Church History of Britain

singing now with the Celestial Choir of Saints and Angels. Indeed though himself a Non-conformist, he loved all honest men, were they of a different judgment, minded like Luther herein, who gave for his Motto, In quo aliquid CHRISTI video, illum diligo.

24. He was Minister of Ashby de la Zouch forty and three years. This putteth me in mind of Theodosiue and of Valentinian (two worthy Christian Emperors) their constitutions making those Readers of the Civil Law, Counts of the first Order, cùm adviginti annos observatione jugi, ac sedulo docendi labor pervenerint, when with da • lie observation and diligent labor of teaching they shall arrive at twenty years. Surely the Readers of God's Law which double that time shall not lose their reward.

25. The same year died Robert Bolton, born in Lancashire, bred in Brasennose College in Oxford, beneficed at Broughton in Northamptonshire. An authoritative Preacher, who majestically became the Pulpiz, and whose life is exactly written at large, to which I refer such as desire farther satisfaction. And here may the Reader be pleased to take notice, that henceforward we shall on just grounds for bear the description of such Divines, as yearly deceased. To say nothing of them save the dates of their deaths, will add little to the readers information, to say much in praise or dispraise of them, (wherein their relations are so nearly concerned) may add too much to the Writers danger. Except therefore they be persons so eminent for their learning, or active for their lives, as their omission may make a ma • m in our History, we shall pass them over in silence hereafter.

26. Archbishop Laud began to look with a jealous eye on the Feoffees for Impropriations, as who in process of time would prove a thorn in the sides of Episcopacy, and by their purchases become the prime Patrones, for number and greatness of benefices. This would multiply their dependents; and give a secret growth to Non-conformity. Whereupon by the Archbishops procurement a Bil was exhibited in the Exchequer Chamber, by Mr. Noy the Atturny General, against the Feoffees aforesaid, and that great Lawyer endeavored to overthrow (as one termed it) their Apocrypha Incorporation.

27. It was charged against them, first, that they diverted the charity, wherewith they were entrusted, to other uses, when erecting a Lecture every morning at St. Antholines in London. What was this but lighting candles to the Sun, London being already the Land of Goshen, and none of those dark and far distant corners, where Souls were ready to famish for lack of the food of the word? What was this but a bold breach of their trust, even in the Eye of the Kingdom?

28. They answered that London being the chief staple of charity and the place where the principal contributers to so pious a work did reside, it was but fit, that it should share in the benefit of their bounty. That they were not so confined to the uses in their Feoffment, but that in their choice they might reflect as well on the Eminency, as Necessity of the place; that they expended much of their own (as well as other men's ) money, and good reason they should do therewith as they pleased.

29. It was pressed against them, that they generally preferred Non conformists to the Lectures of their Erection. To this it was answered, that none were placed therein, but such whose Sufficiency and Conformity were first examined and approved by the Ordinary, to be to such a Degree as the Law required. Yea it is said that Mr. White, one of the Feoffees, privately proffered Bishop Laud at his house in Fulham, that if he disliked either the Persons, who managed, or Order which they took in this work, they would willingly submit the alteration to his Lordships discretion.

30. In conclusion the Court condemned their proceedings, as dangerous to the Church and State, pronouncing the Gifts, Feoffments and Contrivances made to the Uses aforesaid to be illegal, and so dissolved the same, confiscating their money unto the Kings use. Their criminal part was referred to, but never prosecuted in, the Star-chamber, because the Design was generally approved, and both discreet and devout men were (as desirous of the Regulation, so) doleful at the ruin of so pious a Project.

31. Samuel Harsenet about this time ended his life, born in Colchester, bred Scholar, Fellow, Master of Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge, afterwards Bishop of Chtchester and Norwich, Archbishop of York, and privy Counselor. He was a zealous asserter of ceremonies, using to complain of (the first I believe who used the expression ) of CONFORMABLE PURITANS, who practiced it out of policy, yet dissented from it in their judgments. He lieth buried in Chigwell Church in Essex, (where he built a School) with this Epit • ph, Indignus Eptscopus Clcestrensis, indignior Norvicensis, & indignissimus Archiepiscopus Eboracensis.

32. Now the Sabbatarian controversy begun to be revived, which brake forth into a long and hot contention. Theophilus Bradborn, a Minister of Suffolk, founded the first trumpet to this fight, who some five years since, namely anno 1628. set forth a Book, dedicated to his Majesty, entitled, A defense of the most ancient, and sacred ordinance of God, The Sabbath Day: maintaining therein,

• 1. The fourth Commandment simply, and entirely moral.
• 2. Christians, as well as Jews, obliged to the everlasting observation of that day.
• 3. That the Lord's-day is an ordinary working-day, it being will-worship, and superstition to make it a Sabbath by virtue of the fourth Commandment.

But whilst Mr. Bradborn was marching furiously, and crying Victoriae to himself, he fell into the ambush of the High Commission, whose well tempered severity herein so prevailed upon him, that, submitting himself to a private conference, and perceiving the unfoundnesse of his own principles, he became a Convert, conforming himself quietly to the Church of England.

2. Francis White Bishop (formerly of Norwich ) then of Eli, was employed by his Majesty, to confute Mr. Bradborn his erroneous opinion. In the writing whereof, some expressions fell from his pen, whereat many strict people (but far enough from Bradborn's conceit) took great distaste. Hereupon Books begat Books, and controversies on this subject were multiplied, reducible to five principal heads.

• 1. What is the fittest name to signify the day set apart for God's public service?
• 2. When that day is to begin, and end?
• 3. Upon what authority the keeping thereof is bottomed?
• 4. Whether or no the day is alterable?
• 5. Whether any recreations, and what kinds of them, be lawful on that day?

And they are dinstinguishable into three several opinions:

Sabbatarians.	Moderate men.	Anti-Sabbatarians.
I Are charged to affect the word Sabbath as a Shiboleth in their writing, preaching, and discoursing, to distinguish the true Israelites from lisping Ephraimites, as a badge of more [pretended] purity. As for Sunday, some would not have it mentioned in Christian mouths, as resenting of Saxon Idolatry, so called from, and dedicated to the Sun, which they adored. 2. Some make the Sabbath to begin on Saturday night, (The evening and the morning were the first day) and others on the next day in the morning, both agreeing on the extent thereof for four and twenty hours. 3. They found it partly on the law, and light of nature, deriving some countenances for the septenary number, out of heathen authors: and partly on the fourth Commandment, which they avouch equally moral with the rest.	I. Sabbath (especially if Christian be premised) may inoffensively be used, as importing in the original only a Rest. And it is strange that some who have a dearness, yea fondness, for some words of Jewish extraction [Altar, Temple, &c.] should have such an antipathy against the Sabbath. Sunday may not only safely be used, without danger of Paganism, but with increase of piety, if retaining the name, we alter the notion, and therewith the notion thereof, because on that day The Sun of Righteousness did arise with healing in his wings. But the most proper name is the Lord's-day, as ancient, used in the Apostles time; and most expressive, being both an Historian, and Preacher. For, the Lord's day looking backward mindeth us what the Lord did for us thereon, rising from the dead: and, looking forward, it monisheth us what we ought to do for him on the same, spending it to his glory, in the proper duties thereof. 2. The question is not of so great concernment. For, in all circular motions, it matters not so much where one beginneth, so be it he continueth the same, until he return unto that point again. Either of the aforesaid computations of the day may be embraced. —Dies{que} quies{que} redibit in orbem. 3. In the Lord's-day three things are considerable. 1. A day, founded on the light of nature; pure impure Pagans destining whole days to their idolatrous service. 2. One day in seven, grounded on the moral equity of the fourth Commandment, which is like the feet and toes of Nebuchad-nezzar's Image, part of potters clay, and part of iron. The clay part, and ceremonial mottie of that Commandment ( viz. that seventh day, or Jewish Sabbath) is mouldred away, and buried in Christ's grave. The iron part thereof, viz. a mixture of morality therein, one day in seven, is perpetual, and everlasting. 3. This seventh day (being indeed the eighth from the creation, but one of the seven in the week) is built Sabbatarians.	1 The word Sabbath (as now used) containeth therein a secret Magazeen of Judaism, as if the affecters thereof by spiritual Necromancy endeavored the reviving of dead and rotten Mosaical Ceremonies. 2. They confine the observation of the day, only to the few hours of public service. 3. These unhinge the day off from any Divine Right, and hang it merely on Ecclesiastical authority first introducing it, as custom, and consent of the Church had since established it.
Sabbatarians.	Moderate-Men.	Anti-Sabbatarians.
4. The Church, no not ex plenitudine suae potestatis, may, or can, alter the same. 5. No exercises at all (walking excepted, with which strictness itself cannot be offended) are lawful on this day. Insomuch as some of them have been accused of turning the day of rest, into the day of torture, and self-ma • eration.	on Divine right in a larger sense, having an analogy in the Old, and insinuations in the New Testament, with the continued practice of the Church. 4. Would be right glad of the general agreement of the Christian Church; but, withal, right sorry, that the same should be abused for the alteration of the Lord's-day. But, as there is but little hope of the former: so is there no fear of the latter, it being utterly unexpedient to attempt the altering thereof. 5. The Sabbath (in some sort) was Lord (yea, Tyrant) over the Jews; and they by their superstition, contented vassals under it. Christ was Lord of the Sabbath, and struck out the teeth thereof. Indeed such recreations as are unlawful on any day, are most unlawful on that day; yea, recreations doubtful on other days, are to be forborne on that day, on the suspicion of unlawfulness. So are all those, which, by their over violence, put people past a praying capacity. Add also those, which, though acted after Evening-Service, must needs be preacted by the fancy (such the volatility thereof) all the day before, distracting the mind, though the body be at Church. These recreations forbidden, other innocent ones may be permitted.	4. The Universal consent of the Christian Church may alter it. Yea, one saith, that the Church of Geneva went about to translate it to Thursday, but, it seems, it was carried in the negative. 5. Mixt dancings, Masques, Interludes, Revells &c. are by them permitted in the intervalls betwixt, but generally after Evening-Service ended.

A worthy Doctor, who in his Sermons at the Temple, no less piously than learnedly, handled the point of the Lord's-day, worthily pressed, that Gentle-folk were obliged to a stricter observation of the Lord's-day, than laboring people. The whole have no need of the Physician, but those who are sick. Such as are not annihilated with labor, have no title to be recreated with liberty. Let Servants, whose hands are ever working, whilst their eyes are waking; let such, who all the foregoing week had their Cheeks moistened with sweat, and hands hardened with labor; let such have some recreation on the Lord's day indulged unto them: whilst persons of quality, who may be said to keep Sabbath all the week long, I mean who rest from hard labor, are concerned in conscience, to observe the Lord's-day with the greater abstinence from recreations.

34. Pass we now from the pen, to the practical part of the Sabbatarian difference. Somerset-shire was the stage, whereon the first and fiercest Scene thereof was acted. Here Wakes (much different, I dare say, from the watching prescribed by our Savior) were kept on th • Lord's day, with Church-Ales, Bid-Ales, and Clerks-Ales. If the Reader know not the critical meaning, and difference of these words, I list not to be the interpreter; and his ignorance herein, neither is any disgrace, nor can be any damage unto him. The Gentry of that County, perceiving such revells the cause of many, and occasion of moe misdemeanors (many acts of wantonness bearing their dates from such meetings) importuned Sr. Thomas Richardson, Lord Chief Justice, and Baron Denham, then Judges, riding the Western circuit in the Lent-vacation, to make a severe Order for the suppressing of all Ales, and Revells on the Lord's-day.

35. In compliance with their desire, the aforesaid Judges made an order on the 19. day of March (founded on former precedents signed by Judge Popeham, Lord Chief Justice in the latter end of Queen Elizabeth her Reign) therein suppressing such Revells, in regard of the infinite number of inconveniences daily arising by means thereof, enjoining the Constables to deliver a copy thereof to the Minister of every Parish, who, on the first Sunday in February, and likewise the two first Sundays before Easter, was to publish the same every year.

36. The Archbishop of Canterbury beheld this as an usurpation on Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, and complained of the Judges to his Majesty, procuring a Commission to Bishop Pierce, and other Divines, to inquire into the manner of publishing this Order, and the Chief Justice his carriage in this business. Notwithstanding all which, the next Assise Judge Richardson gave another strict charge against these Revels, required an account of the publication, and execution of the aforesaid Order, punishing some persons for the breach thereof. After whose return to London the Archbishop sent for him, and commanded him to revoke his former Order, as he would answer the contrary at his peril, telling him it was his Majesty's pleasure he should reverse it. The Judge alleged it done at the request of the Justices of the Peace in the County, with the general consent of the whole Bench, on the view of ancient precedents in that kind. However, the next Assise he revoked his Order with this limitation, as much as in him lay. At what time also the Justices of the Peace in Somerset shire (who in birth, brains, spirit and estate were inferior to no County in England ) drew up an humble petition to his Majesty, for the suppressing of the aforesaid unlawful assemblies, concurring with the Lord Chief Justice therein, sending it up by the hand of the Custos Rotulorum, to deliver it to the Earl of Pembroke, Lord Lieutenant of their County, to present it to his Majesty.

37. Just in this juncture of time a Declaration for sports, set forth the fifteenth of King James, was revived, and enlarged. For, his Majesty being troubled with petitions on both sides, thought good to follow his Fathers royal example, upon the like occasion in Lancashire; and we refer the Reader to what we have written before, for arguments pro and con about the lawfulness of public reading thereof.

38. It was charged at his trial, on the Archbishop of Canterbury, that he had caused the reviving, and enlarging of this Declaration, strong presumptions being urged for the proof thereof. He denied it, yet professing his judgment for recreations on that day, alleging the practice of the Church of Geneva, allowing shooting in long Bows &c. thereon. Adding also, that, though indulging liberty to others, in his own person he strictly observed that day. A self-praise, or rather self-purging, because spoken on his life, which seemed uttered without pride, and with truth, and was not clearly confuted. Indeed they are the best carvers of liberty on that day, who cut most for others, and leave least for themselves.

39. However, there was no express in this Declaration, that the Minister of the Parish should be pressed to the publishing. Many counted it no Ministers work, and more proper for the place of the Constable, or Tithing-man to perform it. Must they, who were (if not worst able ) most unfitting; hold the Candle to lighten, and let in licentiousness? But, because the Judges had enjoined the Ministers to read their order in the Church, the Kings Declaration was enforced by the Bishops, to be published by them in the same place.

40. As for such whose consciences reluctated to publish the Declaration, various were their evasions. Some left it to their Curates to read. Nor was this the plucking out of a thorn from their own, to put it in another Mans conscience, seeing their Curates were persuaded of the lawfulness thereof. Others read it indeed themselves, but presently after read the fourth Commandment. And was this fair play, setting God and their King (as they conceived) at odds, that so they themselves might escape in the fray? Others point-blank refused the reading thereof; for which some of them were suspended ab officio & beneficio, some deprived, and moe molested in the High Commission: it being questionable, whether their sufferings procured more pity to them, or more hatred to the causers thereof.

41. All Bishops urged not the reading of the Book with rigor alike, nor punished the refusal with equal severity. I hear the loudest, longest, and thickest complaints come from the Diocese of Norwich, and of Bath and Wells. I knew a Bishop in the West (to whom I stood related in kindred, and service) who, being pressed by some to return the names of such as refused to read the Book, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, utterly denied: and his words to me were these, I will never turn an accuser of my Brethren, there be enough in the World to take that office. As for the Archbishop of Canterbury, much was his moderation in his own Diocese, silencing but three (in whom also a concurrence of other non-conformities) through the whole extent thereof. But oh! The necessity of the general day of Judgment, wherein all Men's actions shall be expounded according to their intentions, which here are interpretable according to other Men's inclinations! The Archbishops adversaries imputed this, not to his charity, but policy, Fox-like preying farthest from his own den, and instigating other Bishops to do more than he would appear in himself. As for his own Visitation-Articles, some complained they were but narrow as they were made, and broad as they were measured; his under-officers improving, and enforcing the same, by their enquiries, beyond the letter thereof.

42. Many complain that Mans badness took occasion to be worse, under the protection of these sports permitted unto them. For, although liberty on the Lord's-day may be so limited in the notions of learned men, as to make it lawful, it is difficult (if not impossible) so to confine it in the actions of lewd people, but that their liberty will degenerate into licentiousness.

43 Many moderate Men are of opinion, that this abuse of the Lord's day was a principal procurer of God's anger, since poured out on this land, in a long and bloody civil war. Such observe, that our fights of chief concernment were often fought on the Lord's-day, as pointing at the punishing of the profanation thereof. Indeed amongst so many battles which in ten years time have rent the bowels of England, some on necessity would fall on that day (seeing we have be-rubrick'd each day in the week, almost in the year, with English blood) and therefore to pick a solemn providence out of a common-casualty, savors more of curiosity than conscience. Ye • , seeing Edge-hill-fight (which first brake the peace, and made an irreconcilable breach betwixt the two parties) was fought on that day, and some battles since of greatest consequence, there may be more in the observation, than what many are willing to acknowledge. But, whatsoever it is which hence may be collected, sure I am, those are the best Christians, who least censure others, and most reform themselves.

44. But here it is much to be lamented, that such who at the time of the Sabbatarian controversy, were the strictest observers of the Lord's-day, are now reeled by their violence into another extreme, to be the greatest neglecters, yea, contemners thereof. These Transcendants, accounting themselves mounted above the Predicament of common piety, aver, they need not keep any, because they keep all days Lord's-days, in their elevated holiness. But alas, Christian duties said to be ever done, will prove never done, if not sometimes solemnly done. These are the most dangerous Levellers, equalling all times, places, and persons, making a general confusion to be Gospel-perfection. Whereas to speak plainly, we in England are, rebus sic stantibus, concerned now more strictly to observe the Lord's-day, than ever before. Holy-days are not, and Holy-eves are not, and Wednesday and Friday-Litanies are not, and Lord's-day eves are not, and now some (out of error, and others out of profaneness) go about to take away the Lord's-day also, all these things make against God's solemn and public service. Oh let not his public worship, now contracted to fewer chanells, have also a shallower stream. But enough of this subject; wherein if I have exceeded the bounds of an Historian, by being to large therein, such will pardon me, who know (if pleasing to remember) that Divinity is my proper profession.

45. At this time miserable the maintenance of the Irish Clergy, where Scandalous means, made Scandalous Ministers. And yet a Popish Priest would grow fat in that Parish where a Protestant would be famished, as have not their lively-hood on the oblations of those of their own Religion. But now such Impropriations as were in the Crown, by the King were restored to the Church, to a great diminution of the Royal-Revenew, though his Majesty never was sensible of any loss to himself, if thereby gain might redound to God, in his Ministers. Bishop Laud was a worthy Instrument in moving the King to so pious a work, and yet this his procuring the restoring of Irish, did not satisfy such discontented at his obstructing the buying in of English Impropriations: thus those conceived, to have done hurt at home will hardly make reparations with other good deeds at distance.

46. A Convocation (concurrent with a Parliament ) was called and kept at Dublin in Ireland, wherein the 39. Articles of the Church of England were received in Ireland for all to subscribe unto. It was adjudged fit, seeing that Kingdom complies with England in the Civil government; it should also conform thereto in matters of Religion. Mean time the Irish Articles concluded formerly in a Synod 1616. (wherein Arminianisne was condemned in terminis terminantibus, and the observation of the Lord's day resolved jure Divine ) were utterly excluded.

47. A Cardinals-Cap once and again offered by the Pope, to Bishop Laud, was as often refused by him. The fashion thereof, could not fit his Head, who had studied and written so much against the Romish Religion. He who formerly had foiled the Fisher himself in a public disputation, would not now be taken with so filly a bait, but accquainted the King therewith: timuit Roman vel donaferentem, refusing to receive anything from Rome till she was better reformed.

48. Doctor William Juxon Bishop of London, was by Bishop Lauds procurement made Lord Treasurer of England, entering on that Office with many and great disadvantages. First, because no Clergy-man had executed the same, since William Grey Bishop of Eli, almost two hundred year ago, in the reign of King Edward the fourth. Secondly, because the Treasury was very poor, and if in private houses, bare walls make giddy House-wives, in Princes Palaces, empty Coffers make unsteady Statesmen. Thirdly, because a very Potent (I cannot say Competitor, the Bishop himself being never a Petitor for the Place, but) desirer of this Office was frustrated in his [almost assured] expectation of the same to himself.

49. However so discreet his carriage in that place, it procured a general love unto him, and politick malice, despairing to bite, resolved not to bark at him. He had a perfect command of his passion, (an happiness not granted to all Clergy-men in that age, though privy-Counselors,) slow, not of speech as a defect, but to speak, out of discretion, because when speaking he plentifully paid the principal and interest of his Auditors expectation. No hands, having so much money passing thorough them, had their fingers less soiled there with. It is probable his frugality would have cured the consumption of the Kings Exchequer, had not the [unexpected] Scotch commotion, put it into a desperate relapse. In this particular he was happy above others of his order, that whereas they may be said, in some sort to have left their Bishoprics (flying into the Kings quarters for safety) he staid at home till his Bishopric left him, roused from his Swans-nest at Fulham for a bird of another feather to build therein.

50. Dr. Laud, (formerly Archbishop in power ) now so in place, after the decease of Bishop Abbots, this year kept his metropoliticall visitation, & hence-forward conformity was more vigorously pressed than before. Insomuch that a Minister was censured in the High-Commission for this expression in a sermon, That it was suspicious that now the night did approach because the shadows were so much longer then the body, and ceremonies more in force then the power of godliness. And now many differences about divine worship, began to arise, whereof many books were written pro and con. So common in all hands, that my pains may be well spared in rendering a particular account of what is so universally known. So that a word or two will suffice.

51. One controversy was about the Holiness of our Churches, some maintaining, that they succeed to the same degree of sanctity with the Tabernacle of Moses, & Temple of Solomon, which others flatly denied. First, because the Tabernacle, and Temple, were, and might be, but one at a time, whilst our Churches, without fault, may be multiplied without any [se • ] number. They both for their fashion, fabric, and utensils, were jure divino, their Architects being inspired, whilst our Churches are the product of human fancy. Thirdly, God gloriously appeared both in the Tabernacle and Temple, only graciously present in our Churches. Fourthly, The Temple was a type of Christ's Body, which ours are not. More true it is, our Churches are heirs to the holiness of the Jewish Synagogues, which were many, and to whom a reverence was due as publicly destined to divine service.

52. Not less the difference about the manner of adoration to be used in God's-House, which some would have done towards the Communion-Table, as the most remarkable place of God's presence. Those used a distinction between bowing ad altare towards the Altar, as directing their adoration that way, and ad altare to the Altar, as terminating their worship therein; the latter they detested as Idolatrous, the former they defended as lawful and necessary, such a slovenly unmannerlynes had lately possessed many people in their approaches to God's House that it was high time to reform.

53. But such as disliked the gesture, could not, or would not, understand the distinction as in the Suburbs of Superstition. These allowing some corporal adoration lawful, yea necessary, seeing no reason the Moity of Man, yea the Total Sun of Him, which is visible [his Body, ] should be exempted from God's service, except such a Writ of Ease could be produced and proved from Scripture. But they were displeased with this adoration because such as enjoin it maintain one kind of reverence due to the very place, another to the Elements of the Sacraments, if on the Table, a third to God himself: these several degrees of reverence ought to be railed about as well as the Communion-Table and clearly distinguished, lest that be given to the Creature which belongs to the Creator, and such as shun profanation run into Idolatry.

54. A controversy was also started about the Pasture of the Lord's Board, Communion-Table, or Altar, the last name beginning now in many Men's mouths to out the two former. Some would have it constantly fixed with the sides East and West ends North and South, on a graduated advance next the East-wall of the Chancel, citing a Canon and the practice in the Kings-Chapel for the same. Others pressed the Queens injunctions that (allowing it at other times to stand, but not Altar-wise in the Chancel) it ought to be set in the body of t • e Church when the Sacrament is celebrated thereon.

55. Such the heat about this Altar till both sides had almost Sacrificed up their mutual charity thereon, and this controversy was prosecuted with much needless animosity. This mindeth me of a passage in Cambridge, when King James was there present, to whom a great Person complained of the inverted situation of a College-Chapel, [North and South] out of design to put the House to the cost of new building the same. To whom the King answered, It matters not how the Chapel stands, so their hearts who go thither be set aright in God's service. Indeed if moderate men had had the managing of these matters, the accommodation had been easy with a little condescension on both sides. But as a small accidental heat or cold (such as a healthful body would not be sensible of) is enough to put him into a fit, who was formerly in latitudine febris, so men's minds distempered in this age with what I may call a mutinous tendency, were exasperated with such small occasions which otherwise might have been passed over and no notice taken thereof.

56. For now came the censure of Mr. Prinne, Dr. Bastwick, and Mr. Burton, and we must go a little backwards to take notice of the nature of their offenses. Mr. William Prinne born (about Bath ) in Gloucestershire, bred some time in Oxford, afterwards Utter-Baraster of Lincolns-Inn, began with the writing of some useful and Orthodox Books. I have heard some of his Detractours account him as only the hand of a better head setting forth at first the endeavors of others. Afterwards he delighted more to be numerous with many then ponderous with select quotations, which maketh his Books to swell with the loss ofttimes of the Reader, sometimes of the Printer, and his Pen generally querulous hath more of the Plaintiff then of the Defendant therein.

57. Some three years since he set forth a Book called Histriomastrix, or the Whip of Stage-players. Whip so held and used by his hand, that some conceived the Lashes thereof flew into the face of the Queen herself, as much delighted in Masques. For which he was severely censured to lose his EARES on the Pillory, and for a long time (after two removals to the Fleet ) imprisoned in the Tower. Where he wrote, and whence he dispersed new Pamphlets, which were interpreted to be Libells against the established Discipline of the Church of England, for which he was indicted in the Star-chamber.

58. Dr. John Bastwick (by vulgar error generally mistaken to be a Scotchman ) was born at Writtle in Essex, bred a short time in Immanuel-College, then travailed nine years beyond the Seas, made Dr. of Physic at Padua. Returning home he practiced it at Colchester, and set forth a Book in Latin (wherein his Pen commanded a pure and fluent style ) entitled Flagellum Pontificis, & Episcoporum Latialium. But it seems he confined not his character so to the Latian Bishops beyond the Alps, but that our English Prelates counted themselves touched therein. Hereupon he was accused in the High-Commission, committed to the Gate-house, where he wrote a second Book taxing the injustice of the proceedings of the High-Commission, for which he was indicted in the Star-Chamber.

59. Mr. Henry Burton Minister rather took a snap then made a meal in any University, was first Schoolmaster to the Sons of the Lord Cary (afterwards Earl of Monmouth ) whose Lady was Governesse to King Charles when Prince. And this opportunity (say some) more then his own deserts, preferred him to the service of Pr. Ch. being designed (as I have heard) to wait on him in Spain, but afterwards (when part of his goods were shipped for the voyage ) excluded the attendance. Whether because his parts and learning were conceived not such, as to credit our English Church in Forain-Countries, or because his Principles were accounted uncomplying with that employment.

60. The crudity of this affront lay long on his mind, hot stomachs (contrary to corporal concoction ) being in this kind the slowest of digestion. After the venting of many mediate discontents, on the last fifth of November he took for his Text Pro. 24. 21. My Son fear thou the Lord and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change. This Sermon was afterwards printed, charging the Prelates for introducing of several innovations into Divine worship, for which, as a Libell, he was indicted in the Star-Chamber.

61. But the fault-general, which at this day was charged on these three Prisoners at the Barr in the Star-Chamber, was this. That they had not put in their effectual answer into that Court wherein they were accused, though sufficient notice, and competent time was allowed them for the performance thereof. The Lord-Keeper Coventry minded them, that for such neglect, they had a Precedent, wherein the Court after six days had taken a cause pro confesso, whereas the favor of six weeks was allowed unto them, and now leave given them to render reason, why the Court should not proceed to present censure.

62. Hereat Mr. Prinne first moved that they would be pleased to accept a cross Bill (which he there tendered) against the Prelates. This the Lord-Keeper refused to accept of at the present, as not being the business of the day. Then he moved that the Prelates might be dismissed the Court: It being agreeable neither to nature, reason, nor justice, that those who were their Adversaries should be their Judges. This also was rejected by the Lord-Keeper, because by the same proportion, had he libelled against the Temporal Lord's, Judges, and Privy Counselors in the place; by this Plea, none should pass censure upon them, because all were made Parties.

63. Mr. Prinne proceeded to show he had done his endeavor to prepare his answer, being hindered first by his close imprisonment, denied pen, ink and paper; and by the imprisonment also of his Servant, who was to solicit his business. That the Council assigned him came very late, and though twice paid for their pains, deferred the drawing up of his answer, and durst not set their hands unto it. Mr. Hole, one of his Council being present, confessed that he found his answer would be very long, and of such a nature as he durst not subscribe it, fearing to give their Lordships distaste.

64. Dr. Bastwick being spoken to, to speak for himself, why he brought not in his answer before; laid the blame on the cowardice of his Council that durst not sign it for fear of the Prelates. He there tendered his answer on oath with his own hand, which would not be accepted. He spake much of his own Abilities, that he had been a Soldier able to lead an Army of men into the Field, and now was a Physician able to cure Kings, Princes, and Emperors; and therefore how unworthy it was to curta • lize his EARES, generally given out by the Bishops Servants, as a punishment intended unto him. He minded them of the mutability of all earthly things, and chiefly of the changes in the Court; where he, lately the chief Judge therein, was the next day to have his own cause censured: wishing them seriously to consider, that some who now sat there on the Bench, might stand Prisoners at the Barre another day, and need the favor which now they denied.

65. Mr. Burton being asked what he could allege, why the Court should not take his Fault pro confesso, pleaded that he had put in his answer, drawn up with great pains and cost, signed by his Council, and received into the Court. The Lord-Keeper rejoined that the Judges had cast his answers out as imperfect. Judge Finch affirming that they did him a good turn in making it imperfect, being otherwise as libello • s as his Book, and deserving a censure alone.

66. Here the Prisoners desiring to speak were commanded silence, and the premises notwithstanding the Court proceeded to censure: namely, that they should lose their EARES in the Palace Yard at Westminster, fining them also five thousand pound a man to his Majesty, perpetual imprisonment in three remote places. The Lord Finch added to Mr. Prinnes censure, that he should be branded in each Cheek with S. L. for Slanderous Libeller, to which the whole Court agreed. The Archbishop of Canterbury made a long speech, since printed, to excuse himself from the introducing of any Innovations in the Church, concluding it, that he left the Prisoners to God's mercy and the Kings justice.

67. It will be lawful and safe to report the discourse of several persons hereon. This censure fell out scarce adaquate to any judgment, as conceiving it either too low, or too high for their offense. High Conformists counted it too low, and that it had been better if the Pillorie had been changed into a Gallows. They esteemed it improvident (but by their leaves more of Machiavill than of Christ in such Counsel ) to kindle revenge, and not to quench life in such turbulent Spirits. The only way with them, had been to rid them out of the way.

68. Most moderate men thought the censure too sharp, too base and ignominious for Gentlemen of their ingenuous vocation. Besides, though it be easy in the notion, it is hard in the action to fix shame on the Professors, and sever it from the Professions of Divinity, Law, and hysick As for the former, though Burton was first degraded, yet such who maintain an indelible character of Priesthood hold that Degradation cannot delete what Ordination hath impressed; and gran • the censure pronounced ad terrorem, it might have become the Bishops t ^d mediate for a mitigation thereof. Let Canv • s be rough and rugged, Lawn ought to be soft and smooth. Meekness, Mildness, and Mercy being more proper for men of the Episcopal Function.

69. Two days after, three Pillories were set up in the Palace-yard, or one double one, and a single one at some distance, for Mr. Prinne as the chief offender. Mr. Burton first suffered, making a long speech in the Pillorie, not entire and continued, but interrupted with occasional expressions. But the main intent thereof was to parallel his sufferings with our Savior's. For at the first sight of the Pillory, Me thinks, said he, I see Mount-Calvary whereon the three Crosses were erected. If Christ was numbered amongst Thieves, shall a Christian think much for his sake to be numbered amongst Rogues? And whereas one told an Halberter standing by, who had an old rusty Halbert (the Iron whereof was tacked to the staff with an old crooked nail) What an old rusty weapon is this? Mr. Burton over-hearing them answered: It seems to be one of those Halberts which accompanied Judas when Christ was betrayed and apprehended.

70. His Ears were cut off very close, so that the Temporal or Head Artery being cut, the blood in abundance streamed down upon the Scaffold, all which he manfully endured, without manifesting the least shrinking thereat. Indeed of such who measured his mind by his words, some conceived his carriage far above: others (though using the same scale ) suspected the same to be somewhat beside himself. But let such who desire more of his character, consult with his printed life, written with his own hand, though it be hard for the most Excellent Artist truly to draw his own Picture.

71. Dr. Bastwick succeeded him, making a Speech to this effect. Here are many spectators of us, who stand here as Delinquents, yet am I not conscious to my self of the least trespass, wherein I have deserved this outward shame. Indeed I wrote a Book against Antichrist the Pope, and the Pope of Canterbury said it was written against him. But were the Press open unto us, we would scatter his Kingdom, and fight courageously against Gog and Magog. There be many here that have set many days apart on our behalf (let the Prelates take notice thereof) and have sent up strong prayers to God for us, the strength and fruit whereof we have felt all along in this cause. In a word, so far am I from fear or care that had I as much blood as would swell the Thames ( then visible unto him, his face respecting the South) I would lose every drop thereof in this cause.

72. His Friends much admired and highly commended the erection of his mind triumphing over pain and shame, making the one easy, the other honorable, and imputed the same to an immediate Spiritual support. Others conceived that anger in him acted the part of patience, as to the stout undergoing of his sufferings, and that in a Christian there lieth a real distinction betwixt Spirit and Stomach, Valour and Stubbornness.

73. Mr. Prinne concluded the sad sight of that day, and spake to this purpose. The cause of my standing here is for not bringing in my Answer, God knoweth, my conscience beareth witness, and my Council can tell, for I paid them twice though to no purpose. But their cowardice stands upon Record. And that's the reason why they did proceed, and take the cause pro confesso against me. But rather then I would have my cause a leading cause to the depriving of the Subjects liberties, which I seek to maintain, I choose to suffer my body to become an example of this punishment.

74. The censure was with all rigor executed on him, and he who felt the most, fretted the least; commended for more kindly patience than either of his Predecessors in that place. So various were men's fancies in reading the same letters, imprinted in his face, that some made them to spell the guiltiness of the Sufferer, but others the cruelty of the Imposer. Of the latter sort many for the cause, more for the man, most for humanity sake bestowed pity upon him: and now all three were remanded 〈◊〉 their former Prisons; and Mr. Prinne as he returned by water to the T •• er, made this Distich upon his own stigmatizing.

Not long after they were removed: Mr. Prinne to Carnarvan-Castle in Wales: Dr. Bastwicke, and Mr. Burton; the one to Lancaster-Castle, the other to Lanceston in Cornewall.

75. But it seems these places were conceived to have, either too little of Privacy, or too much of Pleasure. The two latter therefore were removed again; One to the Isle of Scilly, the other to the Isle of • ernezey; and Mr. Prinne to Mount Orgueile-Castle in Jersey. This in vulgar apprehensions, added breadth to the former depth of their sufferings, scattering the same over all the English Dominions, making the Islands thereof as well as the Continent partake of their patience. And here we leave them all in their Prisons, and particularly Mr. Prinne improving the Rocks and the Seas (good Spiritual Husbandrie ) with pious meditations. But we shall hear more of them hereafter at the beginning of the Parliament.

76. Next came the Bishop of Lincoln to be censured in the Star-chamber, and something must be premised preparative thereunto. After the great Seal some ten years since was taken from him, he retired himself to Bugden in Huntingdonshire, where he may be said to have lived in a public privacie. So many his Visitants, hospital his house-keeping: it being hard to say, whether his Table were more free and full in diet or discourse: indeed he had a plentiful estate to maintain it, besides his purchased Land. The revenues of his Bishopric, and Deanery of Westminster, out of which, long since he had been shaken, if not fastened therein, by the Letters Patents of King James. His Adversaries beheld him with envious eyes, and one great Prelate plainly said in the presence of the King, that the Bishop of Lincoln lived, in as much pomp and plenty as any Cardinal in Rome, for Dy • t, Music, and attendance. They resolved therefore to humble his height, the concurrence of many matters ministering occasion thereunto.

77. Sir John Lamb Dean of the Arches formerly a Favorite of Lincoln (fe • cht off from being prosecuted in Parliament, and knighted by his means) with Dr. Sibthorp, Allen and Burden (two Proctors as I take them) were entertained at the Bishops talk at Bugden, where their table was (the discourse general of those days) against Puritans. The Bishop advised them to take off their heavy hand from them, informing them that his Majesty in • ended to use them hereafter with more mildness, as a considerable party •• ing great influence on the Parliament, without whose concurrence the 〈◊〉 could not comfortably supply his necessities: adding moreover that 〈◊〉 Majesty had communicated this unto him by his own mouth, with his ••• tions hereafter of more gentleness to men of that opinion.

〈◊〉 Some years after upon the denial of an Officials place in Leicester 〈◊〉 (which notwithstanding, he carried in despite of the Bishop ) Sir John ••• be fell foul with his old Friend, and in revenge complained of him for • evealing the Kings secrets concredited to his privacy. Hereupon Attorney Noy was employed to put the same into an Information in the Star-chamber; unto which Bishop Williams by good advise of counsel did plead and demure, as containing no matter fit for the cognizance of that Court, as concerning words spoken of matters done in Parliament, & secrets pretended to be revealed by him, a Privy Counselor and Peer of Parliament, and therefore not to be heard but in that High-Court. This Demurrer being heard & argued by Counsel Pro and Con in open Court for two or three hours (the Lord Keeper and other Lord's there present, finding no cause nor color to overrule it) was referred to Judge Richison (who lately having singded his Coat from blasts at the Court ) by him to be smothered, who in a private Chamber presently after dinner over-ruled the same in a quarter of an hour.

79. The Demurrer thus rendered useless in the Bishops defense, he used what means he could by the Lord Weston (a proper person, because Treasurer to meddle in money matters) to compound with his Majesty: but his Majesty resolved to have the Bishops answer, and confession of his fault before he would compound with him. Whereupon the Bishop quitting all thoughts of composition, resolved to weather out the Tempest of his Majesty's displeasure at open sea, either out of confidence of the strength of his tackling, his own innocence, or skill of his Pilots, who were to steer his suit, having the learnedst Counsel of the Land by whose advise he put in a strong plea, which likewise being argued and debated in open Court, came at last to 70. His Ears were cut off very close, so that the Temporal or Head Artery being cut, the blood in abundance streamed down upon the Scaffold, all which he manfully endured, without manifesting the least shrinking thereat. Indeed of such who measured his mind by his words, some conceived his carraige far above: others (though using the same scale ) suspected the same to be somewhat beside himself. But let such who desire more of his character, consult with his printed lite, written with his own hand, though it be hard for the most Excellent Artist truly to draw his own Picture.

71. Dr. Bastwick succeeded him, making a Speech to this effect. Here are many spectators of us, who stand here as Delinquents, yet am I not conscious to my self of the least trespass, wherein I have deserved this outward shame. Indeed I wrote a Book against Antichrist the Pope, and the Pope of Canterbury said it was written against him. But were the Press open unto us, we would scatter his Kingdom, and fight courageously against Gog and Magog. There be many here that have set many days apart on our behalf (let the Prelates take notice thereof) and have sent up strong prayers to God for us, the strength and fruit whereof we have felt all along in this cause. In a word, so far am I from fear or care that had I as much blood as would swell the Thames ( then visible unto him, his face respecting the South) I would lose every drop thereof in this cause.

72. His Friends much admired and highly commended the erection of his mind triumphing over pain and shame, making the one easy, the other honorable, and imputed the same to an immediate Sprituall support. Others conceived that anger in him acted the part of patience, as to the stout undergoing of his sufferings, and that in a Christian there lieth a real distinction betwixt Spirit and Stomach, Valour and Stubbornness.

73. Mr. Prince concluded the sad sight of that day, and spake to this purpose. The cause of my standing here is for not bringing in my Answer, God knoweth, my conscience beareth witness, and my Council can tell, for I paid them twice though to no purpose. But their cowardice stands upon Record. And that's the reason why they did proceed, and take the cause pro confesso against me. But rather then I would have my cause a leading cause to the depriving of the Subjects liberties, which I seek to maintain, I choose to suffer my body to become an example of this punishment.

74. The censure was with all rigor executed on him, and he who felt the most, fretted the least; commended for more kindly patience than either of his Predecessors in that place. So various were men's fancies in reading the same letters, imprinted in his face, that some made them to spell the guiltiness of the Sufferer, but others the cruelty of the Imposer. Of the latter sort many for the cause, more for the man, most for hu • anity sake bestowed pity upon him: and now all three were remanded 〈◊〉 their former Prisons; and Mr. Prinne as he returned by water to the T •• er, made this Distich upon his own stigmatizing.

Not long after they were removed: Mr. Prinne to Carnarvan-Castle in Wales: Dr. Bastwicke, and Mr. Burton; the one to Lancaster-Castle, the other to Lanceston in Cornewall.

75. But it seems these places were conceived to have, either too little of Privacy, or too much of Pleasure. The two latter therefore were removed again; One to the Isle of Scilly, the other to the Isle of Gernezey; and Mr. Prinne to Mount Orgueile-Castle in Jersey. This in vulgar apprehensions, added breadth to the former depth of their sufferings, scattering the same over all the English Dominions, making the Islands thereof as well as the Continent partake of their patience. And here we leave them all in their Prisons, and particularly Mr. Prinne improving the Rocks and the Seas (good Spiritual Husbandrie ) with pious meditations. But we shall hear more of them hereafter at the beginning of the Parliament.

76. Next came the Bishop of Lincoln to be censured in the Star-chamber, and something must be premised preparative thereunto. After the great Seal some ten years since was taken from him, he retired himself to Bugden in Huntingdonshire, where he may be said to have lived in a public privacie. So many his Visitants, hospital his house-keeping: it being hard to say, whether his Table were more free and full in diet or discourse: indeed he had a plentiful estate to maintain it, besides his purchased Land. The revenues of his Bishopric, and Deanery of Westminster, out of which, long since he had been shaken, if not fastened therein, by the Letters Patents of King James. His Adversaries beheld him with envious eyes, and one great Prelate plainly said in the presence of the King, that the Bishop of Lincoln lived in as much pomp and plenty as any Cardinal in Rome, for Dy • t, Music, and attendance. They resolved therefore to humble his height, the concurrence • f many matters ministering occasion thereunto.

77. Sir John Lamb Dean of the Arches formerly a Favorite of Lincoln (fe • cht off from being prosecuted in Parliament, and knighted by his means) with Dr. Sibthorp, Allen and Burden (two Proctors as I take them) were entertained at the Bishops talk at Bugden, where their table was (the discourse general of those days) against Puritans. The Bishop advised them to take off their heavy hand from them, informing them that his Majesty intended to use them hereafter with more mildness, as a considerable party having great influence on the Parliament, without whose concurrence the King could not comfortably supply his necessities: adding moreover that his Majesty had communicated this unto him by his own mouth, with his resolutions hereafter of more gentleness to men of that opinion.

78. Some years after upon the denial of an Officials place in Leicestershire (which notwithstanding, he carried in despite of the Bishop ) Sir John Lamb fell foul with his old Friend, and in revenge complained of him for revealing the Kings secrets concredited to his privacy. Hereupon Attorney Noy was employed to put the same into an Information in the Star-chamber; unto which Bishop Williams by good advise of counsel did plead and demure, as containing no matter fit for the cognizance of that Court, as concerning words spoken of matters done in Parliament, & secrets pretended to be revealed by him, a Privy Counselor and Peer of Parliament, and therefore not to be heard but in that High-Court. This Demurrer being heard & argued by Counsel Pro and Con in open Court for two or three hours (the Lord Keeper and other Lord's there present, finding no cause nor color to overrule it) was referred to Judge Richison (who lately having singded his Coat from blasts at the Court ) by him to be smothered, who in a private Chamber presently after dinner over-ruled the same in a quarter of an hour.

79. The Demurrer thus rendered useless in the Bishops defense, he used what means he could by the Lord Weston (a proper person, because Treasurer to meddle in money matters) to compound with his Majesty: but his Majesty resolved to have the Bishops answer, and confession of his fault before he would compound with him. Whereupon the Bishop quitting all thoughts of composition, resolved to weather out the Tempest of his Majesty's displeasure at open sea, either out of confidence of the strength of his tackling, his own innocence, or skill of his Pilots, who were to steer his suit, having the learnedst Counsel of the Land by whose advise he put in a strong plea, which likewise being argued and debated in open Court, came at last to the same untimely end with the Demurrer, as referred to Judge Richison, and smothered by him in a Chamber.

80. This Plea thus overruled, the Bishop put in an especial answer to the information, declaring, how all was grounded by a conspiracy and combination of the persons named in the Bill, to wit, ( Lamb, Sibthorpe, Allen and Burden ) out of an intent to advance themselves, and hatred they bare to him, for not permitting them to pole and pill the Kings Subjects in Leicestershire, in their Ecclesiastical Courts by haling them into their nets ex officio mero without any previous complaint, under an imaginary color of Puritanism. To this especial answer, Attorney Noy rejoined in issue, admitting the Bishop to prove his especial matters, who proceeded to the examination of his witnesses therein.

81. Now began Attorney Noy to grow weary of the matter, and became slow and remiss in the prosecution thereof, whether out of respect to the Bishop whom he honored (though tart in terms against him to please a greater Prelate ) or out of consciousness that more weight was hung thereon, then the slender Wyres of the cause would bear. Hereupon Richard Kilvert was entertained to follow the Suite, (though not entering himself as he ought Prosecutour upon record) at the best being a necessary evil, to do what an honest man would be ashamed of. Indeed like an English Mastiffe he would fiercely fly upon any person, or project, if set on with promise of profit, and having formerly made his Breakfast on Sir John Bennet, he intended to dine and supp on the Bishop. And though his strength consisted much in a cunning head, yet far more in an able back as seconded in this suit and abetted from the Court in his undertakings. This Kilvert so wrought himself into Warren an Examiner of the Star-Chamber, that (some say) contrary to his oath he revealed unto him that the Testimony of one John Pregion Register of Lincoln and Leicester was most material in the Bishop his defense.

82. Then was it Kilvert his design to uncredit the Testimony of Pregion, by charging him with several accusations, particularly getting a Bastard, though being no matters upon record, to take away the validity of his witness. The Bishop apprehending himself necessitated to weigh up Pregion his repute, engaged himself more zealously therein, then was conceived consistent with the gravity of so great a Prelate for so inconsiderable a person. Especially to such who knew not that Dr. Morrison and this Pregion, were the only persons of note present at the Bishop his Table when the discourse passed betwixt him and Sir John Lamb. The Bastard laid to his charge, is bandied at Lincoln-Sessions, backward and forward betwixt Pregion and another. The first Court fathers it upon him, the next freed him from it, and a third returned it upon him again. This last order of Sessions was again dissolved as illegal, by the Judges of the Kings-Bench, and Pregion cleared from the child charged on him. Sir John Munson a Justice of that County appearing very active against him, and the Bishop no less earnest in his behalf.

83. Here happened the occasion or that w ^ch was afterwards so highly charged, and heavily censured on the Bishop Williams, wiz. tampering to 〈◊〉 witnesses Henceforward 〈…〉 all his first information, which from this day sunk 〈◊〉 silence, and employed all his power on the proof of Subornation. That 〈…〉 too hard for his Teeth to enter, and fastened his fangs on a softer place, so to pinch the Bishop to purpose; yea so expensive was the suit that the Bishop (well skilled in the charge of charitable works) might with the same cost have built and endowed a small College.

84. Some days before she hearing, a Noble Lord of his Majesty's Council, the Bishops great Friend, interposed himself to compound the matter, prevailing so far that on his payment of two thousand pound, the Suit should be superseded in the Star-Chamber, and he freed from further molessation. But at this Lord's return the price was risen in the market, and besides the aforesaid 〈◊〉 it was demanded of him, that to procure his peace he must part with his Deanery of Westminster, Parsonage or Walgrave, and Prebend of Lincoln which he kept in commendam. To this the Bishop answered, that he would in no base forgo those few remainders of the favor which his dead master King James had conferred 〈◊〉 him.

85. Not long after another bargain was driven, by the well intended endeavors of the same Lord, that seeing his Majesty at that time had much occasion of moneys? if he would but double the former sum, and lay down four thousand pounds, he should be freed from further trouble, and might go home with all his 〈◊〉 about him. The Bishop returned that he took no delight, 〈◊〉 at law with his Sovereign, and thankfully embracing the motion, prepared himself for the payment. When a great Adversary stepping in, so violented his Majesty to a Trial, that all was not only frustrated, but this afterwards urged against the Bishop, to prove him conscious of a crime from his forwardness to entertain a composition.

86. The day of censure being come, Sir John Finch Lord chief Justice fined the Bishop ten thousand pound for tempering to suborn Witnesses, Secretary Windebank concurred with (that little Bell, being the loudest and shrillest in the whole pea • ) as who alone motioned to degrade him; which was lustily pronounced by a Knight and Layman, having no precedent for the same in former ages. The other Lord's brought the fine down to eight thousand pound, and a thousand marks to Sir John Munson, with suspension ab officio et beneficio, and imprisoning him, during the Kings pleasure. The Earl of Arundell added, that the cause in its self was extraordinary, not so much prosecuted by the Attorney, as immediately by the King himself recommended to their justice. Manchester Lord privy Seal said that this was the first precedent, wherein a Master had undone himself to save his Servant.

87. The Archbishop of Canterbury did consent thereunto, aggravating the fault of subornation of perjury, with a pathetical speech of almost an hour long, showing how the world was above three thousand years old before ripe enough to commit so great a wickedness, and Jesabell the first in Scripture branded with that infamy, whose false Witnesses the holy Spirit refused to name, otherwise than under the Character of Men of Belial. Wherefore although (as he said) he himself had been five times down on his knees to his Majesty, in the Bishops behalf; yet considering the guilt so great, he could not but agree with the heaviest censure. And although some Lord's, the Bishops Friends, as Treasurer Weston, Earl of Dorset &c. concurred in the fine, with hope the King should have the sole honor of the mitigation thereof, yet his Majesty's necessaries, meeting with the person adjudged guilty, and well known for solvable; no wonder if the utmost penny of the fine was exacted.

88. At the same time were fined with the Bishop, George Walker his Secretary, Cadwallader Powell his Steward, at three hundred pounds, a piece, and Thomas Lund the Bishop his Servant at a thousand 〈◊〉 all as 〈◊〉 in the same cause, yet none of them was imprisoned, save Lund for a few weeks, and their fine never called upon into this day, which the Bishop said, was commuted into such Office, as hereafter they were go do in the favor of Kilvert.

7. To make this our History entire, the matter, in this particular suite. Be it therefore known to the Reader, than some four years after, 〈◊〉 1640, when this Bishop was fetch out of the Tower, and restored a Peer in Parliament, he there in presented several grievances, concerning the indirect prosecution of this cause against him, whereof these the principal.

These and many more Kilvertismes, as he calls them, did the Bishop complain of in Parliament, who so far tendered his innocence therein, that they ordered all the Records of that Suit in the Star-chamber to be obliterated. Y • a we may justly conceive, that these Grievances of the Bishop did much hasten, if not chiefly cause the suppression of that Court.

8. Thirteen days after he was suspended by the High-commission, and imprisoned in the Tower for almost four years, during whose durance therein, two Bishops and three Doctors were sent thither unto him, to take his answer to a Book of Articles, of twenty four Sheets of papes written on both sides. They proffered him the Bible to take the oath thereon, which he utterly refused, claiming the privilege of a Peer, adding moreover that being a Bishop, it was against law and Precedent in Antiquity, that young Priests his Graces (and some who had been his own) Chaplains, and Lay Doctors should sit as Judges of a Bishop his Doctrine, with power to deprive him of his Bishopric, if disliking the same. This was overruled, and he as one of the Kings Subjects required to make his answer.

9. First the article that all Books licenced by his Graces Chaplains (as Chune his, and Sala his Book with Doctor Mannering his Sermons ) are presumed by all true Subjects to be orthodox, and agreeable to sound Religion. This the Bishop utterly denied, and wondered at their impudency, to propound such an Article unto him.

10. Secondly they alleged, that no Bishop but his Grace, the Lord of London, and their Chaplains, had power to allow Books. This the other denied, saying that all Bishops, who were as learned as they, had as much power as they, citing for the same the Council of Lateran under Leo the tenth. Reformatio Cleri, under Cardinal Poole. Queen Elizabeth her injunctions, and the Decree of the Star-chamber relating to all these: He also stoutly averred the privilege, to belong only to the Bishops, and not to their Servants: howbeit his Grace had shuffled in his Chaplains to the last printed Starchamber decree. More frivolous were the ensuing Articles whereon he was examined.

11. To all which the Bishop made so wary an answer, that no advantage could be gained t • ereby: yea though some days after they returned to reexamine him, upon the same Articles, to try as he thought the steddiness of his memory, or else to plunge him into some crime of perjury, if in any material point he dissented from his former depositions; but the Bishop like a good boy said his Lesson over again and again, so that no advantage could be taken against him, & thereupon they gave him leave to play, proceeding no further in this cause; only they painted him out in an ugly shape to the King, as disaffected to the present government, and God willing we shall hear more of their proceedings against him hereafter.

12. But now we are summoned to a sadder subject; from the sufferings of a Private Person, to the miseries and almost mutual ruin of two Kingdoms, England and Scotland. I confess my hands have always been unwilling to write of that cold Country, for fear my fingers should be frost bitten therewith, but necessity to make our story entire, puts me upon the employment. Miseries caused from the sending of the Book of Service, or new Litu • gy thither, which may sadly be termed a RUBRICK indeed, died with the blood of so many of both Nations, slain on that occasion.

95. It seems the design began in the reign of King James, who desired and endeavored an uniformity of public Prayers, through the Kingdom of Scotland. In order whereunto an Act was passed in the general Assembly at Aberdeene 1616, to authorise some Bishops present to compile, and frame a Public form of Common Prayer: and let us observe the motions thereof.

• 1. It was committed to the Bishops aforesaid, and principally to the Archbishop of St. Andrew's and William Cooper Bishop of Galloway, to draw up the order thereof.
• 2. It was transmitted into England to King James, who punctually perused every particular passage therein.
• 3. It was remitted with the Kings Observations, Additions, Expunctions, Mutations, Accommodations to Scotland again.

But here the design sunk with the sudden death of King James, and lay not only dormant but dead; till some years after it was awakened or rather revived again.

96. In the reign of King Charles, the project being resumed (but whether the same book or no God knoweth) it was concluded not to send into Scotland the same Liturgy of England Totidem verbis, left this should be misconstrued a badge of dependence of that Church on ours. It was resolved also, That the two Liturgies should not differ in substance, left the Roman party should upbraid us with weighty and material differences. A Similitude therefore not Identity being resolved of, it was drawn up with some, as they termed them, insensible alterations, but such as were quickly found and felt by the Scotch to their great distaste. These alterations are of two natures. First, ingratiating, which may be presumed, made to gain the affection of that Nation. Secondly, distasting, which (if not in the intent ) in the event proved the great grievance and general cause that the book was hated and rejected. We will insist on three of the first sort.

First, Whereas there was an ancient complaint, That so much of the Apocrypha was read in Churches, viz. about sixty Chapters for the first lesson (from the 28. of September till the 24. of November ) Canonical Scripture is alone appointed to be read in the Scotch Liturgy, one day alone excepted, viz. All Saints day, when Wisdom the 3, and Ecclesiasticus the 14, are ordered for Morning and Evening Prayer, on the same token there wanted not such, who said that those two Chapters were left there, to keep possession, that all the rest might in due time be reintroduced.

Secondly, The word Priest often used in the English Liturgy, gave offense to many, in so much that one writeth, To call us Priests as touching our office, is either to call back again the old Priesthood of the Law, which is to deny Christ to be come, or else to keep a memory of the Popish Priesthood of abomination still amongst us; besides we never read in the New-Testament, that the word Priest (as touching office) is used in the good part. Whereupon to prevent exception, it was mollified into Presbyter in the Scotch Rubric.

97. The names of sundry Saints omitted in the English, are inserted into the Scotch Calendar (but only in black letters) on their several days according to the form following.

January.	February.	March.
11 David King. 13 Mungo Bishop, in Latin Kentigernus.	18 Colman.	11 Constantine the 3. King. 17 Patrick. 20 Cutbert.
April.	May.	June.
1 Gilbert Bishop. 20 Serfe Bishop.		9 Columba.
July.	August.	September.
6 Palladius.		18 Ninian Bishop. 25 Adaman Bishop.
October.	November.	December.
	16 Margaret Queen. 27 Ode Virgin.	4 Droftane.

Some of these were Kings, all of them Natives of that Country, ( Scotch and Irish in former ages being effectually the same) and which in probability might render them to the favor of their country-men, some of them (as Coleman &c. ) zealous opposites to the Church of Rome in the celebration of Easter.

98. But these Scotch Saints were so far from making the English Laturgy acceptable, that the English Liturgy, rather made the Saints odious unto them. Such the Distasting alterations in the Book reduceable to 1. Additions, 2. Omissions, 3. Variations, 4. and Transpositions. To instance in the most material of the first kind.

• 1. In the Baptism, these words are inserted Sanctify this fountain of water, thou which art the Sanctifier of all things. Which words are enjoined to be spoken by the Minister, so often as the water in the Fount is changed, which must be at least twice a month.
• 2. In the Prayer after the Doxology, and before the Communion, this Passage (expunged by the English Reformers out of our Liturgy) is out of the Ordinary of Sarum inserted in the Scotch Prayer Book. And of thy almighty goodness vouchsafe so to bless, and sanctify with thy word and holy word, these thy gifts and Creatures of Bread and Wine, that they may be unto us the body and blood of thy most dearly beloved Son: from which words saith the Scotch Author, all Papists use to draw the truth of the Transubstantiation.
• 3. He that Celebrateth, is enjoined to cover that which remaineth of the consecrated Eleents, with a fair linen Cloth or Corporal ; a word unknown to vulgar Ears of either Nations, in other sense then to signify an under-officer in a foot Company, and complained of to be purposely placed here, to wrap up therein all Romish superstition of Christ's Carnal Corporal presence in the Sacrament.
• 4. In the Prayer for the State of Christ's Church Militant, these words are added. And we also bless thy holy name, for all those thy servants who having finished their course in faith, do now rest from their labors. And we yield unto thee most high praise and hearty thanks, for the wonderful grace and virtue declared in all thy Saints, who have been the choice vessels of thy grace and the lights of the world in their several generations: most humbly beseeching thee, that we may have grace to follow the example of their steadfastness in thy faith, and obedience to thy holy commandments, that at the day of the general Resurrection, we, and all they which are of the mystical body of thy Son, may be set on his right hand, and hear that his most joyful voice, Come ye blessed &c.

99. Amongst the Omissions none more complained of than the deleting these words, in the delivery of the bread at the Sacrament.

A passage destructive to Transubstantiation, as diverting Communicants from Carnal Munducation, and directing their Souls to a spiritual repast on their Savior. All which in the Scotch Liturgy is cut off with an Amen from the Receiver.

The Variations and Transpositions are of less moment, as where the money gathered at the offer ory, distributable by the English Liturgy to the poor alone, hath a moyety thereof assigned the Minister therewith to buy him books of holy Divinity, and some prayers are transposed from their place, and ordered elsewhere, whereat some do take no small exception. Other smaller differences (if worth the while) will quickly appear to the curious perusers of both Liturgies.

100. Pass we now from the constitution of the book, to the condition of the Scotch Nation, in this unhappy juncture of time when it was imposed upon him. For it found them in a discontented posture (and high Royalists will maintain, that murmuring and muting against Princes differ only in degree, nor in kind ) occasioned on several accounts.

• 1. Some years since, the King had passed an Act of revocation of Crown Lands (aliened in the minority of his Ancesters) whereby much land of the Nobility became obnoxious to forfeiture. And though all was forgiven again by the Kings clemency, and nothing acted hereby to the prejudice of any, yet it vexed some to hold that as remitted by the Kings bounty, wherein they conceived themselves to be before unquestionably estated.
• 2. Whereas many formerly in Scotland, were rather Subjects than Tenants, rather Vassalls than Subjects: Such the Land-lords Princely (not to say Tyranniolly) power over them, the King had lately freed many from such dangerous dependence. Especially in point of payment of Tythes to the Lord's of the Erection, equivalent to our English lay Impropriators (but allowing the Land lords a valuable consideration, according to the purchases of that Country) whereby the King got the smiles of those who were most in number, but the frowns of such who were greatest in power.
• 3. Many were offended that at the Kings Coronation, some six years ago, and a Parliament following thereon, an act of ratification was passed concerning the Church her liberties and privileges, which some complained of, was done without Plurality of Suffrages.
• 4. Some Persons of honor desiring higher Titles were offended, that they were denied unto them, whilst his Majesty conferred them on others.

There want not those also, who confidently suggest it to Posterity, that Pensions constantly paid out of the English Exchequer in the Reign of King James to some principal pastors in the Scottish Church were since detained. So also the bounty of boons was now restrained in the Reign of King Charles, which could not fall so freely, as in the days of his father (the Cloud being almost drained ) adding moreover that the want of watering of Scotland with such showers, made them to chap into such Clefts and Chinks of Parties and Fa • ions, disaffected to the Kings proceedings.

101. To increase these distempers, some complain (how justly, their own Country-men best know) of the pride and pragmaticainess of the Scotch Bishops, who being but Probationers on their good behavior (as but reintroduced by King James ) offended the ancient Nobility, with their medleing in State matters. And I find two principally accused on this account; Doctor Forbes Bishop of the new Bishopric of Edenburg, and Doctor Welderburne Bishop of Dumblane. Thus was the Scotch Nation full of discontents, when this Book being brought unto them bare the blame of their breaking forth into more dangerous designs, as when the Cup is brim full before, the last (though least) superadded drop is charged alone to be the cause of all the running over.

102. Besides the Church of Scotland claimed not only to be Independent, & free as any Church in Christendom (a Sister not Daughter of England ) but also had so high an opinion of its own purity, that it participated more of Moses his platform in the Mount, than other Protestant Churches, being a reformed reformation; So that the practice thereof might be directory to others, and she fit to give, not take, write, not receive copies from any Neighbouring Church, destring that all others were like unto them, save only in their afflictions.

103. So much for the [complained of] burden of the book, as also for the sore back of that Nation (gauled with the aforesaid grievances) when this Liturgy was sent unto them: and now we must not forget the hatred they bare to the hand, which they accused for laying it upon them. Generally they excused the King in their writings, as innocent therein, but charged Archbishop Laud as the principal (and Doctor Cosins for the instrumental) compiler thereof, which may appear by what we read, in a Writer of that Nation, afterwards employed into England, about the advancing of the Covenant betwixt both Nations, and other Church affairs.

Surely if any such evidence was extant, we shall hear of it hereafter at his arraignment, produced and urged by the Scotch-Commissioners.

10. But leaving the Roots to lie under the Earth, let us look on the Branches spreading themselves above ground, and passing from the secret Author of this Book, behold the evident effects thereof. No sooner had the Dean of Edinburgh began to read the Book in the Church of St. Giles, in the presence of the Privy-Council, both the Archbishops, divers Bishops and Magistrates of the City, but presently such a Tumult was raised, that through clapping of hands, cursing, and crying one could neither hear nor be heard. The Bishop of Edinburgh endeavored in vain to appease the Tumult; whom a Stool aimed to be thrown at him, had killed, if not diverted by one present, so that the same Book had occasioned his Death, and prescribed the form of his burial, and this Hubbub was hardly suppressed by the Lord Provost and Bailiffs of Edinburgh.

105. This first Tumult was caused by such, whom I find called the Skum of the City, considerable for nothing but their number: But few days after the cream of the Nation (some of the highest and best quality therein) engaged in the same cause, crying out, God defend all those who will defend God's cause, and God confound the Service-Book and all the maintainers of it.

106. The Lord's of the Council interposed their power, and to appease all parties issued out a Proclamation to remove the Session (much like to our Term in London ) to Lithgou. This abated their anger as fire is quenched with Oile, seeing the best part of the Edenburgers livelihood depends on the Session kept in their City, yea so highly were the People enraged against Bishops as the procurers of all these Troubles, that the Bishop of Galloway passing peaceably along the street towards the Council • House; was way-laid in his coming thither, if by divine Providence, and by Frances Stewart Son to the late Earl of Bothwell, he had not with much ado been got within the doors of the Council-House. Indeed there is no fence, but flight, nor counsel, but concealment, to secure any single par • y against an offended multitude.

107. These troublesome beginnings afterwards did occasion the solemn League and Covenant, whereby the greatest part of the Nation united themselves, to defend their Privileges, and which laid the foundation of a long and woeful War in both Kingdoms. And here I crave the Readers pardon to break off; and leave the prosecution of this sad subject, to Pens more able to undertake it. For first, I know none will pity me, if I needlessly prick my fingers with meddling with a Thistle, which belongs not unto me. Secondly, I despair of perfect notice of particulars, at so great a distance of place, and greater of Parties concerned therein. Thirdly, if exact intelligence were obtained: as ages long ago are written with more saefety then truth, so the story hereof might be written with more truth then safety. Lastly, being a civil business it is aliened from my subject, and may justly be declined. If any object that it is reduceable to Ecclesiastical story, because one as they said termed this Bellum episcopale, The Warr for Bishops: I conceive it presumption for so mean a Minister as myself (and indeed for any under that great order ) to undertake the writing thereof.

1. NOw Bishop Williams was sentenced the second time in the Star-Chamber on this occ • sion, Mr. Lambert Osbaston School-master of Westminster wrote a Letter unto him wherein this passage. The little vermin the Urchin and Hocus pocus is this sto • my Christmas at true and real variance with the Leviathan. Now the Bishop was accused for d vulging scandalous Libells on Privy-Counselors, and that the Archbishop of Canterbury was meant by the former names. The Lord Treasurer Weston by the Leviathan, because he should have presented the libellous Letter at the receipt thereof, to some Justice of Peace, and not dispersed the same.

2. The Bishop pleaded, that he remembered not the receiving of any such letter, that he conceived no law directs the subject to bring to a Justice of Peace, Enigmaes or Riddles, but plain literal and gramatical Libells, against a known and clearly deciphered Person. Mr. Osbaston denied the words so meant by him, and deposed that he intended one Doctor Spicer a Civilian by Hocus Pocus, and the Lord Richardson (alive when the letter was written, but then dead) for the Leviathan.

3. Here a paper was produced by Mr. Walker the Bishops Secretary, and found in a band-box at Bugden, wherein the Bishop had thus written unto him.

Now Mr. Walker being pressed by a friend, why he would discover this letter to his Masters prejudice, averred, he brought it forth as a man witness of his innocence, and as able to clear him of all in the informaton: however it was strongly misunderstood; for by comparing both letters together the Court collected the Bishop guilty.

4. Sir John Finch fined him a just ten thousand pounds, Rotundi numeri causa, whom Secretary Windebank did follow. The rest brought it down to eight thousand pounds only, one Lord thought fitting to impose no fine upon him, rendering this reason, Qui jacet in terra non habet unde cadet.

5. The Bishop already being sequestered from all his Temporal Lands, spiritual preferment, and his Person imprisoned, Mr. Osbaston was sentenced five Thousand pounds, loss of his good living at Whethamstede, and to have his ear • s tackt to the Pillory in the presence of his Scholars, whom his industry had improved to as great eminency of learning as any of his Predecessors, insomuch that he had at the present above fouresore Doctors, in the two Universities, and three learned faculties, all gratefully acknowledging their education under him. But this last personal penalty he escaped by going beyond Canterbury, conceived seasonably gone beyond the Seas, whilst he secretly concealed himself in London.

6. All this put not a period to the Bishops troubles; his unsequestred Spirit so supported him, that some of his Adversaries frowned because he could smile under so great vexations. A design is set a foot, either to make him voluntarily surrender his Bishopric, Deanery and dignities (permitted perchance a poor Bishopric in Ireland ) or else to press his degradation: in order whereunto a new information with ten Articles is drawn up against him, though for the main, but the consequence and deductions of the fault for tampering with Witnesses, for which in the 13. of King Charles he had been so severely censured.

7. To this the Bishop put in a Plea, and Demurrer, that Deus non judicat bis in id ipsum, God punisheth not the same fault twice: that this is the way to make causes immense and punishments infinite: that whereas there was two things that Philosophers denied, infiniteness and vacuity, Kilvert had found them both in this prosecution; infiniteness in the Bishops cause and vacuity in his purse: that the profane wits of this age should begin to doubt of the necessity of believing a Hell hereafter, when such eternal punishments are found here in such kind of prosecution: he added also that he could prove it that it was a conspiracy of Kilverts with other persons, if he might have freedom to bring his witnesses against them; which because it cast scandal on those who were Pro domino Rege, was now denied him.

8. Then put he in a Rejoinder and an Appeal unto the next Parliament, whensoever it should be assembled, pleading his privilege of Peerage, as his freehold, and that he could not be degraded of his Orders and Dignities. This was filed in the S • ar-Chamber under the Clerks Book; and Copies thereof signed with the usual Officers. Now although this was but a poor help, no light of a Parliament dawning at that time; yet it so far quashed the proceedings that it never came to farther hearing, and the matter superseded from any final Censure.

9. And now began Scotland to be an Actor, and England, [as yet] a sad Spectator thereof, as suspecting ere long to feel what • e beheld. There is an Hye Hill in Cumberland called Skiddaw, & another answering thereto, [ Scrussell by name] in Anandale in Scotland, and the people dwelling by, have an old Rythme.

Meaning that such the vicinity (and as I may say sympathy ) betwixt these two Hills, that if one be sick with a mist of clouds, the other soon after is sad on the like occasion. Thus none, seeing it now foul weather in Scotland, could expect it fair sunshine in England, but that she must share in the same miseries: as soon after it came to pass.

10. Let those who desire perfect information hereof, satisfy themselves, from such as have, or may hereafter write the History of the State. In whom they shall find how King Charles took his journey Northward, against the Scottish Covenanters. How some weeks after, on certain conditions a Peace was concluded betwixt them. How his Majesty returned to London's and how this palliated cure soon after brake out again, more dangerous than ever before.

11. In these distracted times a Parliament was called with the wishes of all, and hopes of most that were honest, yet not without the fears of some, who were wise, what would be the success thereof. With this Parliament began a Convocation; all the mediate transactions (for ought I can find out) are embezled; and therein it was ordered, that none present should take any private notes in the House; whereby the particular passages thereof are left at great uncertainty. However, so far as I can remember, I will faithfully relate; being comforted with this consideration, that generally he is accounted an unpartial Arbitratour who displeaseth both sides.

12. On the first day thereof Dr. Turner, Chaplain to the Archbishop of Canterbury, made a Latin Sermon in the Choir of St. Paul's. His text Matth. 10. 16. Behold, I send you forth as Sheep in the midst of Wolves. In the close of his Sermon he complained, that all B • shops held not the reins of Church-discipline with an even hand, but that some of them were too easy, and remiss, in the ordering thereof. Whereby whiles they sought to gain to themselves the popular praise of meekness, and mildness, they occasionally cast on other Bishops (more severe then themselves) the unjust imputation of rigor, and tyranny; and therefore he advised them all with equal strictness to urge an universal conformity. Sermon ended, we chose Dr. Stewart Dean of Chichester Prolocutor.

13. Next day of sitting we met at Westminster, in the Chapel of King Henry the seventh both the Houses of Convocation being joined together; when the Archbishop of Canterbury entertained them with a Latin Speech, well nigh three quarre • s of an hour gravely uttered, his eyes ofttimes being but one remove from weeping. It consisted most of generals, bemoaning the distempers of the Church, but concluded it with a special passage, acquaining us how highly we were indebted to his Majesty's favor so far intrusting the integrity, and ability of that Convocation, as to empower them with his Commission, the like whereof was not granted for may years before, to alter old, or make new Canons for the better government of the Church.

14. Some wise men in the Convocation began now to be jealous of the event of new Canons, yea, became fearful of their own selves, for having too great power, lest it should tempt them to be over tampering in innovations. They thought it better, that this Convocation, with its predecessors, should be censured for laziness, and the solemn doing of just nothing, rather than to run the hazard by over activity to do anything unjust. For, as waters long dammed up, ofttimes flownce, and fl • e out too violently, when their sluices are pulled up, and they let loose on a sudden: so the judicious feared, lest the Convocation, whose power of meddling with Churchmatters, had been bridled up for many years before, should now, enabled with such power, over-act their parts, especially in such dangerous, and discontented times. Yea, they suspected, lest those who formerly had out • run the Canons with their additional conformity (ceremonizing more then was enjoined) now would make the Canons come up to them, making it necessary for others, what voluntarily they had prepractised themselves.

15. Matters began to be in agitation, when on a sudden the Parliament (wherein many things were started, nothing hunted down, or brought to perfection) was dissolved. Whilest the immediate cause hereof is commonly cast on the King, and Court, demanding so many Subsidies at once ( England being as yet unacquainted with such prodigious payments;) the more conscientious look higher, and remoter, on the crying sins of our Kingdom. And from this very time did God begin to gather the twiggs of that rod [a civil war] wherewith soon after he intended to whip a wanton nation.

16. Next day the Convocation came together, as most supposed, merely meeting to part, and finally to dissolve themselves. When, contrary to general expectation, it was motioned, to improve the present opportunity, in perfecting the new Canons which they had begun. And soon after a new Commission was brought from his Majesty, by virtue whereof we were warranted still to sit, not in the capacity of a Convocation, but of a Synod, to prepare our Canons for the Royal Assent thereunto. But Doctor Brownrigg, Doctor Hacket, Doctor Holesworth, Master Warmistre with others, to the number of thirty six (the whole House consisting of about six score) earnestly protested against the continuance of the Convocation.

17. These importunately pressed that it might sink with the Parliament, it being ominous & without precedent, that the one should survive, when the other was expired. To satisfy these, an Instrument was brought into Synod, signed with the hands of the Lord Privy-Seal, the two chief Justices, and other Judge • s, justifying our so sitting in the nature of a Synod, to be legal according to the Laws of the Realm. It ill becometh Clergy-men to pretend to more skill in the Laws, then so learned Sages in that profession, and therefore impartial judgments may take off from the fault of the followers, and lay it on the leaders, that this Synod sat when the Parliament was dissolved. This made the aforesaid thirty six dissenters (though solemnly making their oral protests to the contrary, yet) not to dissever themselves, or enter any act in Scriptis against the legality of this Assembly: the rather, because they hoped to moderate proceedings with their presence. Surely some of their own coat, which since have censured these dissenters for cowardly compliance, and doing no more in this cause, would have done less themselves, if in their condition.

18. Thus was an old Convocation converted into a new Synod; and now their disjointed meeting being set together again, they betook themselves to consult about new Canons. Now because great bodies move slowly, and are fitter to be the consenters to than the contrivers of business, it was thought fit to contract the Synod into a select Committee of some six and twenty, beside the Proloquutour, who were to ripen matters, as to the propounding and drawing up the forms to what should pass, yet so, that nothing should be accounted the act of the House, till thrice (as I take it) publicly voted therein.

19. Expect not here of me an exemplification of such Canons, as were concluded of in this Convocation. Partly, because being printed they are public to every eye, but chiefly because they were never put in practice, or generally received. The men in Persia did never look on their little ones, till they were seven years old (bred till that time with th • ir Mothers, and Nurses) nor did they account them in their Genealogies amongst their children (but amongst the more long-lived abortives) if dying before seven years of age. I conceive such Canons come not under our cognizance, which last not (at least) an apprenticeship of years in use, a • d practice, and therefore we decline the setting down the Acts of this Synod. It is enough for us to present the number, and titles of the several Canons.

• 1. Concerning the Regal power.
• 2. For the better keeping of the day of his Majesty's most happy Inauguration.
• 3. For suppressing of the growth of Popery.
• 4. Against Socinianism.
• 5. Against Sectaries.
• 6. An Oath enjoined for the preventing of all Innovations in Doctrine and Government.
• 7. A Declaration concerning some Rites, and Ceremonies.
• 8. Of Preaching for Conformity.
• 9. One Book of Articles of inquiry to be used at all Parochial Visitations.
• 10. Concerning the Conversation of the Clergy.
• 11. Chancellors Patents.
• 12. Chancellors alone not to censure any of the Clergy in sundry Cases.
• 13. Excommunication, and Absolution not to be pronounced but by a Priest.
• 14. Concerning the Commutations, and the disposing of them.
• 15. Touching concurrent Jurisdictions.
• 16. Concerning Licences to Marry.
• 17. Against vexatious Citations.

20. As for the Oath concluded on in this Synod, because since the subject of so much discourse, it is here set forth at large, according to the true tenor thereof, as followeth.

21. Towards the close of the Convocation Doctor Griffith, a Clark for some Welsh Diocese, (whose moderate carriage all the while was very commendable) made a motion that there might be a new edition of the Welsh Church-Bible, some sixty years since first translated into Welsh, by the worthy endeavors of Bishop Morgan, but not without many mistakes and omissions of the printer. He insisted on two most remarkable, a whole verse left out Exod. 12. concerning the Angels passing over the houses besprinkled with blood, which mangleth the sense of the whole Chapter. Another Habak. 25. where that passage, He is a proud man, is wholly omitted. The matter was committed to the care of the Welsh B • shops, who (I fear) surprised with the troublesome times effected nothing herein.

22. The day before the ending of the Synod, Godfrey Goodman, Bishop of Gloucester, privately repaired to the Archbishop of Canterbury, acquainting him, that he could not in his conscience subscribe the new Canons. It appeared afterwards that he scrupled some passages about the Corporal presence. But, whether upon Popish, or Lutheran principles, he best knoweth himself. The Archbishop advised him to avoid obstinacy, and singularity therein. However the next day, when we all subscribed the Canons (suffering our selves, according to the order of such meetings, to be all concluded by the majority of Votes, though some of us in the Committee privately dissenting in the passing of many particulars) he alone utterly refused his subscription thereunto. Whereupon the Archbishop, being present with us in King Henry the seventh his Chapel, was highly offended at him; My Lord of Gloucester, (said he) I admonish you to subscribe: and presently after, My Lord of Gloucester, I admonish you the second time to subscribe: and immediately after, I admonish you the third time to subscribe: To all which the Bishop pleaded conscience, and returned a denial.

23. Then were the judgments of the Bishops severally asked, whether they should proceed to the present suspension of Gloucester, for his contempt herein. Davenant, Bishop of Sarisbury, being demanded his opinion, conceived it fit some Lawyers should first be consulted with, how far forth the power of a Synod in such cases did extend. He added moreover, that the threefold admonition of a Bishop ought solemnly to be done with some considerable intervalls betwixt them, in which the party might have time of convenient deliberation. However some days after he was committed (by the Kings command, as I take it) to the Gate-house, where he got by his restraint what he could never have gained by his liberty, namely, of one reputed Popish, to become for a short time popular, as the only Confessor suffering for not subscribing the Canons. Soon after the same Canons were subscribed at York, where the Convocation is but the hand of the Diall, moving, and pointing as directed by the clock of the Province of Canterbury. And on the last of June following, the said Canons were publicly printed, with the Royal Assent affixed thereunto.

24. No sooner came these Canons abroad into public view, but various were men's censures upon them. Some were offended, because bowing toward the Communion-Table (now called Altar by many) was not only left indifferent, but also caution taken, that the observers, or the omitters thereof should not mutually censure each other: yet many complained, that this ceremony, though left indifferent as hereafter to salvation, was made necessary as here to preferment. Yea, this knee-mark of bowing or not bowing, would be made the distinguishing character, that hereafter all such should be condemned as halting in conformity, who were not through paced in these addition all ceremonies.

25. Many took exception at the hollowness of the Oath in the middle thereof, having its bowels puffed up with a windy &c. a cheverel word, which might be stretched as men would measure it. Others pleaded for it, as only inserted to save the enumeration of many mean Officers in the Church, whose mention was beneath the dignity of an Oath, and would but clog the same. Yea since, some have endeavored to excuse the same by the interpretative &c. incorporated into the body of the Covenant, whereby people are bound to defend the privileges of Parliament, though what they be is unknown to most that take the same.

26. But most took exception against that clause in the Oath, we will never give any consent to alter this Church-government, as if the same were intended to abridge the liberty of King and State in future Parliaments, and Convocations, if hereafter they saw cause to change anything therein. And this obligation seemed the more unreasonable, because some of those Orders specified in the Oath (as Archbishops, Deans, Archdeacons) stand only established jure humano, sive Ecclesiastico; and no wise man ever denied, but that by the same power, and authority they are alterable on just occasion.

27. Yet there wanted not others, who with a favorable sense end • avoured to qualify this suspicious clause, whereby the taker of this Oath was tied up from consenting to any alteration. These argued, that if the Authority Civil, or Ecclesiastical, did not herein impose an Oath, binding those that took it hereafter to disobey themselves, and reject such orders, which the foresaid Civil, or Ecclesiastical power might afterwards lawfully enact, or establish. For, seeing in all oaths this is an undoubted Maxim, Quacunque forma verborum juratur, Deus sic juramentum accipit, sicut ill cui juratur intelligit, none can probably suppose, that the governors in this oath intended any clause thereof, to be an abridgment of their own lawful power, or to debar their inferiors from consenting, and submitting to such alterations, as by themselves should lawfully be made. Wherefore these words, We will never give any consent to alter, are intended here to be meant only of a voluntary, and pragmatical alteration; when men conspire, consent, labor, and endeavor to change the present government of the Church, in such particulars as they do dislike, without the consent of their superiors.

28. But the exception of exceptions against these Canons, is, because they were generally condemned as illegally passed, to the prejudice of the fundamental liberty of the Subject, whereof we shall hear enough in the next Parliament. Mean time some B • shops were very forward in pressing this Oath, even before the time thereof. For, whereas a liberty was allowed to all, to deliberate thereon, until the feast of Michael the Archangel, some presently pressed the Ministers of their Dioceses, for the taking thereof, and, to my knowledge, enjoined them to take this oath kneeling. A ceremony (to my best remembrance) never exacted, or observed in taking the Oath of Supremacy or Allegiance; which some accounted an essay of their activity, if providence had not prevented them.

29. Many impressions of English-Bibles, printed at Amsterdam, and moe at Edinburgh in Scotland, were daily brought over hither, and sold here. Little their volumes, and low their prices, as being of bad paper, worse print, little Margent, yet greater then the care of the Corrector, many most abominable errata being passed therein. Take one instance for all.

Jer. 4. 17. speaking of the whole • nstead of, because she hath been rebellious against me, saith the Lord. Common-wealth of Judah. it is printed Edinburgh 1637. because she hath been religious against me, saith the Lord.

Many complaints were made, especially by the company of Stationers, against these false printed Bibles, as giving great advantage to the Papists, but nothing was therein effected. For in this juncture of time came in the Scottish Army, and invaded the Northern parts of England. What secret solicitations invited them hither, is not my work to inquire. Many beheld them as the only Physicians of the distempered State, and believed, that they gave not their Patient a visit on pure charity, but having either received, or being well promised their fee before.

30. Soon after began the long lasting Parliament, so known to all posterity for the remarkable transactions therein. The King went to the House privately by water, many commending his thrift in sparing expenses, when two Armies in the bowels of the Land expected their pay from his purse. Others distinguishing betwixt needless Pomp, and necessary State, suspected this might be misinterpreted as if the Scotch had frighted him out of that Ceremony of Majesty: and some feared such an omission presaged that Parliament would end with sadness to him, which began without any solemnity. Abreast therewith began a Convocation though unable long to keep pace together, the latter soon tyreing as never inspirited by commission from the King to meddle with any matters of Religion: Mr. Warmistre (a Clark for Worcester ) made a motion therein, that they should endeavor (according to the Levitical Law) to cover the pit which they had opened, and to prevent their adversaries intention, by condemning such offensive Canons, as were made in the last Convocation. But it found no acceptance, they being loath to confess themselves guilty before they were accused.

31. This day happened the first fruits of Anabaptistical insolence, when 80 of that Sect meeting at a house in St. Savior's in Southwark, preached that the Statute in the 35. of Eliz. for the administration of the Common-Prayer was no good Law because made by Bishops. That the King cannot make a good Law because not perfectly regenerate. That he was only to be obeyed in Civil matters. Being brought before the Lord's they confessed the articles, but no penalty was inflicted upon them.

32. About this time Mr. Prinn, Dr. Bastwick, and Mr. Burton were brought out of durance and exile, with great Triumph into London, it not s • fficing their friends to welcome them peaceably, but victoriously, with bayes and rosemary in their hands and hats. Wise men conceived that their private returning to the Town, had signified as much gratitude to God, and less affront to authority. But some wildness of the looks must be pardoned in such, who came suddenly into the light out of long darkness.

33. As Bishop Williams and Mr. Osbaston, were the two first Clergy-men who found the favor of this Parliament, (being remitted their fin • s, and restored to their livings and liberty) so Doctor Pocklington and Doctor Bray were the two first that felt their displeasures. The former for preaching and printing, the latter for licencing two books, one called Sunday no Sabbath, the other The Christian altar. Bishop Williams moved, that D • ctor Bray might recant seven errors in the first, four and twenty in the second Treatise. Soon after both the Doctors deceased, for grief, say some, that they had written what they should not; for shame, say others, that they had recanted what they would not; though a third sort more charitably take notice neither of the one nor the other, but merely impute it to the approach of the time of their dissolution.

34. Doctor Cosen soon after was highly accused, for superstition and unjust proceedings against one Mr. Smart on this occasion. The Doctor is charged to have set up in the Church of Durham a Marble Altar with Cherubims, which cost two thousands pounds, with all the appurtenances thereof, namely, a Cope with the Trinity, and God the Father in the figure of an old man, another with a Crucifix and the Image of Christ, with a red Beard and blew Cap. Besides he was accused for lighting two hundred wax Candles about the Altar on Candlemas day. For forbidding any Psalms to be sung before or after Sermon, though making an Anthem, to be sung of the three Kings of Collen (by the names of) Gasper, Balthazar, and Melchior; and for procuring a consecrated Knife only to cut the Bread at the Communion.

35. Mr. Smart a prebendary of the Church, one of a grave aspect and reverend presence, sharply enveyed in a Sermon against these innovations, taking for his text: I hate all those that hold superstitious vanities, but thy law do I love.

36. Hereupon he was kept prisoner four months by the high Commission of York, before any Articles were exhibited against him, and five months before any Proctor was allowed him. Hence was he carried to the High-Commission at Lambeth, and after long trouble remanded to York, fined 500. pounds, committed to prison, ordered to recant, and for that neglect thereof, fined again, excommunicated, degraded, and deprived, his damage (as brought in) amounting to many thousand pounds.

37. But now Mr. Rows of the House of Commons, bringing up the charge to the Lord's against Doctor Cosen, termed Mr. Smart the Proto martyr of England in these latter days of persecution, and large reparations was allowed unto him, though he lived not long after to enjoy them.

38. Now though none can excuse and defend Doctor Cosen his carriage herein, yet this must be reported to his due commendation. Some years after getting over into France, he neither joined with the Church of French Protestants at Charentoun nigh Paris, nor kept any communion with the Papists therein, but confined himself to the Church of old English Protestants therein. Where by his pious living and constant praying and preaching, he reduced some recusants to, and confirmed more doubters in the Protestant Religion. Many his encounters with Jesuits and Priests defeating the suspicions of his foes, and exceeding the expectation of his Friends, in the success of such disputes.

39. The Commons desired the Lord's to join with them to find out, who moved the King to reprieve John Goodman a seminary Priest, who (as they said) had been twice condemned, and now the second time reprieved, whilst the Parliament sat.

40. The King sent a message by the Lord Privy-Seal, that Goodman was not (as the Commons were informed) condemned and banished, but only sentenced for being a Priest, and therefore that in reprieving him he shown but the like mercy which Queen Eliz. and King James had shown in the like cases.

41. The Lord's joined with the Commons in their desire concerning Goodman, that the Statutes might speedily be executed upon him, as necessary in this juncture of time, wherein Papists swarmed in all parts presuming on indemnity. With what credit or comfort could they sit to enact new Laws, whilst they beheld former Statutes daily broken before their eyes?

42. The King acquainted the Houses that though Queen Eliz. and King James never condemned Priest merely for Religion, yet rather then he would discontent his Subjects he left him to the judgment of both Houses, to be disposed of at their pleasure.

43. Goodman petitioned the King that like Jonah the Prophet, he might be cast into the Sea, to still the tempest betwixt the King and his People, conceiving his blood well spent to cement them together. But in fine he escaped with his life, not so much by any favor indulged him, as principally because the accusations could not be so fully proved against him.

44. About this time was the first motion of a new Protestation, to be taken all over England (the Copy whereof is omitted as obvious everywhere) which some months after, was generally performed as containing nothing but what was lawful and commendable therein. Yet some refused it as suspecting the adding of new, would subtract obedience from former o • thes, (men being prone to love that best which left the last relish in their souls) and in fine such new obligations of conscience like suckers, would draw from the stock of the old oaths of supremacy and allegiance.

45. March began very blusteringly, on the first day whereof Archbishop Laud was in Mr. Maxfeild his Coach carried to the Tower, and not long after the Lord's appointed a Committee of their own Members for settling of peace in the Church. What hopeful opinion the aforesaid Archbishop had of their proceedings, will appear by the following note which he entered into his Diarie.

46. At the same time the Lord's appointed a Sub-committee, to prepare matters fit for their cognizance, (the Bishop of Lincoln having the Chair in both) authorized to call together divers Bishops and Divines, to consult together for correction of what was amiss, and to settle peace, viz.

• The Archbishop of Armagh.
• The Bishop of Durham.
• The Bishop of Exeter.
• Doctor Samuel Ward.
• Doctor John Prideaux.
• Doctor William Twisse.
• Doctor Robert Sanderson.
• Doctor Daniel Featly • .
• Doctor Ralph Brounrigg.
• Doctor Richard Holdsworth.
• Doctor John Hacket.
• Doctor Cornelius Burgess.
• Master John White.
• Master Stephen Marshall.
• Master Edmund Calamy.
• Master Thomas Hill.

Jerusalem-Chamber in the Dean of Westminsters house, was the place of their meeting, (where they had solemn debates six several days) always entertained at his Table with such bountiful cheer as well became a Bishop. But this we behold as the last course, of all public-Episcopal-Treatments, whose Guests may now even put up their Knives, seeing soon after the Voider was called for, which took away all Bishops lands, and most of English-Hospitality.

47. First they took the Innovations of Doctrine into consideration, and here some complained, that all the tenets of the Council of Trent, had (by one or other) been preached and printed, abating only such points of State-Popery gainst the Kings Supremacy, made treason by the Statute. Good works co-causes with faith, by justification; private confession, by particular enumeration of sins, needful necessitate medii to salvation, that the oblation (or as others, the consumption) of the Elements, in the Lord's-Supper, holdeth the nature of a true sacrifice, prayers for the dead, lawfulness of monastical vows, the gross substance of Arminianism, and some dangerous points of Socintanisme.

48. Secondly, they inquired into preter-canonical conformity, and innovations in discipline. Advancing Candlesticks in parochial Churches in the day time, on the Altar so called. Making Canopyes over, with traverses of Curtains (in imitation of the Vail before the Holy of Holyes ) on each side and before it. Having a credentia, or side-Table, (as a Chapel of ease, to the Mother Altar ) for divers uses in the Lord's Supper. Forbidding a direct prayer before Sermon, and Ministers to expound the Catechism at large to their Parishioners, carrying children (when baptized) to the Altar so called, and there offering them up to God, pretending for some of these innovations, the injunctions and advertisements of Queen Eliz. which are not in force, and appertaining to the printed Liturgy secundo & tertio Edvardi sexti, which is reformed by Parliament.

49. Thirdly, they consulted about the Common Prayer-Book, whether some legendary, and some much doubted saints, with some superstitious memorials were not to be expunged the calendar. Whether it was not fit that the Lessons should be only out of Canonical Scripture, the Epistles, Gospel's, Psalms, and Hymes, to be read in the n • w translation, &c. Whether times prohibited for Marriage, are not totally to be taken away. Whether it were not fit that hereafter none should have a Licence, or have their Banes of Matrimony asked, save such who should bring a Certificate from their Minister, that they were instructed in their Catechism. Whether the Rubick is not to be mended, altered and explained in many particulars.

50. Lastly, they entered on the regulating of Ecclesiastical government, which was not brought in, because the Bishop of Lincoln has undertaken the draught thereof, but not finished it, as employed at the same time in the managing of many matters of State: so easy it is for a great person never to be at leisure, to do, what he hath no great mind should be done.

51. Some are of opinion that the moderation and mutual compliance of these Divines, might have produced much good, if not interrupted, conceiving such lopping might have saved the felling of Episcopacy. Yea they are confident, had this expedient been pursued and perfected,

it might, under God, have been a means, not only to have checked, but choked our civil War in the infancy thereof. But the Court prelates expected no good from the result of this meeting, suspecting the Doctrinal Puritans, (as they nicknamed them) joined with the Disciplinary Puritans, would betray the Church betwixt them. Some hot spirits would not have one ace of episcopal power or profit abated, and (though since confuted by their own hunger ) preferred no bread, before half a loaf. These maintained that any giving back of ground, was in effect the granting of the day to the opposit party, so covetous they be to multiply their cravings, on the others concessions. But what the issue of this conference concluded would have been, is only known to him who knew what the Men of Keilah would do, and whose prescience extends not only to things future, but futurable, having the certain cognizance of contingents, which might, yet never actually shall, come to pass.

52. This consultation continued till the middle of May, and the weaving thereof was fairly forward on the Loome, when Atropos occat, the bringing in the Bill against Deans and Chapters, Root and Branch, cut off all the threads, putting such a distance betwixt the fore-said Divines, that never their Judgments, (and scarce their Persons) met after together.

53. In the midst of these troublesome times, John Davenant Bishop of Sal • sbury ended his life. His Father was a wealthy and religious Citizen of London, but born at Davenants-lands in Sible Heningham in Essex. Where his Ancestors had continued in a worshipful degree from Sir John Davenant, who lived in the time of King Henry the third. He bred his son a Fellow Commoner in Queens-College in Cambridge, and would not suffer him to accept a Fellowship, though offered, as conceiving it a bending of these places from the direct intent of the Founders, when they are bestowed on such as have plenty. Though indeed such preferments are appointed, as well for the reward of those that are worthy, as the relief of those that want: and after his Fathers death he was chosen into that Society. In his youthful exercises, he gave such an earnest of his future maturity, that Dr. Whitacre, hearing him dispute, said, The he would in time prove the Honor of the University. A Prediction that proved not untrue; when afterward he was chosen Margaret Professor of Divinity, being as yet but a private Fellow of the College. Whereof some years after he was made Master, and at last Bishop of Salisbury. Where with what gravity, and moderation he behaved himself, how humble, hospitable, painful in preaching and writing, may better be reported hereafter, when his memory (green as yet) shall be mellowed by time. He sat Bishop about twenty years, and died of a Consumption anno 1641. to which, sensibleness of the sorrowful times, (which he saw were bad, and foresaw would be worse) did contribute not a little. I cannot omit, how some few hours before his death, having lain for a long time (though not speechless, yet) not speaking, nor able to speak (as we beholders thought, though indeed he hid that little strength we thought he had lost, and reserved himself for pupose) he fell into a most emphatical prayer for half a quarter of an hour. Amongst many heavenly passages therein, He thanked God for this his fatherly correction, because in all his life time he never had one heavy affliction, which made him often much suspect with himself, whether he was a true Child of God or no, until this his last sickness. Then he sweetly fell asleep in Christ, and so we softly draw the Curtains about him.

54. The whole Bodies of Cathedral Churches, being of too great a bulk, to be blown up by their adversaries at once, they began with the Quires, accusing the members thereof for useless and unprofitable. The Prelatical Court Clergy, were not so active and diligent in defending these foundations, as it was expected from their interest and relations. Whether because they were disheartened at the imprisonment of their chief the Archbishop of Cant. or because some of them being otherwise obnoxious to the Parliament were loath therein to appear; or because they vainly hoped that this heat once over, all things would continue in their pristine condition; or because they were loath to plead in that Suit, wherein they despaired to prevail, as foreseeing those places destined to dissolution.

55. Yet some of the same side causelessly complained of the backwardness of other moderate Cathedral men, that they improved not their power with their Parliament friends so zealously as they might in this cause, as beginning too late, and proceeding too lazily therein, who should sooner have set their shoulders and backs to those tottering Quires, so either to support them, or to be buried under the ruins thereof. Whereas they did whatsoever good men could, or wise men would do in their condition, leaving no stone unturned which might advantage them herein.

56. Indeed it was conceived inconsistent with their gravity, to set themselves to fight against the shadow of common rumour (and so to feign an enemy to themselves) whilst as yet no certainty of the Parliaments intentions to destroy Deans and Chapters. What had this been but perchance to put that into their brains, which otherwise they charitably believed would not enter therein? But no sooner were they certified of the reality of their design, but they vigorously in their callings endeavored the prevention thereof.

By
• Appointing one in each Cathedral Church to solicit their friends on this behalf.
• Drawing up a Petition (the same mutatis mutandis ) to House of Lord's and Commons, which (because never formally presented) I forbear to insert.
• Retaining and instructing learned Council to move for them in the House.

Untill they were informed that the Orders of the House, would not bear any to plead for them, but that they must personally appear and viva voice plead for themselves.

57. Lest therefore their longer silence should by posterity be interpreted, either Sullennesse, that they would not; or guiltiness, that they durst not speak for themselves, by their friends they obtained leave to be admitted into the House of Commons, and to be heard what they could allege in their own behalf. They made choice of Dr. John Hacket, Prebendary of Paul's, and Archdeacon of to be the mouth in the behalf of the rest. The brief heads of whose speech, copied (by his leave) out of his own papers, are here inserted.

58. First he craved the favor of that Honorable House, to whom he was to speak on a double disadvantage. One caused from the shortness of time, this employment being imposed on him but in the afternoon of the day before. The other because he had not heard what crimes or offenses were charged on Deans and Chapters, (that so he might purge them from such imputations) reports only flying abroad that they were accounted of some, of no use, and convenience; the contrary whereof he should endeavor to prove, reducing the same to two heads, quoad res, & quoad Personas, in regard of things of great moment, and divers Persons concerned in such Foundations.

59. To the first. It is fit that to supply the defects of prayer committed by private men, the public duty thereof should be constantly performed in some principal place (in imitation of the primitive practice ) and this is daily done in Cathedral Churches. And whereas some complain that such service gives offense for the super-exquisitenesse of the Music therein, (so that what was intended for Devotion vanished away into Quavers and Air ) he with the rest of his Brethren there present wished the amendment thereof, that it might be reduced to the form which Athanasius commends, ut legentibus sint quàm cantantibus similiores. And here he spake much in praise of the Church-Music, when moderated to Edification.

60. Hence he passed to what he termeth the other wing of the Cherubin, which is Preaching, first planted since the Reformation in Cathedral Churches, as appears by the learned Sermons which Dr. Allens (afterwards Bishop of Excester ) preached in the Church of St. Paul's, and since continued therein. Where by the way he took occasion to refell that slander, which some cast on Lecture-Preachers as an upstart-Corporation, alleging that the local Statutes of most, or all Cathedral Churches do require Lectures on the week days. And in the name of his Brethren he requested that Honorable House, that the godly and profitable performance of preaching might be the more exacted.

61. In the third place he insisted on the advancement of learning, as the proper use and convenience of Cathedrals, each of them being a small Academie, for the Champions of Christ his cause against the Adversarie by their learned pens. Here he proffered to prove by a catalogue of their names and works, which he could produce, that most excellent labors in this kind (excepting some few) have proceeded from persons preferred in Cathedrals or the Universities. Now what a disheartening would it be to young Students, if such promotions were taken away, witness the fewness of such admitted this last year into the Universities, and the deadness of the sale of good Books in St. Paul's Church yard, merely upon a timorous imagination abroad, that we are now shutting up learning in a case and laying it aside. But if the bare threatening make such a stop in literature, what will the blow given do thereon?

62. Fourthly, he alleged that the ancient and genuine use of Deans and Chapters was, as Senatus Episcopy, to assist the Bishop in his jurisdiction. Now whereas some of his reverend Brethren had lately complained, that Bishops have for many years usurped the sole government to themselves, and their Consistories, the continuing of Chapters rightly used, would reduce it from one Man, to a plurality of assistants.

63. Lastly, the structures themselves should (said he) speak for the structures. Not that he would have then with Christ's disciples fondly to admire the Fabrics, but to put them in remembrance, that Cathedral Churches were the first monuments of Christianity in the Kingdom.

64. From things, he passed to Persons, and began with the multitude of such members as had maintenance from Cathedrals, (someone of them allowing lively-hood to three hundred, and) the total amounting to many thousands. All which by the dissolutions of Deans and Chapters, must be exposed to poverty. Next he instanced in their Tenants, who holding Leases from Deans and Chapters,