paul's in London, when taken down in the days of Queen Elizabeth, by Doctor Thomas Wilson the Master thereof, and Secretary of State.
46. Yea, King Stephen himself was a very great founder. S t Stephen. was his tutelary Saint (though he never learned his usurpation from the patient example of that Martyr) whose name he bore, on whose day he was Crowned, to whose honor he erected S t Stephens Chapel in Westminster, near the place where lately the Court of Request was kept. He built also the Cistertians Monastery in Feversham; with an Hospital near the West-gate in York. And, whereas formerly there were paid out of every plough-land in England, betwixt Trent and Edinburgh-frith, twenty four Oat-sheaves for the Kings Hounds; Stephen converted this rent-charge to his new-built Hospital in York. A good deed no doubt; for, though it be unlawful to take the children's bread and to cast it unto the dogs; it is lawful to take the dogs bread, and to give it unto the children.
47. The King, being desirous to settle Sovereignty on his Son Eustace, earnestly urged Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to Crown him. For, Stephen saw that fealty, barely sowrn to Maud in her Fathers life time, was afterwards broken: and therefore (his own guilt making him the more suspicious) for the better assurance of his Sons succession, he would go one step farther, endeavoring to make him actual King in his own life time. But the Arch-Bishop stoutly refused, though proscribed for the same, and forced to fly the land, till after some time he was reconciled to the King.
48. Eustace the Kings Son died of a frenzy, as going to plunder the lands of Bury Abby. A death untimely in reference to his youthful years, but timely and seasonably in relation to the good of the Land. If conjecture may be made from his turbulent spirit, coming to the Crown he would have added tyranny to his usurpation. His Father Stephen begins now to consider, how he himself was old, his Son deceased, his Subjects wearied, his Land wasted with War: which considerations, improved by the endeavors of Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and God's blessing on both, produced an agreement between King Stephen and Henry Duke of Normandy, the former holding the Crown for his life, and after his death settling the same on Henry, his adopted Son and Successor.
49. We have now gotten (to our great credit, and comfort, no doubt) an English-man Pope; namely, Nicholas Breakspear, alias Adrian the fourth. Born, saith my Author, nigh Vxbridg in Middlesex, of the ancient and Martial family of the Breakspears; though others make him no better then a bastard of an Abbot of S t Albans. The Abbot of which Covent he confirmed the first in place, of all in England. If I miscount not, we never had but four Popes and a half (I mean Cardinal Pool, Pope elect) of our Nation. And yet of them, one too many (will the Papists say) if Pope Jone (as some esteem her) were an English-woman. Yea, lately (the Elected following the plurality of the Electors) they have almost engrossed the Papacy to the Italians. Our Adrian had but bad success, choked to death with a fly in his throat. Thus anything next nothing, be it but advantageously planted, is big enough to batter man's life down to the ground.
50. Jeffery ap Arthur (commonly called from his native place, Jeffery of Monmouth) was now Bishop of S t Asaph. He is the Welsh Herodotus, the father of ancient History, and fables; for, he who will have the first, must have the later. Polydore Virgil accuseth him of many falsehoods (so hard it is to halt before a cripple) who, notwithstanding, by others is defended, because but a translator, and not the original reporter. For, a translator tells a lie in telling no lie, if willfully varying from that copy, which he promiseth faithfully to render. And if he truly translates what he finds, his duty is done, and is to be charged no further. Otherwise the credit of the best translator may be cracked, if himself become security for the truth of all, that he takes on trust from the pens of others.
51. King Stephen ended his troublesome life. A Prince, who if he had come in by the door, the best room in the house had not been too good to entertain him. Whereas now the addition Usurper (affixed generally to his name) corrupts his valor into cruelty, devotion into hypocrisy, bounty into flattery, and design. Yet, be it known to all, though he lived an Usurper, he died a lawful King; for, what formerly he held from the rightful heir by violence, at his death he held under him by a mutual composition. He was buried with his Son, and Wife, at Feversham in Kent, in a Monastery of his own building. At the demolishing whereof, in the regin of King Henry the Eighth, some, to gain the lead wherein he was wrapped, cast his corps into the Sea. Thus Sacrilege will not only feast on gold and silver, but (when sharp set) will feed on meaner metals.
52. Henry the Second succeeded him, known by a triple sir-name, two personal and ending with himself, Fitz-Empress, and Shortmantle; the other hereditary, fetched from Jeffery his Father, and transmitted to his Posterity, Plantagenet, or Plantaganest. This name was one of the Sobriquets, or penitential nick-names, which great persons about this time, posting to the Holy War in Palestine, either assumed to themselves, or had by the Pope, or their Confessors imposed upon them, purposely to disguise, and obscure their luster therewith. See moe of the same kind,
- 1. Berger, a Shepherd.
- 2. G • ise-Conelle, Graycoat.
- 3. Teste de Estoupe, Head of towe.
- 4. Arbust, a Shrub.
- 5. Martel, an Hammer.
- 6. Grand-Baeuse, Oxface.
- 7. La-Zourch, a Branch upon a stem.
- 8. Houlet, a Sheephook.
- 9. Hapkin, an Hatchet.
- 10. Chapel, an Hood.
- 11. Sans-terr, Lackland.
- 12. Malduit, III taught.
- 13. Juvencas, Geffard, or Heifer.
- 14. Fitz de flaw, Son of a flail.
- 15. Plantagenist, Stalk of a Broom.
53. This King Henry, was wife, valiant, and generally fortunate. His faults were such as speak him Man, rather then a vicious one. Wisdom enough he had for his work, and work enough for his wisdom, being troubled in all his relations. His wife Queen Elianor brought a great portion, (fair Provinces in France) and a great stomach with her; so that is is questionable, whether her froward spirit more drave her Husband away from her chaste, or Rosamunds fair face, more drew him to her wanton embraces. His Sons (having much of the Mother in them) grew up, as in Age, in obstinacy against him. His Subjects, but especially the Bishops, (being the greatest Castle mongers in that Age) very stubborn and not easily to be ordered.
54. Mean time one may justly admire, than no mention in Authors is made of, nor provisions for Maud the Kings Mother, (surviving some years after her Son's Coronation) in whom during her life, lay the real right to the Crown. Yet say not King Henries policy was little in preferring, to take his Title from an Usurper by adoption, rather then from his own Mother, (the rightful heir) by succession, and his piety less, in not attending his Mothers death; but snatching the Scepter out of her hand, seeing no Writer ever chargeth him with the least degree of undutifulness unto her. Which leadeth us to believe that this Maud, worn out with age and afflictions, willingly waved the Crown, and reigned in her own contentment, in seeing her Son reign before her.
55. Those who were most able to advise themselves, are most willing to be advised by others, as appeared by this politick Prince. Presently he chooseth a Privy Council of Clergy and Temporalty, and refineth the Common Laws; Yea, towards the end of his Reign began the use of our Iti • erant Judges. The platform hereof he fetched from France (where he had his education) and where Charles the Bald, some hundred of years before, had divided his Land into twelve parts, assigning several Judges for administration of Justice therein. Our Henry parcelled England into six Divisions, and appointed three Judges to every Circuit, annually to visit the same. Succeeding Kings, (though changing the limits) have kept the same number of Circuits, and let the skillful in Arithmetic cast it up, whether our Nation receiveth any loss, by the change of three Judges every year, according to Henry the second's Institution, into two Judges twice a year, as long since hath been accustomed.
56. The Laws thus settled, King Henry cast his eye on the numerous Castles in England. As a good reason of State formerly persuaded the building, so a better pleaded now for the demolishing of them. William the Conqueror built most of them, and then put them into the custody of his Norman Lord's, thereby to awe the English into obedience. But these Norman Lord's in the next generation, by breathing in English air, and wedding with English wives, became so perfectly Anglized, and lovers of Liberty, that they would stand on their guard against the King, on any petty discontentment. If their Castles, (which were of proof against Bows and Arrows, the Artillery of that Age) could but bear the brunt of a sudden assault, they were privileged from any solemn Siege, by their meanness and multitude, as whose several beleguerings would not compensate the cost thereof. Thus as in foul bodies, the Physic in process of time groweth so friendly and familiar with the disease, that they at last side together, and both take part against Nature in the Patient; so here it came to pass, that these Castles intended for the quenching, in continuance of time occasioned the kindling of Rebellion. To prevent farther mischief, King Henry razed most of them to the ground, and secured the rest of greater consequence into the hands of his Confidents. if any ask, how these Castles belong to our Church-History; know, that Bishops of all in that Age, were the greatest Traders in such Fortifications.
57. Thomas Becket, born in London, and (though as yet but a Deacon) Arch-Deacon of Canterbury, Doctor of Canon-Law, bred in the Universities of Oxford, Paris, Bononia, was by the King made Lord Chancellor of England. During which his office, who braver then Becket? None in the Court wore more costly clothes, mounted more stately steeds, made more sumptuous feasts, kept more jovial company, brake more merry jests, used more pleasant pastimes. In a word, he was so perfect a Lay-man, that his Parsonages of Bromfield, and S t Mary-hill in London, with other Ecclesiastical Cures, whereof he was Pastor, might even look all to themselves, he taking no care to discharge them. This is that Becket, whose mention is so much in English, and miracles so many in Popish writers. We will contract his acts in proportion to our History, remitting the Reader to be satisfied in the rest from other Authors.
58. Four years after, upon the death of Theobald, Becket was made by the King, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. The first Englishman since the Conquest (and he but a mongrel, for his mother was a Syrian, the intercourse of the Holy-War in that age making matches betwixt many strangers) who was preferred to that place. And now (if the Monks their writing his life may be believed) followed in him a great and strange Metamorphosis. Instantly his clothes were reformed to gravity, his diet reduced to necessity, his company confined to the Clergy, his expenses contracted to frugality, his mirth retrenched to austerity; all his pastimes so devoured by his piety, that none could see the former Chancellor Becket, in the present Arch-Bishop Becket. Yea, they report, that his clothes were built three stories high; next his skin he was a Hermit, and wore sack-cloth; in the midd he had the habit of a Monk; and above all wore the garments of an Arch-Bishop. Now, that he might the more effectually attend his Archiepiscopal charge, he resigned his Chancellors place, whereat the King was not a little offended. It added to his anger, that his patience was daily pressed, with the importunate petitions, of people complaining, that Becket injured them. Though, generally, he did but recover to his Church such possessions, as, by their covetousness, and his predecessors connivence, had formerly been detained from it.
59. But, the main matter, incensing the King against him was, his stubborn defending the Clergy from the secular power: and particularly (what a great fire doth a small spark kindle?) that a Clerk, having killed and stolen a Deer, ought not to be brought before the Civil Magistrate for his punishment. Such impunities breeding impieties, turned the house of God into a den of thieves: many rapes, riots, robberies, murders, were then committed by the Clergy. If it be rendered as a reason of the viciousness of Adonijah, that his father never said unto him, Why doest thou so? No wonder if the Clergy of this age were guilty of great crimes, whom neither the King, nor his Judges, durst call to an account. And, seeing Ecclesiastical censures extend not to the taking away of life, or lim; such Clerks as were guilty of capital faults; were either altogether acquitted, or had only penance inflicted upon them; a punishment far lighter then the offense did deserve. Indeed, it is most meet, in matters merely Ecclesiastical (touching the Word and Sacraments) Clergy-men be only answerable for their faults to their spiritual superiors, as most proper, and best able to discern and censure the same. And in cases criminal, it is unfit that Ministers should be summoned, before each proud, pettish, petulant, pragmatical, secular, under-officer. However, in such causes to be wholly exempted from civil power, is a privilege, which with reason cannot be desired of them, nor with justice indulged unto them. Sure I am, Abiathar (though High Priest) was convented before, and deposed by Solomon for his practicing of treason. And S t Paul saith, Let every soul be subject to the higher powers.
60. To retrench these enormities of the Clergy, the King called a Parliament at Clarendon, near Sarisbury (and not in Normandy, as Mr Fox will have it) intending with the consent of his great Council, to confirm some severe Laws of his Grand-father King Henry the first▪ To these Laws, sixteen in number, Becket, with the rest of the Bishops, consented and subscribed them. But afterwards recanting his own act, renounced the same. Let not therefore the crime of inconstancy, be laid too heavily to the charge of Arch-Bishop Cranmer, first subscribing, then revoking popish articles presented unto him: seeing this his name-sake Thomas, and predecessor, Becket, without any stain to his Saintship, retracted his own act, upon pretence of better information. But so highly was Becket offended with himself for his subscription, that, in revenge, for some months, he suspended himself from all Divine Service (his pride, and laziness, both before, and after, suspended him from ever preaching) and would not be present thereat. Hereafter let none hope for more favor from this Arch-Bishop, then their fact may deserve; seeing he cannot rationally be expected to be courteous to others, who was so severe unto himself. The best was, in this his suspension, the knot was not tied so hard, as to hurt him; who, in case of necessity, as he had bound, so he could loose himself: though, for the more state of the matter, Pope Alexander himself was pleased solemnly to assoil him from his suspension. Mean time Becket, both in his suspension, and absolution, most highly offended King Henry, who every day the more was alienated from, and incensed against him.
61. During Beckets abode about Clarendon, he is reported every morning to have walked, from his lodging, some miles, to the Kings Palace. Where the ground (say they) called Beckets path, at this day presenteth it self to the eyes of the beholders (but most quick-sighted, if looking through Popish spectacles) with the grass, and grain growing thereon, in a different hew, and color from the rest. A thing having in it more of report, then truth; yet more of truth then wonder: the discolourations of such veins of earth being common in grounds elsewhere, which never had the happiness of Becket his feet to go upon them.
62. But oh! If Becket 's feet had left but the like impression in all the ways he went, how easy had it been for all men's eyes, and particularly for our pen, to have track'd him in all his travels? Who, not long after, without the consent of the King, took Ship, sailed into Flanders, thence travelled into the Southern parts of France, thence to Pontiniack, thence to Senes, abiding seven years in banishment. But, though he served an apprenticeship in exile, he learned little humility thereby, only altering his name (for his more safety) from Becket to Derman; but retaining all his old nature, remitting nothing of his rigid resolutions.
63. Now, to avoid idleness, Becket, in his banishment, variously employed himself. First, in making, and widening breaches, between Henry his native Sovereign, and Lewis the French King. Secondly, in writing many voluminous letters of expostulation to Princes, and Prelates. Thirdly, in letting fly his heavy excommunications against the English Clergy; namely, against Roger, Arch-Bishop of York; Gilbert Foliot, Bishop of London (a learneder man them himself;) Joceline, Bishop of Sarisbury, and others. His chief quarrel with them, was their adherence to the King; and particularly, because the Arch-Bishop presumed to Crown Henry the King's Son (made joint-King in the life of his Father) a privilege which Becket claimed, as proper to himself alone. Fourthly, in receiving comfort from, and returning it to Pope Alexander at Beneventum in Italy. Sameness of affliction bred sympathy of affection betwixt them, both being banished; the Pope by Frederick Barbarossa, the Emperor, for his pride and insolency: as our Becket smarted for the same fault, from King Henry. Here also Becket solemnly resigned his Arch-Bishopric to the Pope, as troubled in conscience, that he had formerly took it as illegally from the King, and the Pope again restored it to him, whereby all scruples in his mind were fully satisfied.
64. But afterwards by mediation of friends, Becket 's reconciliation was wrought, and leave given him to return into England. However the King still retained his temporals in his hand, on weighty considerations. Namely, to show their distinct nature from the spirituals of the Arch-Bishopric, to which alone the Pope could restore him: Lay-lands being separable from the same, as the favor of secular Princes: and Becket 's bowed knee must own the Kings bountiful hand, before he could receive them. Besides, it would be a caution for his good behavior.
65. Caelum non animum. Travelers change climates, not conditions. Witness our Becket, stubborn he went over, stubborn he stayed, stubborn he returned. Amongst many things, which the King desired, and he denied, he refused to restore the Excommunicated Bishops, pretending he had no power (indeed he had no will) and that they were Excommunicate by his Holiness. Yea, he, instead of recalling his old, added new Excommunications; and, that thunder which long before rumbled in his threatenings, now gave the crack upon all those that detained his temporal revenues. Roger Howden reports, that upon Christmas-day (the better day the better deed) he Excommunicated Robert de Broc, because the day before he had cut off one of his horses tails. Yea, he continued, and increased his insolence against the King and all his subjects.
66. Here the King let fall some discontented words, which instantly were catched up in the ears of some Courtiers attending him. He complained that never Sovereign kept such lazy Subjects, and Servants, neither concerned in their Kings credit, nor sensible of his favors conferred on them, to suffer a proud Prelate so saucily to affront him. Now, a low hollow, and a less clap with the hand, will set fierce dogs on worrying their prey. A quaternion of Courtiers being present; namely,
1. S r Richard Breton, of which name (as I take it) a good family at this day is extant in Northampton-shire.
2. S r Hugh Morvil of Kirk-Oswald in Cumberland, where his sword wherewith he slew Becket, was kept a long time, in memorial of his fact. His family at this day extinct.
3. S r William Tracey, whose heirs at this day flourish, in a worthy and worshipful equipage, at Todington in Gloucester-shire.
4. S r Reginald Fitz-Urse, or, Bears-Son. His posterity was afterwards men of great lands and Command, in the County of Monaghan in Ireland, being there called Mac-Mahon, which in Irish signifieth the son of a bear.
67. A barbarous murder, and which none will go about to excuse, but much heightened both by the Prose, and Poetry (good and bad) of Popish Writers in that age. Of the last and worst sort, I account that Distich (not worthy the translating) one verse whereof, on each leaf of the door of Canterbury Choir, is yet legible in part;
But, if he were no truer a martyr, then martyrizatus is true position, his memory might be much suspected. More did the Muses smile on the Author of the following verses,68. Now King Henry, though unable to revive Beacket, shown as much sorrow himself, for his death, as a living man could express; and did the other as much honor, as a dead man could receive. First, searching after all his kindred (as most capable of his kindness) he found out his two sisters. One Mary, a virgin, not inclinable to marry, whom he preferred Abbess of the rich Nunnery of Berking. His other nameless sister, being married to one of the Le Botelers, or Butlers, He transplanted with her husband, and children into Ireland, conferring upon them high honors, and rich revenues; from whom the Earls of Ormond are at this day descended. He founded also the magnificent Abbey, called Thomas-Court in Dublia (in memory of the said Thomas Becket, and expiation of his murder) beautifying the same with fair buildings, and enriching it with large possessions. Nor did only the purse, but the person of King Henry do penance. Who walking some miles bare-foot, suffered himself to be whipped on the naked back by the Monks of Cantrbury. As for the four Knights, who murdered him, the Pope pardoned them, but conditionally, to spend the rest of their lives in the Holy war (where the King, as part of his penance enjoined by the Pope, maintained two hundred men for one year, on his proper charges) to try, whether they could be as courageous in killing of Turks, as they had been cruel in murdering a Christian.
69. And now, being on this subject, once to dispatch Becket out of out way, just a Jubilee of years after his death, Stephen Langton, his mediate successor, removed his body from the Under-croft in Christ-Church, where first he was buried, and laid him at his own charge, in a most sumptuous shrine, at the East end of the Church. Here the rust of the sword that killed him, was afterwards tendered to Pilgrims to kiss. Here many miracles were pretended to be wrought by this saint, in number two hundred and seventy. They might well have been brought up to four hundred, and made as many as Baals lying Prophets: though even then, one Prophet of the Lord, one Micaiah, one true miracle were worth them all.
70. It is almost incredible, what multitudes of people flocked yearly to Canterbury (which City lived by Beckets death) especially on his Jubilee, or each fifty years after his enshrining. No fewer then an hundred thousand (we find it in words at length, and therefore a cipher is not mistaken) of English and foreigners repaired hither. And, though great the odds in hardness, between stones and flesh, there remains at this day in the marble, the prints of their superstition, who crept, and kneeled to his shrine. The revenues whereof by people's offerings, amounted to more then six hundred pounds a year. And the same accountant, when coming to set down, what then, and there was offered to Christ's, or the High-Altar, dispatcheth all with a blank, Summo Altari nil. Yea, whereas before Beckets death, the Cathedral in Canterbury was called Christ's Church, it passed afterwards for the Church of S t Thomas; verifying therein the complaint of Mary Magdalene, Sustuleruat Dominum, They have taken away the Lord. Though since, by the demolishing of Beckets shrine, the Church (and that justly) hath recovered his true and ancient name.
SECT. II.
DOMINO JOANNI WYRLEY DE WYRLEY-HALL, In Com. Stafford, Equiti Aurato.
LEx Mahometica jubet, ut Turcarum quisque mechanicae arti incumbat. Hinc est, quod, vel inter Ot tomanicos Imperatores, hic faber, ill Sartor, hic totus est in baltheorum bullis, ill in Sagittarum pennis concinnandis, prout quisque suà indole trahatur.
Lex mihi partim placet, partim displicet. Placet industria, ne animi otii rubigine obducti sensim torpescerent. Displicet, ingenuas mentes servili operi damnari, cùm humile nimis sit & abjectum.
At utinam vel lex, vel legis aemula consuetudo, inter Anglos obtineret, nt nostrates nobiles, ad unum omnes, meliori literaturae litarent. Hoc si fiat, uberrimos fructus Respublica perceptura esset ab illis, qui nunc absque Musarum cultu penitus sterilescunt.
Tu vero (Doctissime Miles!) es perpaucorum hominum, qui ingenium Tuum nobilitate premi non sinis: sed arts ingenuas, quas Oxonii didicisti juvenis, vir assidue colis. Gestit itaque Liber noster Te Patrono; quo non alter aut in not andis mendis oculatior, aut in condonandis clementior.
1. EVen amongst all the stripes given him since the death of Becket, none made deeper impression in King Henry 's soul, then the undutisulness of Henry, his eldest Son, whom he made (the foolish act of a wise King) joint-King with himself, in his life time. And, as the Father was indiscreet to put off so much of his apparel, before he went to bed: so the Son was more unnatural, in endeavoring to rend the rest from his back, and utterly to difrobe him of all Regal power. The Clergy were not wahting in their plentiful censures, to impute this mischance to the King, as a Divine punishment on Beckets death; that his natural Son should prove so undutiful to him, who himself had been so unmerciful to his spiritual father. But this rebellious child passed not unpunished. For, as he honored not his Father; so his days were sew in the land which the Lord gave him. And, as he made little account of his own father; so English Authors make no reckoning of him in the Catalogue of Kings. This Henry the third being wholly omitted, because dying, during the life of his Father.
2. But, before this Henries death, Richard, Prior of Dover, who divided Kent into three Arch-Deaconries, was made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. Indeed the place was first proffered to Robert, Abbot of Becco, in Normandy (Sequents of three, if he had accepted it [Anselm, Theobald, and this Robert] who, in the compass of seventy years, out of the same Abby were made Arch-Bishops of Canterbury) but he refused it, as ominous to succeed Becket in his Chair, lest he should succeed him in his Coffin; and prefer'd a whole skin before an holy Pall. But Richard accepting the place, is commended for a mild and moderate man, being all for accommodation, and his temper the best expedient betwixt the Pope and King; pleasing the former with presents, the latter with compliance. This made him connive at Jeffery Plantaginet his holding the Bishopric of Lincoln, though uncanonical • ess on uncanonicalness met in his person. For, first he was a bastard. Secondly, he was never in orders. Thirdly, he was under age; all which irregularities were answered in three words, The Kings Son. This was that Jeffery, who used to protest by the royalty of the King, his Father, when a stander by minded him to remember the honesty of his Mother.
3. A Synod was called at Westminster, the Popes Legat being present thereat; on whose right hand sat Richard, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, as in his proper place. When, in springs Roger of York, and, finding Canterbury so seated, fairly sits him down on Canterbury's lap (a baby too big to be danced thereon) yea, Canterbury his servants dandled this lap-child with a witness, who plucked him thence, and buffeted him to purpose. Hence began the brawl, which often happened betwixt the two Sees for precedency; though hitherto we have passed them over in silence, not conceiving our selves bound to trouble the Reader, every time those Arch-Bishops troubled themselves. And, though it matters as little to the Reader, as to the Writer, whether Roger beat Richard, or Richard beat Roger; yet, once for all, we will reckon up the arguments, which each See alleged for its precedency.
Canterburies Title.
1. No Catholic person will deny, but that the Pope is the fountain of spiritual honor, to place and displace at pleasure. He first gave the Primary to Canterbury: Yea, whereas the proper place of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, in a general Council, was next the Bishop of S t Ruffinus; Anselm and his successors were advanced by Pope Urban, to sit at the Popes right foot, as alterius orbis Papa.
2. The English Kings have ever allowed the Priority to Canterbury. For a Duarchie in the Church (viz. two Arch-Bishops equal in power) being inconsistent with a Monarchy in the State, they have ever countenanced the superiority of Canterbury, that the Churchgovernment might be uniform with the Commonwealths.
3. Custom hath been accounted a King in all places, which time out of mind hath decided the precedency to Canterbury.
Yorks Title.
1. When Gregory the great made York and Canterbury Archiepiscopal Sees, he affixed precedency to neither, but that the Arch-Bishops should take place according to the seniority of their consecrations. Until Lanckfranck, Chaplain to King William (thinking good reason he should conquer the whole Clergy of England, as his Master had vanquished the Nation) usurped the superiority above the See of York.
2. If Antiquity be to be respected, long before Gregory's time, York was the See of an Arch-Bishop, whilst as yet Pagan Canterbury was never dreamed of for that purpose. Lucius the first Christian Britain King, founding a Cathedral therein, and placing Sumson in the same, who had Taurinus, Pyrannus, Tacliacus, &c. his successors in that place.
3. If the extent of jurisdiction be measured, York, though the lesser in England, is the larger in Britain, as which at this time had the entire Kingdom of Scotland subject thereunto; Besides, if the three Bishoprics, (viz. Worcester, Lichfield, Lincoln) formerly injuriously taken from York, were restored unto it, it would vie English Latitude with Canterbury itself.
This controversy lasted for may years, it was first visibly begun (passing by former private grudges) betwixt Lanckfrank of Canterbury, and Thomas of York, in the Reign of the Conqueror, continued betwixt William of Canterbury, and Thurstan of York, in the days of King Henry the first; increased betwixt Theobald of Canterbury, and William of York, at the Coronation of Henry the second, and now revived betwixt Richard of Canterbury, and Roger of York, with more then ordinary animosity.
4. Some will wonder that such spiritual persons should be so spiteful, that they, who should rather have contended de pascendis ovibus, which of them should better feed their flocks, should fall out de lana caprina, about a toy and trifle, only for Priority. Yet such will cease to wonder, when they consider how much carnality there was in the Disciples themselves: Witness their unseasonable contest, just before our Savior's death, quis esset major, which of them should be the greater, when then the question should rather have been, quis esset maestior, not who should be the highest, but who should be the heaviest for their departing Master.
5. Here the Pope interposed, and to end old Divisions, made a new distinction, Primate of all ENGLAND, and Primate of ENGLAND, giving the former to Canterbury, the latter to York. Thus when two Children cry for the same apple, the indulgent father divides it betwixt them, yet so, that he giveth the bigger and better part to the Child that is his Darling. York is fain to be content therewith, though full ill against his will, as sensible that a secondary Primacy is no Primacy; and as one stomaching a Superior as much as Canterbury disdained an Equal. Yea, on every little occasion this controversy brake out again. The last flash which I find of this flame, was in the Reiga of King Edward the first, when William Wickham, Arch-Bishop of York, at a Council at Lambeth for Reformation, would needs have his Cross carried before him, which John Peckam, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury would in no case permit to be done in his Province. Wherefore the said Peckam inhibited all from selling victuals to him or his family, so hoping to allay his stomach by raising his hunger, and starve him into a speedy submission, which accordingly came to pass. Since York was rather quiet then contented, pleasing itself that as stout came behind as went before. But at this day the Clergy sensible of God's hand upon them for their Pride and other offenses, are resolved on more humility; and will let it alone to the Layetie to fall out about Precedency.
6. To return to King Henry, never did the branches of the English Monarchy sprout higher, or spread broader before or since, as in the Reign of this King, so large and united his command, though in several capacities; For by right of inheritance from his Mother Maud, he held England and the Dukedom of Normandy, by the same title from his Father, Geffery Plantagenet; he possessed fair lands in Anjou and Maine; by Match in right of Queen Elranor his Wife he enjoyed the Dukedoms of Aquitane and Guien even to the Pyrenean Mountains; by Conquest he lately had subdued Ireland, leaving it to his successors annexed to the English Dominions; and for a time was the effectual King of Scotland, whilst keeping William their King a Prisoner, and acting at pleasure in the Southern parts thereof. The rest of Christendom he may be said to have held by way of Arbritration, as Christiani orbis arbiter, so deservedly did Foreign Princes esteem his wisdom and integrity, that in all difficult controversies he was made Vmpire betwixt them.
7. Yet all this his greatness could neither preserve him from death, nor make him, when living, happy in his own house, so that when freest from Foreign foes, he was most molested in his own Family, his Wife and Sons at last siding with the King of France against him, the sorrow whereat was conceived to send him the sooner to his grave. I meet with this Distich as parcel of his Epitaph,
8. It is confidently reported, that when Richard, Son and Successor to King Henry, approached his Fathers dead Corps, they bled afresh at the Nostrils; whence some collected him the cause of his death. But whilst natures Night-councellors (treading in the dark causes of hidden qualities) render the reason of the salleying forth of the blood on such occasions, let the learned in the Laws decide how far such an accident may be improved for a legal evidence. For surely that Judge is no better then a Murderer, who condemneth one for Murder on that proof alone. However on the bleeding of the Fathers Nostrils, the Sons heart could not but bleed, as meeting there with a guilty Conscience. And therefore (according to the Divinity and Devotion of those days) to expiate his disobedience, he undertook with Philip Augustus, King of France, a long Voyage against Sultan Saladine, to recover CHRIST his grave, and the City of Jerusalem, from the Turks in Palestine.
9. Having formerly written an whole Book of the Holy War, and particularly of King Richards achievements therein, I intend here no repetition; Only our design is to give a Catalogue of some of our English Nobility, who adventured their persons in the Holy War; and whose Male-Posterity is eminently extant at this day. I have known an excellent Musician, whom no Arguments could persuade to play, until hearing a Bungler scrape in the company, he snatched the Instrument out of his hand (in indignation that Music should be so much abused) then turned and played upon it himself. My project herein is, that giving in an imperfect list, of some few noble Families, who engaged themselves in this service; It will so offend some eminent Artist (hitherto silent in this kind) that out of disdain he will put himself upon so honorable a work, deserving a Gentleman who hath Lands, Learning and leisure to undertake so costly, intricate and large a subject for the honor of our Nation. And be it premised, that to prevent all cavils about precedency, first come, first served; I shall Marshal them in no other method, but as in my studies I have met with the mention of them.
10. To begin with the place of my present habitation; one Hugh Nevill attended King Richard into the Holy War, and anciently lieth buried in a Marble Monument, in the Church of Waltham Abbey in Essex, whereof no remainders at this day. This Hugh Nevill being one of the Kings special samiliars, slew a Lion in the Holy Land, first driving an arrow into his Breast, and then running him through with his sword, on whom this Verse was made,
-
Mat. Paris Anno Dom 1222. Viribus Hugonis vires periêre Leonis
- The strength of Hugh
- A Lion slew.
11. This Hugh Nevill gave the Manor of Thorndon to Waltham Abby, and was Ancester of the Noble and numerous Family of the Nevils; to which none in England equal, for Honor, Wealth and number, in the later end of King Henry the sixth, though at this day the Lord Abergavenny be the only Baron thereof: He gave for his Arms a Cross Saltire, or the Cross of S t Andrew, probably assuming it in the Holy War. For though I confess this is not the proper Cross of Jerusalem, yet was it highly esteemed of all those who adventured thither, as may appear, in that all Knights-Templars make such Saltire Cross, with their Thwarted Leggs upon their Monuments.
12. Giralde de Talbote succeeds in the second place; When Articles were drawn up between our King Richard, in his passage to Palestine, and Tancred King of Sicily, for the mutual observation of many Conditions betwixt them. He put in upon their Oaths, for his Sureties, a Grand-Jury of his principal Subjects then present, viz. two Arch-Bishops, two Bishops, and twenty other of his Prime Nobility expressed in his Letters Patents; Besides many other whose names were concealed. Of these twenty, the aforesaid Girald de Talbote is the first; whose Male Issue and Name is extant at this day, flourishing in the Right Honorable Family of the Earls of Shrewsbury.
13. Next amongst the Royal Jurors (as I may term them) was Guarrin Fitz-Girald, from whom are descended the Fitz Giralds in Ireland, (where their name is in some places Provincial) of whom the Earl of Kildare is chief. A memorial of their service in Palestine is preserved in their Arms, giving Argent a Cross Saltire Gules. Here it must be remembered, that the valiant sprightly Gentleman Hickman Lord Windsor is descended from the same Male Ancestors with the Fitz Giralds (as Robert Glover a most exquisite Herald doth demonstrate) though according to the fashion of that age, altering his old, and assuming a new name from Windsor, the place of his office and Command. This Lord Windsor carrieth the Badge of his Service in his Arms, being essentially the same, with the Earl of Kildares, save that the colors are varied; the field Gules, and cross Saltire Argent, betwixt twelve Crosses crossed, OR: Which Coat seemingly sursited was conceived in that age, the more healthful for the same; the more Crossed the more Blessed, being the Devotion of those days.
14. Four other Gentlemen of quality remain mentioned in that Parent, William de Curcy, Father to John the valiant Champion and Conqueror of Ireland; Robert de Novo Burgo; Hugh le Brain, and Amaury de Mountford; of all whom formerly in our Alphabetical Comment on Abby Roll.
15. At the siege of Acres or Ptolemais (the Grave General of the Christian Army) amongst many Worthies dying there within the compass of one year; I find Ingelram de Fiennes to be slain, from whom the Lord Viscount Say and Seal, and the Lord Dacres of the South derive their descent. But most visible are the remains of the Holy War in the achievement of Theophilus Finnes, alias Clinton, Earl of Lincoln, giving in the lower parts of his shield (in a field Argent) six Crosses crossed Fitchee Sable, denoting the stability and firmness of his Ancestors in that service.
16. Also at the aforesaid Siege of Acres, Radulphus de Alta ripa, ArchDeacon of Colchester ended his life. Now although because a Clergy-man, he could not then leave any lawful Issue behind him. Yet we may be confident that the Ancient Family De Alta ripa or Dautry, still continuing in Sussex were of his Alliance.
17. Before we leave the Siege of Acres, let me refresh the Reader with my innocent (and give me leave to say provable) mistake. I conceived the Noble Family of the Lord Dacres took their Sir-name from some service there performed, confirmed in my conjecture. 1. Because the name is written with a Local Tinesis, D'Acres. 2. Joan Daughter to Edward the first, King of England, is called D'Acres, because Born there. 3. They gave their Arms Gules three Scollops-shells Argent; Which Scollop-shells (I mean the nethermost of them, because most concave and capacious) smooth within, and artificially plated without, was of times Cup and Dish to the Pilgrims in Palestine; and thereupon their Arms often charged therewith. Since suddenly all is vanished, when I found Dacor, a Rivolet in Cumberland, so ancient, that it is mentioned by Bede himself, long before the Holy War was once dreamed of, which gave the name to Dacres Castle, as that (their prime seat) to that Family.
18. Before we go further, be it here observed, that when King Richard the first went into Palestine, he took up for his Device in his Ensign, a Cressant and a Star, but on what account men variously conjecture. Some conceive it done in affront to the Sultan Saladine, the Turk giving the Half Moon for his Armies; But this seems unlikely, both because a Cressant is not the posture of the Turkish Moon, and because this was a preposterous method with a valiant man at his bare setting forth, who would rather first win, before wear the Arms of his Enemies; Others make a modest, yea Religious meaning thereof, interpreting himself and his soldiers by the Cressant and Star, expecting to be enlightened from above, by the beams of succe • s from the Sun of Divine Providence. Indeed it would trouble a wise man (but that a wise man will not be troubled therewith) to give a reason of King Richards fancy; it being almost as easy for him to foretell ours, as for us infallibly to interpret his design herein. However we may observe many of the principal persons which attended the King in this War, had their Shields be-Cressanted and be-Starred, in relation to this the Royal Device.
19. Thus Michael Minshul of Minshul in Cheshire, serving King Richard in this war, had not only the Cressant and Star given him for his Arms, but since also that Family hath born for their Crest, two Lions paws holding a Cressant. And I have seen a Patent lately, granted by the Lord Marshal, to a Knight deriving himself from a younger branch of that Family, assigning him for distinction, to change his Crest into the Sultan kneeling and holding a Cressant.
20. And thus the Noble Family of Saint-John, (whereof the Earl of Bullingbrock, &c.) give for their Paternal Coat Argent two Stars Or on a Chief Gules. These Stars first give us a dim light to discover their Service in the Holy Land, who since are beholding for perfecter information, to one now scarce counted a Rimer, formerly admitted for a Poet, acquainting us with this, and another Noble Family adventuring in the Holy War, namely, the Sackviles, still flourishing in the Right Honorable the Earl of Dorcet.
Yet the Arms or Crest of the Sackviles give us not the least intimation of the Holy War. And indeed no rational man can expect an universal conformity in so much variety of fancies, that all the Arms of the adventurers thither, should speak the same Language, or make some sign of their service therein.
21. I find S r Frederick Tilney Knighted at Acres in the Holy Land, in the third year of King Richard the first; he was a man Magnaestaturae & potens corpore; Sixteen Knights in a direct line of that name succeeded in that Inheritance: Whose heir general was married to the Duke of Norfolk, whilst a male branch (if not, which I fear, very lately extinct) flourished since at Shelleigh in Suffolk.
22. When I look upon the ancient Arms of the Noble Family of the Villiers, wherein there is Pilgrim on Pilgrim, I mean five Scallops O R, on the Cross of S t george; I presently concluded, one of that Family attended King Richard in the Holy Land: But on better enquiry, I find that this Family at their first coming into England, bare Sable three Cinquefoyles Argent; and that S r Nicholas de Villiers Knight, changed this Coat in the Reign, not of Richard, but Edward the first, whom he valiantly followed in his Wars in the Holy Land, and elsewhere.
23. I will conclude with the Noble Family of Berkely, then which none of England now eminently existing, was more redoubted in the Holy war. All know their disent from Harding (Son to the King of Denmark) whose Arms are said to be Gules Three Danish Axes O R, or as others suppose with more probability, I conceive only a plain Cheveron, though some three hundred years since, they have filled their Coat with Ten Crosses Patte OR, in remembrance of the Atchievements of their Ancestors in that service. For I find that Harding of England Landed at Joppa, July the third, in the second year of King Baldwin, with a Band of stout Soldiers, where he relieved the Christians besieged therein.
24. But I have been too tedious, intending only a short Essay, and to be (let me call it) an honest Decoy, by entering on this subject, to draw others into the completing thereof, during the whole extent of the Holy war. The best is, for the present we have had good leisure, these Martial times affording but little Ecclesiastical matter. For at this present much of the English Church was in Palestine, where Baldwin, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, ended his life before the Siege of Acres; and where Hubert Walter, Bishop of Sarisbury, was a most active Commander; besides many moe of the eminent Clergies engaged in that service. Yet many did wish that one Clergy-man more had been there, (to keep him from doing mischief at home) namely, William Longcamp, Bishop of Eli, who played Rex in the Kings absence: so intolerable a Tyrant was he, by abusing the Royal Authority committed unto him. And it is a wonder, that he, being indeed a Norman born, but holding so many and great offices in this land, should not be able to speak one word of good English, as the English, as the English were not willing to speak one good word of him.
25. Such as draw up a parallel betwixt this William Longcampe, and Thomas Wolsey (afterward Arch-Bishop of York) find them to meet in many conformities. First, in the lowness of their birth, the one the son of an Husbandman, the other of a Butcher. Secondly, in the greatness of their power, both being the Popes Legates, and their Kings principal Officers. Thirdly, height of their pride; Longcampe having fifteen hundred daily attendants: Wolsey, though but a thousand, equalizing that number with the nobility of his train. Fourthly, suddenness of their fall, and it is hard to say, which of the two lived more hated, or died less pitied.
26. Yet to give Wolsey his due, he far exceeded the other, Longcampe is accused of covetousness, promoting his base kindred, to the damage and detriment of others: no such thing charged on Wolsey. Longcampes activity moved in the narrow sphere of England's Dominions; whilst Wolsey might be said (in some sort) to have held in his hand the scales of Christendom. Up Emperor, down France; and so alternately, as he was pleased to cast in his grains. Wolsey sat at the stern more then twenty years, whilst Longcampe's impolitick pride outed him of his place, in less then a quarter of the time. Lastly, nothing remains of Longcampe, but the memory of his pride and pomp: whilst Christ-Church in Oxford, and other stately edifices, are the lasting monuments of Wolseys magnificence, to all posterity.
27. But seeing it is just to settle men's memories, on their true bottom; Be it known, that one putteth in a good word in due season, in the excuse of Bishop Longcampe, haply not altogether so bad as the pens of Monks would persuade us. It enraged them against him, because Hugh Nonant Bishop of Coventry and Liechfield, drave out Monks out of Coventry, and brought in Secular Priests in the room; which alteration he being not able of himself to effect, used the assistance of Longcampe Bishop of Eli; ordering the same in a Synod called at London. And seeing Monks have no medium betwixt not loving and bitter hating, no wonder if for this cause they paid him their Invectives. But we have done with him, and are glad of so fair a riddance of him, on this account, that most of his misdemeanors were by him committed, not quà Bishop, but quà Vice-roy, and so more properly belon̄ging to the civil Historian.
28. King Richard in his return from Palestine, was taken prisoner by Leopold Duke of Austria, and detained by him in durance, with hard and unPrince-like usage. Whilest the English Clergy endeavored the utmost for his Enlargement. And at last when a fine certain was set upon him to be paid for his Ransom; they with much ado in two years time disbursed the same.
29. The sum was an hundred and fifty thousand and marks, to be paid, part to the Duke of Austria, part to Henry the sixth, Sir-named the sharp, (Sure such our Richard found him) Emperor of Germany. Some will wonder that the weight of such a sum should then sway the back of the whole Kingdom, (putting many Churches to the sale of their silver Chalices) having seen in our age one City in few days advance a larger proportion; But let such consider,
1. The money was never to return, not made over by Bills of Exchange, but sent over in specie, which made it arise the more heavily. For such sums may be said in some sort to be but lent, not lost (as to the Common-wealth) which are not exported, but spent therein in the circulation of Trading.
2. A third of silver went then more to make a mark then nowadays, witness their groats, worth our six pence in the intrinsic value.
3. Before trading to the East and West Indies, some hundred and fifty years since, very little the silver of England, in comparison to the Banks of Modern Merchants.
30. Now lest his Majesty should suffer any diminution by his long late imprisonment; King Richard was Crowned again by Hubert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, at Winchester, with great solemnity; and one may say that his durance was well bestowed on him, seeing after the same he was improved in all his relations.
Son. For though he could not revive his dead Father; yet on all occasions he expressed sorrow for his undutifulness.
Husband. Hereafter prising the company of Beringaria his Queen; Daughter to Sanctius King of Navarre, whom formerly he slighted and neglected.
Brother. Freely and fully pardoning the practices of his Brother John aspiring to the Crown in his absence; and being better to his base Brother Geffery, Arch-Bishop of York, then his tumultuous nature did deserve.
Man. Being more strict in ordering his own conversation.
King. In endeavoring the amendment of many things in the Land, in whose days a Council was, kept at York, for Reformation, but little effected.
31. Hubert Walter, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, had almost finished a fair Covent for Monks at Lambeth, begun by Baldwin his Predecessor. But instantly the Monks of Canterbury are all up in anger against him they feared that in process of time Lambeth would prove Canterbury (viz. the Principal place of the Arch-Bishops residence) to the great impairing of their Privileges; the vicinity of Lambeth to the Court increased their jealousy: And now they ply the Pope with Petitions, and with what makes Petitions to take effect in the Court of Rome; never content till they had obtained (contrary to the Kings and Arch-Bishops desire) that the Covent at Lambeth was utterly demolished; many bemoaning the untimely end thereof, before it was ended, murdered, as one may say, by malicious emulation.
32. The death of King Richard is variously reported, but this relation generally received, that he lost his life on this sad occasion. A Viscount in France, subject to King Richard, having found a vast Treasure, (hid probably by some Prince, the Kings Predecessor) sent part thereof to King Richard, reserving the rest to himself; who could he have concealed all, had made no discovery, and had he sent all, had got no displeasure; whilst hoping by this middle-way to pleasure the King, and profit himself, he did neither. King Richard disdains to take part for a gift where all was due; and blame him not, if having lately bled so much money, he desired to fill his empty veins again. The Viscount fled into Poitou, whither the King following, straightly besieged him.
33. The Castle being reduced to distress, a Soldier shoots a poisoned arrow, contrary to the Law of Arms, being a sharp arrow, from a strong bow, is poison enough of itself, without any other addition. But those Laws of Arms, are only mutually observed in orderly Armies (if such to be found) and such Laws outlawed by extremity; when the half- famished Soldier, rather for spite then hunger, will champ a bullet. The arrow hits King Richard in the eye, who died some days after on the anguish thereof, having first forgiven the soldier that wounded him.
34. By Will he made a tripartite division of his body, and our Author takes upon him to render a reason thereof. His Heart he bequeathed to Roan, because he had ever found that City hearty and cordial unto him: His Body to be buried at Fount-Everard, at his Fathers feet, in token of his sorrow and submision, that he desired to be as it were his Fathers Foot-flool: His Bowels to be buried in the Parish Church, in the Province of Poitou, where he died (not for any Bowels of affection he bare unto them, but) because he would leave his filth and excrements to so base and treacherous a place. Others more charitably conceive them buried there, because conveniently not to be carried thence, whose corruption required speedy interment. Another Monk telleth us, that his Heart was grossitudine Praestans, gross for the greatness thereof; which is contrary to the received opinion, that that part is the least in a valiant man, and the heart of a Lion (this Richard we know was called Cure de Lion, or Lion-hearted) less then the heart of an Hare.
25. I find two Epitaphs made upon him, the first, (better for the conceit then the Poetry thereof) thus concludeth:
CENT. XIII.
TO M r JOHN ROBINSON OF Milk-street in London, Merchant.
DIVINES generally excuse the dumb man cured by CHRIST, for publishing the same, though contrary to his command. THEOPHYLACT goes farther in his Comment on the Text, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; Hence we are taught (saith He) to proclaim and spread the fame of our BENEFACTORS, though they themselves be unwilling. On which account I safely may, and justly must, publicly acknowledge your bounty to me.
1. HIs Christmas King John kept at Guilford, where he bestowed many new holiday-liveries on his Guard, and Hubert the Arch-Bishop, gave the like to his servants at Canterbury; who offended the King not a little, that the Mitre should Ape the Crown, and the Chaplain vie gallantry with his Patron. To make some amends, when the King and Queen, the Easter following, were Crowned at Canterbury; Hubert made them magnificent, yea, superfluous cheer. Yet his offense herein carried an excuse in it; and superfluity at that time seemed but needful to do penance for his former profuseness; and to show that his Loyalty in entertaining of the King, should surpass his late vanity, in ostentation of his wealth. However when King John had digested the Arch-Bishops dainty cheer, the memory of his servants coats still stuck in his stomach. Surely if Clergy-men had left all emulation, with the Laity, in outward pomp, and applied themselves only to piety and painfulness in their calling, they had found as many to honor, as now they made to envy them.
2. But now we enter on one of the saddest Tragedies that ever was acted in England, occasioned by the Monks of Canterbury, after the decease of Hubert, about the election of a new Arch-Bishop. O that their Monkish controversies had been confined to a Cloister, or else so enjoined a single life, that their local discords might never have begotten any National dissensions. Behold (saith the Apostle) how great a matter a little fire kindleth, especially after a long drought, when everything it meets is Tinder for it. All things at home, (besides foreign concurrences) conspired to inflame the difference: King John rather stubborn then valiant, was unwilling to lose, yet unable to keep his right; the Nobility potent and factious; the Clergy looking at London, but rowing to Rome; carrying Italian hearts in English bodies: the Commons pressed with present grievances, generally desirous of change; conceiving any alteration must be for their advantage, barely because an alteration, All improved the discord so long, till Normandy was lost; England embroyl'd; the Crown thereof invassalled; the Kings person destroyed; his posterity endangered; Foreigners fetched in to insult, and Native Subjects made Slaves to their insolencies.
3. The younger of the Monks of Canterbury, in the night time, without the Kings knowledge or consent, chose Reginald their sub-prior, to be Arch-Bishop. The Seniors of their Covent, solemnly, at a Canonical hour, with the approbation, yea commendation of the King, chose John Gray, Bishop of Norwich for the place; and both sides post to Rome for the Popes confirmation; he finding them violent in their ways; to prevent further faction, advised them to pitch on a third man: Stephen Langton, born in England, but bred in France, lately Chancellor of the University of Paris, and sithence made Cardinal of S t Chrysogone. Which expedient, or middle way, though carrying a plausible pretence of peace, would by the consequence thereof improve the Popes power, by invading the undoubted privileges of King John. The Monks soberly excused themselves, that they durst not proceed to an election without the Kings consent; but affrighted at last with the high threats of his Holiness, menacing them with Excommunication; Stephen Langton was chosen accordingly: One that wanted not ability for the place, but rather had too much, as King John conceived, having his high spirit in suspicion, that he would be hardly managed.
4. Then two Letters were dispatched from the Pope, to the King. The first had nothing of business, but complement, and four gold Rings with several stones; desiring him rather to mind the mystery, then value the worth of the present; wherein the Round form signified Eternity, their Square Number, Constancy, the green Smaragd, Faith, the clear Sapphire, Hope, the red Granat, Charity, the bright Topaz, good works; How precious these stones were in themselves, is uncertain; most sure it is they proved Dear to King John, who might beshrow his own fingers, forever wearing those Rings, and, as my Author saith, soon after, gemmae commutatae in gemitus. For in the second Letter, the Pope recommended Stephen Langton to the Kings acceptance, closely couching threats in case he refused him.
5. King John returned an answer full of stomach and animosity, that this was an intolerable encroachment, on his Crown and Dignity, which he neither could nor would digest, to have a stranger, unknown unto him, bred in foreign parts, familiar with the French King his sworn enemy, obtruded upon him for an Arch-Bishop. He minded the Pope that he had plenty of Prelates in the Kingdom of England, sufficiently provided in all kind of knowledge, and that he need not to go abroad to seek for judgment and justice, intimating an intended defection from Rome, in case he was wronged. Other passages were in his letter, which deserved memory, had they be • as vigorously acted, as valiantly spoken. Whereas now, (because he foully failed at last) judicious ears hearken to his words no otherwise, then to the empty brags of impotent anger, and the vain evaporations of his discontentment. However, he began high, not only banishing the Monks of Canterbury, for their contempt, out of his Kingdom, but also forbidding Stephen Langton, from once entering into England.
6. Hereupon Pope Innocent, the third, employed three Bishops, William of London, Eustace of Eli, and Mauger of Worcester, to give the King a serious admonition, and upon his denial, or delaying, to receive Stephen Langton, for Arch-Bishop, to proceed to Interdict the Kingdom of all Ecclesiastical service, saving Baptism of Children, Confession, and the Eucharist, to the dying in case of necessity, which by them was performed accordingly. No sooner had they Interdicted the Kingdom; but with Joceline Bishop of Bath, and Giles of Hereford, they, as speedily, as secretly, got them out of the Land, like adventurous Empiricks, unwilling to wait the working of their desperate Physic: except any will compare them to fearful Boys, which at the first trial set fire to their squibs, with their faces backwards, and make fast away from them: but the worst was, they must leave their lands, and considerable moveables in the kingdom behind them.
7. See now on a sudden the sad face of the English Church. A face without a tongue; no singing of service, no saying of Mass, no reading of Prayers; as for preaching of Sermons, the laziness, and ignorance of those times, had long before interdicted them: None need pity the living, (hearing the impatient complaints of Lovers, for whose marriage no license could be procured) when he looks on the dead, who were buried in ditches, like dogs, without any prayers said upon them. True, a well informed Christian knows full well, that a corps though cast in a bog, shall not stick there at the day of judgment; thrown into a Wood, shall then find out the way; buried by the high ways side, is in the ready Road to the Resurrection. In a word, that wheresoever a body be put or placed, it will equally take the Alarum at the last Trumpet: Yet seeing these People believed that a Grave in consecrated ground, was a good step to Heaven, and were taught that prayers after their death were essentaill to their Salvation, it must needs put strange fears into the heads and hearts, both of such which deceased, and their friends which survived them. And although afterwards at the entreaty of Stephen Langton, the Pope indulged to conventuall Churches to have Service once a Week: Yet Parish Churches, where the Peoples need was as much, and number far more, of souls, as dear in God's sight, were debarred of that benefit.
8. Some Priests were well pleased that the Interdiction for a time should continue, as which would render their persons and places in more reputation, and procure a higher valuation of Holy mysteries. Yea, this fasting would be wholesome to some souls, who afterwards would feed on Divine Service with greater appetite. Hereby two Grand effects were generally produced in the Kingdom. One, a terrible impression made in men's minds of the Popes Power, which they had often heard of, and now saw and felt, whose long arm could reach from Rome all over England, and lock the doors of all Churches there; an Emblem, that in like manner, he had, or might have bolted the Gates of Heaven against them. The second, an Alienation of the people's hearts from King John, all being ready to complain; O cruel Tyrant over the souls of his Subjects, whose willfulness depriveth them of the means of their salvation.
9. However, if things be well weighed, King John will appear merely passive in this matter, suffering unjustly, because he would not willingly part with his undoubted right. Besides, suppose him guilty, what equity was it, that so many thousands in England, who in this particular case, might better answer to the name of Innocent, then his Holiness himself, should be involved in his punishment: God indeed sometimes most justly punisheth subjects, for the defaults of their Sovereigns; as in the case of the plague, destroying the people for David's numbering of them. But it appears in the Text, that formerly they had been offenders, and guilty before God, as all men, at all times are. But seeing the English at this present, had not injured his Holiness, by any personal offense against him, the Pope by Interdicting the whole Realm, discovered as much emptiness of Charity, as plenitude of Power. But some will say, his bounty is to be praised, that he permitted the People some Sacraments, who might have denied them all, in rigor, and with as much right; yea, 'tis well he Interdicted not Ireland also, as a Country under King Johns Dominion deserving to smart, for the perverseness of their Prince placed over it.
10. But after the continuance of this Interdiction, a year and upwards, the horror thereof began to abate: Use made ease, and the weight was the lighter, born by many shoulders. Yea, the Pope perceived that King John would never be weary with his single share, in a general Burden, and therefore proceeded Nominatim to excommunicate him. For now his Holiness had his hand in, having about this time excommunicated Otho the German Emperor; and if the Imperial Cedar, had so lately been blasted with his Thunderbolts, no wonder if the English Oak felt the same fire. He also Assoiled all English subjects from their Allegiance to King John, and gave not only Licence, but Encouragement to any Foreigners to invade the land, so that it should not only be no sin in them, but an expiating of all their other sins to conquer England. Thus the Pope gave them a Title, and let their own swords by Knight-service get them a Tenure.
11. Five years did King John lie under this sentence of Excommunication, in which time we find him more fortunate in his Martial Affairs, then either before or after. For he made a successful voyage into Ireland, (as greedy a Grave for English Corps, as a bottomless Bag for their Coin) and was very triumphant in a Welsh Expedition, and stood on honorable terms in all Foreign Relations. For as he kept Ireland under his feet, and Wales under his elbow; so he shakit hands in fast friendship with Scotland, and kept France at arms end, without giving hitherto any considerable Advantage against him. The worst was, not daring to repose trust in his Subjects, he was forced to entertain Forainers, which caused his constant anxiety; as those neither stand sure, nor go safe, who trust more to a staff, then they lean on their legs. Besides, to pay these Mercenary Soldiers, he imposed unconscionable Taxes, both on the English, (Clergy especially) and Jews in the Kingdom. One Jew there was of Bristol, vehemently suspected for wealth, though there was no clear Evidence thereof against him, of whom the King demanded ten thousand Marks of silver, and upon his refusal, commanded, that every day a Tooth, with intolerable torture should be drawn out of his head; which being done seven several times, on the eight day he confessed his wealth, and paid the fine demanded; who yielding sooner, had saved his teeth, or stubborn longer, had spared his money; now having both his Purse, and his Jaw empty by the Bargain. Condemn we here man's cruelty, and admire heavens justice; for all these sums extorted from the Jews, by temporal Kings, are but paying their Arrerages to God, for a debt they can never satisfy, namely the crucifying of Christ.
12. About the same time, one Peter of Wakefield in Yorkshire a Hermit, prophesied that John should be King of England, no longer then next Ascension-day, after which solemn Festival (on which Christ mounted on his glorious Throne, took possession of his heavenly Kingdom) this Oppose of Christ should no longer enjoy the English Diadem: And as some report, he foretold that none of King Johns linage should after him be crowned in the Kingdom. The King called this Prophet an Idiot-Knave: which description of him implying a contradiction: the King thus reconciled, pardoning him as an Idiot, and punishing him as a Knave, with imprisonment in Kors-Castle. The fetters of the prophet gave wings to his prophesy, and whereas the Kings neglecting it, might have puffed this vain Prediction into wind, men began now to suspect it of some solidity, because deserving a wise Princes notice and displeasure. Far and near it was dispersed over the whole Kingdom, it being generally observed, that the English nation are most superstitious in believing such reports, which causeth them to be more common here then in other Countries. For as the Receiver makes the Thief, so popular credulity occasioneth this Prophetical vanity, and Brokers would not set such base ware to sale, but because they are sure to light on chapmen.
13. Leave we the person of this Peter in a dark Dungeon, and his credit as yet in the Twilight, betwixt Prophet, and Impostor to behold the miserable condition of King John, perplexed with the daily preparation of the French Kings Invasion of England, assisted by many English Male-contents, and all the banished Bishops. Good Patriots, who rather then the fire of their Revenge should want fuel, would burn their own Country which bred them. Hereupon King John having his soul battered without, with foreign fears, and foundered within by the falseness of his Subjects, sunk on a sudden beneath himself, to an act of unworthy submission, and subjection to the Pope. For on Ascenision Eve, May 15. being in the town of Dover, (standing as it were on tip-toes, on the utmost edge, brink, and labell of that Land, which now he was about to surrender) King John by an Instrument, or Charter, sealed and solemnly delivered in the presence of many Prelates and Nobles, to Pandulphus the Popes Legat, granted to God, and the Church of Rome, the Apostles Peter and Paul, and to Pope Innocent the third, and his Successors the whole Kingdom of England and Ireland. And took an Estate thereof back again, yielding and paying yearly to the Church of Rome, (over and above the Peter-pence) a thousand Marks sterling, viz. 700. for England, and 300. for Ireland. In the passing hereof, this ceremony is observable, that the Kings Instrument to the Pope was sealed with a seal of Gold, and the Popes to the King (which I have beheld and perused, remaining amongst many rarities in the Earl of Arundels Library) was sealed with a seal of Lead. Such bargains let them look for, who barter with his Holiness, always to be losers by the contract. Thy silver (saith the Prophet) is become dross: and here was the change of Glaucus, and Diomedes made, as in the sequel of the History will appear.
14. Yet we find not that this Fee-farm of a thousand Marks was ever paid, either by K. John, or by his Successors, but that it is all run on the score, even unto this present day. Not that the Pope did remit it out of his free bounty, but for other Reasons was rather contented to have them use his power therein. Perchance suspecting the English Kings would refuse to pay it, he accounted it more honor not to demand it, then to be denied it. Or it may be his Holiness might conceive, that accepting of this money might colourably be extended to the cutting him off from all other profits he might gain in the kingdom. The truth is, he did scorn to take so poor a revenue per annum out of two kingdoms, but did rather endeavor to convert all the profits of both Lands, to his own use, as if he had been seised of all in Demesnes.
15. At the same time, King John on his knees surrendered the Crown of England into the hands of Pandulphus, and also presented him with some money, as the earnest of His subjection, which the proud Prelate trampled under his feet. A gesture applauded by some, as showing how much his Holiness (whom he personated) slighted worldly wealth, caring as little for King Johns coin, as his Predecessour Saint Peter did for the money of Simon Magus. Others, and especially H. Arch-Bishop of Dublin then present, were both grieved, and angry thereat, as an intolerable affront to the King: and there wanted not those, who condemned his pride and hypocrisy, knowing Pandulphus to be a most greedy griper (as appeared by his unconscionable oppression, in the Bishopric of Norwich, which was afterwards bestowed upon him.) And perchance he trampled on it, not as being money, but because no greater sum thereof. Five days (namely Ascension-day, and four days after) Pandulphus kept the Crown in his possession, and then restored it to King John, again. A long eclipse of Royal luster; and strange it is, that no bold Monk in his blundering Chronicles, did not adventure to place King Innocent, with his five days reign, in the Catalogue of English Kings, seeing they have written what amounts to as much in this matter.
16. Now all the dispute was, whether Peter of Wakefield had acquitted himself a true prophet, or no: The Romiz'd faction were zealous in his behalf; John after that day not being King in the same sense, and Sovereignty as before; not free, but feodary; not absolute, but dependent on the Pope, whose Legate possessed the Crown for the time being, so that his prediction was true, in that lawful latitude justly allowed to all Prophesies. Others, because the King was neither naturally, nor civilly dead, condemned him of forgery; for which, by the Kings command, he was dragged at the horse-tail from Corf-Castle, and with his son hanged in the Town of Wareham. A punishment not undeserved, if he foretold (as some report) that none of the line, or linage of King John, should after be crowned in England; of whose offspring some shall flourish, in free and full power on the English Throne, when the Chair of Pestilence shall be burnt to ashes: and neither Triple-Crown left at Rome to be worn, nor any head there, which shall dare to wear it.
17. Next year the Interdiction was taken off of the Kingdom, and a general Jubilee of joy all over the Land. Banish'd Bishops being restored to their Sees; Service, and Sacraments being administered in the Church as before. But, small reason had King John to rejoice, being come out of God's Blessing, (of whom, before he immediately held the Crown) into the Warm Sun, or rather, scorching-heat of the Popes protection, which proved little beneficial unto him.
18. A brawl happened betwixt him, and the banished Bishops (now returned home) about satisfaction for their Arrears, and reparation of their damages, during the Interdiction; all which term the King had retained their revenues in his hands. To moderate this matter, Nicolas, a Tusculane Cardinal and Legat, was employed by the Pope: who after many meetings, and Synods to audit their Accounts, reduced all at last to the gross sum of forty thousand Marks, the restoring whereof by the King unto them, was thus divided into three payments.
1. Twelve thousand Marks Pandulphus carried over with him into France, and delivered them to the Bishops, before their return.
2. Fifteen thousand were paid down at the late meeting in Reading.
3. For the thirteen thousand remaining, they had the Kings Oath, Bond, and other Sureties.
But then in came the whole cry of the rest of the Clergy, who stayed all the while in the Land, bringing in the Bills of their several sufferings, and losses sustained, occasioned by the Interdiction. Yea, some had so much avarice, and little conscience, they could have been contented, the Interdiction had still remained, until all the accidental damages were repaired. But Cardinal Nicolas averred them to amount to an incredible sum, impossible to be paid, and unreasonable to be demanded; adding withal, that in general grievances, private men may be glad, if the main be made good unto them, not descending to petty particulars, which are to be cast out of course, as inconsiderable in a common calamity. Hereupon, and on some other occasions, much grudging, and justling there was, betwixt Stephen, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and the Legat, as one in his judgment, and carriage, too propitious, and partial to the Kings cause.
19. The remnant of this Kings Reign, afforded little Ecclesiastical Story, but what is so complicated with the Interest of State, that it is more proper for the Chronicles of the Common-wealth. But this is the brief thereof. The Barons of England demanded of King John, to desist from that arbitrary and tyrannical power he exercised; and to restore King Edwards Laws, which his great Grand-father King Henry the first had confirmed to the Church and State, for the general good of his Subjects: yea, and which he himself, when lately absolved from the sentence of Excommunication by Stephen Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, had solemnly promised to observe. But King John, though at the first he condescended to their requests, afterwards repented of his promise, and refused the performance thereof. Hereupon the Barons took up Arms against him, and called in Lewis Prince of France, son to Philip Augustus, to their assistance, promising him the Crown of England for his reward.
20. Yet the Pope endeavored what lay in his power, to dissuade Prince Lewis from his design, to which at first he encouraged him, and now forbad him in vain. For, where a Crown is the Game hunted after, such hounds are easier laid on, then either rated, or hollowed off. Yea, ambition had brought this Prince into this Dilemma; that, if he invaded England, he was accursed by the Pope; if he invaded it not, forsworn of himself, having promised upon oath, by such a time to be at London. Over comes Lewis into England, and there hath the principal learning of the Land, the Clergy; the strength thereof, the Barons; the wealth of the same, the Londoners, to join with him: Who but ill requited King John, for his late bounty to their City, in first giving them a Mayor for their governor. Gualo the Popes new Legat, sent on purpose, bestirr'd himself with Book, Bell, and Candle; Excommunicating the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with all the Nobility opposing King John, now in protection of his Holiness. But the commonness of these curses, caused them to be contemned; so that they were a fright to few, a mock to many, and an hurt to none.
21. King John thus distressed, sent a base, degenerous, and unchristian-like embassage, to Admiralius Murmelius a Mahometan King of Morocco, then very puissant, and possessing a great part of Spain: offering him, on condition he would send him succor, to hold the Kingdom of England as a vassal from him, and to receive the Law of Mahomet. The Moor, marvelously offended with his offer, told the Ambassadors, that he lately had read Paul's Epistles, which for the matter liked him very well, save only that Paul once renounced that faith wherein he was born, and the Jewish profession. Wherefore he neglected King John, as devoid both of piety and policy, who would love his liberty, and disclaim his Religion. A strange tender, if true. Here, whilst some allege in behalf of King John, that cases of extremity excuse counsels of extremity (when liberty is not left to choose what is best, but to snatch what is next, neglecting future safety for present subsistence) we only listen to the saying of Solomon Oppression maketh a wise man mad. In a fit of which fury, oppressed on all sides with enemies, King John, scarce compos sui, may be presumed to have pitched on this project.
22. King John having thus tried Turk and Pope (and both with bad success) sought at last to escape those his enemies, whom he could not resist, by a far, and fast march into the North-eastern Counties. Where turning mischievous instead of valiant, he cruelly burnt all the stacks of Corn, of such as he conceived disaffected unto him: doing therein most spite to the rich for the present, but in fine more spoil to the poor, the prices of grain falling heavy on those, who were least able to bear them. Coming to Lin, he rewarded the fidelity of that Town unto him, with bestowing on that Corporation his own sword; which had he himself but known how well to manage, he had not so soon been brought into so sad a condition. He gave also to the same place a fair silver Cup all gilded. But few days after a worse Cup was presented to King John, at Swinshed Abbey in Lincoln-shire, by one Simon, a Monk, of poisoned wine, whereof the King died. A murder so horrid that it concerned all Monks (who in that age had the Monopoly of writing Histories) to conceal it, and therefore give out sundry other causes of his death Some report him heart-broken with grief, for the loss of his baggage, and treasure drowned in the passage over the washes: it being just with God, that he who had plagued others with fire, should be punished by water, a contrary, but as cruel an element. Others ascribe his death to a looseness, and scouring with blood; others to a cold sweat; others to a burning heat, all effects not inconsistent with poison: so that they in some manner may seem to set down the symptoms, and suppress his disease.
23. It is hard to give the true character of this Kings conditions. For, we only behold him through such light, as the Friers his foes show him in: who so hold the candle, that with the shadow thereof they darken his virtues, and present only his vices. Yea, and as if they had also poisoned his memory, they cause his faults to swell to a prodigious greatness, making him with their pens more black in conditions, then the Morocco-King (whose aid he requested) could be in complexion. A murderer of his Nephew Arthur; a defiler of the wives and daughters of his Nobles; sacrilegious in the Church; profane in his discourse; willful in his private resolutions; various in his public promises; false in his faith to men, and wavering in his Religion to God. The favourablest expression of him falls from the pen of Roger Howden:
24. Henry, the third of that name, his Son, succeeded him, being but ten years old, and was Crowned at Gloucester, by a moiety of the Nobility and Clergy, the rest siding with the French Lewis. Now, what came not so well from the mouth of Abijah the son, concerning his father Rehoboam, posterity may, no less truly, and more properly pronounce of this Henry, even when a man, He was but a child, and tender-hearted. But, what strength was wanting in the Ivy itself, was supplied by the Oaks, his supporters, his Tutors and Governors; first, William Mareshall, Earl of Pembroke, and after his death, Peter, Bishop of Winchester. But, of these two Protectors successively, a sword-man, and a Church-man; the latter left the deeper impression on this our King Henry, appearing more Religious then resolute; devout then valiant. His Reign was not only long for continuance, fifty six years, but also thick for remarkable mutations happening therein.
25. Within little more then a twelvemonth, he recovered the entire possession of his Kingdom, many things concurring to expedite so great an alteration. First, the insolency of the French, disobliging the English by their cruelty, and wantonness. Secondly, the inconstancy of the English (if starting loyalties return to its lawful Sovereign may be so termed) who, as for their own turns they called in Lewis, so for their turns they cast him out. Thirdly, the innocence of Prince Henry, whose harmless age, as it attracted love to him on his own account, so he seemed also hereditarily to succeed to some pity, as the Son of a suffering Father, Fourthly, the wisdom and valor; counsel and courage of William Earl of Pembroke, his Protector; who, having got the French Lewis out of his covert of the City of London, into the champion field, so maul'd him at the fatal battle of Lincoln, that soon after the said Lewis was fain, by the color of a composition, to qualify his retreat (not to say his flight) into the honor of a departure. Lastly, and chiefly, the Mercy of God to an injured Orphan, and his Justice that detained right, though late, yet at last, should return to its proper owner.
26. But it were not only uncivil, but injurious for us to meddle with these matters, proper to the pens of the civil Historians. We shall therefore confine ourselves principally to take notice in this Kings Reign, as of the unconscionable extortions of the Court of Rome, on the one side, to the detriment of the King and Kingdom: so of the defense which the King, as well as he could, made against it. Defense, which, though too faint and feeble, fully to recover his right, from so potent oppression; yet did this good, to continue his claim, and preserve the title of his privileges, until his Son, and Successors, in after-ages, could more effectually rescue the rights of their Crown, from Papal usurpation.
27. Indeed at this time many things imboldened the Pope (not overbashful of himself) to be the more busy in the collecting of money. First, the troublesomness of the times, and best fishing for him in such waters. Secondly, the ignorance of most, and the obnoxiousness of some of the English Clergy. Now, such as had weak heads, must find strong backs; and those that led their lives loose, durst not carry their purses tied, or grudge to pay dear for a connivence at their viciousness. Thirdly, the minority of King Henry, and (which was worse) his non-age after his full-age; such was his weakness of spirit, and lowness of resolution. Lastly, the Pope conceiving that this King got his Crown under the countenance of his excommunicating his enemies, thought that either King Henry 's weakness could not see, or his goodness would wink at his intolerable extortions; which, how great soever, were but a large shiver of that loaf, which he had given into the Kings hand. Presuming on the premisses, Gualo the Popes Legat, by his Inquisitors throughout England, collected a vast sum of money of the Clergy, for their misdemenours; Hugo Bishop of Lincoln, paying no less for his share, then a thousand marks sterling to the Pope, and an hundred to this his Legat. Yet, when this Gualo departed, such as hated his dwelling here, grieved at his going hence, because fearing a worse in his room, choosing rather to be sucked by full, then fresh flies; hoping that those already gorg'd, would be afterwards less greedy.
28. And being now to give the Reader a short account of the long Reign of this King; I shall alter my proceedings, embracing a new course which hitherto I have not, nor hereafter shall venture upon. Wherein I hope the variation may be not only pleasant, but profitable to the Reader, as scientifical and satisfactory in itself; namely, I will for the present leave off consulting with the large and numerous Printed or Manuscript Authors of that Age, and betake myself only to the Tower-Records, all authentically attested under the hands of William Ryley Norroy, keeper of that precious Treasury.
29. When I have first exemplified them, I shall proceed to make such observations upon them, as, according to my weakness, I conceive of greatest concernment; being confident that few considerables in that Age (which was the crisis of Regal and Papal power in this Land) will escape our discovery herein.
30. Only I desire a pardon for the premising of this Touch of State-matters. At this instant the Common-wealth had a great serenity, as lately cleared from such active spirits, who nick-named the calm and quiet of Peace, a sloth of Government. Such Falcatius de Brent, and others, who had merited much in setting this Henry the third on the Throne; and it is dangerous when Subjects confer too great benefits on their Sovereigns; for afterwards their minds are only made capable of receiving more reward, not doing more duty. These were offended, when such Lands and Castles, which by the heat of War had unjustly been given them, by Peace were justly took away from them, finding such uprightness in the King, that his Power of Protection, would not be made a wrong doer. But now the old stock of such male-contents, being either worn out with age, or ordered otherwise into Obedience, all things were in an universal tranquility, within the first seven years of this Kings Reign.
THOMAE HANSON Amico meo.
DIsplicet mihi modernus Scribendi Mos, quo Monumenta indies exarantur. Literae enim sunt fugaces, ut quae non stabili manu penitus Membranis infiguntur, sed currente Calamo summam earum Cuticulam vix leviter praestringunt. Hae cum saeculum unum & alterum duraverint, vel Linceis oculis lectu erunt perdifficiles.
Haud ita olim Archiva, in Turre Londinensi, Rotulis, Scaccario, &c. deposita; in quibus ingens Scribarum cura, justa Membranarum firmitas, Atramentum vere Aethiopicum, integra Literarum lineamenta, ut Calamus Praeli Aemulus videatur. Ita adhuc vigent omnia, in illis quae trecentis ab hinc Annis notata, ut Is, cui Characteris Antiquitas minus cognita, nuperrime descripta judicaret.
Ex his nonnulla decerpsi, ad Rem nostram facientia, & ea Tibi dedicanda curavi, quem omnes norunt Antiquitatis Caniciem venerari: Quo, in Ducatus Lancastrensis Chartulis custodiendis, nemo fidelior, perlegendis, oculatior, communicandis, candidior.
HEre we begin with the Kings Precept to the Sheriff of Buckinghamshire, considerable for the Rarity thereof, though otherwise but a matter of private concernment.
Vic. Bucks. Precipimus tibi quod Emme de Pinkney ux. Laur. Pinkney, qui excommunicatus est, eo quod predict. Emmam affectione maritali non tractavit, eid. Emme rationabil. Estover. invenias, donec idem Laur. Vir suus eam tanquam suam tractaverit.
To the high Sheriff of Buckinghamshire. We command you concerning Emme de Pinkney, Wife of Laurence Pinkney, who is excommunicated, because he did not use the foresaid Emme with Affection befitting a Husband; that you find for the said Emme Estover in reasonable proportion, until the said Laurence her Husband shall use her as becometh his Wife.
Of this Laurence Pinkney I can say nothing: only I find his Family ancient, and Barons of Weedon in Northamptonshire. It seemeth strange he should be excommunicated for not loving usage of his Wife, no Incontinencie appearing (proved against him:) except his carriage was Cruel in a high degree. By Estover, in our Forest Towns, we only understand, A certain allowance of Wood; though the extent of the word be far larger, importing Nourishment, or maintenance in Meat and Cloth, as a learned Lawyer hath observed. This it seems being denied by her husband, the King enjoineth the Sheriff, that he should appoint the said Emme Pinkney reasonable Alimony, in proportion, no doubt, to her Portion and her Husband estate.
2. Next we take notice of a Writing which the King sent over to the Archbishop of Dublin, and which deserveth the Readers serious perusal.
REX Dublin. Archiepiscopo, Justiciario Hiberniae, Salutem. Ad ea que vobis nuper nostris dedimus in Mandatis, ut nobis rescribertis quatenus fuisset processum in Causa Nicolai de Felda, qui contra Abbatem & Canonicos S ti . Thomae Dublinensis in Curia nostra, coram Insticiariis nostris, petiit duas Carrucatas Terrae cum pertinentiis in Kelredhery per assisam de morte Antecessoris, cui etiam coram eisdem Insticiariis objecta fuit Bastardia, propter quod ab ipsis Insticiariis nostris ad vos fuit transmissus, ut in Foro Ecclesiastico de ejus Bastardia five Legitimitate agnosceretis, nobis per litteras vestras significastis; quod cum in Foro (ivili Terram predictam peteret, per litteras nostras de morte Antecessoris versus memoratos Abbatem & Canonicos objecta ei fuit nota Bastardie, quare in foro eodem tunc non fuit ulterius processum. Memoratus etiam Nicolaus de mandato Insticiariorum nostrorum in Foro Ecclesiastico corā nobis volens probare se esse Legitimum, testes produxit: & publicatis attestationibus suis, post diuturn. altercationes & disputationes tam ex parte Abbatis, quam ipsius Nicolai, cum ad calculum diffinitive Sententie procedere velletis, comparuerunt due Puelle minoris etatis, filie Ricardi de la Feld, patris predicti Nicolai, & appellaverunt ne ad sententiam ferendam procederetis, quia hoc in manifestum earum verteretur prejudicium: Eo quod alias precluderetur eis via petendi hereditatem petitam, nec possit eis subveniri per restitutionem in integrum. Unde de consilio vestrorum prudentum, ut dicitis, Appellationi deferentes causam, secundum quod coram nobis agitata est, DOMINO PAPE transmisistis instructam. De quo plurimum admirantes, non immerito movemur, cum de Legitimitate predicti Nicolai per restium productiones, & attestationum publicationes, plene nobis constet; vos propter appellationem Puellarum predictarum, contra quas non agebatur, vel etiam de quibus nulla fiebat mentio in assisa memorata, nec fuerunt alique partes illarum in causa predicta, sententiam diffinitivam pro eo distulstis pronunciare, & male quasi nostrum declinantes examen, & volentes ut quod per nostram determinandum esset jurisdictionem, & dignitatem, ad alienam transferretur dignitatem; quod valde perniciosum esset exemplo. Cum etiam si adeptus esset praedictus Nicholaus possessionem terrae praedictae, per assisam praedictam, beneficium Peticionis Haereditatis praedictis puellis plane suppeteret in Curia nostra, per Breve de Recto; maxim cum per litteras de morte Antecessoris agatur de possessione, & non de proprietate, & ex officio vestro in casu proposito nihil aliud ad vos pertinebat, nisi tantū de ipsius Nicholai Legitimitate probationes admittere, & ipsum cum litteris vestris Testimonialibus ad Iusticiarios nostros remittere. De consilio igitur Magnatum & fidelium nobis assistentium, vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quatenus non obstante appellatione praemissa, non differatis pro eo sentenciare, ipsum ad Iusticiarios nostros remittentes, cum litteris vestris testimonialibus, ut eis de loquela postmodum agitata, postmodum possint secundum legem & consuetudinem terrae nostrae Hiberniae Justiciae plenitudinem exhibere. Teste Rege apud Gloucester 19. die Novembris.
3. The sum of this Instrument is this. One Nicholas de Feld sueing for a portion of ground detained from him by the Abbot of S t . Thomas in Dublin, (founded and plentifully endowed in memory of Thomas Becket) had Bastardy objected against him. The clearing hereof was by the Kings Judges remitted to the Courts Ecclesiastical, where the said Nicholas produced effectual proofs for his Legitimation. But upon the appeal of two minor-daughters of the Father of the said Nicholas, who never before appeared, and who (if wronged) had their remedy at Common-Law, by a Writ of Right, the matter was by the Arch-bishop of Dublin transferred to the Court of Rome.
4. The King saith in this his Letter, that he did much admire thereat, and (though all Interests express themselves to their own advantage) intimates the Act not usual. And whereas he saith, that the example would be pernicious; it seems, if this were a leading case, the Kings desire was it should have none to follow it, peremptorily enjoining the Arch-bishop (notwithstanding the aforesaid Appeal to the Pope) to proceed to give Sentence on the behalf of the said Nicholas; & not to derive the Kings undoubted right to a foreign Power.
5. Indeed the Kings of England were so Crest-fallen, or rather Crown-fallen in this Age, that the forbidding of such an Appeal, appeareth in him a daring deed. Est aliquid prodire tenus; Essays in such nature were remarkable, considering the inundation of the Papal Power. Green Leaves in the depth of Winter, may be more then full Flowers from the same root in the Spring. It seems some Royal Sap still remained in the English Sceptre, that it durst oppose the Pope in so high a degree.
6. In this year 1235. the CAURSINES first came into England, proving the Pests of the Land, and Bane of the people therein. These were Italians by Birth, terming themselves the Pope 's Merchants, driving no other Trade then Letting our money, great Banks whereof they brought over into England; differing little from the Jews, save that they were more merciless to their Debtours. Now because the Pope 's Legate was all for ready money, when any Tax by Levy, Commutation of Vows, Tenths, Dispensations, &c. were due to the Pope, from Prelate, Convents, Priests, or Lay persons, these CAURSINES instantly furnished them with present Coin upon their solemn Bonds and Obligations: one form whereof we have inserted.
To all that shall see the present Writing, Thomas the Prior & the Convent of Barnwell wish health in the Lord. Know that we have borrowed and received at London, for ourselves, profitably to be expended for the Affaires of our Church, from Francisco and Gregorio, for them and their Partners, Citizens and Merchants of Milan, a hundred and four Marks of lawful Money Sterling, thirteen shillings four pence sterling being counted to every Mark. Which said one hundred and four Marks we promise to pay back on the Feast of S t . Peter ad Vincula, being the first day of August, at the New Temple in London, in the year 1235. And if the said money be not thoroughly paid, at the time and place aforesaid, we bind ourselves to pay to the foresaid Merchants, or any one of them, or their certain Attorney, for every ten Marks, forborne two months, one Mark of money for recompense of the Damages, which the foresaid Merchants may incur by the not-payment of the money unto them, so that both Principal, Damages, and Expences, as above expressed, with the Expences of one Merchant with his Horse and Man, until such time as the aforesaid money be fully satisfied. For Payment of Principal, Interest, Damages and Expences, we oblige ourselves, and our Church and Successors, and all our Goods, and the Goods of our Church, moveable or immovable, Ecclesiastical, or Temporal, which we have, or shall have, wheresoever they shall be found, to the foresaid Merchants, and their Heirs; and do recognize and acknowledge that we possess and hold the same Goods from the said Merchants by way of Courtesy, until the Premises be fully satisfied. And we renounce for ourselves, and Successors, all help of CANON and CIVILL LAW, all Privileges, and Clark-ship, the Epistle of S t . Adrian, all Customs, Statutes, Lectures, Indulgences, Privileges, obtained for the King of England, from the See Apostolic: as also we renounce the Benefit of all Appeales, or Inhibition from the King of England, with all other Exceptions real or Personal, which may be objected against the Validity of this Instrument. All these things we promise faithfully to observe: In witness whereof we have set to the Seal of our Convent. Dated at London, die quinto Elphegi, in the year of Grace 1235.
Sure bind, sure find. Here were Cords enough to hold Sampson himself; an order taken they should never be cut or untîd, the Debtor depriving himself of any relief save by full payment.
7. It will not be amiss, to make some brief Notes on the former Obligation,