Church History of Britain
- Theodore the Abbot on the High Altar,
- Asher the Prior in the Vestiary,
- Leth win the Sub-Prior in the Refectory,
- Pauline in the Choir,
- Herbert in the Choir,
- Wolride the TorchBearer in the same place,
- Grimketule and Agamund, each of them an hundred years old, in the Cloisters.
These, faith my Author, were first examinati, tortured to betrary their Treasure, and then exanimati, put to death for their Refusall. The same Writer seems to wonder, that being killed in one place, their Bodies were afterwards found in another. Surely the Corse removed not themselves, but no doubt the Danes dragged them from place to place when dead. There was one ChildMonk therein, but ten years old, (Turgar by name) of most lovely Looks and Person. Count Sidroke the younger pitying his tender years (all Devils are not cruel alike) cast a Danish Coat upon him, and so saved him, who only survived, to make the sad Relation of the Massacre.
20. Hence the Danes marched to Medeshamsted (since called Peterborough) where finding the Abbey-gates locked against them, they resolved to force their Entrance; in effecting whereof, Tulba, Brother to Count Hubba, was dangerously wounded, almost to Death, with a Stone cast at him. Hubba enraged hereat, like another Doeg, killed Abbot Hedda, and all the Monks, being fourscore and four, with his own hand. Count Sidroke gave an Item to young Monk Turgar (who hitherto attended him) in no wise to meet Count Hubba, for fear that his Danish Livery should not be found of proof against his Fury. Then was the Abbey set on Fire, which burned fifteen days together, wherein an excellent Library was consumed. Having pillaged the Abbey, and broke open the Tombes and Coffins of many Saints there interred, these Pagans marched forwards into Cambridgeshire, and passing the River Nine, two of their Wagons fell into the Water, wherein the Cattle which drew them were drowned, much of their rich Plunder lost, and more impaired.
21. Some days after, the Monks of Medeshamsted were buried altogether in a great Grave, and their Abbot in the midst of them, a Cross being erected over the same; where one may have four yards square of Martyrs Dust, which no place else in England doth afford. Godric, Successor to Theodore, Abbot of Crowland, used annually to repair hither, and to say Masses two days together for the Souls of such as were entombed. One would think that by Popish Principles these were rather to be prayed to, then prayed for; many maintaining that Martyrs go the nearest way to Heaven, sine ambage Purgatorii: so that surely Godric did it not to better their Condition, but to express his own Affection, out of the Redundancy of his Devotion; which others will call the Superfluity of his Superstition.
22. The Danes spared no Age, Sex, Condition of people such was the Cruelty of this Pagan unpartial Sword. With a violent Inundation they brake into the Kingdom of the East-Angles; wasted Cambridge, and the Country thereabouts; burnt (the then City of) Thetford; forced Edmond, King of that Country, into his Castle of Framling ham; who perceiving himself unable to resist their Power, came forth, and at the Village of Hoxon in Suffolk tendered his Person unto them, hoping thereby to save the Effusion of his Subjects Blouds. Where, after many Indignities offered unto him, they bound him to a Tree; and because he would not renounce his Christianity, shot him with Arrow after Arrow; their Cruelty taking Deliberation, that he might the better digest one Pain, before another succeeded, so distinctly to protract his Torture (though Confusion be better then Method in matters of Cruelty) till not Mercy, but want of a Mark made them desist; according to the Poets Expression,
After-Ages, desiring to make amends to his Memory, so over-acted their part in shrining, sainting, and adoring his Relicks, at Bury S t . Edmond's; that, if those in Heaven be sensible of the Transctions on Earth, this good Kings Body did not feel more Pain from the Fury of the Pagan- Danes, then his Soul is filled with holy Indignation, at the Superstition of the Christian- Saxons.
23. However, the West-Saxon King Ethelbert behaved himself bravely, fighting, with various Success, nine Battels against the Danes: though ninety nine had not been sufficient against so numerous an Enemy. But we leave these things to the Historians of the State, to relate. We read of an Heap of Stones, made between Jacob and Laban, with a mutual Contract, that neither should pass the same for Harm. Thus would I have Ecclesiastical and civil Historians indent about the Bounds, and Limits of their Subjects that neither injuriously encroach on the Right of the other. And, if I chance to make an Excursion into the matters of the Common-wealth, it is not out of Curiosity, or Busybodinesse, to be meddling in other men's Lines: but only in an amicable way, to give a kind Visit, and to clear the mutual Dependence of the Church on the Common-wealth. Yet let me say, that this War against the Danes was of Church-concernment; for it was as much pro aris, as pro focis, as much for Religion, as civil Interest. But one War must not be forgotten. Importunate Messengers brought the Tidings, that the English were dangerously engaged with the Danes, at Essendune (haply Essenden now, in surrey) and likely to be worsted. King Ethelhert was at his Devotions, which he would not omit, nor abbreviate for all their Clamour. No suit would he hear on Earth, till first he had finished his Requests to Heaven. Then, having performed the part of pious Moses in the Mount, he began to act valiant Joshua in the Valley. The Danes are vanquished, leaving Posterity to learn, that time spent in Prayer, is laid out to the best Advantage.
24. But alas, this Danish Invasion was a mortal Wound, Dedecus Saxonica fortitudinis; the Cure whereof was rather to be desired, then hoped for. Ease for the present, was all Art could perform. King Ethelbert saw, that of these Pagans the more he slew, the more they grew, which went to his valiant Heart. Grief is an heavy Burthen; and generally, the strongest Shoulders are able to bear the least proportion thereof. The good king therefore withered away in the Flower of his Age, willingly preferred to encounter rather Death, then the Danes; for he knew how to make a joyful End with the one, but endless was his Contest with the other: according to the Observation of the English Historian, that the Saxon -Kings in this Age, magis optabant honestum Exitum, quam acerbum Imperium.
25. In this sad condition God sent England a Deliverer, namely, King Alfred, or Alfred, born in England, bred in Rome, where, by a Prolepsis, he was anointed King by Pope Leo (though then but a private Prince, and his three elder Brothers alive) in auspicium futuriregnt, in hope that hereafter he should come to the Crown. Nor did this Unction make Alfred ante-date his kingdom, who quietly waited till his foresaid Brothers successvely reigned, and died before him, and then took his Turn in the Kingdom of the West-Saxons. The worst was, his Condition was like a Bride-groom, who, though lawfully wedded, yet might not bed his Bride, till first he had conquered his Rival; and must redeem England, before he could reign over it. The Danes had London, many of the in-land, moe-of the maritime Towns, and Alfred only three effectual Shires, Somerset, Dorset and Wilts; yet by God's Blessing on his Valour, he got to be Monarch of all England. Yea, consider him as a King in his Court, as a General in his Camp, as a Christian in his Closer, as a Patron in the Church, as a Founder in his College, as a Father in his Family; his Actions will every way appear no less excellent in themselves, then exemplary to others.
26. His most daring Design was, when lying hid about Athelney in Somerset-shire, and disguised under the habit of a Fidler (being an excellent Musician) he adventured into the Danish Camp. Had not his spirit been undaunted, the sight of his armed Foes had been enough to have put his Instrument out of Tune. Here going unsuspected through their Army, he discovered their Condition, and some of their Intentions. Some would say, that the Danes deserved to be beaten indeed, if they would communicate their Counsels to a Fidler. But let such know, Alfred made this general Discovery of them, that they were remiss in their Discipline, lay idle and careless: and Security disarmes the best-appointed Army. Themistocles said of himself, that he could not fiddle, but he knew how to make a little city great. But our Alfred could fiddle, and make a little City great too; yea, enlarge a petty and contracted Kingdom, into a vast and absolute Monarchy.
27. But, as the Poets feign of Anteus, the Son of the Earth, who fighting with Hercules, and often worsted by him, recovered his Strength again every time he touched the Earth, revived with an addition of new Spirits: so the Danes, which may seem the sons of Neptune, though often beaten by the English in land-Battels, no sooner recovered their Ships at Sea, but presently recruiting themselves, they returned from Denmark, more numerous and formidable then before. But at last (to follow the Poetical Fancy) as Hercules, to prevent Antaeus his farther reviving, hoised him aloft, and held him strangled in his Arms, till he was stark dead, and utterly expired: so, to secure the Danes from returning to the Sea, who out of the Thames had with their Fleet sailed up the River Ley, betwixt Hartfordshire and Essex, Alfred with Pioneers divided the grand Stream of Ley into several Rivulets; so that their Ships lay Water-bound, leaving their Mariners to shift for themselves over land, most of which fell into the hands of their English Enemies: so that this proved a mortal Defeat to the Danish Insolence.
28. Alfred having thus reduced England to some tolerable terms of Quiet, made most of the Danes his Subjects by Conquest, & the rest his Friends by Composition, encountered a fiercer Foe, namely, Ignorance and Barbarism, which had generally invaded the whole Nation. Inso much that the writeth, that South of Thames he found not any that could read English. Indeed in these days all men turned Students; but what did they study? only to live secretly, and safely from the Fury of the Danes. And now, that the next Age might be wiser then this, Alfred intended the founding of an University at Oxford.
29. Indeed, there were anciently standing on the Banks of Isis (which in due time commenceth Thamisis) two Towns; one Crekelade, or Greeklade, in Wiltshire; the other Lechlade, or Latinlade, in Gloucestershire. In the former of these many years since (things time out of mind must not be condemned as time out of truth) the Greek Tongue, as in the later the Latin Tongue, are said to be publicly professed by Philosophers. But where was Hebrew-lade, the Hebrew Tongue being more necessary then both the former, for the understanding of the Old Testament? Alas, in this Age it was banished, not only out of England, but out of Christendom. As in the ordinary method of Nature, the more aged usually die first: so no wonder if Hebrew (generally presumed the oldest Language in the world) expired first in this Age of Ignorance, utterly abolished out of the Western Countries. Yea, it is well the other two learned Tongues were preserved in these places; Grekelade and Lechlade being then Cities of eminent Note, shrunk now to mean Towns, and content with plain English, where Latin and Greek were formerly professed.
30. But now the Muses swam down the Stream of the River Isis, to be twenty miles nearer to the rising Sun, and were by King Alfred removed from Crekelade and Lechlade, to Oxford, where he founded an University. Yet some say, Alfred did find, and not found Letters therein, seeing there was a sprinkling of Students therein before: though Learning was very low, and little therein, till this considerable Accession, when Alfred founded therein three Colleges, one for Grammarians, a second for Philosophers, a third for Divines. Take a List of their primitive Professors.
-
In Divinity
- S t . Grimbal
- S t . Neoth
-
In Grammar
- Asserius, a Monk
-
In Logic
- John of S t . David's
-
In Mathematics
- Johannes
- Monachus.
It is credibly reported, that what is now called University-College, was then one of King Alfred 's Foundations, as the Verses written in their Hall, under his Arms, do attest.
And from this time Learning flourished here in great Plenty and Abundance, though ofttimes abated; the Universities feeling the Impressions of the Common-wealth.
31. At the same time wherein King Alfred built University College in Oxford, he also founded Another House called Kings-great-Hall (intimating a lesser hard by) now included within the compass of Brazen-nose College. And hence it is that at this very day it payeth some chief Rent to University College, as the ancient Owner thereof. Here he placed Johannes Scotus (highly endeared in this Kings Affections) Reader therein. On the clearing of whose Extraction and Opinions a long Story doth depend.
32. This Scotus is called Johannes Scotus Erigena, (with addition sometimes of Sophista:) so that all may amount to a kind of Definition of him as to his Individual Person. Conceive we Scotus for his Genus, which because homonymous in that Age (as signifying both Scotland and Ireland) Erigena is added for his Difference, that is, born (as some will have it) called Erin in their own Country Language. But Dempster, a Scotch Writer, who will leave nothing that can be gotten above ground (yea, will dive and dignity into the water and land of others) to the credit of his Country, claimeth Scotus as born in Scotland, spelling him Airigena, from Air, a small place therein. But besides unanswerable Arguments to the contrary, gena is a termination seldom added to so restrictive a word, but (as Francigena, Angligena ) denoteth generally the Nation, not petty place of a man's Extraction. As for Dempster, his Credit runneth low with me, ever since he made Pope Innocentius the first a Scotch -man, because calling himself Albanus, (and Scotland, forsooth, is Albania) it being notoriously known that the said Innocent was born at Long Alba nigh Rome. Yea Bellarmine himself said, reading the three books of Dempster, wherein he hooketh in so many for his Countrymen, that he thought that if he should add a fourth, he would make JESUS CHRIST himself to be a Scotch -man.
33. All this while Wales stands modestly silent, with intention to put in her Claim the last to Scotus his Nativity, whom many Writers make born at Saint David's. Whilest some will have the Epither of Erigene affixed unto him quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , early-born, because of the timely rising of his Parts (as a Morning-star) in those dark days: which I can better applaud for an ingenious Allusion, then approve for a true and serious Assertion. But be Scotus born where he please, most sure it is, by King Alfred he was made a Professor of Learning in Oxford.
34. I confess Cajus maketh this John Scotus Scholar to Bede (as many good Authors also do) and brought up at Cambridge: to which the Sons of our Aunt are loath to consent, that one who was taught in Cambridge, should teach in Oxford; and their eloquent Orator falls very soul, save that it is some case to be railed on in good Latin) on him for the same. Now because we Cambridge -men are loath to take a Limbe of John Scotus (or any other Learned man) more then what will come of itself, with the Consent of Chronology; and because I find Bale dislikes the same, chiefly on the account of his improbable Vivacity of an hundred and seventy years; I can be content to resign my particular Title unto him, provided it be without Prejudice to others of our University, who hereafter may challenge him with better Arguments.
35. I much wonder that this Scotus should be so degraded in his Old-age from Oxford to Malmesbury; from a Professor in an University, to a Schoolmaster in a Country-town; where pouring Learning into his Ladds (rather in proportion to the Plenty of the Fountain, then to the Receipt of the Vessels) he was severe to such Scholars as were dull in their Apprehensions. This so irritated their Anger against him, that by an universal Conspiracy they dispatched him in the School with their Pen-knives. I find not what Punishment was inflicted upon them: Whipping being too little, if sturdy Youths; and Hanging too much, if but little Boys. Only I observe one Cassianus, a Schoolmaster in Primitive times, sent the same way on the same Occasion; his Death being elegantly described by Prudentius.
36. All the Amends which is made to the Memory of Scotus is, that he was made a Martyr after his Death, and his Anniversary is remembered in the Kalendar on the fourth of the Ides of November, in the Roman Martyrologie, set forth at Antwerp 1586. by the command of Gregory the thirteenth. But since Baronius hath unmartyred him; and that on good reason, faith Henry Fitz-Simon, attesting that an Apology is provided, confirmed with approbation of many Popes, Cardinals, and many learned Doctors, justifying Baronius therein, which we, as yet, have not beheld. Indeed Scotus detested some Superstitions of the times, especially about the Presence in the Lord's Supper; and I have read that his Book de Eucharistia was condemned in the Vercellian Synod, for some Passages therein, by Pope Leo. This makes it suspicious, that some Hands of more age and Heads of more Malice, then School-boys, might guide the Penknives which murdered Scotus, because of his known Opposition against some Practises and Opinions of that ignorant Age.
37. It is much that this Scotus, though carrying in his Name a Comment on himself, that all should not suffice so distinctly to expound him to some Apprehensions, but that still they confound him with others of his Name; sometimes with Johannes Scotus Mailrossius, sometimes with John Dunce Scotus; though indeed there be Difference enough of Time, Place, and other distinguishing Characters, betwixt them. Our present Scotus being most probably an Irishman, a great Linguist in the learned Tongues, a vast Traveler into the Eastern parts, a Monk by profession, killed and buried at Malmesbury. The other Scotus born in Northumberland, skilled only (and that but meanly) in Latin, never travelling farther then France, and the hither part of Germany, a Franciscan by his Order, dying of an Apoplexy, and buried at Colen, of whom (God willing) largely hereafter.
38. To return to King Alfred. As for the Maintenance of the Scholars, it issued forth annually from Alfred 's Exchequer, who made a fourfold division of his Wealth; understand it of the Surplusage thereof, more then what his Court and Camp expended: One part to the Poor, of all kinds, that came and craved of him; a second to the Monasteries of his own Erection; a third to the School, understand Oxford, which he himself had founded; the fourth, and last, to the neighbouring Monasteries round about. However, we may easily believe that after his Death, the Students of Oxford were often at a loss of Livelihood. For, seeing the Coffers of the greatest Kings (especially in the time of War) are subject to a Drought of Coin, there must needs be a Dearth in those Colleges, which are watered thence for their Maintenance. Scholars may in time of Peace, but Soldiers must be paid in time of War. Wherefore, the most certain Subsistence for Scholars (so far forth as inconstant things, as all Sublunary, can be made constant) is, what ariseth from solid Lands, wherewith they are endowed. For, though even such Revenues are subject to Casualties, yet some Water will ever be running, though the Tide thereof may ebb, or flow, according to the fall, or rise of Commodities.
39. But it is hard so to compose two Swarms of Bees in one Hive, but that they will fall out, and fight. The College of Logic, it seems, from the Foundation thereof, studied Divisions, as well as Distinctions; there happening a dangerous Difference betwixt the Aborigines and the Advenae, the old Stock of Students, and the new Store brought in by S t . Grimball: the former, standing on their Seniority, expected more Respect unto themselves, deriving their Privileges from their learned Auncestors, time out of mind; which the Grimballists would not consent unto. Both sides appealed to Alfred, as their Patron. He coming to Oxford, carried himself with much moderation, as accounting that Agreement most durable, into which the parties were persuaded, not commanded. Grimball, expecting King Alfred 's zealous engaging on his side, according to the conceived merits of his Cause, was not a little offended, that the King did not appear more resolute in his behalf. Insomuch that he forsook Oxford, wherein he had formerly built the Church of St . Peter from the very Foundation, with stone most curiously wrought and polished, and translated both himself, and his intended Tomb thence to Winchester.
40. An Antiquary tells us, that the ancient Arms were assigned to Oxford about this time, namely, in a Field Azure, a Bible with seven Seals appendant thereunto, opened (at the beginning of S t . John's Gospel, In the beginning was the word, &c.) betwixt three Crowns Or: which three Crowns (saith he) signify the three Senses of the Scripture: in the which, I confess, I do not understand him. For, either we must admit but one Sense of the Scripture, as principally intended therein (which is the general Opinion of the Protestants:) or, if with the Papists, we will allow moe Senses then one, we must conclude four, namely, the literal, allegorical, moral, and anagogicall. What if the three Crowns import the three Professions which Alfred here sounded, and all necessary to the understanding of the Book betwixt them? Grammar, to understand the Letter; Philosophy, the Reason; and Divinity, the Mystery of the Scripture.
41. One of the first Scholars of Note, whom I find bred in Oxford, was one Du • wolphus, once a Swineheard in Athelney, when Alfred lurked therein, being the Kings Host, who entertained him, or rather his Master, whom the King served. Alfred perceiving in him pregnancy of Parts (though stifled with the Narrownesse, and crippled with the Lownesse of his Vocation) sent him to Oxford; where he became, after some years study, Doctor in Divinity, and was by the King, in Gratitude, preferred to be Bishop of Winchester. But the Monks of Winchester are so proud and sullen, they disdain to accept this man for their Bishop, affirming, that their See stood void at this time; more willing to confess a Vacancy, then admit a Swineheard into their Episcopal Chair. Whereas surely Alfred, so great a Scholar, and good a man, would not have advanced him per saltum, from a Swineheard to a Bishop, had he not been qualified by intermediate Degrees of Education. For mine own part, I see no reason why Winchester should be ashamed of him; and for ought I know, Dunwolph might be as good a Bishop as Dunstan, of whom the Monks of Winchester so boast, both without cause, and measure.
42. Councils (except Councils of War) were very rare in this Age. The first I find a solemn one, celebrated by King Alfred; the place not expressed, but the Canons therein fairly transmitted to Posterity. The Preface of these Canons is very remarkable, consisting of three parts.
1. The ten Commandments translated into Saxon, as being the Basis and Foundation of all Human Laws.
2. Several pieces of Chapters in Exodus, being the Breviate of the Judicial Law of the Jews; which though in the Latitude thereof calculated only for the Jewish Common-wealth, yet the Moral Equity therein obligeth all Christians.
3. The fifteenth Chapter of the Acts, containing the Council of Jerusalem, as being a Divine Precedent, or Warrant for Christians to convene together, and conclude Orders for regulating men's Conversations.
It is remarkable, that in the aforesaid ten Commandments, as • xemplified in this Council of Alfred, the second Commandment is wholly • xpunged; Image-worship beginning then to grow common in the world, and the Clergy, who gained thereby (hating the second Commandment, on the same account as Ahab did Mic • iah, because it ever prophesied evil unto them • dashed it out of the Decalogue. The worst is, when this was wanting, the Decalogue was but an Ennealogue; and therefore to preserve the number of ten, the Papists generally cleave the last Commandment into two: but in Alfred 's Preface, this is made the tenth and last Commandment, Thou shalt not worship God's of Gold and Silver. Which, as it comes in out of it's proper place, (and why should not God's Order be observed, as well as his Number, in the Commandments?) so is it defectively rendered, nothing so full against graven-Images, as God propounded it. The Canons made in this Council fall under a three-fold Consideration. Some relate only to the Common-wealth, and by us may properly be forborne. Others concern only Monks and Friers, (a sixth Finger, and no necessary Member of the Church:) and, as Actio moritur cum persona; so with the Extirpation of those Convents, those Canons may seem to expire.
43. Plegmund an Eremite in the Isle of Chester (now called Plegmundsham) Tutor to King Alfred, was by him preferred to be Arch-bishop of Canterbury, then a miserable place, as hardly recovered from the late Sacking of the Danes. By the Kings command, he called the Clergy of England together, and made a Collection of Alms, to be sent to Rome and Jerusalem: and Athelm, Arch-bishop of York, was employed in the Journey, going personally to the aforesaid Places, to see the Contribution there faithfully delivered, and equally distributed.
44. About the end of this Century died worthy King Alfred, remarkable to Posterity on many Accounts, whereof this not the least, That he turned David's Psalms into English; so that a Royal Text met with a Royal Translatour. He left his Crown to Edward his Son (commonly called the Elder) far inferior to his Father in Skill in, but not so much in his Love to good Literature. Indeed he had an excellent Tutor, Asserius Menevensis, Arch-bishop of S t . David's, (the faithful Writer of his Fathers Actions) supposed by some Bishop of Sherburn, which is denied by others, (though one of the same name was some years before) as inconsistent with Chronology.
45. As for principal Clergy-men extant at this time, we take special notice of two: the one, Berthulf, Bishop of Winchester, made one of the Guardians of the Realm against the Incursion of the Danes; the other, Halard, Bishop of Dorchester, advanced also into the same Employment. But alas, what weak Guardians were these to defend the Land, which could not secure their own Sees! And in what Capacity (save in Prayers and Tears ) were they Able to make any Resistance? for now the Danes not only affailed the Skirts and Out-sides of the Land, but also made Inrodes many miles into the Continent thereof. Insomuch that Winchester lay void six, and Sherburn seven years; such the Pagan Fury, that none durst offer to undertake those Places.
46. True it is, the English oftentimes in Battle got the Advantage of them; when the Pagan Danes being conquered had but one way to shift for themselves, namely, to counterfeit themselves Christians, and embrace Baptism: but no sooner had they got Power again into their hands, but that they turning Apostates were ten times more cruel then ever before. Thus successively was the Land affected with Sickness, Recovery, and Relapses; the people's Condition being so much the more disconsolate, because promising a Continuance of Happiness to themselves upon their Victories, they were on their Overthrows remanded to the same, if not a worse Condition.
47. It is strange to observe the Alternations of Success between the English and Danes, how exactly they took their Turns; God using them to hold up one another, whilst he justly beat both. Mean time commendable the Temper of late King Alfred, and present King Edward; it being true of each of them,
But these things we leave to the Historians of the State to prosecute, and confine ourselves only to matters of Ecclesiastical cognizance.
THE TENTH CENTURY.
Iacobo Langham, Armigero, amplissimi Senatoris Londinensis Primogenito.
DEcimam hanc Centuriam tibi dedicandam curavi, quod Numerus Denarius semper aliquid augustum sonet. Sic in Papicolarum Globulis, quibus preculas suas numerant, decimus (ut Decurio) aliis magnitudine praestat.
At dices; Centuria haec inter Ecclesiasticos audit infelix, cùm suâ tantùm Obscuritate sit illustris. Quid Tibi igitur, Felicissimo Viro, cui laetum Ingenium, lauta Haereditas, cum infelici Seculo?
Verbo expediam. Volui Nomen Tuum Historiae meae hic praetendi, ut instar Phosphori, Lectores in hac tenebrosa Aetate oberrantes, splendoris sui Radiis dirigat.
Percurras, quaeso, insequentes paginas; nihil Scientiae, aliquid Voluptatis tibi allaturas, Quo cum nemo sit in ipsis Elegantiarum apicibus Latinior, probe scio, Te perquam suaviter risurum, cum Diploma Edvardinum, nimia Barbarie scatens, perlegeris.
1. AT this time there was a great Dearth of Bishops in the Land, which lasted for seven years (as long as the Famine in Egypt ) during which time, there was no Bishop in all the West parts of England. Pope Formosus was foully offended hereat, and thereupon, cum magna Iracundia & Devotione, with much Passion and Piety, by his Curse and Excommunication, interdicted King, Kingdom, and all the Subjects therein. We cannot but gaze at the Novelty of this act, (as we conceive, a leading Case in this kind) whilst the skillful in the Canon Law can give an account of the Equity of the Popes Proceedings, why all should suffer for some, the guiltless with the guilty, and have the Word and Sacraments taken from them, for the want of Bishops in other places! Otherwise, the Punishment seemeth unjust in the rigid justice thereof, and (if not heavier) larger then the Offence, and beareth no Proportion with common Equity, Christian Charity, and God's Proceedings, who saith, the soul that sinneth, shall die.
2. Not withstanding, this excommunicating of K. Edward bythe Pope is highly urged by Parsons, to prove the Popes Power in England over Princes, according to his constant Solo • cisme clean through the tenure of his Book, to reason à Facto ad Ius, arguing from the Popes barely doing it, that he may justly do it. We deny not but that in this Age, active and ambitious Popes mightily improved their Power upon five sorts of Princes. First, on such as were lazy, and voluptuous; who, on condition they might enjoy their Sports and Delights for the present, cared not for their Posterity. Secondly, on such as were openly vicious, and so obnoxious to Censure; who would part with anything, out of the apprehension of their Guiltinesse. Thirdly, on such as were tender, and easy-natured; who gave, not so much out of Bounty to give, as out of Bashfulness to deny the Popes Importunity. Fourthly, on those of a timorous spirit; who were affrighted with their own Fancies of the Popes Terriblenesse, and being captivated unto him by their own Fear, they ransomed themselves at what Price he pleased. Lastly, on pious Princes; whose blind Zeal, and misled Devotion, thought nothing too precious for him: in which from we rank this Edward the Elder, then King of England. And it is worth our observing, that in point of Power and Profit, what the Popes once get, they ever hold, being as good at keeping, as catching; so that what one got by Encroching, his Successor prescribed that Encrochment for a Title, which whether it will hold good in matter of Right, it is not for an Historian to dispute.
3. But to return to our Story. We are glad to see Malmesbury so merry, who calleth this Passage of the Popes interdicting England, Iocundum memor atu, pleasant to be reported, because it ended so well. For Pleigmund Arch-bishop of Canterbury posted to Rome, bringing with him honorifica munera, (such Ushers will make one way through the thickest Croud to the Popes Presence) informing his Holiness that Edward, King of England, in a late-summoned Synod, had founded some new, and supplied all old vacant Bishoprics. Pacified herewith the Pope turned his Curse into a Blessing, and ratified their Elections. The worst is, a learned Pen tells me, that in this Story there is an inextricable Error in point of Chronology, which will not suffer Pope Formosus and this King Edward the Elder to meet together. And Baronius makes the Mistake worse, by endeavoring to mend it. I have so much Warinesse, as not to enter into that Labyrinth, out of which I cannot return; but leave the Doubt to the Popes Datarie to clear, proper to him, as versed in such matters. The same Pen informs me, that the sole way to reconcile the Difference is, to read Pope Leo the fifth instead of Pope Formosus: which for Quietnesse I am content to do, the rather, because such a Roaring Curse best beseems the mouth of a Lion.
4. Hear now the names of the seven Bishops which Pleigmund consecrated in one day: a great days-work, and a good one, if all were fit for the Function. Fridstan Bishop of Winchester, (a Learned and Holy man) Werstan of Shireburn, Kenulfe of Dorchester, Beornege of Selsey, Athelme of Wells, Eadulfe of Crediton in Devon, and Athelstan in Cornwall of S t . Petrocks. These three last Western Bishoprics, were in this Council newly erected. But S t . Petrocks had never long any settled Seat, being much in motion, translated from Bodman in Cornwall (upon the wasting of it by the Danes) to S t . Germans in the same County, and afterward united to Crediton in Devonshire. This Bishopric was founded principally for the reduction of the rebellious Cornish to the Romish Rites; who as they used the Language, so they imitated the Lives and Doctrine of the ancient Britons, neither hitherto, nor long after submitting themselves to the See Apostolic.
5. A Synod was called at Intingford; where Edward the Elder, and Guthurn King of the Danes, in that part of England which formerly belonged to the East-Angles, only confirmed the same ecclesiastical Constitutions, which Alfred, Edwards Father, with the said Guthurn, had made before. Here the curious Palats of our Age will complain of Crambe, that two Kings, with their Clergy, should meet together only actum agere, to do what was done to their hands. But whilst some count all Councils idle, which do not add or alter; others will commend their Discretion, who can discern what is well ordered already, approve their Policy, in enjoining such things unto others, and principally praise their Piety, for practicing them in themselves. And whosoever looks abroad into the world, with a judicious Eye, will soon see, that there is not so much need of New Laws, (the Multitude whereof rather cumbers men's Memories, then quickens their Practice) as an absolute necessity to enforce Old Laws, with a new and vigorous Execution of them.
6. And now King Edward, remembering the pious Example of his Father Alfred in founding of Oxford, began to repair and restore the University of Cambridge. For the Danes (who made all the Sea-coasts of England their Haunt, and kept the Kingdom of the East-Angles for their Home) had banished all Learning from that place; Apollo 's Harp being silenced by Mars his Drum: till this Kings Bounty brought Learning back again thither, as by his following Charter may appear.
In nomine D. Jesus Christi. Ego Edwardus, Dei gratia, Rex Anglorum, divino compulsus amore, praecepto Joannis, Apostolicae Sedis Episcopy, ac Pleigmundi Cantuar. Archiepisc. consilio, omnium Sacerdotum & Principum meae Dominationis, universa & singula Privilegia, Doctoribus & Scholaribus Cantabrigiae, nec non servientibus eorundem, (uti ab olim viguit indesinenter Mater Philosophiae, & reperitur in praesenti Fons Clerimoniae,) à me data, seu ab Antecessoribus meis quomodo libet concessa, stabili jure grata & rata decerno durare, quamdiu vertigo Poli circa Terras at{que} Aequora Aethera Syderum justo moderamine volvet. Datum in Grantecestria, anno ab Incarnatione D. 915. venerabili Fratri Frithstano, Civitatis Scholarium Cantabrig. Cancellario, & Doctori per suum, &c.
The Credit of this Charter is questioned by some, because of the barbarous Style thereof: as if an University were disgraced with honorable Privileges granted unto it in base Latin. But know, that Age was so poor in Learning, it could not go to the Cost of good Language. Who can look to find a fair Face in the hotest parts of Ethiopia? Those Times were ignorant: and as it is observed of the Country-people born at the Village of Carlton in Leicestershire, that they have all (proceeding from some secret cause in their Soil or Water) a strange uncouth Wharling in their Speech; so it was proper to the persons writing in this Age, to have a harsh, unpleasant, grating Style, (and so much the sowrer to Criticall Ears, the more it is sweetened with an affected Rhythm,) though a Blemish, yet a Badge of their genuine Deeds, which were passed in those times.
7. Hear also what John Rouse, an excellent Antiquary, furnished by King Edward the fourth with Privacy and Pension, to collect the Monuments of this Land, allegeth to this purpose. Who being bred in Oxford, and having written a Book in confutation of those which deduce the Foundation of this University from Cantaber, may be presumed will allow Cambridge no more then what in right is due unto her. He speaking of King Edward the Elder, out of an ancient Table and Chronicle of Hyde Abbey by Winchester, which himself by the favor of the Abbot perused, reporteth of the Restauration of decayed Cambridge at this time, in manner as followeth.
John. Rossus in lib. de Regibus.
Propterea ad Clerimoniam augmentandam, sicut Pater suus Oxoniam, sic ipse ab antiquo cum caeteris Studiis generalibus suspensam, desolatam, & destructam Cantabrigiam, iterum ad primam Gloriam erexit: nec non ibi Aulas Studientium, & Doctorum Magistrorumque Cathedras & Sedilia, ut dilectissimus Cleri nutritor, amator, & defensor, suis sumtibus erigi & fabricari praecepit. Ab Oxonia namque Vniversitate, quā Pater suus nobilis Rex erexerat, Magistros Artiū quas liberales vocamus, pariter in sacra Theologia Doctors, advocavit, ibi{que} ad leg endū formaliter, & docendū invitavit.
Therefore for the augmentation of Clerk like Learning, as his Father had done to Oxford, so he again raised up Cambridge to her first Glory, which for a long time, with other general Schools, had been suspended, desolate, and destroyed: as also, like a most loving Nourisher of the Clergy, he commanded that Halls for Students, Chairs and Seats of Doctors and Masters, should there be erected, & built on his own proper Charges: for he called from Oxford University, which his noble Father the King had erected, Masters of those Arts which we call liberal, together with Doctors in holy Divinity, and invited them there formally to read and teach.
8. Have we here Cambridge presented in a three-fold Condition. First, what she had been long before King Edward 's time; fairly flourishing with Learning. Secondly, in what case he found her; desolate, and decayed. Then then Cup of Cambridge was at the bottom, her Breasts dry, and her Sun in an Eclipse. She was, saith Ross, suspended, not by the power of any Popes Keys (as the word may import,) but by the force of Pagan Swords, who here interrupted the exercise of Acts and public Lectures; as in Spain, Germany, and other Forrein Parts, places appointed for Learning had shared in the like Calamity. Thirdly, in what condition Edward left her; under whom, as under the Father of the Act, Cambridge itself did then Commence and take a new Degree. Happy this Edward, who like a wealthy Landlord had two Nurseries of choice Fruit; so that if the one, by any sad accident, chanced to fail, he could supply it from the other, without being beholding to his Neighbors. This was the Love betwixt the two Sisters; what either had, neither could want, and Oxford, which lent now, borrowed another time, as in due place shall appear. If the same Author elsewhere calleth this king Edward Founder of Cambridge, it is by an easy and obvious Error, because a total Repairer doth amount to a partial Founder. Nor doth Cambridge regret thereat; seeing Gratefull Expressions, which had rather transgress in the Excess, then the Defect, may in Courtesy call their Mender, their Maker.
9. Athelstan his Son succeeded King Edward, being much devoted to S t . John of Beverley; on whose Church he bestowed a Freed-Stool, with large Privileges belonging thereunto. Many Councils were kept in this Kings Reign, at Excester, Feversham, Thunderfield, and London (all of them of uncertain Date.) But one held at Greatlea is of greatest account for the Laws therein enacted; the principal here ensuing.
1. That the kings Officers should truly pay Tithes, out of his Demesnes, as well of his quick Cattle, as dead Commodities.
2. That Cyricsceat (that is, First-fruits of Seeds) be duly paid to God in his Church.
3. That the Kings Officers maintain one Poor-body in the Kings Villages; and in case none be found therein, fetch him from other places.
[Christ saith, The poor you have always with you. The Church in general is well stocked with them, though some particular Parish may want such as are in Want. If any would know the Bill of Fare allowed these poor people; It was monthly a Measure of Meale, una Perna, a Gammon of Bacon, A Ramm worth a Groat, four Cheeses, & 30. Pence on Easter -Wednesday to buy them Cloaths.]
4. That Monyers willfully corrupting the Coyn, and found guilty, have their Hands cut off, and nailed to the Mint-house.
[Every Burrough was allowed one Mint therein: but besides these,
- Hastings one
- Cirencester one
- Shaftsbury two
- Wareham two
- Exeter Two
- Hampton two
- Louis two
- Rochester three
- Winchester six
- Canterbury seven
- (viz) For the King four
- For the Arch-bishop two
- For the Abbot one
- London eight
Most of these places were anciently in the West-Saxon Kingdom: to whom the English Monarchs were most favorable, in doubling their Privilege of Coynage, but single in other places of greater Capacity.]
5. That such who were tried by Ordall, should ceremoniously be prepared thereunto with the solemn manner of managing that Trial.
6. That no Buying or Selling be on the Lord's-Day.
[This took not full effect for many years after; for Henry the first granted to Battle Abbey a Market to be kept on that Day, lately (at the motion of Anthony Marquess Montacute) by Act of Parliam▪ removed to another Day.]
7. That one convicted of Perjurie, shall be trusted no more on his Oath, nor be buried in Holy earth, except restored by the Bishop on his Penance.
8. That Witches, confessing themselves to have killed any, be put to death.
[Such as were suspected, and denied the Fact, might be tried by Ordall: which was done either by Fire, whereof hereafter; or by Water. Of the later, Mergator una ulna & dimidia in sune: which I thus understand; Let the Party be tied to a Rope, and drenched an Ell and half above his own Height. And this is the first footstep we find of Swimming of Witches; for which no Law, save Custom, at this day; and that whether just in itself, and satisfactory (as a means proportionable for the discovery of the Truth) is not my work to determine.
Whosoever desires to have more exact Information of this Council, may repair to Sir Henry Spelman, where he may receive plentiful Satisfaction.
10. Only I must not omit one Passage in this Council, acquainting us with the Herauldry of that Age, and the Distances and Degrees of Persons, collected from their Weers or Weer-Glids, that is Taxes, and Valuations; it being truly to be said in that Age,
Every ones Testimony in Law-cases in Courts was credited according to his Wealth.
1. Ceorles (whence our Northern word Carles, and common word Churls) being Country Clowns, whose Weer-gild was 200. shillings, or 10. pounds; the same with Villanes, who held land in Villanage of others. These, if by Blessing on their Industry they rose so high as to have five Hides of Land of their own, with a place in the Kings Court, and some other Privileges, now hardly to be understood, were advanced to be Thanes.
2. The Weer-gild, or Value of a Thane, was six times as much as a Churl, or a Villane, namely twelve times a hundred shillings, therefore termed a twelve-hind-man: whose Oath in Law was equivalent to six Oaths of Churls, or Villanes; as a Shilling passing in Payment countervaileth six two-pences. Note, that if a Masseer, or Merchant, pass the great Sea thrice (understand the Mediterranian, not the Narrow Seas betwixt us and France) and not in the Notion of a Servant, but on his own account; he then was dignified with the reputation of a Thane. These Thanes were of two sorts: Meset Thanes, Priests qualified to say Mass; and Worrould-Thanes, that is, secular, or temporal Thanes.
3. Of the first, if a Scholar made such proficiency in his Studies, that he took holy Orders, he was reverently respected, and (though not valued as a Worrould-Thane in Rates and Taxes) Amends were to be made for any Wrongs done unto him, equal to a Thane; and in case he should be killed, the Penalty thereof was the higher, the more Orders the person had taken. Observe by the way (so far as we can understand the Saxon Laws) that Man-slaughter was not then punished with Death, but might be redeemed by the proportionable Payment of a Sum of Money, according to the Quality of the Person slain; part thereof payable to the King, part to his Kindred, part to the Country thereabouts.
But the further prosecution hereof, (where the Footsteps are almost out-worn with Time) we leave to more expert Antiquaries; who will tell you, that Alderman in that Age was equal to our modern Earl, who with Bishops were of the same Valuation: also that Comes in that Age, sounded as much as Duke in ours, Arch-bishops going along with them in all considerable Equipage.
11. Now began S t . Dunstan to appear in Court, born at Glassenbury, of Noble Parentage (as almost what Saint in this Age was not honourably extracted? ) Nephew both to Elphegus Bishop of Winchester, and Athelm Arch-bishop of Canterbury, yea Kinsman remote to King Athelstane himself: and being thus highly related, he could not miss of Preferment. His Eminencies were Painting and Graving (two Qualities disposing him to be very useful for Saint-worshipping, either for Pictures or Images) an excellent Musician (Preaching in those days could not be heard for Singing in Churches) & an admirable Worker in Brass and Iron. These Accomplishments commended him at Court to be acceptable to Company; and for some time he continued with the King in great Reputation.
12. But it is given to that Bowle which lies next to the Mark, to have most take aim to remove it. Eminency occasions Envy, which made Dunstan 's Enemies endeavor to depress him. He is accused to the King for a Magician, and upon that account banished the Court. It was brought as Evidence against him, that he made his Harp not only to have Motion, but make music of it self; which no White Art could perform.
For our part, let Dunstan 's Harp hang there still, on a double Suspicion twisted together; first, whether this Story thereof were true or false: secondly, if true, whether done by Magic or Miracle. Sure I am, as good a Harper, and a better Saint then Dunstan was, hath no such Miracle reported of him, even David himself: who with his Harp praised God, pleased men, frighted Devils; yet took pains with his own right Hand to play, not lazily commanding Music by Miracle to be made on his Instrument.
13. Banish'd from Court, Dunstan returns to Glassenbury, and there falls a puffing and blowing in his Forge. Here he made himself a Cell (or rather a Little-ease) being but four foot long, two and a half broad (enough to cripple his Joynts with the Cramp, who could not lie along therein) whilst the height thereof was according to the stature of a man. Wisely and virtuously he would not confine himself upwards, that the Scantness of the earthly Dimensions in his Cell (Breadth and Length) might be enlarged in the Height thereof, and liberty left for the ascending of his Meditations. But it matters not how little the Prison be, if a man, with Dunstan, be his own Gaoler, to go in and out at pleasure. Leave we him at the Furnace in Smithery-work (excelling Alexander the Copper-smith therein) whilst we find such Monks as wrote his Life, at another Forge, whence they coined many impudent Miracles, pretended done by Dunstan, and this among the rest.
14. Dunstan was in his Vocation making some iron Trinkets, when a Proteus -Devil appeared unto him, changing into Shapes, but fixing himself at last into the form of a Fair Woman. Strange, that Satan (so subtle in making his Temptations most taking) should prefer this form; belike shrewdly guessing at Dunstan 's Temper, that a Fair Woman might work upon him, and Vulcan might love a Venus. Dunstan •• reeiving it, plucked his Tongs glowing hot out of the Fire, and with them kept him (or her shall I say?) there along time by the Nose roaring and bellowing; till at last he brake loose, by what accident it is not told unto us.
15. I have better employment then to spend precious time in confuting such Follies; but give me leave to admire at these new Arms against Satan. Take the shield of Faith (faith the Apostle) wherewith ye may quench all the fiery Darts of the Wicked. Dunstan found a new way by himself, with fiery Tongs to do the deed. But let us a little examine this Miracle. The Devil himself we know is a Spirit, and so impatible of material Fire. Now if it were a real Body he assumed, the Snake could slip off his Skin at pleasure, and not be tied to it, much less tormented with it. Besides, did Dunstan willingly or unwillingly let the Devil go? If willingly; Mercy to so malicious an Enemy (incapable of being amended) was Cruelty to himself: if unwillingly; was it Dunstan 's Fire or his Faith that failed him, that he could hold out against him no longer? But away with all Suspicions and Queries: none need to doubt of the truth thereof, finding it in a Sign painted in Fleet-street near Temple-bar.
16. During Dunstan 's abode in his Cell, he had to his great Comfort and Contentment the company of a good Lady, Aelfgine by name, living fast by. No Preacher but Dunstan would please her, being so ravished with his Society, that she would needs build a little Cell for herself hard by him. In process of time this Lady died, and by her last Will left Christ to be the Heir, and Dunstan the Executor of her Estate. Enabled with the accession thereof, joined to his paternal Possessions, which were very great, and now fallen into his hands, Dunstan erected the Abbey of Glassenbury, and became himself first Abbot thereof; a Title till his time unknown in England: he built also and endowed many other Monasteries, filling them with Benedictine Monks, who began now to swarm in England, more then Magots in a hot May, so incredible was their Increase.
17. After the death of King Athelstane, Dunstan was recalled to Court in the reign of King Edmund, Athelstan 's Brother, and flourished for a time in great Favor. But who would build on the brittle Bottom of Princes Love? Soon after he falls into the Kings Disfavour; the old Crime, of being a Magician (and a Wanton with Women to boot) being laid to his charge. Surely Dunstan by looking on his own Furnace, might learn thence, there was no Smoak but some Fire: either he was dishonest, or undiscreet, which gave the Ground-work to their general Suspicion. Hereupon he is re-banished the Court, and returned to his desired Cell at Glassenbury; but within three days was solemnly brought back again to Court, if the ensuing Story may be believed.
18. King Edmund was in an eager pursuit of a Buck, on the top of a steep Rock, whence no Descent but Destruction. Down falls the Deer, and Dogs after him, and are dashed to pieces. The King follows in full speed on an unruly Horse, whom he could not rein, & is on the Brink of the Brink of the Precipice: yet his Prayers prove swifter then his Horse, he but ran, whilst they did fly to Heaven. He is sensible of his Sin in banishing Dunstan, confesseth it with Sorrow, vows Amendment, promiseth to restore & prefer him. Instantly the Horse stops in his full Career, and his Rider is wonderfully preserved.
19. Thus far a strong Faith may believe of the Story: but it must be a wild one which gives credit to the remainder. Cervus & Canes reviviscunt, saith the impudent Monk, The Deer & Dogs revive again. I remember not in Scripture that God ever revived a brute Beast; partly, because such mean subjects are beneath the Majesty, of a Miracle; and partly, because (as the Apostle faith) brute Beasts are made to be taken & destroyed. Well then might the Monk have knocked off when he had done well, in saving the Man and Horse, and might have left the Dogs & Deer to have remained dead on the place; the Deer especially, were it but to make Venison Pasties, to feast the Courtiers at the solemnizing of their Lord and Masters so miraculous Deliverance.
20. Dunstan returning to Court was in higher Favor then ever before. Nor was his Interest any whit abated by the untimely Death of King Edmund (slain by one Leoff a Thief) seeing his Brother Edred, succeeding to the Crown, continued and increased his Kindness to him. Under him Dunstan was the Do-all at Court, being the Kings Treasurer, Chancellor, Counselor, all things. Bishoprics were bountifully proffered him, pick and choose where he please; but none were honored with his Acceptance. Whether because he accounted himself too high for the place, and would not stoop to the Employment; or because he esteemed the place too high for him, unable conscientiously to discharge it in the midst of so many Avocations. Mean time Monasteries were everywhere erected (King Edred devoutly resigning all his Treasure to Dunstan 's Disposall) Secular Priests being thrust out of their Convents, and Monks substituted in their rooms.
21. But after Edred 's Death, the Case was altered with Dunstan falling into Disgrace with King Edwin his Successor. This King on his Coronation-day was said to be incestuously embracing both Mother & Daughter, when Dunstan boldly coming into his Bed-chamber, after bitter Reproofs, stoutly fetched him thence, and brought him forth into the company of his Noblemen. An heroic act, if true, done with a John the Baptist spirit: and no wonder if Herod and Herodias, I mean this incestuous King and his Concubines, were highly offended with Dunstan for the same.
22. But good men, and grave Authors give no belief herein, conceiving King Edwin (how bad soever charactered by the Monks his malicious Enemies) to have been a worthy Prince. In witness whereof they produce the words of Henry Huntingdon, a learned man, but no Monk, thus describing him;
Edwin non illaudabiliter regni insulam tenuit.
Et rursus:
Ed win rex, anno regni sui quito, cum in principio regnum ejus decentissime flor eret, prospera & laetabunda exordia mors immatura perrupit.
Edwin was not undeserving of praise in managing the Sceptre of this Land.
And again:
King Edwin in the fifth year of his Reign, when his Kingdom began at first most decently to flourish, had his prosperous and pleasant Beginnings broken off with untimely Death.
This Testimony considered, makes many men think better of King Edwin, and worse of Dunstan, as guilty of some uncivil Intrusion into the Kings Chamber, for which he justly incurred his royal Displeasure.
23. Hereupon Dunstan is banished by King Edwin, not as before from England to England, from the Court to his Cell at Glassenbury; but is utterly expelled the Kingdom, and flieth into Flanders. Where his Friends say that his Fame prepared his Welcome, & the Governor of Gaunt most solemnly entertained him. Mean time, all the Monks in England of Dunstan 's Plantation were rooted up, and Secular Priests set in their places. But soon after happened many Commotions in England, especially in Mercia and Northumberland. The Monks which write the Story of these Rebellions, conceive it unfit to impart to Posterity the Cause thereof; which makes wise men to suspect, that Dunstan (who could blow Coals elsewhere as well as in his Furnace) though at distance, virtually (or rather viciously present,) had a Finger, yea, a Hand therein. Heart-broken with these Rebellions, King Edwin died in the Flower of his Age.
24. Edgar succeeds him, and recalls Dunstan home, receiving him with all possible Affection. Yea now Dunstan 's Stomack was come down, and he could digest a Bishopric, which his Abstemiousness formerly refused. And one Bishopric drew down another, Worcester and London, not successively, but both a-breast went down his Conscience. Yea, never Age afforded more Pluralist Bishops. In this Kings reign Letine held Lincoln and Leicester; oswald (a great Monk-monger, of whom hereafter) held York and Worcester; & Aldulph, his Successor in both Churches, did the like, pardoned, yea praised for the same: though Woolstan (because no favourer of Monks) is reproved for the like Plurality. Thus two men though doing the same thing, do not the same thing. Bigamy of Bishoprics goes by Favor; and it is condemnable in one, what is commendable in another. Odo Severus, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, being ceremoniously to consecrate Dunstan Bishop of Worcester, used all the Formalities fashionable at the Consecration of an Arch-bishop: And being reproved for the same, he answered for himself, That he foresaw that Dunstan, instantly after his death, would be Arch-bishop of Canterbury. And therefore (a compendious way to spare Paines) he only by a provident Prolepsis ante-dated his Consecration. Surely, whosoever had seen the decrepit age of Odo, the affection of King Edgar to Dunstan, the affection of Dunstan to Dignity, needed no extraordinary prophetical Spirit to presage that (on the supposition of Dunstan 's surviving him) he should succeed him in the Arch-bishopric of Canterbury.
25. Yea King Edgar was so wholly Dunstanized, that he gave over his Soul, Body, and Estate to be ordered by him and two more (then the Triumvirate who ruled England) namely Ethelwald Bishop of Winchester, and Oswald Bishop of Worcester. This Oswald was the man who procured by the Kings Authority the Ejection of all Secular Priests out of Worcester, and the placing of Monks in their Room: which Act was called Oswald 's Law in that Age. They might, if it pleased them, have styled it Edgar 's Law; the Legislative Power being then more in the King, then in the Bishop. This Oswald 's Law afterwards enlarged itself over all England, Secular Priests being thrown out, and Monks everywhere fixed in their rooms; till King Henry the eighth his Law outed Oswald 's Law, and ejected those Drones out of their Habitations.
26. King Edgar violated the Chastity of a Nun at Wilton. Dunstan getting notice thereof, refused at the Kings Request to give him his Hand, because he had defiled a Daughter of God, as he termed her. Edgar hereby made sensible of his Sin, with Sorrow confessed it; and Dunstan (now Arch-bishop of Canterbury) enjoined him seven years Penance for the same. Monks endeavor to inforcea mock-Parallel betwixt David and Edgar, Nathan and Dunstan, herein. Sure I am, on David 's profession of his Repentance, Nathan presently pronounced Pardon; the Lord also hath put away thy Sin, thou shalt not die; consigning him to be punished by God the Principal (using an Undutifull Son, Treacherous Servants, and Rebellious Subjects to be the Instruments thereof;) but imposing no voluntary Penance, that David should by Will-worship undertake on himself. All that I will add, is this; If Dunstan did septennary Penance, to expiate every mortal Sin (to use their own Termes) he committed, he must have been a Methusalah, extremely aged, before the day of his Death.
27. More commendable was Dunstan 's Carriage towards an English Count, who lived incestuously with his own Kinswoman. Dunstan admonished him once, twice, thrice; nothing prevailed: whereupon he proceeded to Excommunicate him. The Count slighted his Excommunication, conceiving his Head too high for Church-Censures to reach it. King Edgar (falsely informed) desires Dunstan to absolve him, and is denied. Yea the Pope sends to him to the same Purpose, and Dunstan persists in his Refusall. At last the Count, conquered with Dunstan 's Constancy, and the sense of his own Sin, came into a National Council at Canterbury, where Dunstan sat President (active therein to substitute Monks in the places of Secular Priests) on his bare Feet, with a Bundle of Rods, tendering himself to Dunstan 's Chastisement. This wrought on Dunstan 's mild Nature, scarce refraining from Tears; who presently absolved him.
28. Three things herein are remarkable. First, that Bribes in the Court of Rome may purchase a Malefactor to be innocent. Secondly, that the Pope himself is not so infallible, but that his Key may miss the Lock, and he be mistaken in matter of Absolution. Thirdly, that men ought not so with blind Obedience to obey his pretended Holiness, but that if (with Dunstan here) they see just Cause to the contrary, it is no Mortall Sin to disobey his Commands.
29. The Apprenticeship of Edgar 's Penance long since expired, he flourished in all Monarchical Luster: sole Founder of many, Co-founder of more, Benefactor to most Abbeys in England. And as he gave new Cases to most Monasteries (repairing their outward Buildings) so he gave new Linings to all, substituting Monks instead of the Secular Priests, whom he expelled. Many Ecclesiastical Canons were by him ordained, which at large are presented in S t . Henry Spelman, and which I have neither List nor Leisure to recount in this my History. Our Women have a Proverb, It is a sad Burden to carry a dead man's Child: and surely an Historian hath no heart to take much Pains (which herein are Pains indeed) to exemplify dead Canons, (dead and buried long since, as most relating to Monkery) this Age, wherein we live, being little fond of Antiquity, to know those things which were antiquated so many years since.
30. Now though the Devotion of King Edgar may be condemned to be biased to Superstition, yet because the Sincerity of his Heart sought to advance God's Honor, according to the Light in those dark days, he appears one of the most puissant Princes that ever England enjoyed, both in Church and Common-wealth. I have read in a most fair and authentic guilded Manuscript, wherein he styleth himself God's Vicar in England, for the ordering Ecclesiastical matters: a Title which at this day the Pope will hardly vouchsafe to any Christian Princes. His Reign was blest with Peace and Prosperity, both by Land and Sea; insomuch that in a royal Frolick, eight petty Kings rowed him over the river Dee near to Chester; namely five Princes of Wales (whereof Hoel-Dha was the principal) Kened King of Scotland, Malcolm King of Cumberland, and Mac-huse a great Sea-Robber, who may pass for the Prince of Pirates.
31. This Hoel-Dha, contemporary with King Edgar, was he that held a National Council for all Wales (at a place called Ty-guin, or the White-house (because built of white Hurdles, to make it more beautiful) regulated after this manner. Out of every Hundred in Wales he chose six Lay-men, with whom he joined all the eminent Ecclesiastical Persons (accounted an hundred & forty) in his Dominions. Out of those he chose eleven Lay-men and one Clergy-man, (but such a one as who alone by himself might pass virtually for eleven) Blangoridus by name, to enact what Laws they pleased, which after the impression of Royal Assent upon them, should be observed by that Nation. One might suspect this Council, thus over-powered with Laics therein, which pinch on the Priests side; whereas we find the Canons therein wholly made in favor of the Clergy: enacting this among the rest, That the presence of a Priest and a Judge constitute a legal Court, as the two Persons only in the Quorum thereof.
32. But methinks the Laws therein enacted (which a learned Antiquary presents us at large) fall far short of the Gravity of a Council: except any will excuse it from the Age thereof; what we count light and trivial, might be esteemed serious and solid in those days. Besides, the Laws discover in them a conceited affectation of the Number of Three. In three Cases a Wise may legally leave her Husband: first, if he hath a Leprosy; secondly, if he hath a stinking Breath; thirdly, & if he be unable to give her due Benevolence. In three cases it was lawful for a man to kiss his Neighbors Wife: first, at a Banquet; secondly, at the Welch Play called Guare-raffau; and thirdly, when he comes from a far Journey, by way of Salutation. If a Man and his Wife were to part asunder, they were to divide their Goods betwixt them so, that she was to have the Sheep; he the Hogs: she the Milk and milk-Vessels, with all the Dishes save one; he all the Beer and Barrels, with the Axe, Saw, &c.
33. But how silly soever these Canons seem to our modern Critics, they were then conceived of such Weight and Worth, that King Hoel-Dha with his Arch-bishop of S t . David's, the Bishops of Bangor, Landaffe & S t . Asaph, are said to have taken a Journey to Rome, and procured the Popes Confirmation to them. Nor find I ought else of this Synod, save that the Close thereof presents us with a list of seven Episcopal Seats then in Wales: I. S t . David's, 2. Ishmael, 3. Degenian, 4. Vssyll, 5. Teylaw, 6. Teuledauc, 7. Kenew . I am not Welch man enough to point at these places, and to show you where they be at this day, which we leave to some skillful Antiquary of their own Nation. Only we find that whereas the Churches were burdened with some Payments out of them, two of the Bishops Seats (Vssyl and Kenew) were freed from the same. And this satisfactory Reason is rendered of their Exemption, quia terris carent, because they had no Lands belonging unto them.
34. King Edgar was peaceably gathered to his Fathers, leaving his Crown to Edward his Son, and his Son (because under age) to the Tuition of Dunstan. In this Kings Reign three Councils were successively called, to determine the Differences between Monks and Secular Priests. The first was at Winchester; where the Priests being outed of their Convents, earnestly pressed for Restitution, and sought by Arguments to clear their Innocence, and prove their Title to their ancient Possessions. The Council seemed somewhat inclinable to favor unto them; when presently a Voice, as coming from a Crucifix behind Dunstan, is reported to be heard, saying,
Absit hoc ut fiat, absit hoc ut fiat; Iudicastis been, mutaretis non been.
God forbid it should be done, God forbid it should be done; Ye have judged it well, and should change it ill.
Whether these words were spoken in Latin or English, Authors leave us unresolved. Monks equal this (for the truth thereof) to the still small Voice to Elijah, whilst others suspect some Forgery; the rather, because it is reported to come as from a Crucifix: they fear some secret Falsehood in the Fountain, because visible Superstition was the Cistern thereof. However, this Voice proved for the present the Casting Voice to the Secular Priests, who thereby were overborn in their Cause, and so was the Council dissolved.
35. Yet still the Secular Priests did struggle, refusing to be finally concluded with this transient aiery Oracle. To the Law, and to the Testimony: if they speak not according to this word, &c. They had no warrant to rely on such a vocal Decision, from which they appealed to the Scripture itself. A second Council is called at Kirtlington (now Katlage in Cambridge-shire, the Baronry of the right Honorable the Lord North) but nothing to purpose effected therein. Dunstan (say the Monks) still answered his Name, that is, Dun, a rocky Mountain, and Stain, a Stone (but, whether a precious Stone, or a Rock of Offence, let others decide) persisting immovable in his Resolution; nor was anything performed in this Council, but that by the Authority thereof, people were sent on Pilgrimage to S t . Mary at Abbington.
36. The same year a third Council was called, at Caln in Wiltshire. Hither repaired Priests, and Monks, with their full Forces, to try the last Conclusion in the Controversy betwixt them. The former, next the Equity of the Cause, relied most on the Ability of their Champion, one Beornelm, a Scottish Bishop; who with no less Eloquence then Strength, with Scripture and Reason defended their Cause. When behold, on a sudden, the Beams brake in the Room where they were assembled, and most of the Secular Priests were slain, and buried under the Ruines thereof. All were affrighted, many maimed; only the place whereon Dunstan sat, either (as some say) remained firm, or fell in such sort, that the Timber (the Sword to kill others) proved the Shield to preserve him from Danger.
37. Some behold this Story as a notable Untruth: others suspect the Devil therein, not for a Liar, but a Murderer, and this Massacre procured by Compact with him: a third sort conceived that Dunstan, who had so much of a Smith, had here something of a Carpenter in him, and some Devise used by him about pinning and propping of the Room. It renders it the more suspicious, because he dissuaded King Edward from being present there, pretending his want of Age; though he was present in the last Council, and surely he was never the younger for living some Moneths since the same Assembly. If truly performed, Dunstan appears happier herein then Samson himself, who could not so sever his Foes, but both must die together. Sure I am, no ingenuous Papist now-a-days, will make any uncharitable Inference from such an accident: especially since the Fall of Black Friers 1623. enough to make all good men turn the Censuring of others into an humble Silence, and pious Adoring of Divine Providence.
38. But the Monks made great Advantage of this Accident, conceiving that Heaven had confirmed their Cause (as lately by Word at Winchester, so) now by Work in this Council at Caln. Hereupon Secular Priests are everywhere outed, and Monks substituted in their Room. Indeed these later in civil respect, were beheld as more beneficial to their Convents; because Secular Priests did marry, and at their deaths did condere Testamenta, make their Wills, and bequeathed their Goods to their Wives and Children; whilst Monks, having no Issue (which they durst own) made their Monastery Heir of all they had. It was also objected against the Priests, that, by their Loosnesse, and Lazinesse, left at large in their Lives, they had caused the general declination of Piety at this time: whilst it was presumed of the Monks, that, by the strict Rules of Observance, to which they were tied, they would repair the Ruines of Religion in all places.
39. It appears not, what Provision was made for these Priests when ejected; and they seem to have had hard Measure, to be dispossessed of their civil Right. Except any will say, it was no Injury to them, to loose their places so soon, but a great Favor, that they enjoyed them so long, living hitherto on the free Bounty of their Founders, and now at the full Dispose of the Church and State. Little can be said in excuse of the Priests, and less in commendation of the Monks; who though they swept clean at the first, as new Besomes, yet afterwards left more Dust behind them of their own bringing in, then their Predecessors had done. Thus the Hive of the Church was no whit bettered, by putting out Drones, and placing Wasps in their room. Yea, whereas formerly Corruptions came into the Church at the Wicket, now the broad-Gates were opened for their Entrance; Monkery making the way for Ignorance and Superstition, to overspread the whole World.
40. Another Humour of the former Age (to make one Digression for all) still continued, and increased, venting itself in the fair Foundations, and stately Structures of so many Monasteries. So that one beholding their Greatness (being Corrivals with some Towns in receipt, and extent) would admire that they could be so neat; and considering their Neatnesse, must wonder they could be so great; and lastly, accounting their Number, will make all three the object of his Amazement. Especially, seeing many of these were founded in the Saxon Heptarchy, when seven Kings put together did spell but one in effect. So that it may seem a Miracle, what invisible Indies those petty Princes were Masters of, building such Structures which impoverish Posterity to repair them. For although some of these Monasteries were the fruit of many Ages, long in ripening, at several times, by sundry persons, all whose Parcels and Additions met at last in some tolerable Uniformity; yet most of them were begun and finished, absolute, and entire, by one Founder alone. And although we allow, that in those days Artificers were procured, and Materials purchased at easy Rates; yet there being then scarceness of Coin (as a little Money would then buy much Ware; so much Ware must first in exchange be given to provide that little Money) all things being audited proportionably, the Wonder still remains as great as before. But here we see with what eagerness those Designes are undertaken and pursued, which proceed from blind Zeal: every Finger being more then an Hand to build, when they thought Merit was annexed to their Performances. Oh, with what might and main did they mount their Walls, both day and night; erroneously conceiving, that their Souls were advantaged to Heaven, when taking the Rise from the top of a Steeple of their own erection.
41. But it will not be amiss, to mind our forgetful Age, that, seeing Devotion (now better informed) long sithence hath desisted to express itself in such pompous Buildings, she must find some other means, and manner, to evidence and declare her Sincerity. Except any will say, that there is less Heat required, where more Light is granted; and that our Practice of Piety should be diminished, because our Knowledge thereof is increased. God, no doubt, doth justly expect that Religion should testify her Thankfulness to him, by some eminent way, and Works: and where the Fountain of Piety is full, it will find itself a Vent to flow in, though not through the former Chanels of Superstition.
42. King Edward went to give his Mother-in-law at Corfe-Castle a respectful Visit, when by her contrivance he was barbarously murdered, so to pave the way for her Son Æthelred his Succession to the Crown. But King Edward, by losing his Life, got the title of a Martyr, so constantly called in our Chronicles. Take the term in a large acception, otherwise restrictively it signifies such an one, as suffers for the Testimony of the Truth. But, seeing this Edward, was cruelly murdered, and is said after death to work Miracles; let him, by the Courtesie of the Church, pass for a Martyr, not knowing any Act or Order to the contrary, to deny such a Title unto him.
43. Æthelred, Edward 's half-Brother, succeeded him in the Throne. One with whom Dunstan had a Quarrel from his Cradle, because, when an Infant, he left more Water in the Font then he found there, at his Baptizing. Happy Dunstan himself, if guilty of no greater Fault, which could be no Sin (nor properly a Slovennesse) in an Infant, if he did as an Infant! Yet from such his addition, Dunstan prognosticated an Inundation of Danes would ensue in this Island: which accordingly came to pass. But Æthelred is more to be condemned, for the Blood he shed when a man; it being vehemently suspected, that he was accessory with his Mother to the murthering of his Brother Edward.
44. But Dunstan survived not to see his Prediction take effect, for he was happily prevented by Death, and buried on the South-side of the High Altar in the Church of Canterbury: where his Tomb was famous for some time, till Thomas Becket eclipsed the same; seeing Saints, like new Besomes, sweep clean at the first, and afterwards are clean swept out, by newer Saints which succeed them. Yea, Dunstan 's Grave grew so obscure at Canterbury, that the Monks of Glassenbury taking heart thereat (and advantaged by John Capgrave 's report, that Anno 1012. Dunstan 's Corpse were translated thither) pretended his Burial, and built him a Shrine in their Convent. Men and Money met at Glassenbury on this Mistake; and their Convent got more by this eight foot length of Ground (the supposed Tomb of Dunstan) then eight hundred Acres of the best Land they possessed elsewhere. Whereupon William Wareham, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, to try the truth, and to prevent farther Fraud herein, caused a solemn search to be made in the Cathedral of Canterbury, after Dunstan 's Corpse, in the place Tradition reported him to be interred.
45. Four of the Friars, fittest for the work (to wit, of stronger Bodies then Brains) undertook to make this Scrutinie Anno 1508. the 22. of April. Great Caution was used, that all should be done semotis Laicis, no Lay-men being present; whether because their Eies were too profane to behold so holy an Object, or too prying to discover the Default, if the Search succeeded not. In the Night they so plied their Work, that ere Morning they discovered Dunstan 's Coffin, and rested the day following from more Digging; as well they might, having taken so much Pains, and gained so much Profit by their endeavors.
46. Next Night they on afresh; and, with main Force, plucked up the ponderous Coffin upon the Pavement. A Coffin built (as one may say) three Stories high: the outermost of Wood (but almost made Iron with the multitude of Nailes therein;) within that another of plain Lead; within that a third of wrought Lead, wherein the bones of Dunstan lay in his Pontifical Vests, with this Inscription in a Plate, Hic requiescit Sanctus Dunstanus Archiepiscopus. Some lumps of Flesh were found, which were said to smell very sweet (the Relics perchance of some Spices which embalmed him) and all done in the presence of many worthy Witnesses: amongst whom, Cuthbert Tunstal was one, then the Arch-bishops Chancellor, afterward Bishop of Durham. Hereupon the Arch-bishop sent his Mandate to the Abbot and Convent of Glassenbury, henceforward to desist from any jactitation of Dunstan 's Corpse, and abusing people with such Pretences. A Fault most frequent in that Convent, challenging almost the Monopolie of all English Saints, witness that impudent Lie of the rhythming Monk, writing thus of Glassenbury;
But, who is rather to be believed? S t . Peter, that saith, The righteous shall scarcely be saved; or this Monk, affirming that, Whoso is buried at Glassenbury, shall scarcely be damned?
47. After the death of Dunstan, their Patron, the Monks (not much befriended by King Æthelred) were cast out of the Convent of Canterbury, or rather cast out themselves by their Misdemeanours. Man in honor hath no understanding, &c. They wax'd so wanton with possessing the places of Secular Priests, that a Monk himself of Canterbury confesseth, Monachi propter eorum Insolentiam sedibus pulsi, & Clerici introducti. Monks for their Insolencie were driven out of their Seats, and Secular Clerks brought into their room. Thus was it often, In Dock, out Nettle, as they could strengthen their Parties. For Siricius, the next Arch-bishop of Canterbury, endeavored the re-expulsion of the Priests; which by Alfricus his Successor was effected.
48. But soon after, the Danes revenged the Quarrel of the Secular Priests; and by a firm Ejection outed the Monks, before they were well warm in their Nests. Their Fury fell more on Convents, then Castles: whether, because the former were in that Age more numerous (Castles afterwards were increased by William the Conqueror;) or because their Prey and Plunder was presumed the richest, and easist to be gotten; or because the Danes, then generally Pagans, principally spited places of Religion. A Relapse is far more dangerous then a simple Disease, as here it proved in the Danes. England for these last sixty years had been cured of, and cleared from their Cruelty, which now returned more terrible then ever before.
49. These Danes were also advantaged by the Unactivenesse of King Æthelred, therefore surnamed the Vnready in our Chronicles. The Clock of his Consultations and Executions was always set some Hours too late, vainly striving with much Industry to redress, what a little Providence might seasonably have prevented. Now, when this Vnready King met with the Danes his overready Enemies, no wonder, if lamentable was the Event thereof. The best thing I find recorded of this King Æthelred, is, that in his days began the trial of Causes by a Jury of twelve men to be chosen out of the Vicenage, of like quality, as near as may be suited, to the persons concerned therein. Hereby men have most fair play for their Lives: and let it be the desres of all honest hearts, that whilst we pluck off the Badges of all Norman Slavery, we part not with the Livery of our old Saxon Liberty.
50. In this sad condition King Æthelred hearkened to the persuasions of Siricius, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and with ten thousand Pounds purchased a present Peace with the Danes. Indeed it was conformable to the calling of a Church-man to procure Peace, having not only Scripture precepts therein, Seck peace and pursue it; but also Precedents for the same, when gracious Hezekiah with a Present pacified Sennacherib to desist from invading him. However, this Arch-bishop generally suffered in his Reputation, condemned of all, for counseling of what was, First, dishonorable; that an entire Nation, being at home in their own Land, should purchase a Peace from Forrainers, fewer in Number, and fetching their Recruits, and warlike Provisions from a Far Country: let them be paid in due Coin; not Silver, but Steel. Secondly, unprofitable: If once the Danes got but the Trick, to make the English bleed Money to buy Peace, they would never leave them, till they had sucked out their Heart-blood, and exhausted the whole Treasure of the Land.
51. Indeed one may safely affirm, that the multitude of Monasteries invited the Invasion, and facilitated the Conquest of the Danes over England; and that in a double respect: First, because not only the Fruit of the Kings Exchequer (I mean ready Money) was spent by this King his Predecessors on sounding of Monasteries; but also the Root thereof, his Demeasne lands, plucked up, & parted with, to endow the same: whereby the Sinews of War were wanting, to make effectual Opposition against Forrein Enemies. Secondly, because England had at this time more Flesh, or Fat, then Bones (wherein the Strength of a Body consists) moe Monks, then Military men. For instance, Holy-Island near Northumberland is sufficiently known, for the Position thereof, an advantageous Landing-place, especially in relation to Denmark. This place was presently forsaken of the fearful Monks, frighted with the Danes their Approach; and Aldhunus, the Bishop thereof, removed his Cathedral and Convent to Durham, an Inland place of more Safety. Now, had there been a Castle in the place of this Monastery, to secure the same with Fighters instead of Feeders, men of Arms instead of men of Bellies therein, probably they might have stopped the Danish Invasion at the first Inlet thereof. England then as much wanting martial men, as since it hath surfeited with too many of them.
52. The Danes, having received and spent their Money, invaded England afresh, according to all wise men's expectation. It is as easy for armed Might to pick a Quarrel, as it is hard for naked Innocence to make Resistance. The Deluge of their Cruelty over-ran the Realm; whose Sword made no more difference betwixt the Ages, Sexes, and Conditions of people, then the Fire (which they cast on Houses) made distinction in the Timber thereof, whether it was Elm, Oak, or Ash; the Fiercenesse of the one killing, the Fury of the other consuming all it met with. Indeed in some small Skirmishes the English got the better, but all to no purpose. There is a place in Hartfordshire called Danes-end, where the Inhabitants by Tradition report (uncertain of the exact Date thereof) that a fatal blow in a Battle was given to the Danes thereabouts. But alas! this Danes-end was but Danes-beginning; they quickly recovered themselves as many, and mighty in the Field, and it seemed an endless end, to endeavor their utter Extirpation. Thus this Century sets with little Mirth, and the next is likely to arise with more Mourning.
THE TENTH CENTURY.
Iacobo Langham, Armigero, amplissimi Senatoris Londinensis Primogenito.
DEcimam hanc Centuriam tibi dedicandam curavi, quod Numerus Denarius semper aliquid augustum sonet. Sic in Papicolarum Globulis, quibus preculas suas numerant, decimus (ut Decurio) aliis magnitudine praestat.
At dices; Centuria haec inter Ecclesiasticos audit infelix, cùm suâ tantùm Obscuritate sit illustris. Quid Tibi igitur, Felicissimo Viro, cui laetum Ingenium, lauta Haereditas, cum infelici Seculo?
Verbo expediam. Volui Nomen Tuum Historiae meae hic praetendi, ut instar Phosphori, Lectores in hac tenebrosa Aetate oberrantes, splendoris sui Radiis dirigat.
Percurras, quaeso, insequentes paginas; nihil Scientiae, aliquid Voluptatis tibi allaturas, Quo cum nemo sit in ipsis Elegantiarum apicibus Latinior, probe scio, Te perquam suaviter risurum, cum Diploma Edvardinum, nimia Barbarie scatens, perlegeris.
1. AT this time there was a great Dearth of Bishops in the Land, which lasted for seven years (as long as the Famine in Egypt ) during which time, there was no Bishop in all the West parts of England. Pope Formosus was foully offended hereat, and thereupon, cum magna Iracundia & Devotione, with much Passion and Piety, by his Curse and Excommunication, interdicted King, Kingdom, and all the Subjects therein. We cannot but gaze at the Novelty of this act, (as we conceive, a leading Case in this kind) whilst the skillful in the Canon Law can give an account of the Equity of the Popes Proceedings, why all should suffer for some, the guiltless with the guilty, and have the Word and Sacraments taken from them, for the want of Bishops in other places! Otherwise, the Punishment seemeth unjust in the rigid justice thereof, and (if not heavier) larger then the Offence, and beareth no Proportion with common Equity, Christian Charity, and God's Proceedings, who saith, the soul that sinneth, shall die.
2. Not withstanding, this excommunicating of K. Edward bythe Pope is highly urged by Parsons, to prove the Popes Power in England over Princes, according to his constant Solo • cisme clean through the tenure of his Book, to reason à Facto ad Ius, arguing from the Popes barely doing it, that he may justly do it. We deny not but that in this Age, active and ambitious Popes mightily improved their Power upon five sorts of Princes. First, on such as were lazy, and voluptuous; who, on condition they might enjoy their Sports and Delights for the present, cared not for their Posterity. Secondly, on such as were openly vicious, and so obnoxious to Censure; who would part with anything, out of the apprehension of their Guiltinesse. Thirdly, on such as were tender, and easy-natured; who gave, not so much out of Bounty to give, as out of Bashfulness to deny the Popes Importunity. Fourthly, on those of a timorous spirit; who were affrighted with their own Fancies of the Popes Terriblenesse, and being captivated unto him by their own Fear, they ransomed themselves at what Price he pleased. Lastly, on pious Princes; whose blind Zeal, and misled Devotion, thought nothing too precious for him: in which from we rank this Edward the Elder, then King of England. And it is worth our observing, that in point of Power and Profit, what the Popes once get, they ever hold, being as good at keeping, as catching; so that what one got by Encroching, his Successor prescribed that Encrochment for a Title, which whether it will hold good in matter of Right, it is not for an Historian to dispute.
3. But to return to our Story. We are glad to see Malmesbury so merry, who calleth this Passage of the Popes interdicting England, Iocundum memor atu, pleasant to be reported, because it ended so well. For Pleigmund Arch-bishop of Canterbury posted to Rome, bringing with him honorifica munera, (such Ushers will make one way through the thickest Croud to the Popes Presence) informing his Holiness that Edward, King of England, in a late-summoned Synod, had founded some new, and supplied all old vacant Bishoprics. Pacified herewith the Pope turned his Curse into a Blessing, and ratified their Elections. The worst is, a learned Pen tells me, that in this Story there is an inextricable Error in point of Chronology, which will not suffer Pope Formosus and this King Edward the Elder to meet together. And Baronius makes the Mistake worse, by endeavoring to mend it. I have so much Warinesse, as not to enter into that Labyrinth, out of which I cannot return; but leave the Doubt to the Popes Datarie to clear, proper to him, as versed in such matters. The same Pen informs me, that the sole way to reconcile the Difference is, to read Pope Leo the fifth instead of Pope Formosus: which for Quietnesse I am content to do, the rather, because such a Roaring Curse best beseems the mouth of a Lion.
4. Hear now the names of the seven Bishops which Pleigmund consecrated in one day: a great days-work, and a good one, if all were fit for the Function. Fridstan Bishop of Winchester, (a Learned and Holy man) Werstan of Shireburn, Kenulfe of Dorchester, Beornege of Selsey, Athelme of Wells, Eadulfe of Crediton in Devon, and Athelstan in Cornwall of S t . Petrocks. These three last Western Bishoprics, were in this Council newly erected. But S t . Petrocks had never long any settled Seat, being much in motion, translated from Bodman in Cornwall (upon the wasting of it by the Danes) to S t . Germans in the same County, and afterward united to Crediton in Devonshire. This Bishopric was founded principally for the reduction of the rebellious Cornish to the Romish Rites; who as they used the Language, so they imitated the Lives and Doctrine of the ancient Britons, neither hitherto, nor long after submitting themselves to the See Apostolic.
5. A Synod was called at Intingford; where Edward the Elder, and Guthurn King of the Danes, in that part of England which formerly belonged to the East-Angles, only confirmed the same ecclesiastical Constitutions, which Alfred, Edwards Father, with the said Guthurn, had made before. Here the curious Palats of our Age will complain of Crambe, that two Kings, with their Clergy, should meet together only actum agere, to do what was done to their hands. But whilst some count all Councils idle, which do not add or alter; others will commend their Discretion, who can discern what is well ordered already, approve their Policy, in enjoining such things unto others, and principally praise their Piety, for practicing them in themselves. And whosoever looks abroad into the world, with a judicious Eye, will soon see, that there is not so much need of New Laws, (the Multitude whereof rather cumbers men's Memories, then quickens their Practice) as an absolute necessity to enforce Old Laws, with a new and vigorous Execution of them.
6. And now King Edward, remembering the pious Example of his Father Alfred in founding of Oxford, began to repair and restore the University of Cambridge. For the Danes (who made all the Sea-coasts of England their Haunt, and kept the Kingdom of the East-Angles for their Home) had banished all Learning from that place; Apollo 's Harp being silenced by Mars his Drum: till this Kings Bounty brought Learning back again thither, as by his following Charter may appear.
In nomine D. Jesus Christi. Ego Edwardus, Dei gratia, Rex Anglorum, divino compulsus amore, praecepto Joannis, Apostolicae Sedis Episcopy, ac Pleigmundi Cantuar. Archiepisc. consilio, omnium Sacerdotum & Principum meae Dominationis, universa & singula Privilegia, Doctoribus & Scholaribus Cantabrigiae, nec non servientibus eorundem, (uti ab olim viguit indesinenter Mater Philosophiae, & reperitur in praesenti Fons Clerimoniae,) à me data, seu ab Antecessoribus meis quomodo libet concessa, stabili jure grata & rata decerno durare, quamdiu vertigo Poli circa Terras at{que} Aequora Aethera Syderum justo moderamine volvet. Datum in Grantecestria, anno ab Incarnatione D. 915. venerabili Fratri Frithstano, Civitatis Scholarium Cantabrig. Cancellario, & Doctori per suum, &c.
The Credit of this Charter is questioned by some, because of the barbarous Style thereof: as if an University were disgraced with honorable Privileges granted unto it in base Latin. But know, that Age was so poor in Learning, it could not go to the Cost of good Language. Who can look to find a fair Face in the hotest parts of Ethiopia? Those Times were ignorant: and as it is observed of the Country-people born at the Village of Carlton in Leicestershire, that they have all (proceeding from some secret cause in their Soil or Water) a strange uncouth Wharling in their Speech; so it was proper to the persons writing in this Age, to have a harsh, unpleasant, grating Style, (and so much the sowrer to Criticall Ears, the more it is sweetened with an affected Rhythm,) though a Blemish, yet a Badge of their genuine Deeds, which were passed in those times.
7. Hear also what John Rouse, an excellent Antiquary, furnished by King Edward the fourth with Privacy and Pension, to collect the Monuments of this Land, allegeth to this purpose. Who being bred in Oxford, and having written a Book in confutation of those which deduce the Foundation of this University from Cantaber, may be presumed will allow Cambridge no more then what in right is due unto her. He speaking of King Edward the Elder, out of an ancient Table and Chronicle of Hyde Abbey by Winchester, which himself by the favor of the Abbot perused, reporteth of the Restauration of decayed Cambridge at this time, in manner as followeth.
John. Rossus in lib. de Regibus.
Propterea ad Clerimoniam augmentandam, sicut Pater suus Oxoniam, sic ipse ab antiquo cum caeteris Studiis generalibus suspensam, desolatam, & destructam Cantabrigiam, iterum ad primam Gloriam erexit: nec non ibi Aulas Studientium, & Doctorum Magistrorumque Cathedras & Sedilia, ut dilectissimus Cleri nutritor, amator, & defensor, suis sumtibus erigi & fabricari praecepit. Ab Oxonia namque Vniversitate, quā Pater suus nobilis Rex erexerat, Magistros Artiū quas liberales vocamus, pariter in sacra Theologia Doctors, advocavit, ibi{que} ad leg endū formaliter, & docendū invitavit.
Therefore for the augmentation of Clerk like Learning, as his Father had done to Oxford, so he again raised up Cambridge to her first Glory, which for a long time, with other general Schools, had been suspended, desolate, and destroyed: as also, like a most loving Nourisher of the Clergy, he commanded that Halls for Students, Chairs and Seats of Doctors and Masters, should there be erected, & built on his own proper Charges: for he called from Oxford University, which his noble Father the King had erected, Masters of those Arts which we call liberal, together with Doctors in holy Divinity, and invited them there formally to read and teach.
8. Have we here Cambridge presented in a three-fold Condition. First, what she had been long before King Edward 's time; fairly flourishing with Learning. Secondly, in what case he found her; desolate, and decayed. Then then Cup of Cambridge was at the bottom, her Breasts dry, and her Sun in an Eclipse. She was, saith Ross, suspended, not by the power of any Popes Keys (as the word may import,) but by the force of Pagan Swords, who here interrupted the exercise of Acts and public Lectures; as in Spain, Germany, and other Forrein Parts, places appointed for Learning had shared in the like Calamity. Thirdly, in what condition Edward left her; under whom, as under the Father of the Act, Cambridge itself did then Commence and take a new Degree. Happy this Edward, who like a wealthy Landlord had two Nurseries of choice Fruit; so that if the one, by any sad accident, chanced to fail, he could supply it from the other, without being beholding to his Neighbors. This was the Love betwixt the two Sisters; what either had, neither could want, and Oxford, which lent now, borrowed another time, as in due place shall appear. If the same Author elsewhere calleth this king Edward Founder of Cambridge, it is by an easy and obvious Error, because a total Repairer doth amount to a partial Founder. Nor doth Cambridge regret thereat; seeing Gratefull Expressions, which had rather transgress in the Excess, then the Defect, may in Courtesy call their Mender, their Maker.
9. Athelstan his Son succeeded King Edward, being much devoted to S t . John of Beverley; on whose Church he bestowed a Freed-Stool, with large Privileges belonging thereunto. Many Councils were kept in this Kings Reign, at Excester, Feversham, Thunderfield, and London (all of them of uncertain Date.) But one held at Greatlea is of greatest account for the Laws therein enacted; the principal here ensuing.
1. That the kings Officers should truly pay Tithes, out of his Demesnes, as well of his quick Cattle, as dead Commodities.
2. That Cyricsceat (that is, First-fruits of Seeds) be duly paid to God in his Church.
3. That the Kings Officers maintain one Poor-body in the Kings Villages; and in case none be found therein, fetch him from other places.
[Christ saith, The poor you have always with you. The Church in general is well stocked with them, though some particular Parish may want such as are in Want. If any would know the Bill of Fare allowed these poor people; It was monthly a Measure of Meale, una Perna, a Gammon of Bacon, A Ramm worth a Groat, four Cheeses, & 30. Pence on Easter -Wednesday to buy them Cloaths.]
4. That Monyers willfully corrupting the Coyn, and found guilty, have their Hands cut off, and nailed to the Mint-house.
[Every Burrough was allowed one Mint therein: but besides these,
- Hastings one
- Cirencester one
- Shaftsbury two
- Wareham two
- Exeter Two
- Hampton two
- Louis two
- Rochester three
- Winchester six
- Canterbury seven
- (viz) For the King four
- For the Arch-bishop two
- For the Abbot one
- London eight
Most of these places were anciently in the West-Saxon Kingdom: to whom the English Monarchs were most favorable, in doubling their Privilege of Coynage, but single in other places of greater Capacity.]
5. That such who were tried by Ordall, should ceremoniously be prepared thereunto with the solemn manner of managing that Trial.
6. That no Buying or Selling be on the Lord's-Day.
[This took not full effect for many years after; for Henry the first granted to Battle Abbey a Market to be kept on that Day, lately (at the motion of Anthony Marquess Montacute) by Act of Parliam▪ removed to another Day.]
7. That one convicted of Perjurie, shall be trusted no more on his Oath, nor be buried in Holy earth, except restored by the Bishop on his Penance.
8. That Witches, confessing themselves to have killed any, be put to death.
[Such as were suspected, and denied the Fact, might be tried by Ordall: which was done either by Fire, whereof hereafter; or by Water. Of the later, Mergator una ulna & dimidia in sune: which I thus understand; Let the Party be tied to a Rope, and drenched an Ell and half above his own Height. And this is the first footstep we find of Swimming of Witches; for which no Law, save Custom, at this day; and that whether just in itself, and satisfactory (as a means proportionable for the discovery of the Truth) is not my work to determine.
Whosoever desires to have more exact Information of this Council, may repair to Sir Henry Spelman, where he may receive plentiful Satisfaction.
10. Only I must not omit one Passage in this Council, acquainting us with the Herauldry of that Age, and the Distances and Degrees of Persons, collected from their Weers or Weer-Glids, that is Taxes, and Valuations; it being truly to be said in that Age,
Every ones Testimony in Law-cases in Courts was credited according to his Wealth.
1. Ceorles (whence our Northern word Carles, and common word Churls) being Country Clowns, whose Weer-gild was 200. shillings, or 10. pounds; the same with Villanes, who held land in Villanage of others. These, if by Blessing on their Industry they rose so high as to have five Hides of Land of their own, with a place in the Kings Court, and some other Privileges, now hardly to be understood, were advanced to be Thanes.
2. The Weer-gild, or Value of a Thane, was six times as much as a Churl, or a Villane, namely twelve times a hundred shillings, therefore termed a twelve-hind-man: whose Oath in Law was equivalent to six Oaths of Churls, or Villanes; as a Shilling passing in Payment countervaileth six two-pences. Note, that if a Masseer, or Merchant, pass the great Sea thrice (understand the Mediterranian, not the Narrow Seas betwixt us and France) and not in the Notion of a Servant, but on his own account; he then was dignified with the reputation of a Thane. These Thanes were of two sorts: Meset Thanes, Priests qualified to say Mass; and Worrould-Thanes, that is, secular, or temporal Thanes.
3. Of the first, if a Scholar made such proficiency in his Studies, that he took holy Orders, he was reverently respected, and (though not valued as a Worrould-Thane in Rates and Taxes) Amends were to be made for any Wrongs done unto him, equal to a Thane; and in case he should be killed, the Penalty thereof was the higher, the more Orders the person had taken. Observe by the way (so far as we can understand the Saxon Laws) that Man-slaughter was not then punished with Death, but might be redeemed by the proportionable Payment of a Sum of Money, according to the Quality of the Person slain; part thereof payable to the King, part to his Kindred, part to the Country thereabouts.
But the further prosecution hereof, (where the Footsteps are almost out-worn with Time) we leave to more expert Antiquaries; who will tell you, that Alderman in that Age was equal to our modern Earl, who with Bishops were of the same Valuation: also that Comes in that Age, sounded as much as Duke in ours, Arch-bishops going along with them in all considerable Equipage.
11. Now began S t . Dunstan to appear in Court, born at Glassenbury, of Noble Parentage (as almost what Saint in this Age was not honourably extracted? ) Nephew both to Elphegus Bishop of Winchester, and Athelm Arch-bishop of Canterbury, yea Kinsman remote to King Athelstane himself: and being thus highly related, he could not miss of Preferment. His Eminencies were Painting and Graving (two Qualities disposing him to be very useful for Saint-worshipping, either for Pictures or Images) an excellent Musician (Preaching in those days could not be heard for Singing in Churches) & an admirable Worker in Brass and Iron. These Accomplishments commended him at Court to be acceptable to Company; and for some time he continued with the King in great Reputation.
12. But it is given to that Bowle which lies next to the Mark, to have most take aim to remove it. Eminency occasions Envy, which made Dunstan 's Enemies endeavor to depress him. He is accused to the King for a Magician, and upon that account banished the Court. It was brought as Evidence against him, that he made his Harp not only to have Motion, but make music of it self; which no White Art could perform.
For our part, let Dunstan 's Harp hang there still, on a double Suspicion twisted together; first, whether this Story thereof were true or false: secondly, if true, whether done by Magic or Miracle. Sure I am, as good a Harper, and a better Saint then Dunstan was, hath no such Miracle reported of him, even David himself: who with his Harp praised God, pleased men, frighted Devils; yet took pains with his own right Hand to play, not lazily commanding Music by Miracle to be made on his Instrument.
13. Banish'd from Court, Dunstan returns to Glassenbury, and there falls a puffing and blowing in his Forge. Here he made himself a Cell (or rather a Little-ease) being but four foot long, two and a half broad (enough to cripple his Joynts with the Cramp, who could not lie along therein) whilst the height thereof was according to the stature of a man. Wisely and virtuously he would not confine himself upwards, that the Scantness of the earthly Dimensions in his Cell (Breadth and Length) might be enlarged in the Height thereof, and liberty left for the ascending of his Meditations. But it matters not how little the Prison be, if a man, with Dunstan, be his own Gaoler, to go in and out at pleasure. Leave we him at the Furnace in Smithery-work (excelling Alexander the Copper-smith therein) whilst we find such Monks as wrote his Life, at another Forge, whence they coined many impudent Miracles, pretended done by Dunstan, and this among the rest.
14. Dunstan was in his Vocation making some iron Trinkets, when a Proteus -Devil appeared unto him, changing into Shapes, but fixing himself at last into the form of a Fair Woman. Strange, that Satan (so subtle in making his Temptations most taking) should prefer this form; belike shrewdly guessing at Dunstan 's Temper, that a Fair Woman might work upon him, and Vulcan might love a Venus. Dunstan •• reeiving it, plucked his Tongs glowing hot out of the Fire, and with them kept him (or her shall I say?) there along time by the Nose roaring and bellowing; till at last he brake loose, by what accident it is not told unto us.
15. I have better employment then to spend precious time in confuting such Follies; but give me leave to admire at these new Arms against Satan. Take the shield of Faith (faith the Apostle) wherewith ye may quench all the fiery Darts of the Wicked. Dunstan found a new way by himself, with fiery Tongs to do the deed. But let us a little examine this Miracle. The Devil himself we know is a Spirit, and so impatible of material Fire. Now if it were a real Body he assumed, the Snake could slip off his Skin at pleasure, and not be tied to it, much less tormented with it. Besides, did Dunstan willingly or unwillingly let the Devil go? If willingly; Mercy to so malicious an Enemy (incapable of being amended) was Cruelty to himself: if unwillingly; was it Dunstan 's Fire or his Faith that failed him, that he could hold out against him no longer? But away with all Suspicions and Queries: none need to doubt of the truth thereof, finding it in a Sign painted in Fleet-street near Temple-bar.
16. During Dunstan 's abode in his Cell, he had to his great Comfort and Contentment the company of a good Lady, Aelfgine by name, living fast by. No Preacher but Dunstan would please her, being so ravished with his Society, that she would needs build a little Cell for herself hard by him. In process of time this Lady died, and by her last Will left Christ to be the Heir, and Dunstan the Executor of her Estate. Enabled with the accession thereof, joined to his paternal Possessions, which were very great, and now fallen into his hands, Dunstan erected the Abbey of Glassenbury, and became himself first Abbot thereof; a Title till his time unknown in England: he built also and endowed many other Monasteries, filling them with Benedictine Monks, who began now to swarm in England, more then Magots in a hot May, so incredible was their Increase.
17. After the death of King Athelstane, Dunstan was recalled to Court in the reign of King Edmund, Athelstan 's Brother, and flourished for a time in great Favor. But who would build on the brittle Bottom of Princes Love? Soon after he falls into the Kings Disfavour; the old Crime, of being a Magician (and a Wanton with Women to boot) being laid to his charge. Surely Dunstan by looking on his own Furnace, might learn thence, there was no Smoak but some Fire: either he was dishonest, or undiscreet, which gave the Ground-work to their general Suspicion. Hereupon he is re-banished the Court, and returned to his desired Cell at Glassenbury; but within three days was solemnly brought back again to Court, if the ensuing Story may be believed.
18. King Edmund was in an eager pursuit of a Buck, on the top of a steep Rock, whence no Descent but Destruction. Down falls the Deer, and Dogs after him, and are dashed to pieces. The King follows in full speed on an unruly Horse, whom he could not rein, & is on the Brink of the Brink of the Precipice: yet his Prayers prove swifter then his Horse, he but ran, whilst they did fly to Heaven. He is sensible of his Sin in banishing Dunstan, confesseth it with Sorrow, vows Amendment, promiseth to restore & prefer him. Instantly the Horse stops in his full Career, and his Rider is wonderfully preserved.
19. Thus far a strong Faith may believe of the Story: but it must be a wild one which gives credit to the remainder. Cervus & Canes reviviscunt, saith the impudent Monk, The Deer & Dogs revive again. I remember not in Scripture that God ever revived a brute Beast; partly, because such mean subjects are beneath the Majesty, of a Miracle; and partly, because (as the Apostle faith) brute Beasts are made to be taken & destroyed. Well then might the Monk have knocked off when he had done well, in saving the Man and Horse, and might have left the Dogs & Deer to have remained dead on the place; the Deer especially, were it but to make Venison Pasties, to feast the Courtiers at the solemnizing of their Lord and Masters so miraculous Deliverance.
20. Dunstan returning to Court was in higher Favor then ever before. Nor was his Interest any whit abated by the untimely Death of King Edmund (slain by one Leoff a Thief) seeing his Brother Edred, succeeding to the Crown, continued and increased his Kindness to him. Under him Dunstan was the Do-all at Court, being the Kings Treasurer, Chancellor, Counselor, all things. Bishoprics were bountifully proffered him, pick and choose where he please; but none were honored with his Acceptance. Whether because he accounted himself too high for the place, and would not stoop to the Employment; or because he esteemed the place too high for him, unable conscientiously to discharge it in the midst of so many Avocations. Mean time Monasteries were everywhere erected (King Edred devoutly resigning all his Treasure to Dunstan 's Disposall) Secular Priests being thrust out of their Convents, and Monks substituted in their rooms.
21. But after Edred 's Death, the Case was altered with Dunstan falling into Disgrace with King Edwin his Successor. This King on his Coronation-day was said to be incestuously embracing both Mother & Daughter, when Dunstan boldly coming into his Bed-chamber, after bitter Reproofs, stoutly fetched him thence, and brought him forth into the company of his Noblemen. An heroic act, if true, done with a John the Baptist spirit: and no wonder if Herod and Herodias, I mean this incestuous King and his Concubines, were highly offended with Dunstan for the same.
22. But good men, and grave Authors give no belief herein, conceiving King Edwin (how bad soever charactered by the Monks his malicious Enemies) to have been a worthy Prince. In witness whereof they produce the words of Henry Huntingdon, a learned man, but no Monk, thus describing him;
Edwin non illaudabiliter regni insulam tenuit.
Et rursus:
Ed win rex, anno regni sui quito, cum in principio regnum ejus decentissime flor eret, prospera & laetabunda exordia mors immatura perrupit.
Edwin was not undeserving of praise in managing the Sceptre of this Land.
And again:
King Edwin in the fifth year of his Reign, when his Kingdom began at first most decently to flourish, had his prosperous and pleasant Beginnings broken off with untimely Death.
This Testimony considered, makes many men think better of King Edwin, and worse of Dunstan, as guilty of some uncivil Intrusion into the Kings Chamber, for which he justly incurred his royal Displeasure.
23. Hereupon Dunstan is banished by King Edwin, not as before from England to England, from the Court to his Cell at Glassenbury; but is utterly expelled the Kingdom, and flieth into Flanders. Where his Friends say that his Fame prepared his Welcome, & the Governor of Gaunt most solemnly entertained him. Mean time, all the Monks in England of Dunstan 's Plantation were rooted up, and Secular Priests set in their places. But soon after happened many Commotions in England, especially in Mercia and Northumberland. The Monks which write the Story of these Rebellions, conceive it unfit to impart to Posterity the Cause thereof; which makes wise men to suspect, that Dunstan (who could blow Coals elsewhere as well as in his Furnace) though at distance, virtually (or rather viciously present,) had a Finger, yea, a Hand therein. Heart-broken with these Rebellions, King Edwin died in the Flower of his Age.
24. Edgar succeeds him, and recalls Dunstan home, receiving him with all possible Affection. Yea now Dunstan 's Stomack was come down, and he could digest a Bishopric, which his Abstemiousness formerly refused. And one Bishopric drew down another, Worcester and London, not successively, but both a-breast went down his Conscience. Yea, never Age afforded more Pluralist Bishops. In this Kings reign Letine held Lincoln and Leicester; oswald (a great Monk-monger, of whom hereafter) held York and Worcester; & Aldulph, his Successor in both Churches, did the like, pardoned, yea praised for the same: though Woolstan (because no favourer of Monks) is reproved for the like Plurality. Thus two men though doing the same thing, do not the same thing. Bigamy of Bishoprics goes by Favor; and it is condemnable in one, what is commendable in another. Odo Severus, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, being ceremoniously to consecrate Dunstan Bishop of Worcester, used all the Formalities fashionable at the Consecration of an Arch-bishop: And being reproved for the same, he answered for himself, That he foresaw that Dunstan, instantly after his death, would be Arch-bishop of Canterbury. And therefore (a compendious way to spare Paines) he only by a provident Prolepsis ante-dated his Consecration. Surely, whosoever had seen the decrepit age of Odo, the affection of King Edgar to Dunstan, the affection of Dunstan to Dignity, needed no extraordinary prophetical Spirit to presage that (on the supposition of Dunstan 's surviving him) he should succeed him in the Arch-bishopric of Canterbury.
25. Yea King Edgar was so wholly Dunstanized, that he gave over his Soul, Body, and Estate to be ordered by him and two more (then the Triumvirate who ruled England) namely Ethelwald Bishop of Winchester, and Oswald Bishop of Worcester. This Oswald was the man who procured by the Kings Authority the Ejection of all Secular Priests out of Worcester, and the placing of Monks in their Room: which Act was called Oswald 's Law in that Age. They might, if it pleased them, have styled it Edgar 's Law; the Legislative Power being then more in the King, then in the Bishop. This Oswald 's Law afterwards enlarged itself over all England, Secular Priests being thrown out, and Monks everywhere fixed in their rooms; till King Henry the eighth his Law outed Oswald 's Law, and ejected those Drones out of their Habitations.
26. King Edgar violated the Chastity of a Nun at Wilton. Dunstan getting notice thereof, refused at the Kings Request to give him his Hand, because he had defiled a Daughter of God, as he termed her. Edgar hereby made sensible of his Sin, with Sorrow confessed it; and Dunstan (now Arch-bishop of Canterbury) enjoined him seven years Penance for the same. Monks endeavor to inforcea mock-Parallel betwixt David and Edgar, Nathan and Dunstan, herein. Sure I am, on David 's profession of his Repentance, Nathan presently pronounced Pardon; the Lord also hath put away thy Sin, thou shalt not die; consigning him to be punished by God the Principal (using an Undutifull Son, Treacherous Servants, and Rebellious Subjects to be the Instruments thereof;) but imposing no voluntary Penance, that David should by Will-worship undertake on himself. All that I will add, is this; If Dunstan did septennary Penance, to expiate every mortal Sin (to use their own Termes) he committed, he must have been a Methusalah, extremely aged, before the day of his Death.
27. More commendable was Dunstan 's Carriage towards an English Count, who lived incestuously with his own Kinswoman. Dunstan admonished him once, twice, thrice; nothing prevailed: whereupon he proceeded to Excommunicate him. The Count slighted his Excommunication, conceiving his Head too high for Church-Censures to reach it. King Edgar (falsely informed) desires Dunstan to absolve him, and is denied. Yea the Pope sends to him to the same Purpose, and Dunstan persists in his Refusall. At last the Count, conquered with Dunstan 's Constancy, and the sense of his own Sin, came into a National Council at Canterbury, where Dunstan sat President (active therein to substitute Monks in the places of Secular Priests) on his bare Feet, with a Bundle of Rods, tendering himself to Dunstan 's Chastisement. This wrought on Dunstan 's mild Nature, scarce refraining from Tears; who presently absolved him.
28. Three things herein are remarkable. First, that Bribes in the Court of Rome may purchase a Malefactor to be innocent. Secondly, that the Pope himself is not so infallible, but that his Key may miss the Lock, and he be mistaken in matter of Absolution. Thirdly, that men ought not so with blind Obedience to obey his pretended Holiness, but that if (with Dunstan here) they see just Cause to the contrary, it is no Mortall Sin to disobey his Commands.
29. The Apprenticeship of Edgar 's Penance long since expired, he flourished in all Monarchical Luster: sole Founder of many, Co-founder of more, Benefactor to most Abbeys in England. And as he gave new Cases to most Monasteries (repairing their outward Buildings) so he gave new Linings to all, substituting Monks instead of the Secular Priests, whom he expelled. Many Ecclesiastical Canons were by him ordained, which at large are presented in S t . Henry Spelman, and which I have neither List nor Leisure to recount in this my History. Our Women have a Proverb, It is a sad Burden to carry a dead man's Child: and surely an Historian hath no heart to take much Pains (which herein are Pains indeed) to exemplify dead Canons, (dead and buried long since, as most relating to Monkery) this Age, wherein we live, being little fond of Antiquity, to know those things which were antiquated so many years since.
30. Now though the Devotion of King Edgar may be condemned to be biased to Superstition, yet because the Sincerity of his Heart sought to advance God's Honor, according to the Light in those dark days, he appears one of the most puissant Princes that ever England enjoyed, both in Church and Common-wealth. I have read in a most fair and authentic guilded Manuscript, wherein he styleth himself God's Vicar in England, for the ordering Ecclesiastical matters: a Title which at this day the Pope will hardly vouchsafe to any Christian Princes. His Reign was blest with Peace and Prosperity, both by Land and Sea; insomuch that in a royal Frolick, eight petty Kings rowed him over the river Dee near to Chester; namely five Princes of Wales (whereof Hoel-Dha was the principal) Kened King of Scotland, Malcolm King of Cumberland, and Mac-huse a great Sea-Robber, who may pass for the Prince of Pirates.
31. This Hoel-Dha, contemporary with King Edgar, was he that held a National Council for all Wales (at a place called Ty-guin, or the White-house (because built of white Hurdles, to make it more beautiful) regulated after this manner. Out of every Hundred in Wales he chose six Lay-men, with whom he joined all the eminent Ecclesiastical Persons (accounted an hundred & forty) in his Dominions. Out of those he chose eleven Lay-men and one Clergy-man, (but such a one as who alone by himself might pass virtually for eleven) Blangoridus by name, to enact what Laws they pleased, which after the impression of Royal Assent upon them, should be observed by that Nation. One might suspect this Council, thus over-powered with Laics therein, which pinch on the Priests side; whereas we find the Canons therein wholly made in favor of the Clergy: enacting this among the rest, That the presence of a Priest and a Judge constitute a legal Court, as the two Persons only in the Quorum thereof.
32. But methinks the Laws therein enacted (which a learned Antiquary presents us at large) fall far short of the Gravity of a Council: except any will excuse it from the Age thereof; what we count light and trivial, might be esteemed serious and solid in those days. Besides, the Laws discover in them a conceited affectation of the Number of Three. In three Cases a Wise may legally leave her Husband: first, if he hath a Leprosy; secondly, if he hath a stinking Breath; thirdly, & if he be unable to give her due Benevolence. In three cases it was lawful for a man to kiss his Neighbors Wife: first, at a Banquet; secondly, at the Welch Play called Guare-raffau; and thirdly, when he comes from a far Journey, by way of Salutation. If a Man and his Wife were to part asunder, they were to divide their Goods betwixt them so, that she was to have the Sheep; he the Hogs: she the Milk and milk-Vessels, with all the Dishes save one; he all the Beer and Barrels, with the Axe, Saw, &c.
33. But how silly soever these Canons seem to our modern Critics, they were then conceived of such Weight and Worth, that King Hoel-Dha with his Arch-bishop of S t . David's, the Bishops of Bangor, Landaffe & S t . Asaph, are said to have taken a Journey to Rome, and procured the Popes Confirmation to them. Nor find I ought else of this Synod, save that the Close thereof presents us with a list of seven Episcopal Seats then in Wales: I. S t . David's, 2. Ishmael, 3. Degenian, 4. Vssyll, 5. Teylaw, 6. Teuledauc, 7. Kenew . I am not Welch man enough to point at these places, and to show you where they be at this day, which we leave to some skillful Antiquary of their own Nation. Only we find that whereas the Churches were burdened with some Payments out of them, two of the Bishops Seats (Vssyl and Kenew) were freed from the same. And this satisfactory Reason is rendered of their Exemption, quia terris carent, because they had no Lands belonging unto them.
34. King Edgar was peaceably gathered to his Fathers, leaving his Crown to Edward his Son, and his Son (because under age) to the Tuition of Dunstan. In this Kings Reign three Councils were successively called, to determine the Differences between Monks and Secular Priests. The first was at Winchester; where the Priests being outed of their Convents, earnestly pressed for Restitution, and sought by Arguments to clear their Innocence, and prove their Title to their ancient Possessions. The Council seemed somewhat inclinable to favor unto them; when presently a Voice, as coming from a Crucifix behind Dunstan, is reported to be heard, saying,
Absit hoc ut fiat, absit hoc ut fiat; Iudicastis been, mutaretis non been.
God forbid it should be done, God forbid it should be done; Ye have judged it well, and should change it ill.
Whether these words were spoken in Latin or English, Authors leave us unresolved. Monks equal this (for the truth thereof) to the still small Voice to Elijah, whilst others suspect some Forgery; the rather, because it is reported to come as from a Crucifix: they fear some secret Falsehood in the Fountain, because visible Superstition was the Cistern thereof. However, this Voice proved for the present the Casting Voice to the Secular Priests, who thereby were overborn in their Cause, and so was the Council dissolved.
35. Yet still the Secular Priests did struggle, refusing to be finally concluded with this transient aiery Oracle. To the Law, and to the Testimony: if they speak not according to this word, &c. They had no warrant to rely on such a vocal Decision, from which they appealed to the Scripture itself. A second Council is called at Kirtlington (now Katlage in Cambridge-shire, the Baronry of the right Honorable the Lord North) but nothing to purpose effected therein. Dunstan (say the Monks) still answered his Name, that is, Dun, a rocky Mountain, and Stain, a Stone (but, whether a precious Stone, or a Rock of Offence, let others decide) persisting immovable in his Resolution; nor was anything performed in this Council, but that by the Authority thereof, people were sent on Pilgrimage to S t . Mary at Abbington.
36. The same year a third Council was called, at Caln in Wiltshire. Hither repaired Priests, and Monks, with their full Forces, to try the last Conclusion in the Controversy betwixt them. The former, next the Equity of the Cause, relied most on the Ability of their Champion, one Beornelm, a Scottish Bishop; who with no less Eloquence then Strength, with Scripture and Reason defended their Cause. When behold, on a sudden, the Beams brake in the Room where they were assembled, and most of the Secular Priests were slain, and buried under the Ruines thereof. All were affrighted, many maimed; only the place whereon Dunstan sat, either (as some say) remained firm, or fell in such sort, that the Timber (the Sword to kill others) proved the Shield to preserve him from Danger.
37. Some behold this Story as a notable Untruth: others suspect the Devil therein, not for a Liar, but a Murderer, and this Massacre procured by Compact with him: a third sort conceived that Dunstan, who had so much of a Smith, had here something of a Carpenter in him, and some Devise used by him about pinning and propping of the Room. It renders it the more suspicious, because he dissuaded King Edward from being present there, pretending his want of Age; though he was present in the last Council, and surely he was never the younger for living some Moneths since the same Assembly. If truly performed, Dunstan appears happier herein then Samson himself, who could not so sever his Foes, but both must die together. Sure I am, no ingenuous Papist now-a-days, will make any uncharitable Inference from such an accident: especially since the Fall of Black Friers 1623. enough to make all good men turn the Censuring of others into an humble Silence, and pious Adoring of Divine Providence.
38. But the Monks made great Advantage of this Accident, conceiving that Heaven had confirmed their Cause (as lately by Word at Winchester, so) now by Work in this Council at Caln. Hereupon Secular Priests are everywhere outed, and Monks substituted in their Room. Indeed these later in civil respect, were beheld as more beneficial to their Convents; because Secular Priests did marry, and at their deaths did condere Testamenta, make their Wills, and bequeathed their Goods to their Wives and Children; whilst Monks, having no Issue (which they durst own) made their Monastery Heir of all they had. It was also objected against the Priests, that, by their Loosnesse, and Lazinesse, left at large in their Lives, they had caused the general declination of Piety at this time: whilst it was presumed of the Monks, that, by the strict Rules of Observance, to which they were tied, they would repair the Ruines of Religion in all places.
39. It appears not, what Provision was made for these Priests when ejected; and they seem to have had hard Measure, to be dispossessed of their civil Right. Except any will say, it was no Injury to them, to loose their places so soon, but a great Favor, that they enjoyed them so long, living hitherto on the free Bounty of their Founders, and now at the full Dispose of the Church and State. Little can be said in excuse of the Priests, and less in commendation of the Monks; who though they swept clean at the first, as new Besomes, yet afterwards left more Dust behind them of their own bringing in, then their Predecessors had done. Thus the Hive of the Church was no whit bettered, by putting out Drones, and placing Wasps in their room. Yea, whereas formerly Corruptions came into the Church at the Wicket, now the broad-Gates were opened for their Entrance; Monkery making the way for Ignorance and Superstition, to overspread the whole World.
40. Another Humour of the former Age (to make one Digression for all) still continued, and increased, venting itself in the fair Foundations, and stately Structures of so many Monasteries. So that one beholding their Greatness (being Corrivals with some Towns in receipt, and extent) would admire that they could be so neat; and considering their Neatnesse, must wonder they could be so great; and lastly, accounting their Number, will make all three the object of his Amazement. Especially, seeing many of these were founded in the Saxon Heptarchy, when seven Kings put together did spell but one in effect. So that it may seem a Miracle, what invisible Indies those petty Princes were Masters of, building such Structures which impoverish Posterity to repair them. For although some of these Monasteries were the fruit of many Ages, long in ripening, at several times, by sundry persons, all whose Parcels and Additions met at last in some tolerable Uniformity; yet most of them were begun and finished, absolute, and entire, by one Founder alone. And although we allow, that in those days Artificers were procured, and Materials purchased at easy Rates; yet there being then scarceness of Coin (as a little Money would then buy much Ware; so much Ware must first in exchange be given to provide that little Money) all things being audited proportionably, the Wonder still remains as great as before. But here we see with what eagerness those Designes are undertaken and pursued, which proceed from blind Zeal: every Finger being more then an Hand to build, when they thought Merit was annexed to their Performances. Oh, with what might and main did they mount their Walls, both day and night; erroneously conceiving, that their Souls were advantaged to Heaven, when taking the Rise from the top of a Steeple of their own erection.
41. But it will not be amiss, to mind our forgetful Age, that, seeing Devotion (now better informed) long sithence hath desisted to express itself in such pompous Buildings, she must find some other means, and manner, to evidence and declare her Sincerity. Except any will say, that there is less Heat required, where more Light is granted; and that our Practice of Piety should be diminished, because our Knowledge thereof is increased. God, no doubt, doth justly expect that Religion should testify her Thankfulness to him, by some eminent way, and Works: and where the Fountain of Piety is full, it will find itself a Vent to flow in, though not through the former Chanels of Superstition.
42. King Edward went to give his Mother-in-law at Corfe-Castle a respectful Visit, when by her contrivance he was barbarously murdered, so to pave the way for her Son Æthelred his Succession to the Crown. But King Edward, by losing his Life, got the title of a Martyr, so constantly called in our Chronicles. Take the term in a large acception, otherwise restrictively it signifies such an one, as suffers for the Testimony of the Truth. But, seeing this Edward, was cruelly murdered, and is said after death to work Miracles; let him, by the Courtesie of the Church, pass for a Martyr, not knowing any Act or Order to the contrary, to deny such a Title unto him.
43. Æthelred, Edward 's half-Brother, succeeded him in the Throne. One with whom Dunstan had a Quarrel from his Cradle, because, when an Infant, he left more Water in the Font then he found there, at his Baptizing. Happy Dunstan himself, if guilty of no greater Fault, which could be no Sin (nor properly a Slovennesse) in an Infant, if he did as an Infant! Yet from such his addition, Dunstan prognosticated an Inundation of Danes would ensue in this Island: which accordingly came to pass. But Æthelred is more to be condemned, for the Blood he shed when a man; it being vehemently suspected, that he was accessory with his Mother to the murthering of his Brother Edward.
44. But Dunstan survived not to see his Prediction take effect, for he was happily prevented by Death, and buried on the South-side of the High Altar in the Church of Canterbury: where his Tomb was famous for some time, till Thomas Becket eclipsed the same; seeing Saints, like new Besomes, sweep clean at the first, and afterwards are clean swept out, by newer Saints which succeed them. Yea, Dunstan 's Grave grew so obscure at Canterbury, that the Monks of Glassenbury taking heart thereat (and advantaged by John Capgrave 's report, that Anno 1012. Dunstan 's Corpse were translated thither) pretended his Burial, and built him a Shrine in their Convent. Men and Money met at Glassenbury on this Mistake; and their Convent got more by this eight foot length of Ground (the supposed Tomb of Dunstan) then eight hundred Acres of the best Land they possessed elsewhere. Whereupon William Wareham, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, to try the truth, and to prevent farther Fraud herein, caused a solemn search to be made in the Cathedral of Canterbury, after Dunstan 's Corpse, in the place Tradition reported him to be interred.
45. Four of the Friars, fittest for the work (to wit, of stronger Bodies then Brains) undertook to make this Scrutinie Anno 1508. the 22. of April. Great Caution was used, that all should be done semotis Laicis, no Lay-men being present; whether because their Eies were too profane to behold so holy an Object, or too prying to discover the Default, if the Search succeeded not. In the Night they so plied their Work, that ere Morning they discovered Dunstan 's Coffin, and rested the day following from more Digging; as well they might, having taken so much Pains, and gained so much Profit by their endeavors.
46. Next Night they on afresh; and, with main Force, plucked up the ponderous Coffin upon the Pavement. A Coffin built (as one may say) three Stories high: the outermost of Wood (but almost made Iron with the multitude of Nailes therein;) within that another of plain Lead; within that a third of wrought Lead, wherein the bones of Dunstan lay in his Pontifical Vests, with this Inscription in a Plate, Hic requiescit Sanctus Dunstanus Archiepiscopus. Some lumps of Flesh were found, which were said to smell very sweet (the Relics perchance of some Spices which embalmed him) and all done in the presence of many worthy Witnesses: amongst whom, Cuthbert Tunstal was one, then the Arch-bishops Chancellor, afterward Bishop of Durham. Hereupon the Arch-bishop sent his Mandate to the Abbot and Convent of Glassenbury, henceforward to desist from any jactitation of Dunstan 's Corpse, and abusing people with such Pretences. A Fault most frequent in that Convent, challenging almost the Monopolie of all English Saints, witness that impudent Lie of the rhythming Monk, writing thus of Glassenbury;
But, who is rather to be believed? S t . Peter, that saith, The righteous shall scarcely be saved; or this Monk, affirming that, Whoso is buried at Glassenbury, shall scarcely be damned?
47. After the death of Dunstan, their Patron, the Monks (not much befriended by King Æthelred) were cast out of the Convent of Canterbury, or rather cast out themselves by their Misdemeanours. Man in honor hath no understanding, &c. They wax'd so wanton with possessing the places of Secular Priests, that a Monk himself of Canterbury confesseth, Monachi propter eorum Insolentiam sedibus pulsi, & Clerici introducti. Monks for their Insolencie were driven out of their Seats, and Secular Clerks brought into their room. Thus was it often, In Dock, out Nettle, as they could strengthen their Parties. For Siricius, the next Arch-bishop of Canterbury, endeavored the re-expulsion of the Priests; which by Alfricus his Successor was effected.
48. But soon after, the Danes revenged the Quarrel of the Secular Priests; and by a firm Ejection outed the Monks, before they were well warm in their Nests. Their Fury fell more on Convents, then Castles: whether, because the former were in that Age more numerous (Castles afterwards were increased by William the Conqueror;) or because their Prey and Plunder was presumed the richest, and easist to be gotten; or because the Danes, then generally Pagans, principally spited places of Religion. A Relapse is far more dangerous then a simple Disease, as here it proved in the Danes. England for these last sixty years had been cured of, and cleared from their Cruelty, which now returned more terrible then ever before.
49. These Danes were also advantaged by the Unactivenesse of King Æthelred, therefore surnamed the Vnready in our Chronicles. The Clock of his Consultations and Executions was always set some Hours too late, vainly striving with much Industry to redress, what a little Providence might seasonably have prevented. Now, when this Vnready King met with the Danes his overready Enemies, no wonder, if lamentable was the Event thereof. The best thing I find recorded of this King Æthelred, is, that in his days began the trial of Causes by a Jury of twelve men to be chosen out of the Vicenage, of like quality, as near as may be suited, to the persons concerned therein. Hereby men have most fair play for their Lives: and let it be the desres of all honest hearts, that whilst we pluck off the Badges of all Norman Slavery, we part not with the Livery of our old Saxon Liberty.
50. In this sad condition King Æthelred hearkened to the persuasions of Siricius, Arch-bishop of Canterbury,