PPuritanSearch
Primary source research library
English Puritan & Reformed

Church History of Britain

Thomas Fuller (1608-1661) · 1,947,492 words · 8656 min

Large work readerShowing section 67 of 90. Corpus search still uses the whole work; source find opens the first matching section.
Section 67/90
and, which was the worst, their fall would not only kill them, but by their weight they should be the unwilling slayers of others, which as yet labored for life beneath them. It was put into their minds with their knives (fright adding force unto them) to cut their passage out of a loam-wall into the next chamber, whereby their lives were preserved. Of those that fell, one was kept alive (though embraced by death on either side) a chair falling hollow upon her. Thus any arms are of proof, if Divine Providence be but pleased to put them on.

32. Next day was Impannelled a Coroner 's Inquest of substantial Citizens to inquire into the cause and manner of their death. These found it done neither by miracle nor malice, no plot or indirect practice appearing (as some no less falsely, than maliciously gave it out) the Roof standing, Side-wall sound, Foundation firm, only the Flore broken by God's wisdom permitting it; and their own folly occasioning it. Nor could the Carpenter be justly accused for slight and unfaithful building, making it substantial enough for any private purpose, and none could foresee that they would bring a Church into a Chamber. Twenty of the poorer sort were buried hard by in one Grave, and the rest bestowed by their friends in several places of Sepulture.

33. The sad death of these persons, the Object of Pity to all good and wise men, was the Subject of Envy to some, so sillily superstitious, as to repine at it, That they had not a share in this slaughter. On this accompt, because the Priest or Clerk after every Mass in the City of London, solemnly invited the people present with a loud voice to say, Three Pater noster 's, and three Ave Maria 's for the souls of such as died in Black-Friers. Particularly one Parker who narrowly escaped the danger there, professed, That nothing grieved him more but that he had not been one of those that died by the aforesaid mischance. But see what happened, this man going over to Douay to take Priestly Orders the week following, was drowned in his passage: Thus wild-wishes for death, prove sometimes such Guests as come home to the Inviters before they be welcome unto them.

34. This accident fell on Sunday, the 26 of October, which according to the new style observed beyond-sea (having the speed of ours by ten days) fell upon their fifth of November: a day notoriously known in the Popish Calendar. Whereupon, Master Edward Benlowes, a Religious and Learned Gentleman, no small Promoter of my former and present Labors, thus expressed himself:

Quinta Novembris eat, Graias orsura Calendas;
Sit quocun{que} Stilo, quinta Novembris eat.
Illa Dies Letho BRITONUM devoverat Aulam;
Letho Devotam sospitat illa dies.
Ista dies duxit Sacra ad Miseranda Misellos;
Adductos Sacris sustulit ista dies.
Lapsa repent domus vos irâ atroce peremit,
Quêis fuit irâ atrox lapsa repent Domus.
Drurie, cum Cerebro conspergis Pulpita vano,
Dum spargis Cerebri Phasmata vana tui,
Trabe peremptus obis, qui Lignea vivus adoras,
Lignea vivus ades, Trabe peremptus obis;
Ligna, Lapís{que}, manus in foedera dantia, mactant
Hos, quibus in sacra sunt foedera Ligna, Lapis
Quêis Crux coeca Deus (tenebrosa Magistra) colentes
In tenebras Coecos coeca Magistra rapit.
Ah! erit Exemplum cui non hoc triste timori,
Tristis hic Exemplum triste timoris erit.
Haec ( Romista cave) Domus unâ ut corruit horâ,
Vnâ sic horâ Roma, caveto, Ruet.

I have nothing else to add of this sad disaster, save that the news thereof next Monday-morning, October the 27, was fresh in every man's mouth in His MAJESTIE's Chapel in White-Hall; at what time the 13 Chap. of S. Luke 's Gospel was read for the Lesson appointed for the day by the Rubric of the Church of England: Wherein near the beginning, Or those eighteen upon whom the Tower of Shilo fell and slew them, think ye that they were sinners above all men that dwelt in Jerusalem? I tell you nay: but except you repent, ye shall likewise perish.




SECTION VII.

TO THOMAS SHVGBOROVGH OF BYRDENBURY in WARWICK-Shire, Esquire.

THemistocles was wont to say, That it was the best Music for a Man to hear his own Commendation. Should I play a Lesson thereof unto your ears, ( insisting on your Bounty to public BOOKS) sure I am, the Tune would be more cheerful to me, than grateful to you, better pleased in deserving than hearing your own Encomium. I therefore will turn my praising of you, into praying for you, as more proportionable to my public Profession, and acceptable to your modest Disposition.

MAny Papists not truly humbled with this late sad accident, so demeaned themselves, that indeed most offensive was their insolence to all true Englishmen, the rather because it was generally reported, that His Majesty intended a Toleration of Religion, which made the Archbishop of Canterbury (though under a cloud for his disaster ) to adventure humbly to present the King with his apprehensions, losing with some the reputation of a politick States-man, but preserving with others the character of an honest down right Protestant. Which Letter, though sent and delivered with all privacy, came by some (whether his friends or foes, uncertain) to be generally known, and afterwards publicly printed, as followeth.

May it please your Majesty,

I have been too long silent, and am afraid, by my silence, I have neglected the duty of the place it hath pleased God to call me unto, and your Majesty to place me in. And now I humbly crave leave, I may discharge my conscience towards God, and my duty to your Majesty. And therefore I beseech your Majesty, give me leave freely to deliver myself, and then let your Majesty do with me what You please. Your Majesty hath propounded a Toleration of Religion: I beseech you Sir, take into Your consideration, what the Act is, next what the Consequence may be. By your Act you labor to set up that most damnable, and heretical Doctrine of the Church of Rome, the Whore of Babylon. How hateful will it be to God, and grievous unto Your good Subjects, the true Professors of the Gospel; that your Majesty, who hath often disputed, and learnedly written against those wicked Heresies, should now show Your self a Patron of those Doctrines, which your Pen hath told the world, and Your conscience tells Your self, are superstitious, idolatrous, and detestable. Add hereunto what You have done in sending the Prince into Spain, without the consent of your Council, the privity and approbation of Your people. And though, Sir, you have a large interest in the Prince, as the Son of Your flesh, yet hath the People a greater, as the Son of the Kingdom, upon whom (next after your Majesty) their eyes are fixed, and welfare depends. And so tenderly is His going apprehended, as, believe it Sir, however His return may be safe, yet the Drawers of Him to that action, so dangerous to Himself, so desperate to the Kingdom, will not pass away unquestioned, and unpunished. Besides, this Toleration which You endeavor to set up by Proclamation, cannot be done without a Parliament, unless your Majesty will let your Subjects see, that you will take unto Your self a liberty to throw down the Laws of the Land at Your pleasure. What dreadfnll consequence these things may draw after them, I beseech your Majesty to consider. And above all, lest by this Toleration, and discontinuance of the true profession of the Gospel, whereby God hath blessed us, and under which this Kingdom hath for many years flourished, your Majesty do not draw upon the Kingdom in general, and your Self in particular, God's heavy wrath and indignation. Thus in discharge of my duty towards God, to your Majesty, and the place of my calling, I have taken humble boldness to deliver my conscience. And now, Sir, do with me what you please.

2. What effect this Letter took, is unknown; sure it is, all men's mouths were filled with a discourse of a Toleration for, or against it. Some no professed Papists, but who lived at the sign of the Protestant, engage in their Arguments very earnestly in the defense thereof; whilst others were as zealous to prove a Toleration intolerable by Reasons drawn both from piety and policy. We will only instance in few out of many as they were bandied on both sides, and chiefly such as concern Religion.

PRO.

1. Argument. The Papists of late were grown very peaceable, justly recovering the reputation of Loyall Subjects: in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, scarce escaped a year without a Treason from them; now they vied obedience with Protestants themselves. Pity it was but they should be encouraged, and their Loyalty fixed forever, by granting them a Toleration.

2. We see the same liberty allowed the Hugonites in France, to whom the King permits their Churches, Ministers, Service, Sermons, Sacraments, according to the direction of their own Conscience.

3. The King of Spain would be highly affected with this savor allowed to the English Catholics, and this would fasten him in firm friendship to the English Crown, to which his amity for the present was not only useful, but necessary.

4. Truth will ever triumph over falsehood, and verity gain the victory of error, the Protestanisme notwithstanding the Toleration ) would get ground on Popery by the demonstration of the Spirit in the Scriptures.

5. The Apish and Mimicall Popish Pageant, with the toys and trifles in the : service, would render their Religion ridiculous. No danger that any wise man should ever be seduced thereby.

6. Protestant Ministers would be more painful in preaching, and careful in residing on their Cures, to keep them from infection.

7. The thing in effect was already allowed to Papists, who now (though privately) safely celebrated Mass in many places, which favorable connivance fell but little short of a Toleration.

CON.

1. Answer. Papists were not more peaceable, but more politick than formerly for private ends. Though their practice more plausible, their Positions and Principles were as pernicious as ever before, viz: That Princes excommunicated may be deposed. No faith to be kept with Heretics. That the Pope &c.

2. The case is different. This liberty was not so much given to, as gotten by the Hugonites so numerous and puissant, it was conceived dangerous to deny them such Privileges. Thanks be to God not such as yet the condition of Catholics in England, whose Par y was not so powerful, but certain by such a Toleration to be improved.

3. The necessity of h s friendship at this time was only fancied y such as desired it. Besides, the King of heaven must not be offended, that the King of Spain may be pleased.

4. Though Truth it self be stronger than falsehood, yet generally the Promoters of falsehood are more active and sedulous than the Advancers of Truth. Besides, it is just with God upon the granting of such an unlawful Toleration to weaken the converting power of Truth, and strengthen the perverting power of Falsehood, giving the English over to be deluded thereby.

5. The world hath ever consisted of more fools than wise people, such who carry their judgment more in their eyes than in their brains; Popery being made Inscious to people's senses, too probably would court many to the embracing thereof.

6. It is no policy to let in the Wolf merely on design to make the Shepherds more watchful: Rather on the contrary, Protestant Ministers would be utterly disheartened in the performance of their place when the Parishioners were countenanced to desert them without any punishment.

7. If the Papists already have what they would have, let them be contented therewith. Why desire they anymore? but indeed there is a grand difference betwixt a States winking at their wickedness for a time, and a formal and final tolerating thereof. During the former, Catholics sin on their own account, and at their own peril, the Laws though not executed standing in full force against them, but a public Toleration of their Superstition adopts the same to become the Act of the English Nation.

Here it would be tedious to recite the Texts of Scripture (some more, some less proper to the purpose alleged by several persons against the Toleration: some Typicall, Thou shalt not plow with an Ox and an Ass. Some Historical, God's Children must not speak two tongues. Ashdod, and Hebrew. Some Doctrinal, We must not do evil that good may come thereof. The best was, the Toleration bare date with the Spanish Match, with which it was propounded, and agitated, advanced, expected, desired by some; opposed, suspected, detested by others; and at last both together finally frustrated, and defeated.

3. Now was His Majesty informed, that it was high time, to apply some cure to the Pulpits, as sick of a Sermon-surfeit, and other exorbitances. Some meddled with State-matters, and generally (by an improper Transposition ) the Peoples duty was preached to the King at Court, the Kings to the People in the Country. Many shallow Preachers handled the profound points of Predestination; wherein (pretending to guide their flocks) they lost themselves. Sermons were turned into Satyrs against Papists, or Non Conformists.

4. To repress the present, and prevent future mischiefs in this kind, His Majesty issued out His Directions to be written fair in every Registers Office, whence any Preacher (if so pleased) might with his own hand, take out Copies gratis, paying nothing for expedition. Herein, the King revived the primitive and profitable order of Catechizing in the afternoon (better observed in all other Reformed Churches than of late in England ) according to the tenor ensuing:

Most Reverend Father in God, right trusty and entirely beloved Counselor We greet you well.

FOrasmuch as the abuses and extravagancies of Preachers in the Pulpit have been in all times repressed in this Realm, by some Act of Council, or State, with the advice and resolution of grave and learned Prelates: Insomuch, that the very licensing of Preachers, had beginning by an Order of Star Chamber, the eighth day of July, in the 19 t h year of the Reign of King Henry the eighth, our Noble Predecessour: And whereas at this present, divers young Students, by reading of late Writers, and ungrounded Divines, do broach many times unprofitable, unsound seditions, and dangerous Doctrines, to the scandal of the Church, and disquiet of the State, and present Government: We, upon humble representations unto Us of these inconveniencies by yourself, and sundry other grave and reverend Prelates of this Church, as also, of our Princely care and Zeal for the extirpation of Schism, and dissention growing from these seeds, and for the settling of a religious and peaceable Government, both in Church, and Common wealth; do by these Our special Letters, straitly charge and command you, to use all possible care, and diligence, that these Limitations and Cautions herewith sent unto you concerning Preachers, be duly and strictly from henceforth put in practice and observed by the several Bishops within your Jurisdiction. And to this end Our pleasure is, that you send them forthwith Copies of these Directions to be by them speedily sent and communicated unto every Parson, Vicar, Curate, Lecturer, and Minister, in every Cathedral, or Parish Church, within their several Diocese, and that you earnestly require them to employ their utmost endeavors, in the performance of this so important a business, letting them know that We have a special eye unto their proceedings, and expect a strict account thereof, both of you, and everyone of them: and these Our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant and discharge in that behalf.

Give under our Signet at Our Castle of Windsor the 4th of August, in the twentieth year of Our Reign.

Directions concerning Preachers sent with the Letter.

  • 1. THat no Preacher under the degree and calling of a Bishop, or Dean of a Cathedral, or Collegiate Church and they upon the Kings days, and set Festivals) do take occasion (by the expounding of any Text of Scripture whatsoever to fall into any set Discourse or Common place, otherwise than by the opening the Cohaerence and Division of the Text, which shall not be comprehended and warranted in essence, substance, effect, or natural in ference, within someone of the Articles of Religion, set forth 1562. or in some of the Homilies set forth by authority of the Church of England. not only for the help of the Non-Preaching, but withal for a Pattern and Boundary as it were) for the Preaching Ministers. And for their further instructions for the performance hereof, that they forthwith read over and peruse diligently the said Book of Articles, and the two Books of Homilies.
  • 2. That no Parson, Vicar, Curate, or Lecturer, shall preach any Sermons or Collation hereafter upon Sundays and Holidaies in the afternoon in any Cathedral or Parish Church throughout the Kingdom, but upon some pare of the Catechism, or some Text taken out of the Creed, ten Commandments, or the Lord's Prayer, Funeral Sermons only excepted) and that those Preachers be most encouraged and approved of who spend the Afternoons exercise in the examination of Children in their Catechism, which is the most ancient and laudable custom of teaching in the Church of England.
  • 3. That no Preacher of what title soever under the degree of a Bishop or Dean, at the least, do from henceforth presume to preach in any popular Auditory deep points of Predestination, Election, Reprobation, or of the Universality, Efficacy, Resistibility, or Irresistibility of GOD'S grace, but leave those themes rather to be handled by the Learned men, and that moderately and modestly by way of Use and Application, rather than by way of Positive Doctrines, being fitter for the Schools than for simple Auditories.
  • 4. That no Preacher of what title or denomination soever, from henceforth shall presume in any Auditory within this Kingdom, to declare, limit, or bound out, by way of Positive Doctrine in any Lecture, or Sermon, the Power, Prerogative, and Jurisdiction, Authority or Duty of Sovereign Princes, or otherwise meddle with matters of State, and the differences between Princes and the People, than as they are instructed, and (precedented in the Homilies of Obedience and the rest of the Homilies, and Articles of Religion, set forth, (as before is mentioned) by public Authority: but rather confine themselves wholly to those two heads, of faith and good life, which are all the subjects of the ancient Sermons, and Homilies.
  • 5 That no Preacher of what title or denomination soever, shall presume caussesly, or (without invitation from the Text to fall into bitter investives and undecent railing speeches against the persons of either Papists, or Puri tans; but modestly and gravely, when they are occasioned thereunto by the Text of Scripture, free both the Doctrine, and the Discipline of the Church of England, from the aspersions of either Adversaries, especially where the Auditory is suspected to be tainted with the one or the other infection.
  • 6. Lastly, that the Archbishops and Bishops of the Kingdom (whom His Majesty hath good cause to blame for their former remissness) be more wary and choice in their licensing of Preachers, and revoke all Grants made to any Chancellor, Official, or Commissary, to pass Licences in this kind, and that all the Lecturers throughout the Kingdom of England (a new body severed from the ancient Clergy, as being neither Parsons, Vicars, nor Curates) be licensed henceforward in the Court of Faculties, but only, from a Recommendation of the party, from the Bishop of the Diocese under his hand and seal, with a Fiat from the L. Archbishop of Canterbury, a Confirmation under the Great Seal of England. And that such as do transgress any one of these Directions, be suspended by the Bishop of the Diocese, or in his default by the Archbishop of the Province, ab Officio, & Beneficio, for a year and a day, until his Majesty by the advice of the next Convocation, shall prescribe some farther punishment.

5. No sooner were these the Kings Declarations dispersed into every Diocese, but various were men's opinions thereof. Some counted it a cruel act, which cut off half the preaching in England (all afternoon-ermons) at one blow. Others thought the King did but Uti jure suo, doing not only what in justice He might, but what in prudence He ought in this juncture of time. But hear what I have heard and read in this case.

Objections. Answers.

1. Christ grants Ministers their Commission, Go teach all Nations. S. Paul corroborates the same, Preach the word, be instant in season, out of season. Man therefore ought not to forbid, what God enjoins.

2. This is the way to starve souls by confining them to one meal a day: or, at the best by giving them only a mess of milk for their supper, and so to bed.

3. Such as are licensed to make Sermons, may be entrusted to choose their own Texts, and not in the Afternoons to be restrained to the Lord's Prayer, Creed, and ten Commandments.

4. In prohibiting the preaching of Predestination, man makes that the forbidden fruit, which God appointed for the tree of life: so cordial the comforts contained therein to a distressed conscience.

5. Bishops and Deans (forsooth) and none under their dignity, may preach of Predestination. What is this but to have the word of God in respect of persons? As if all discretion were confined to Cathedral men, and they best able to preach who use it the least.

6. Papists and Puritans in the Kings Letters are put into the same balance, and Papists in the prime scale first named, as preferred in the Kings care, chiefly to secure them from Invectives in Sermons.

7. Lecturers are made such riddles in the Kings Letters, reduceable to no Ministerial function in England. Whereas indeed the flower of piety, and power of godliness flourished most in those places where such Preachers are most countenanced.

1. Ministers, if commanded not at all to speak, or teach in the name of Jesus, are with the Apostles, to obey God rather than man. But vast the difference betwixt a total prohibition, and (as in this case) a prudential regulation of preaching.

2. Milk (catechetical Doctrine) is best for babes, which generally make up more than a moyety of every Congregation.

3. Such restraint hath liberty enough, seeing all things are clearly contained in, or justly reducible to these three, which are to be desired, believed, and performed.

4. Indeed Predestination, solidly and soberly handled, is an antidote against despair. But, as many ignorant Preachers ordered it, the cordial was turned into a poison; and therefore such mysteries might well be forborne by mean Ministers in popular Congregations.

5. It must be presumed that such of necessity must be of age and experience, and may in civility be believed of more than ordinary learning, before they attained such preferment. Besides, Cathedral Auditories being of a middle nature for understanding, (as beneath the University, so above common City and Country Congregations) are fitter for such high points to be preached therein.

6. The Kings Letter looks on both under the notion of guilty persons. Had Puritans been placed first, such as now take exception at their post-posing, would have collected, that the King esteemed them the greatest offenders.

7. Lectures are no creatures of the Church of England, by their original (like those mixed kinds, little better than monsters in nature, to which God, as here the State, never said, multiply and increase ) and therefore the King had just cause to behold them with jealous eyes, who generally supplanted the Incumbents of Livings in the affections of their Parishioners, and gave the greatest growth to Non-conformity.

These Instructions from His Majesty were not pressed with equal rigor in all places, seeing some over-active Officials, more busy than their Bishops, tied up Preachers in the Afternoon to the very letter of the Catechism, questioning them if exceeding the questions and answers therein, as allowing them no liberty to dilate, and enlarge themselves thereupon.

6. Expect not of me a particular account of the politick intricacies touching the Spanish Match, or no Match rather. First, because Spanish, and so alien from my subject. Secondly, because the passages thereof are so largely and publicly in print. Thirdly, because in fine it proved nothing, though kept on foot so long, till K. James, by endeavoring to gain a Daughter-in Law, had in effect, lost His own Daughter, Her Husband, and Children, being reduced to great extremities.

7. Truly K. James never affected his Son in Law's acceptance of the Bobemian Crown, nor promised Himself any good success thence, though great the hope of the German Protestants therein. Indeed, some of them were too credulous of a blind Prophesy commonly currant amongst them,

POST TER VIGINTI, CESSABIT GLORIA QUINTI.

Expecting the ending of the Austrian Family, sixty years being now expired since the death of Charles the fifth: but discreet persons slighted such vanities, and the Quinti had like to have proved the extirpation of Frederick, fifth of that name, Palatine of Rhyne; had not God almost miraculously lately countermanded it.

8. Yea, K. James privately foretold to some principal persons, that this matter would prove the ruin of his Daughter. There want not some who say, That he went about to virefie his own Prediction, by not sending seasonable succors for their assistance, who, had He turned His Embassies into Armies, might probably have prevented much Protestant misery.

9. Others excuse K. James, partly from the just hopes He had to accommodate all interests in a peaceable way; partly from the difficulty of conveying effectual forces into so far distant a Country.

10. Mean time both the Palatinates were lost, the Upper seized on by the Emperor, the Neather (but higher in value) by the King of Spain, the City of Heidelburg taken and plundered, and the inestimable Library of Books therein carried over the Alps on Mules backs to Rome. Each Mule laded with that learned burden, had a silver-plate on his forehead, wherein was engraven, FERO BIBLIOTHECAM PRINCIPIS PALATINI. Now those Books are placed in the Popes Vatican, entitling Protestants to visit the place, who one day may have as good success, as now they have just right to recover them.

11. As for the Palatinate, Satirical tongues commonly called it the Land of Promise, so frequently and so solemnly was the restitution thereof promised to King James, fed only with delays, which amounted to mannerly denials. Since it hath pleased God to turn this Land of Promise into a Land of Performance, the present Palatine being peaceably possessed thereof.

12. Prince Charles, with the Duke of Buckingham, lately went privately through France, where He saw the Lady, (whom afterwards He married) into Spain. It is questionable, whether then more blamed K. James for sending him, or afterwards blessed God for his safe return. Sumptuous his entertainment in the Spanish Court, where it was not the Kings fault, but Kingdoms defect that anything was wanting. He quickly discovered (the coursness of fine-pretending wares at distance are easily confuted near hand ) that the Spanish State had no mind or meaning of a Match, as who demanded such unreasonable Liberty in education of the Royal Off-spring (in case any were born betwixt them) and other Privileges for English Papists, that the King neither could nor would in honor or conscience consent thereunto. However, Prince Charles (whose person was in their power) took his fair farewell with courteous compliance.

12. Though He entered Spain like a private person, He departed it like Himself, and the Son of his Father, a stately Fleet attending Him home. Foul weather forced them to put in at the Isse of Syllie, (the parings of England, South-west of Cornwall ) where in two days they fed on more, and better flesh than they found in Spain for many months. Soon after He arrived at Portesmouth, and the next day came to London, to the great rejoicing of all sorts of people, signified by their bonfires, ringing of bells, with other external expressions of joy.

13. King James now despaired of any restitution, especially since the Duke of Bavaria was invested in the upper Palatinate, and so His Son-in-Laws Land cantoned betwixt a Duke, a King, and an Emperor. Whose joint consent, being requisite to the restoring thereof, One would be sure to dissent from the seeming-consenting of other two. Whereupon, King James not only broke off all treaty with Spain, but also called the great Council of his Kingdom together.

14. Indeed, the Malecontents in England used to say, That the King took Physic, and called Parliaments both alike, using both for mere need, and not caring for either how little time they lasted. But now there happened as sweet a compliance betwixt the King and his Subjects, as ever happened in man's memory, the King not asking more than what was granted. Both Houses in the Name of the whole Kingdom, promising their assistance with their lives and fortunes for the recovery of the Palatinate. A smart Petition was presented against the Papists, and order promised for the education of their Children in true Religion.

15. As for the Convocation contemporary with this Parliament, large Subsidies were granted by the Clergy, otherwise no great matter of moment passed therein. I am informed Doctor Joseph Hall preached the Latin Sermon, and Doctor Donne was the Prolocutor.

16. This is that Doctor Donne, born in London; (but extracted from Wales ) by his Mother-side, great-great Grandchilde to Sir Thomas More, whom he much resembled in his endowments; a great Traveler, first, Secretary to the Lord Egerton, and after by the persuasion of K. James, (and encouragement of Bishop Morton ) entered into Orders, made Doctor of Divinity (of Trinity College in Cambridge ) and Dean of S. Paul's, whose Life is no less truly than elegantly written by my worthily respected friend Mr. Isaac Walton, whence the Reader may store himself with further information.

17. A Book was translated out of the French Copy, by Abraham Darcye, entitled, [ The Original of Idolatry: ] pretended made by Dr. Isaac Casaubon, dead ten years before, dedicated to Prince Charles, but presented to King James, and all the Lord's of the Council. A Book printed in French before the said Isaac Casaubon was born, whose name was fraudulently inserted in the Title-page of the foregoing Copy.

18. Merick Casaubon his Son then Student of Christ's-Church, by Letter informed King James of the wrong done to his Father, by making him the Author of such a Book; contrary to his Genius and constant profession, being full of impertinent allegations, out of obscure and late Authors, whom his Father never thought worthy the reading, much less the using their Authority. His Majesty was much incensed herea , and Doctor Mountain Bishop of London had much ado to make his Chaplains peace for licensing thereof, the Printer and Translator being for some time kept in Prison.

19. Yet after all this; and after Merick Casaubon had written a Latin Vindication to give satisfaction to all, the same Translation since is printed in Amsterdam, with a Justificatory Preface of the former Edition. So impudent are some, falsely to father Books on worthy Authors, to make them more vendible for their own profit, though it discredit the memory of others.

20. The business of the Palatinate being now debated by Martiallists, the Kings Council of War, dissuading from regaining it in kind, advised Him rather to recover it in value where he could with the best conveniency out of the Spanish Dominions: For, the Palatinate was not worth the rewinning, which (grant recovered by the English ) could not recover itself for many years, such the havoc and waste made therein. Secondly, it was hard to be gotten, such the distance thereof; and harder to be kept, so ill-neighboured it was on all sides. So that the King if so pleased, might with as much honor, and more ease, carve out his own reparations nearer home.

21. During these Agitations, K. James fell sick at Theobalds of a tertian Ague, commonly called in Spring; for a King rather Physical than dangerous. But soon after his Ague was heighten'd into a Fever; four mischiefs meeting therein.

22. First, the malignity of the Malady in itself, hard to be cured. Secondly, an aged Person, of sixty years current. Thirdly, a plethorick Body, full of ill humors. Fourthly, the Kings averseness to Physic, and impatience under it. Yet the last was quickly removed, above expectation, The King (contrary to His custom) being very orderable in all His sickness. Such sudden alterations, some apprehend, a certain prognostic of death, as if when men's minds acquire new qualities, they begin to habit and clothe themselves for a new world.

23. The Countess of Buckingham contracted much suspicion to her self, and her Son, for applying a plaster to the Kings wrists, without the consent of His Physicians. And yet it plainly appeared, that Dr. John Remington of Dunmoe in Essex, made the same plaster: (one honest, able, and successful in his practice, who had cured many Patients by the same,) a piece whereof applied to the King, one eat down into His belly, without the least hurt or disturbance of nature. However, after the applying thereof, the King grew worse.

24. The Physicians refused to administer physic unto Him till the plasters were taken off, which being done accordingly. His fifth, sixth, and seventh fits were easier (as Dr. Chambers said.) On the Monday after, the plasters were laid on again without the advice of the Physicians, and His Majesty grew worse and worse. so that Mr. Hayes (the Kings Chirurgeon) was called out of his bed to take off the plasters. Mr. Baker (the Dukes servant) made the King a Julip, which the Duke brought to the King with his own hand, of which the King drank twice, but refused the third time. After His death, a Bill was brought to the Physicians to sign, that the ingredients of the Julip and Plasters were safe: but most refused it, because they knew not whether the ingredients mentioned in the Bill were the same in the Julip and Plasters. This is the naked truth delivered by oath from the Physicians to a select Committee two years after, when the Parliament voted the Dukes act a transcendent presumption, though most thought it done without any ill intention.

25. Four days before His death, He desired to receive the Sacrament, and being demanded whether He was prepared in point of faith and charity for so great mysteries? He said, He was, and gave humble thanks to God for the same. Being desired to declare His faith, and what He thought of those Books He had written in that kind? He repeated the Articles of the Creed one by one, and said, He believed them all as they were received and expounded by that part of the Catholic Church which was established here in England: And said, with a kind of sprightfulnesse and vivacity, that whatever He had written of this Faith in his life, he was now ready to seal with his death. Being questioned in point of charity; He answered presently, that He forgave all men that offended Him, and desired to be forgiven by all Christians, whom He in any wise had offended.

26. Then after absolution read and pronounced, He received the Sacrament, and some hours after. He professed to the standers by, that they could not imagine what ease and comfort he found in himself since the receiving hereof; And so quiedy resigned His soul to God, having reigned twenty two years and three days.

27. He was of a peaceable disposition. Indeed, when he first entered England, at Barwick, He himself gave fire to, and shot off a piece of Ordnance, and that with good judgment. This was the only military act personally performed by Him. So that He may have seemed in that Cannon to have discharged War cut of England.

28. Coming to York, He was somewhat amazed with the equipage of the Northern Lord's repairing unto Him, (especially with the Earl of Cumberland 's) admiring there should be in England so many Kings; for less, He could not conjecture them, such the multitude and gallantry of their attendance. But (following the counsel of His English Secretary there present) He soon found a way to abate the formidable greatness of the English Nobility, by conferring Honor upon many persons, whereby Nobility was spread so broad, that it became very thin, which much lessened the ancient esteem thereof.

29. He was very eloquent in speech, whose Latin had no fault, but that it was too good for a King, whom carelessness (not curiosity ) becomes in that kind. His Scotch tone he rather affected than declined: and though His speaking spoiled His speech in some English ears; yet the masculine worth of his set Orations, commanded reverence, if not admiration in all judicious hearers. But in common speaking, (as in His hunting he stood not on the cleanest but nearest way) He would never go about to make any expressions.

30. His wit was passing-sharp and piercing, equally pleased in making and taking a smart jest, His Majesty so much stooping to His mirth, that He never refused that coin which he paid to other folk. This made Him please Himself so much in the company of Count Gondomer: and some will say, the King was contented (for reasons best known to Himself) to be deceived by him, and humoured into a peace to His own disadvantage.

31. Once, King James in an Afternoon was praising the plentiful provision of England, especially for flesh, and fowl; adding, the like not to be had in all Spain, what one County here did afford. Yea, but my Master (quoth Gondomer, there present) hath the gold and silver in the East and West Indies: And I, by my Saul, (saith the King) have much ado to keep my men from taking it away from Him. To which the Don's Spanish gravity returned silence.

32. His judgment was most solid in matters of Divinity, not fathering Books of others, (as some of His Predecessors ) but His Works are allowed His own by His very adversaries. Most bountiful to all, especially to Scholars, no King of England ever doing (though His Successor suffered ) more, to preserve the revenues of the English Hierarchy. Most merciful to Offendors, no one person of Honor (without parallel since the Conquest ) being put to death in His Reign. In a word, He left His own Coffers empty, but His Subjects Chests full, the Land being never more wealthy; it being easier then to get, than since to save an estate.




THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN.

THE ELEVENTH BOOK.

Containing the Reign of KING CHARLES.

[illustration]




〈1+ pages missing〉

excepted, who in due time may be) happy in their Marriage, hopeful in their Issue.

These five have all been of the same Christian Name. Yet is there no fear of Confusion, to the prejudice of your Pedigree, (which Heralds commonly in the like cases complain of) seeing each of them being, as eminent in their kind, so different in their eminency, are sufficiently distinguished by their own character to Posterity.

Of these, the first a Judge; for his gravity and learning famous in his Generation.

The second, a worthy Patriot, and bountiful House-keeper; blessed in a numerous Issue, his four younger Sons, affording a Bishop to the Church; a Judge, and Peer to the State; a Commander to the Camp, and an Officer to the Court.

The third, was the first Baron of the House, of whose worth I will say nothing, because I can never say enough.

The fourth, your Honorable Father, who because he doth still, and may he long, survive; I cannot do the right which I would to his merit, without doing wrong, which I dare not to his modesty.

You are the fifth in a direct Line; and let me acquaint you with what the world expected, (not to say requireth of you) to dignify yourself with some select and peculiar desert, so to be differenced from your Ancestors, that your memory may not be mistaken, in the Homonymie of your Christian Names; which, to me seemeth as improbable, as that a burnning-Beacon, (at a reasonable distance) should not be beheld; such the brightness of your parts, and advantage of your education.

You was bred in that School which hath no superior in England; and successively in those two Universities, which have no equal in Europe. Such the stock of your native perfection, before graffed with the foreign accomplishments of your travels. So that men confidently promise themselves to read the best, last, and largest Edition of MERCATOR's ATLAS, in your experience and discourse.

That good God who went with you out of your Native Country, and since watched over you in foreign parts, return with you in safety in due time, to his Glory, and your own Good, which is the daily desire of

Your Honor's most devoted Servant, THOMAS FVLLER.




THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN.

XVII. CENTURIE.

1. THe sad news of King James his death was soon brought to White-hall, at that very instant, when D r Land Bishop of S t David's, was preaching therein. This caused him to break off his Sermon in the midst thereof, out of civil compliance with the sadness of the congregation: and the same day was King Charles proclaimed at White-Hall.

2. On the fourteenth of May following King James his funerals were performed very solemnly, in the Collegiate-Church at Westminster, his lively statue being presented on a magificent Herse. King Charles was present thereat. For, though modern state used of late to lock up the chief Mourner in his Chamber, where his grief must be presumed too great for public appearance; yet the King caused this ceremony of sorrow so to yield to the substance thereof, and pomp herein to stoop to piety, that in his person he sorrowfully attended the funerals of his Father.

3. D r . Williams, Lord Keeper and Bishop of Lincoln, preached the Sermon, taking for his Text 2 Chron. 9. 29, 30. and part of the 31, verse. containing the happy reign, quiet death, and stately burial of King Solomon. The effect of his Sermon was to advance a parallel betwixt two peaceable Princes, King Solomon and King James. A parallel which willingly went, (not to say ran of its own accord) and when it chanced to stay, was fairly led on by the art, and ingenoitie of the Bishop, not enforcing, but improving the conformity betwixt these two Kings in ten particulars, all expressed in the Text, as we read in the vulgar Latin somewhat different from the new Translation.

King Solomon, King James,

1. His eloquence, the rest of the words of Solomon.

2. His actions, and all that he did.

3. A well within to supply the same, and his wisdom.

4. The preservation thereof to eternity, Are they not written in the book of the acts of Solomon, made by Nathan the Prophet, Ahijah the Shilonite, and Iddo the Seer?

5. He reigned in Jerusalem, a great City, by him enlarged, and repaired.

6. Over all Israel, the whole Empire.

7. A great space of time, full forty years.

8. Then he slept, importing no sudden and violent dying, but a premeditate and affected kind of sleeping.

9. With his fathers, David especially, his Soul being disposed of in happiness.

10. And was buried in the City of David.

1. Had profluentem, & quae Principem deceret, eloquentiam.

2. Was eminent in his actions of Religion, Justice, War, and Peace.

3. So wise that there was nothing that any would learn, which he was not able to teach.

4. As Trajan was nicknamed herba parietaria, a Wal-flower, because his name was engraven on every wall: so King James shall be called herba chartacea, the paper-flower, and his glory be read in in all writers.

5. He reigned in the capital City of London, by him much augmented.

6. Over great Britain, by him happily united, and other Dominions.

7. In all fifty eight (though over all Britain but two and twenty years) reigning as better, so also longer than King Solomon.

8. Left the world most resolved, most prepared, embracing his Grave for his Bed.

9. Reigning gloriously with God in Heaven.

10. Whilest his body was interred with all possible solemnity in King Henry the seventh his Chapel.

Be it here remembered, that in this Parallel the Bishop premised to set forth Solomon, not in his full proportion, faults and all, but half-faced (imagine lusca as Apelles painted Antigonus to conceal the want of his eye) adding, that Solomon's vices could be no blemish to King James, who resembled him only in his choicest virtues. He concluded all with that verse Ecclesiasticus 30. 4. Though his Father die, yet he is as though he were not dead, for he hath left one behind him that is like himself: in application to his present Majesty.

4. Some Auditors, who came thither rather to observe than edify, cavil than observe, found, or made faults in the Sermon, censuring him for touching too often, and staying too long on an harsh string, three times straining the same, making eloquence too essential, and so absolutely necessary in a King, that the want thereof made Moses in a manner refuse all Government though offered by God: that no man ever got great power without eloquence; Nere being the first of the Caesar's qui alienae facundiae eguit, who usurped another man's language to speak for him. Expressions which might be forborne in the presence of his Son, and Successor, whose impediment in speech was known to be great, and mistook to be greater. Some conceived him too long in praising the passed, too short in promising for the present King (though saying much of him in a little) and the Bishops Adversaries (whereof then no want at Court) some took distaste, others made advantage thereof. Thus is it easier, and better for us to please one God, than many men with our Sermons. However the Sermon was publicly set forth by the Printer (but not the express command) of his Majesty, which gave but the steddier Mark to his enemies, noting the marginal notes thereof, and making all his Sermon the text of their captious interpretations.

5. Now began animosities to discover themselves in the Court, whose sad influences operated many years after, many being discontented that on this change they received not proportionable advancement to their expectations. It is the prerogative of the King of Heaven alone, that he maketh all his Sons Heirs, all his Subjects Favorites, the gain of one being no loss to the other. Whereas the happiest Kings on Earth are unhappy herein, that unable to gratify all their Servants (having many Suitors for the same place) by conferring a favor on one, they disoblige all other competitors, conceiving themselves, as they make the estimate of their own deserts, as much (if not more) meriting the same preferment.

6. As for Doctor Preston he still continued, and increased in the favor of the King, and Duke; it being much observed, that on the day of King James his death, he rode with Prince, and Duke, in a Coach shut down from Theobalds to London, applying comfort now to one now to the other, on so sad an occasion. His party would persuade us, that he might have chose his own mitre, much commending the moderation of his mortified mind, denying all preferment which courted his acceptance; verifying the Anagram which a friend of his made on his name Johannes Prestonius, Enstas pius in honor. Indeed he was conceived to hold the Helme of his own party, able to steer it to what point he pleased, which made the Duke [as yet] much to desire his favor.

7. A book came forth called Appello Caesarem made by M. Montague. He formerly had been Fellow of Kings College in Cambridge, at the present a Parson of Essex and Fellow of Eaton. One much skilled in the Fathers, and Ecclesiastical Antiquity, and in the Latin and Greek Tongues. Our great Antiquarie confesseth as much ( Greece simul & Latin doctus ) though pens were brandished betwixt them: and virtues allowed by ones adversary may pass for undeniable truths. These his great parts were attended with tartness of writing, very sharp the neb of his pen, and much gall in his ink, against such as▪ opposed him. However, such the equability of the sharpness of his style he was impartial therein, be he ancient or modern writer, Papist or Protestant, that stood in his way, they should all equally taste thereof.

8. Passe we from the Author to his Book, whereof this was the occasion. He had lately written satyrically enough against the Papists in consutation of The Gagger of Protestants: Now two Divines of Norwich Dioces, M r . Yates, and M r . Ward informed against him for dangerous errors of Arminianism and Popery, deserting our cause, instead of defending it. M. Montague, in his own vindication, writes a second Book licensed by Francis White, Dean of Carlisle, finished, and partly printed in the reign of James, to whom the Author intended the dedication. But on King James his death, it seems it descended by succession on King Charles his Son, to whom M r . Montague applied the words which Ockam once used to Louis of Bavier, Emperor of Germany, Domine Imperator defend me gladio, & ego te defendam calamo, Lord Emperor defend me with thy Sword, and I will defend thee with my Pen. Many bitter passages in this his Book gave great exception, whereof largely, hereafter.

9. On Sunday being the twelfth of June, about seven of the clock at night, Queen Marie landed at Dover: at what time a piece of Ordinance being discharged from the Castle, flew in fitters, yet did nobody any harm. Moe were fearful at the presage, than thankful for the providence. Next day, the King coming from Canterbury, met her at Dover, whence with all solemnity she was conducted to Sommerset-House in London, where a Chapel was new prepared for her devotion, with a Covent adjoining of Capuchin-Friers, according to the Articles of her Marriage.

10. A Parliament began at London, wherein the first Statute agreed upon, was for the more strict observation of the Lord's-day. Which day, as it first honored the King (His Reign beginning thereon) so the King first honored it by passing an Act for the greater solemnity thereof. The House of Commons fell very heavy on M r . Montague, for many bitter passages in his Book: who in all probability, had now been severely censured, but that the King himself was pleased to interpose in his behalf; signifying to the House, That those things which were then spoken, and determined concerning Montague, without his Privitie, did not please Him; who by his Court-friends being employed in the Kings Service, his Majesty signifiyed to the Parliament that he thought his Chaplains (whereof M r . Montague was one) might have as much protection as the Servant of an ordinary Burgess: nevertheless his bond of two thousand pounds wherewith he was tailed, continued uncancelled, and was called on the next Parliament.

11. The Plague increasing in London, the Parliament was removed to Oxford. But alas! no avoiding God's hand. The infection followed, or rather met the Houses there, (whereof worthy D r . Challenor died, much lamented) yet were the Members of Parliament, not so careful to save their own persons from the Plague, as to secure the Land from a worse, and more spreading contagion, the daily growth of Popery. In prevention whereof they presented a Petition to his Majesty, containing sixteen particulars, all which were most graciously answered by his Majesty, to their full satisfaction. Thus this meeting began hopefully, and cheerfully; proceeded turbulently, and suspiciously; brake off suddenly, and sorrowfully; the reason whereof is to be fetched from our Civil Historians.

12. The Convocation kept here, is scarce worth the mentioning, seeing little the appearance thereat, nothing the performance therein. Dean Bowles, the Prolocurour, absented himself for fear of infection, D r . Thomas Good officiating in his place, and their meeting was kept in the Chapel of Merton-College. Here D r . James that great Book-man, made a motion, that all Manuscript-Fathers in the Libraries of the Universities, and elsewhere in England, might be perused, and that such places in them as had been corrupted in Popish editions (much superstition being generated from such corruptions ) might faithfully be printed, according to those ancient Copies. Indeed, though England at the dissolving of Abbeys lost moe Manuscripts than any Country of Christendom (of her dimensions) ever had, yet still enough were left her, if well improved, to evidence the truth herein to all posterity. This design might have been much beneficial to the Protestant cause, if prosecuted with as great endeavor, as it was propounded with good intention: but, alas! this motion was ended, when it was ended, expiring in the place with the words of the mover thereof.

13. The King according to his late answer in the Parliament at Ox. issued out a Commission to the Judges to see the Law against Recusants put in execution. This was read in all the Courts of Judicature at Reading (where Michaelmas Terme was kept) and a letter directed to the Arch-bishop of Cant. to take special care for the discovery of Jesuits, Seminary Priests &c. within his Province. A necessary severity, seeing Papists (presuming on Protection by reason of the late Match) were grown very insolent. And a Popish Lord when the King was at Chapel was heard to prate on purpose louder in a Gallery adjoining then the Chaplain prayed, whereat the King was so moved that he sent him this message; Either come and do as we do, or I will make you prate further off.

14. In this, and the next year, many Books from persons of several abilities, and professions, were written against M r . Montague, By

  • 1. D r . Sutcliffe, Dean of Exeter. One who was miles emeritus, age giving him a Supersedeas, save that his zeal would employ itself, and some conceived, that his choler became his old age.
  • 2. M r . Henry Burton, who then began to be well (as afterwards wards too well) known to the World.
  • 3. M r . Francus Rowse, a Lay-man by profession.
  • 4. M r . Yates, a Minister of Norfolk, formerly a Fellow of Emmanuel in Cambridge: he entitles his Book Ibus ad Caesarem.
  • 5. D r . Carleton, Bishop of Chichester.
  • 6. Anthony Wootton, Divinity-Professor in Gresham-College.

In this Army of Writers the strength is conceived to consist in the rere, and that the last wrote the solidest confutations. Of these six, Dean Sutcliffe is said to have chode heartily, M r . Rowse meant honestly, M r . Burton wrote plainly, Bishop Carleton very piously, M r . Yates learnedly, and M r . Wootton most solidly.

15. I remember not at this time any of Master Montague's party engaged in print in his behalf. Whether, because they conceived this their Champion, sufficient of himself to encounter all opposers; or, because they apprehended it unsafe (though of the same judgment) to justify a Book which was grown so generally offensive. Insomuch as his Majesty himself, sensible of his Subjects great distaste thereat (sounded by the Duke of Buckingham to that purpose) was resolved to leave Mr. Montague to stand or fall, according to the justice of his cause. The Duke imparted as much to Dr. Laud, Bishop of Saint David's, who conceived it of such ominous concernment, that he entered the same in his Diarie, viz. I seem to see a cloud arising, and threatening the Church of England, God for his mercy dissipate it.

16. The day of the Kings Coronation drawing near, his Majesty sent to survey, and peruse the Regalia, or Royal Ornaments; which then were to be used. It happened that the left wing of the Dove on the Scepter was quite broken off, by what casualty God himself knows. The King sent for Mr. Acton then his Goldsmith, commanding him that the very same should be set on again. The Goldsmith replied, that it was impossible to be done so fairly, but that some mark would remain thereof. To whom the King in some passion returned, If you will not do it, another shall. Hereupon Mr. Acton carried it home, and got another Dove of Gold to be artificially set on; whereat, when brought back, his Majesty was well contented, as making no discovery thereof.

17. The Bishop of Lincoln, Lord-Keeper, was now daily descendant in the Kings favor; who so highly distasted him, that he would not have him, as Dean of Westminster, to perform any part of His Coronation; yet so (was it a favor, or a trial?) that it was left to his free choice, to prefer any Prebendary of the Church to officiate in his place. The Bishop met with a Dilemma herein. To recommend Dr. Laud, Bishop of Saint David's (and Prebendary of Westminster ) for that performance, was to grace one of his greatest enemies: to pass him by, and prefer a private Prebendary for that purpose before a Bishop, would seem unhandsome, and be interpreted a neglect of his own Order. To avoid all exceptions, he presented a list of all the Prebendaries of that Church, referring the election to his Majesty himself, who made choice of Dr. Laud, Bishop of Saint David's, for that attendance.

18. Dr. Senhouse, Bishop of Carlisle (Chaplain to the King when Prince) preached at the Coronation; his text,— And I will give unto thee a Crown of life. In some sort it may be said, that he preached his own funeral, dying shortly after; and even then the black Jaundice had so possessed him (a disease which hangs the face with mourning as against its burial) that all despaired of his recovery. Now, seeing this Coronation cometh within (if not the pales and Park) the purlews of Ecclesiastical History, we will present so much thereof, as was acted in the Church of Westminster. Let Heralds marshall the solemnity of their advance from Westminster-Hall to this Church, where our pen takes the first possession of this subject.

19. But first we will premise the equipage, according to which they advanced from Westminster-Hall, to the Abbey-Church, in order as followeth.

  • 1. The Aldermen of London two by two, ushered by an Herald.
  • 2. Eightie Knights of the Bath in their Robes, each having an Esquire to support, and Page to attend him.
  • 3. The Kings Serjeants at Law, Solicitor, Attorney, Masters of Request, and Judges.
  • 4. Privy-Counselors that were Knights, and chief Officers of the Kings Household.
  • 5. Barons of the Kingdom, all bareheaded, in their Parliament-Robes, with swords by their sides.
  • 6. The Bishops with Scarlet-gowns, and Lawn-sleeves, bare-headed.
  • 7. The Vice-Counts, and Earls (not in their Parliament, but) in their Coronation-Robes, with Coronetted-Caps on their Heads.
  • 8. The Officers of State for the day; whereof these are the principal.
Sr. Richard Winn.
Sr. George Goreing.
The Lord Privy-Seal.
The Archbishop of Canterbury.

The Earl of Dorset carrying The first Sword naked.
The Earl of Essex The second
The Earl of Kent The third
The Earl of Montgomerie The Spurs.
The Earl of Sussex The Globe, and Cross upon it.
The Bishop of London The Golden Cup for the Communion.
The Bishop of Winchester The Golden Plate
The Earl of Rutland The Scepter.
The Marquess Hammilton The Sword of State naked.
The Earl of Pembroke The Crown.

The Lord Major in a crimson Velvet gown, carried a short Scepter before the King, amongst the Serjeants. But I am not satisfied in the criticalness of his place.

The Earl of Arundel, as Earl-Marshall of England, and the Duke of Buckingham, as Lord High-Constable of England for that day, went before his Majestity in this great solemnity.

20. The King entered at the West-gate of the Church, under a rich Canopy carried by the Barons of the Cinque-Ports, his own person being supported by Dr. Neyle Bishop of Durham on the one hand; and Dr. Lake, Bishop of Bath and Wells, on the other. His train being six yards long of purple Velvet, was held up by the Lord Compton (as belonging to the Robes) and the Lord Viscount Dorcester. Here he was met by the Prebends of Westminster (Bishop Laud supplying the Dean his place) in their rich Copes, who delivered into his Majesty's hand the Staff of King Edward the Confessor, with which he walked upto the Scaffold.

21. This was made of wood at the upper end of the Church, from the Choir to the Altar. His Majesty mounted it, none under the degree of a Baron standing thereon, save only the Prebends of Westminster who attended on the Altar, three Chaires were appointed for him in several places; one of Repose, the second the ancient Chair of Coronation, and the third (placed on an high square of five Stairs ascent) being the Chair of State.

22. All being settled and reposed, the Lord Archbishop did present his Majesty to the Lord's and Commons, East, West, North, South, asking their minds four several times, if they did consent to the Coronation of King Charles their lawful Sovereign. The King mean time presented himself bare-headed: the consent being given four times with great acclamation, the King took his Chair of repose.

23. After the Sermon (whereof before) the L. Archbishop, invested in a rich Coape, tendered to the King (kneeling down on cushions at the Communion-Table ) a large Oath, then were his Majesty's Robes taken off him, and were offered on the Altar. He stood for a while stripped to his Doublet and Hose, which were of white Satten (with Ribbons on the Arms and Shoulders, to open them) and he appeared a proper Person to all that beheld him. Then was he led by the L. Archbishop and the Bishop of St. David's, and placed in the Chair of Coronation (a close Canopy being spread over him) the L. Archbishop anointing his head, shoulders, arms, and hands with a costly ointment, the Choir singing an Anthem of these words, Zadok the Priest anointed King Solomon.

24. Hence the King was led up in his Doublet and Hose with a white Coyfe on his head to the Communion Table, where Bishop Laud (Deputy for the Dean of Westminster ) brought forth the ancient Habiliments of King Edward the Confessor, and put them upon him. Then was his Majesty brought back to the Chair of Coronation, and received the Crown of King Edward (presented by Bishop Laud, and) put on his head by the Archbishop of Canterbury. The Choir singing an Anthem, Thou shalt put a Crown of pure Gold upon his head. Whereupon the Earls and Viscounts put on their Crimson Velvet Caps with Coronets about them (the Barons and Bishops always standing bare headed) Then every Bishop came severally to his Majesty to bring his benediction upon him, and he in King Edwards Robes with the Crown upon his head, rose from his Chair, and did bow severally to every Bishop apart.

25. Then was King Edwards Sword girt about him, which he took off again and offered up at the Communion Table with two Swords more (surely not in relation to Scotland and Ireland, but to some ancient Princi palities his Predecessors enjoyed in France. ) Then the Duke of Buckingam (as Master of the Horse ) put on his Spurres, and thus completely crowned; his Majesty offered first Gold, then Silver at the Altar, and afterwards Bread and Wine which were to be used at the holy Communion.

26. Then was his Majesty conducted by the Nobility to the Throne upon that square B fs of five ascents, the Choir singing Te deum. Here his Majesty took an Oath of homage from the Duke of Buckingam (as Lord high Constable for that day) and the Duke did swear all the Nobility besides to be Homagers to his Majesty at his Majesty's knees.

27. Then as many Earls and Barons as could conveniently stand about the Thrane, did lay their hands on the Crown on his Majesty's head, protesting to spend their bloods, to maintain it to him and his lawful Heirs. The Bishops severally kneeled down, but took no oath as the Barons did, the King kissing everyone of them.

28. Then the King took a Scrowle of parchment out of his bosom and gave it to the Lord Keeper Williams, who re d it to the Commons four several times, East, West, North and South. The effect whereof was, that his Majesty did offer a pardon to all his Subjects-who would take it under his Broad-Seal.

29. From the Throne, his Majesty was conducted to the Communion Table, where the Lord Archbishop kneeling on the North side, read prayers in the Choir; and sung the Nicene Creed. The Bishop of Landaff and N •• ich, read the Epistle and Gospel, with whom the Bishops of Durham and St. David's in rich Copes kneeled with his Majesty and received the Communion; the bread, from the Archbishop, the wine, from the Bishop of St. David's, his Majesty receiving last of all, whilst Gloria in excelsis was sung by the Choir, and some prayers read by the Archbishop concluded the solemnity.

30. The King after he had disrobed himself in King Edwards Chapel, came forth in a short Robe of red Velvet girt unto him, lined with Ermins, and a Crown of his own on his head set with very precious stones, and thus the Train going to the Barges on the water side returned to White Hall in the same order wherein they came, about three a clock in the afternoon.

31. I have insisted the longer on this Subject moved thereunto by this consideration, that if it be the last Solemnity performed on an English King in this kind, Posterity will conceive my pains well bestowed, because on the last. But if hereafter Divine providence shall assign England another King, though the transactions herein be not wholly precedentiall, something of State may be chosen out grateful for imitation.

32. And here if a Blister was not, it deserved to be on the fingers of that scandalous Pamphleteer, who hath written that King Charles was not Crowned like other Kings. Whereas all essentills of his Coronation were performed with as much ceremony as ever before, and all Robes of State used according to ancient prescription. But if he indulged his own fancy for the color of his clothes, a White Sute &c. Persons meaner than Princes, have in greater matters assumed as much libery to themselves.

33. Indeed one Solemnity (no part of, but preface to the Coronation ) was declined on good consideration. For whereas the Kings of England used to ride from the Tower, through the City to Westminster; King Charles went thither by water, out of double providence, to save health and wealth thereby. For though the infectious Air in the City of London had lately been corrected with a sharp Winter, yet was it not so amended, but that a just suspicion of danger did remain. Besides such a procession would have cost him threescore thousand Pounds, to be disbursed on Scarler for his Train. A sum which if then demanded of his Exchequer, would scarce receive a satisfactory answer thereunto; and surely some who since condemn him for want of state, in omitting this Royal Pageant, would have condemned him more for prodigality, had he made use thereof.

34. As for any other alterations in Prayers or Ceremonies, though heavily charged on Bishop Laud, are since conceived by impartial people, done by a Committee, wherein (though the Bishop accused as most active) others did equally consent. Indeed a passage not in fashion, since the Reign of King Henry the sixth, was used in a prayer at this time. Obtineat gratiam huic populo sicut Aaron in Tabernaculo, Elisha in Fluvio, Zacharias in Templo, sit Petrus in Clave, Paulus in Dogmate. Let him obtain favor for this people like Aaron in the Tabernacle, Elisha in the Waters, Zacharias in the Temple, give him Peters Key of dicipline, Paul's Doctrine. This I may call a Protestant passage, though anciently used in Popish times, as fixing more spiritual power in the King, than the Pope will willingly allow, jealous that any should finger Peters Keys save himself.

35. A few days after a Parliament began, wherein M r . Montague was much troubled about his Book, but made a fhift by his powerful Friends to save himself. During the sitting whereof, at the instance and procurement of Robert Rich Earl of Warwick, a conference was Kept in York house, before the Duke of Buckingam and other Lord's, betwixt Dr. Buckridge, Bishop of Rochester, and Dr. White, Dean of Carlisle, on the one side, and Dr. Morton Bishop of Coventry, and Dr. Preston on the other, about Arminian points, and chiefly the possibility of one elected to fall from grace. The passages of which conference ar variously reported. For it is not in tongue combats, as in other battails, where the victory cannot be disguised, as discovering itself in keeping the field, number of the slain, Captives, and Colours taken. Whilest here no such visible effects appearing, the persons present were left to their liberty, to judge of the Conquest, as each one stood affected. However William Earl of Pembroke was heard to say, that none returned Arminians thence, save such who repaired thither with the same opinions.

36. Soon after a second conference was entertained, in the same place, on the same points, before the same Persons; betwixt Dr. White Dean of Carlisle, and Mr. Montague, on the on side; and Dr. Morton, Bishop of Lichfield, and Dr. Preston on the other. Dr. Preston carried it clear at the first, by dividing his adversaries, who quickly perceiving their error, pieced themselves together in a joint opposition against him. The passages also of this conference, are as differently related as the former. Some making it a clear conquest on one, some on the other side, and a third sort a drawn battle betwixt both. Thus the success of these meetings, answered neither the commendable intentions, nor hopeful expectations, of such who procured them. Now whilst other dare say, Universally of such conferences, what David saith of mankind, that of them there is none that doth good, no not one, we dare only intimate, that (what Statesmen observe of Interviews betwixt Princes; so) these conferences betwixt Divines rather increase the differences than abate them.

37. The Bishop of Lincoln fell now through the Dukes, into the Kings displeasure; and such who will read the late letters in the Cabala, may conjecture the cause thereof, but the certainty we leave to be reported by the Historians of the State; belonging in his Episcopal capacity to my pen, but as Lord Keeper properly to theirs.

38. The Bishop finding his own tottering condition, addressed himself to all who had intimacie with the Duke to reingratiate himself. But such After-games at Court seldom succeed. All would not do, for as Amicus omnium optimus was part of the Dukes Epitaph , so no fiercer foe when displeased, and nothing under the Bishops removal from his office would give him satisfaction.

39. Sir John Suckling was sent unto him from the King, to demand the broad Seal of him, which the cautious Bishop refused to surrender into his hands, to prevent such uses as might be made thereof (by him or others ) in the interval betwixt this resigning it, and the Kings conferring it on another; but he charily locked it up in a Box, and sent the Box by the Knight, and Key thereof enclosed in a letter to his Majesty.

40. However his bruise was the less, because he fell but from the first Loft and saved himself on the second Floere. Outed his Lord Keepership, but keeping his Bishopric of Lincoln and Deanarie of Westminster, though forced to part with the Kings Purse, he held his own and that well replenished; And now he is retired to Bugden-great, where, whither greater his anger at his enemies for what he had lost, or gratitude to God, for what he had left, though others may conjecture, his own Conscience only could decide. Here we leave him at his hospitable Table, where sometimes he talked so loud, that his discourse at the second hand was heard to London, by those who bare no good will unto him.

41. An old Hall turned into a new College, was this year finished at Oxford. This formerly was called Broadegates Hall and had many Students therein, amongst whom Edmund Bonner afterwards Bishop of London ( Scholar enough and Tyrant too much ) had his education. But this place was not endowed with any Revenues till about this time, for Thomas Tisdale of Glimpton in the County of Oxford Esquire, bequeathed five thousand Pounds, wherewith Lands were purchased to the value of two hundred and fifty pounds per annum, for the maintenance of seven Fellowes and six Scholars. Afterwards Richard Wightwick Bachelor of Divinity, Rector of East-Isle in Barkshire, gave Lands to the yearly value of one hundred pounds, for the maintenance of three Fellowes and four Scholars; whereupon petition being made to King James, this new College was erected, and a Charter of Mortmain of seven hundred pounds per annum, granted thereunto.

42. It was called Pembrook College, partly in respect to William Earl of Pembrook, then Chancellor of the University, partly in expectation to receive some favor from him. And probably had not that noble Lord died suddenly soon after, this College might have received more than a bare Name from him. The best, where a Child hath rich parents it needeth the less any gifts from the Godfather.

Masters Benefactors Bishops Learned Writers.

1 Dr. Clayton

2 Dr. Langley

King Charles, who gave the Patronage of St. Aldates the Church adjoining.

So that this College consisteth of a Master, ten Fellowes, and ten Scholars with other Students and Officers to the number of one hundred sixty nine.

43. The Doctor and the Duke were both of them unwilling to an openbreach, loved for to temporise and wait upon events. Surely Temperise here is taken in the Apostle sense, according to some copies, serving the Times. And henceforwards the Duke resolved to shake off the Doctor, who would not stick close unto him, betaking himself to the opposite Interest. Nor was the other surprised herein, as expecting the alteration long before.

44. By the late conferences at York-house it appeared, that by the Dukes cold carriage towards him (and smiling on his Opponents ) Dr. Preston was now entering into the Autumn of the Dukes favor. Indeed they were well met, each observing, neither trusting other (as I read in the Doctors Life, written by his judicious Pupil.)

45. This year concluded the life of Arthur Lakes, Warden of New-College in Oxford, Master of St. Crosses, Dean of Worcester, and at last promoted Bishop of Bath and Wells, not so much by the power of his Brother Sir Thomas (Secretary to King James ) as his own desert; as one whose piety may be justly exemplary to all of his Order. He seldom (if at all) is said to have dreamt, justly imputed, not to the dullness of his fancy, in which faculty he had no defect, but to the staidness of his judgment, wherein he did much excel, as by his learned Sermons doth appear.)

46. About the sametime Lancelot Andrew's ended his religious life, born at Alhollows-Barking in London, Scholar, Fellow, and Master of Pembrook-Hall in Cambridge. Then Dean of Westminster, Bishop of Chicester, Eli, and at last of Winchester. The world wanted learning to know how learned this Man was, so skilled in all (especially oriental ) Languages, that some conceive he might (if then living) almost have served as an INTERPRETER GENERALL at the confusion of Tongues. Nor are the Fathers more faithfully cited in his books, than lively copied out in his countenance and carriage, his gravity in a manner awing King James, who refrained from that mirth and liberty, in the presence of this Prelate, which otherwise he assumed to himself. He lieth buried in the Chapel of St. Mary Overees, having on his Monument a large, elegant , and TRUE Epitaph.

47. Since his death some have unjustly snarld at his memory, accusing him for covetousness, who was neither rapax, to get by unjust courses (as a professed enemy to usury, simony, and bribery: ) nor tenax, to hold money when just occasion called for it: for in his life time he repaired all places he lived in, and at his death left the main of his Estate to pious uses. Indeed he was wont to say, that Good Husbandry was good Divinity, the truth whereof no wise man will deny.

48. Another falls foully upon him for the ornaments of his Chapel as Popish and superstitious, in the superabundant ceremonies thereof. To which I can say little; but this I dare affirm, that wheresoever he was a Parson, a Dean, or a Bishop, he never troubled Parish, College, or Diocese with pressing other ceremonies upon them, then such which he found used there before his coming thither. And it had not been amiss, if such who would be accounted his friends and admirers, had followed him in the footsteps of his moderation, content with the enjoying, without the enjoining their private practices, and opinions, on others.

49. As for such who causelessly have charged his Sermons as affected, and surcharged with verbal allusions, when they themselves have set forth the like, it will then be time enough to make this Bishops first defense, against their calumniations. Nor is it a wonder that the M sters Pen, was so in his writings, whose very Servant (a Lay man) was so successful in the same: I mean Mr. Henry Isackson (lately gone to God) the industrious Author of the useful Chronology.

50. It is pity to part this Patron from his Chaplain, Nicholas Fuller, born, as I take it, in Hampshire, bred in Oxford, where he was Tutor to Sir Henry Walhop, who afterwards preferred him to the small Parsonage of Aldingeton in Wiltshire: And Robert Abbot, Bishop of Salisbury, made him Canon of that Church. Afterwards a Living of great value was sent by Bishop Andrew's (the Patron thereof) on the welcome errand to find out Mr. Fuller to accept the same, who was hardly contented to be surprised with a presentation thereunto; such his love to his former small Living and retired life. He was the Prince of all our English Critics; And whereas men of that tribe are generally morose, so that they cannot dissent from another without disdaining, nor oppose without inveighing against him, it is hard to say whether more candor, learning, or judgment, was blended in his Miscellanies. By discovering how much Hebrew there is in the New-Testament-Greek, he cleereth many real difficulties from his verbal observations.

51. A Commission was granted unto five Bishops (whereof Bishop Laud of the Quorum ) to suspend Archbishop Abbot from exercising his Authority any longer, because uncanonicall for casual Homicide; the proceeding against him being generally condemned as over-rigid and severe.

  • 1. The Act was committed seven years since, in the reign of King James.
  • 2. On a Commission then appointed for that purpose, he was cleared from all Irregularity, by Bishop Andrew's, in Divinity; Sir Ed. Coke, in Common; and Sir Henr. Martin, in Canon Law.
  • 3. It would be of dangerous consequence to condemn him by the Canons of foreign Councils, which never were allowed any Legislative Power in this Land.
  • 4. The Archbishop had manifested much remorse and self-affliction, for this (rather sad than sinful ) act.
  • 5. God may be presumed to have forgotten so much as there was of fault in the fact, and why then should man remember it:
  • 6. Ever since he had executed his Jurisdiction without any interruption.
  • 7. The Archbishop had both feet in the Grave, and all his whole Body likely soon after to follow them.
  • 8. Such heighsning of Casual-Homicide, did avour of Intentional malice.

The truth is, the Archbishops own stiffness and averseness to comply with the Court-Designes, advantaged his Adversaries against him, and made him the more obnoxious to the Kings displeasure. But the blame did most light on Bishop Laud, men accounting this a kind of Filius ante diem, &c. As if not content to succeed, he indeavored to supplant him; who might well have suffered his decayed old age to have died in honor: What needs the felling of the tree a falling?

52. However a double good accrued hereby to the Archbishop. First, he became the more beloved of Men: (the Country hath constantly a blessing for those, for whom the Court hath a curse. ) And secondly, he may charitably be presumed to love God the more, whose service he did the better attend, being freed from the drudgery of the World, as that soul which hath the least of Martha, hath the most of Mary therein.

53. And although this Archbishop survived some years after, yet it will be seasonable here for us to take a fair farewell of his memory, seeing henceforward he was buried to the World. He was bred in Oxford, Master of University College; an excellent Preacher, as appears by his Lectures on Jonah; Chaplain to the Earl of Dunbar (with whom he was once solemnly sent by King James into Scotland to preach there) and afterwards by his means promoted to the Arch-bishop-rick of Canterbury, haply according to his own; but sure I am above, if not against, the expectations of others; A grave man in his conversavion, and unblameable in his life.

54. Indeed it is charged on him that non amavit Gentem nostram, he loved not our Nation, forsaking the Birds of his own feather to fly with others, and generally favoring the Laity above the Clergy, in all cases brought before him. But this he endeavored to excuse to a private friend, by protesting he was himself so severe to the Clergy on purpose to rescue them from the severity of others, and to prevent the punishment of them from Lay Judges to their greater shame.

55. I also read in a nameless Author, that towards his death he was not only discontented himself, but his house was the randezvouz of all male-contents in Church and State: making mid-night of noon-day, by constant keeping of candles light in his Chamber and Study; as also such visitants as repaired unto him, called themselves Nicodemits, because of their secret addresses. But a credible person, and one of his nearest relations knew nothing thereof, which with me much shaketh the probability of the report. And thus we leave this Archbishop, and the rest of his praises to be reported by the poor people of Gilford in Surrey, where he founded and endowed a fair Alms-house in the Town of his Nativity.

56. The Kings Treasury now began to grow low, and his expenses to mount high. No wonder then if the Statesmen were much troubled to make up the distance betwixt his Exchequer and his Occasions. Amongst other designs, the Papists in Ireland (taking advantage of the Kings wants) proffered to pay constantly 5000 Men, if they might but enjoy a Toleration. But that motion was crushed by the Bishops opposing it, and chiefly by Bishop Dounhams sermon in Dublin, on this Text, Luke 1. 74. That we being delivered from the hands of our Enemies might serve him without fear.

57. Many a man, sunk in his Estate in England, hath happily recovered it by removing into Ireland; whereas, by a contrary motion, this project, bankrupt in Ireland, presumed to make itself up in England: Where the Papists promised to maintain a proportion of Ships, on the aforesaid condition, of free exercise of their Religion. Some were desirous the King should accept their tender, who might lawfully take what they were so forward to give, seeing no injury is done to them who are willing.

58. It was urged on the other side, that where such willingness to be injured proceeds from the Principle of an erroneous conscience, there their simplicity ought to be informed, not abused. Grant Papists so weak as to buy, Protestants should be more honest than to sell such base wares unto them. Such Ships must needs spring many leaks, rig'd, victualed, and manned withil-gotten money, gained by the sale of Souls. And here all the objections were revived, which in the reign of King James were improved against such a Toleration.

59. Here Sir John Savil interposed, that if the King were pleased but to call on the Recusants to pay thirds (legally due to the Crown) it would prove a way more effectual and less offensive to raise a mass of Money: it being but just, who were so rich and free to purchase new Privileges, should first pay their old Penalties. This motion was listened unto, and Sir John (with some others) appointed for that purpose in the Counties beyond Trent, scarce a third of England in ground, but almost the half thereof for the growth of Recusants therein. But whether the Returns seasonably furnished the Kings occasions is to me unknown.

60. It is suspicious that all such Projects to quench the thirst of the Kings necessities proved no better then sucking-bottles, soon emptied, & but cold the liquor they afforded. Nothing so natural as the milk of the breast, I mean Subsidies granted by Parliament, which the King at this time assembled. But alas, to follow the Metaphor, both the breasts, the two Houses, were so sore with several grievances, that all money came from them with much pain and difficulty; the rather, because they complained of Doctrines destructive to their propriety, lately preached at Court.

61. For towards the end of this Session of Parliament Dr. Manwaring was severely censured for two Sermons he had preached and printed about the power of the Kings Prerogative. Such is the precipice of this matter (wherein each casual slip of my Pen may prove a deadly fall) that I had rather the Reader should take all from Mr. Pimm 's mouth, than from my hand, who thus uttered himself:

Master Speaker, I am to deliver from the Sub-Committee, a Charge against Mr. Manwaring, a Preacher and Doctor of Divinity, but a man so criminous that he hath turned his titles into accusations; for the better they are, the worse is he that hath dishonored them. Here is a great Charge that lies upon him; it is great in itself, and great because it hath many great Charges in it: Serpens, qui Serpentem devorat, fit Draco; his Charge, having digested many Charges into it, is become a Monster of Charges. The main and great one is this; A plot and policy, to alter and subvert the frame and fabric of this State and Commonwealth. This is the great one, and it hath others in it, that gains it more greatness. For, to this end, he labors to infuse into the conscience of his Majesty, the persuasion of a power not bounding itself with Laws, which King James of famous memory calls, in his Speech in Parliament 1619, Tyrannie, yea Tyrannie accompanied with Perjurie.

2. Secondly, He endeavors to persuade the consciences of the Subjects, that they are bound to obey illegal commands; yea, he damns them for not obeying them.

3. Thirdly, He robs the Subjects of the property of their goods.

4. Fourthly, He brands them that will not lose this property, with most scandalous and odious titles, to make them hateful both to Prince and People, so to set a division between the Head and Members, and between the Members themselves:

5. Fifthly, To the same end (not much unlike to Faux and his fellows) he seeks to blow up Parliaments and Parliamentary Power. These five being duly viewed, will appear to be so many Charges, and withal they make up the main and great Charge, A mischievous Plot to alter and subvert the frame and Government of this State and Commonwealth. And now that you may be sure that Mr. Manwaring, though he leave us no propriety in our Goods, yet he hath an absolute propriety in his Charge; Audit ipsam belluam, hear Mr. Manwaring by his own words making up his own Charge.

Here he produced the Book, particularly insisting on pag. 19. 29. and 30. in the first Sermon, pag. 35. 46. and 48 in the second Sermon. All which passages he heightened with much eloquence and acrimony; thus concluding his Speech, I have shown you an evil Tree that bringeth forth evil Fruit; and now it rests with you to determine, whether the following sentence shall follow, Cut it down and cast it into the fire.

62. Four days after the Parliament proceeded to his censure, consisting of eight particulars, it being ordered by the House of Lord's against him, as followeth:

  • 1. To be imprisoned during the pleasure of the House.
  • 2. To be fined a thousand pounds.
  • 3. To make his submission at the Bar in this House, and in the House of Commons, at the Bar there, in verbis conceptis, by a Committee of this House.
  • 4. To be suspended from his Ministerial function three years, and in the mean time a sufficient preaching man to be provided out of the profits of his living, and this to be left to be performed by the Ecclesiastical Court.
  • 5. To be disabled forever hereafter from preaching at Court.
  • 6. To be forever disabled of having any Ecclesiastical Dignity in the Church of England.
  • 7. To be uncapable of any secular Office or preferment.
  • 8. That his Books are worthy to be burned, and his Majesty to be moved that it may be so in London, and both the Universities.

But much of this censure was remitted, in consideration of the performance of his humble submission at both the Bars in Parliament:

63. Where he appeared on the three and twentieth of June following, and on his knees, before both Houses, submitted himself, as followeth, with outward expression of sorrow:

I do here in all sorrow of heart, and true repentance, acknowledge those many errors and indiscretions which I have committed in preaching and publishing the two Sermons of mine, which I called Religion and Allegiance, and my great fault in falling upon this theam again, and handling the same rashly, scandalously, and unadvisedly in my own Parish-Church in St. Giles in the fields, the fourth of May last past. I humbly acknowledge these three Sermons to have been full of dangerous passages and inferences, and scandalous aspersions, in most part of the same. And I do humbly acknowledge the just proceedings of this Honorable House against me, and the just sentence and judgment passed upon me for my great offense. And I do from the bottom of my heart crave pardon of God, the King, and this Honorable House, and the Commonweal in general, and those worthy persons adjudged to be reflected upon by me in particular, for those great offenses and errors.

How this Doctor, Roger Manwaring (notwithstanding the foresaid censure) was afterwards preferred, first to the Deanarie of Worcester, next to the Bishopric of St. David's, God willing in due place thereof.

64. On Thursday the 26 th . of this month, ended the Session of Parliament, wherein little, relating to Religion, was concluded; save only that diverse abuses on the Lord's-day were restained: All Cariers, Carters, Waggoners, Wain-men, Drovers of Cattle forbidden to travel there n, on the forfeit of twenty shillings for every offense. Likewise, Butchers to lose six shillings and eight pence for killing or selling any victuals on that day. A Law was also made, That whosoever goeth himself, or sendeth others beyond the Seas to be trained up in Popery, &c. shall be disabled to sue, &c. and shall lose all his Goods, and shall forfeit all his Lands, &c. for life. Five entire Subsidies were granted to the King by the Spirituality, and the said Grant confirmed by the Act of this Parliament, which now was first prorogued to the twentieth of October following, and then, (on some intervening obstructions) put off to the twentieth of January when it began again.

65. As for the Convocation, concurent [in time] with this Parliament, nothing considerable was acted therein. Dr. Thomas Winniff, Dean of Gloucester, preached the Latin Sermon; his text Acts 20. 28. Attendite ad vos ipsos, & totum gregem, &c. Dr. Curle was chosen Prolocutor: and a low voice would serve the turn where nothing was to be spoken.

66. On the twentieth of July following Dr. Preston died in his native Country of Northamptonshire, near the place of his birth, of a consumption, and was buried at Fawsley, Mr. Dod preaching his funeral Sermon: An excellent Preacher, of whom Mr. Noy was wont to say, that he preached as if he knew God's Will: a subtle Disputant and great Politician; so that his Foes must confess, that (if not having too little of the Dove) he had enough of the Serpent. Some will not stick to say he had large parts of sufficient receipt to manage the Broad Seal itself, which if the condition had pleased him, was proffered unto him: For he might have been the Dukes right hand, though at last less than his little finger unto him: Who despairing that this Patriarch of the Presbyterian Party would bring off his side unto him, used him no longer who would not or could not be useful unto him. Most of this Doctor's posthume-books have been happy in their education, I mean in being well brought forth into the World, though all of them have not lighted on so good guardians: But his life is so largely and learnedly written by one of his own Pupils, that nothing can be added unto it.

67. About this time George Carleton, that grave and godly Bishop of Chichester ended his pious life. He was born at Norham in Northumberland, where his Father was the Keeper of that important Castle in the Marches; an employment speaking him wise and valiant, in those dangerous and warlike days. He was bred and brought up under Mr. Bernard Gilpin, that Apostolical man (whose Life he wrote in gratitude to his memory) and retained his youthful and Poetical studies fresh in his old age. He was selected by King James one of the five Divines sent over to the Synod of Dort. He wrote many small Tracts (one against Sir John Heydon, about judicial Astrology) which conjoined would amount to a great volume. Mr. Richard Montague, one of a different judgment, succeeded in his See, who at first met with some small opposition on the following occasion.

68. There is a solemnity performed before the consecration of every Bishop, in this manner. The Royal assent being passed on his election, the Archbishops Vicar-general proceeds to his Confirmation, commonly kept in B w Church. A Process is issued forth to call all persons to appear, to show cause why the Elect there present should not be confirmed. For, seeing a Bishop is in a manner married to his See (save that hereafter he taketh his surname from his Wife, and not she from him ) this ceremony is a kind of asking the Banes, to see if any can allege any lawful cause to forbid them. Now at the confirmation of Mr. Montague, when liberty was given to any objectors against him, one Mr. Humphreys (since a Parliament Colonel, lately deceased) and William Jones, a Stationer of London (who alone is mentioned in the Record) excepted against Mr. Montague, as unfitting for the Episcopal office, chiefly on this account, because lately censured by Parliament for his book, and rendered uncapable of all preferment in the Church.

69. But exception was taken at Jones his exceptions (which the Record calls praetensos articulos ) as defective in some legal formalities. I have been informed, it was alleged against him for bringing in his objections vivâ voice, and not by a Proctor, that Court adjudging all private persons effectually dumb, who speak not by one admitted to plead therein. Jones returned, that he could not get any Proctor, though pressing them importunately, and proffering them their fee, to present his exceptions, and therefore was necessitated ore tenus there to allege them against Mr. Montague. The Register mentioneth no particular defects in his exceptions, but Dr. Rives (Substitute at that time for the Vicar-general ) declined to take any notice of them, and concludeth Jones amongst the contumacious, quod nullo modo legitime comparuit, nec aliquid in hac parte juxta juris exigentiam diceret, exciperet, vel opponeret. Yet this good Jones did Bishop Montague, that he caused his addresses to the King to procure a pardon, which was granted unto him, in form like those given at the Coronation, save that some particulars were inserted therein, for the pardoning of all errors heretofore committed, either in speaking, writing, or printing, whereby he might hereafter be questioned. The like at the same time was granted to Dr. Manwaring, on whom the rich Parsonage of Stanford Rivers in Essex was conferred, as void by Bishop Montague's preferment.

70. An intention there was for the Bishop and all the company employed at his Confirmation, to dine at a Tavern, but Dr. Thomas Rives utterly refused it, rendering this reason; that he had heard, that the dining at a Tavern gave all the color to that far-spreading and long-lasting lie, of Matthew Parker his being consecrated at the Nags-Head in Cheapside; and, for ought he knew, captious people would be ready to raise the like report on the same occasion. It being therefore Christian caution, not only to quench the fire of sin, but also (if possible) to put out the smoke of scandal, they removed their dining to another place.

71. On the twentieth of January the Parliament was reassembled, which died issueless (as I may say) the March following, leaving no Acts ( abortions are no Children ) completed behind it. Let the Reader who desireth farther instructions of the passages herein consult the Historians of the State. Indeed if the way were good, and weather fair, a travailer, to please his curiosity in seeing the Country, might adventure to ride a little out of the rode; but he is none of the wisest, who in a tempest and mirie way will lose time and leave his own journey. If pleasant and generally acceptable were the transactions in this Parliament, it might have tempted me to touch a little thereon, out of the track of my Church-Story; but finding nothing but stirs and storms therein, I will only go on fair and softly in my beaten path of Ecclesiastical affairs. Bishop Land had no great cause to be a Mourner at the Funerals of this Parliament, having entered it in his Diarie, that it endeavored his destruction.

72. At this time Richard Smith (distinct from Henry Smith, aliàs Lloyd, a Jesuit, whom some confound as the same person) being in title Bishop of Chalcedon in Greece, in truth a dangerous English Priest, acted and exercised Episcopal Jurisdiction over the Catholics here, by Commission from the Pope, appearing in his Pontisicalibus in Lancashire, with his Miter and Crosier to the wonder of poor People, and conferring Orders, and the like. This was much offensive to the Regulars, as entrenching on their Privileges, who countermined him as much as they might. His Majesty, having notice of this Romish Agent, renewed his Proclamation (one of a former date taking no effect) for his apprehension, promising an hundred pounds to be presently paid to him that d d it, besides all the profits which accrued to the Crown, as legally due from the person who entertained him.

72. However such as hid and harbored him, were neither frighted with the penalty, nor flattered with the profit, to discover him. But Smith, conceiving his longer stay here to be dangerous, conveyed himself over into France, where he became a Confident of Cardinal Richelieu's. The conveniency and validity of his Episcopal power was made the subject of several Books which were written thereon,

    In favor of him.
  • 1. N. de Maistre, a Sorbon- Priest, in his book entitled De persecutione Episcoporum, & De illustrissimo Antistite Chalcedonensi.
  • 2. The Faculty of Paris, which censured all such as opposed him.
    In opposition to him.
  • 1. Daniel, a Jesuit.
  • 2. Horucan.
  • 3. Lumley.
  • 4. Nicolas Smith.

This Chalcedon Smith wrote a book called The Prudential Ballance, much commended by men of his own persuasion; and, for ought I know, is still alive.

74. Within the compass of this year died the Reverend Toby Matthew, Archbishop of York. He was born in the Somersetshire -side of Bristol, and in his childhood had a marvelous preservation, when with a fall he brake his foot, ancle, and small of his leg, which were so soon recovered to eye, use, sight, service, that not the least mark remained thereof. Coming to Oxford, he fixed at last in Christ-Church, and became Dean thereof. He was one of a proper person (such People, cateris paribus, and sometimes cateris imparibus, were preferred by the Queen) and an excellent Preacher, Campian himself confessing, that he did dominari in Concionibus. He was of a cheerful spirit, yet without any trespass on Episcopal gravity, there lying a real distinction between facetiousness and nugacitie. None could condemn him for his pleasant wit, though often he would condemn himself, as so habited therein, he could as well not be, as not be merry, and not take up an innocent jest as it lay in the way of his discourse.

75. One passage must not be forgotten. After he had arrived at his greatness, he made one journey into the West, to visit his two Mothers; her that bare him at Bristol, and her that bred him in learning, the University of Oxford. Coming near to the latter, attended with a train suitable to his present condition, he was met almost with an equal number, who came out of Oxford to give him entertainment. Thus augmented with another troop, and remembering he had passed over a small water a poor Scholar, when first coming to the University, he kneeled down and took up the expression of Jacob, With my staff came I over this Jordan, and now I am become two Bands. I am credibly informed, that, mutatis mutandis, the same was performed by his Predecessor, Archbishop Hutton at Sophisters Hills nigh Cambridge, and am so far from distrusting either, that I believe both.

76. He died yearly in report, and I doubt not, but that in the Apostles sense he died daily in his mortifying meditations. He went over the graves of many who looked for his Archbishopric; I will not say they catched a cold in waiting barefoot for a living man's shoes. His wife, the Daughter of Bishop Barlow (a Confessor in Queen Mary's days) was a prudent, and a provident matron. Of this extraction came Sir Toby Matthew, having all his Fathers name, many of his natural parts, few of his moral virtues, fewer of his spiritual graces, as being an inveterate enemy to the Protestant Religion. George Mountain succeeded him, scarce warm in his Church before cold in his Coffin, as not continuing many months therein.

77. I humbly crave the Readers Pardon for omitting due time of the death of reverend Dr. Nicholas Felton Bishop of Eli, as buried before (though dying some days after) Bishop Andrew's: and indeed great was the conformity betwixt them. Both being Sons of Seafaring Men, (who by God's blessing on their industry, attained comfortable estates) both Scholars, Fellows, and Masters of Pembrook Hall, both great Scholars, painful Preachers in London for many years, with no less profit to others than credit to themselves, both successively Bishops of Eli. This Bishop Felton had a sound Head and a sanctified Heart, beloved of God, and all good men, very Hospitable to all, and charitable to the poor. He died the 5. of October 1626, and lieth buried under the Communion Table in St. Antholins in London, whereof he had been Minister for twenty eight years. One (whilst a private man) happy in his Curates (whereof two Dr. Bowlles, and Dr. Westfield afterwards became Bishops) and (when a Bishop ) no less happy in his learned and religious Chaplains.

TO JOHN CARY, OF STANSTED in HARTFORD-SHIRE, Esq

RAre is your hapiness in leaving the Court, before it left you. Not in deserting your attendance on your Master, (of whom none more constantly observant) but in quitting such vanities, which the Court then in Power did tender, and You, then in Prime, might have accepted. Whilest you seasonably retrenched your Self, and reduced your Soul to an Holy Seriousnes, declining such expensive Recreations, (on Principles of Piety, as well as Providence ) wherewith your Youth was so much affected.

And now Sir, seeing you are so judicious in RACING, give me leave to prosecute the Apostles Metaphor, in applying my best wishes to you and to your worthy Lady, which hath repaired the Losses caused by Loyalty, so that you have found in a virtuous Mate, what you have lost for a gracious Master.

Heaven is your Mark, Christ your way thither, the Word the way to Christ, God's Spirit the Guide to both. When in this Race Impatience shall make you to tire, or Ignorance to stray, or Idleness or Weakness to stumble, or Wilfulnes to fall; may Repentance raise you, Faith quicken you, Patience strengthen you, til Perseverance bring you both to the Mark.

1. QUeen Mary surprised with some fright, (as is generally believed) antedated the time of her travel by some weeks, and was delivered of a Son. But a greater acceleration was endeavored in his Baptism, than what happened at his Birth, such the forwardness of the Popish Priests, to snatch him from the hands of those as dressed him, had not the care of K. Charles prevented t em, assigning Dr. Web (then waiting his Moneth) to Christian him. He died about an hour after; the King very patiently bearing the loss, as receiving the first fruits of some of his Subjects estates, and as willingly paying those of his own Body, to the King of Heaven.

2. The University of Oxford, ( Cambridge being then heavily infected with the Plague) at once in their verses congratulated the safe Birth, and condoled the short life of this Prince, and a Tetrastich, made by one of ChristiChurch, (thus in making his address to the Queen ) I must not omit.

Quod Lucina tuos semel est frustrata Labores,
Nec fortunantes praebuit illa manus,
Ignoscas Regina: uno molimine Ventris,
Non potuit Princeps ad triae Regna dari.

This Prince the next day after was buried by Bishop Laud in the Chapel at Westminster.

3. During the sitting of the last Parliament, one Leighton a Scottish-man presented a Book unto them: had he been an English man, we durst call him a Furious, and now will term him a fiery (whence kindled let other ghess) Writer. His Book consisted of a continued railing, from the beginaing to the end; exciting the Parliament and People to kill all the Bishops, and to smite them under the fifth Rib. He bitterly enveyed against the Queen calling her a Daughter of Heth, a Canaanite and Idolatress, and ZIONSPLEA was the specious Title of his Pamplhet; for which he was sentenced in the Star-chamber, to be whipt and stigmatized, to have his ears cropped and nose slit. But betwixt the pronouncing and inflicting this Censure, he makes his escape into Bedford-shire.

4. The Warden of the Fleet was in a Bushel of Troubles about his escape, though alleging that some helped him over the wall, and that he himself knew nothing thereof til the noon after. But no plea seemed available for one in his place but either the keeping, or recovering of his Prisoner; unfortunate in the former, he was happy in the latter, & brought him back into his custody; so that the aforesaid censure was inflicted on him. It is remarkable, that amongst the many accusations charged on Archbishop Laud at his trial, the severity on Leighton is not at all mentioned, chiefly because (though he might be suspected active therein) his faults were of so high a nature none then or since dare appear in his defense. The Papists boast that they have beyond the Seas, with them, his Son of another persuasion.

5. Some three years since, certain feoffees were (though not incorporated by the Kings Letters Patent, or any Act of Parliament ) legally settled in trust to purchase in impropriations with their own and other well disposed Persons money, and with their profit to set up and maintain a constant preaching Ministry in places of greatest need, where the word was most wanting. These consisted of a number neither too few, as the work should burden them, nor so many, as might be a burden to the work, twelve in all, diversely qualified.

  • 1 William Gouge
  • 2 Richard Sibbs
    • Drs. in Divinity.
  • 3 C. Ofspring
  • 4 J. Davenport
  • 5 Ralph Eyre
  • 6 S. Brown
    • of Lincolns Inn.
  • 7 C. Sherland
  • 8 John White
    • of
      • Grayes Inn.
      • Middle Temple.
  • 9 John Geering
  • 10 Richard Davis
  • 11 George Harwood
  • 12 Francis Bridges
    • Citizens.

Here were four Divines, to persuade men's consciences, four Lawyers to draw all conveiances, and four Citizens who commanded rich Coffers, wanting nothing, save (what since doth all things ) some Swordmen, to defend all the rest. Besides these the Capemerchants (as I may term them) there were other inferior Factors, Mr. Foxley, &c. who were employed by appointment, or of officiousnes employed themselves in this design.

6. It is incredible, what large sums were advanced in a short time towards so laudable an employment. There are indeed in England of Parish Churches, nine thousand two hundred eighty four, endowed with Glebe and Tithes. But of these, (when these Feoffees entered on their work) three thousand eight hundred forty five were either or

  • Appropriated to Bishops, Cathedrals and Colleges,
  • Impropriated (as Lay-fees ) to private persons, as formerly belonging to Abbeys.

The redeeming and restoring of the latter, was these Feoffees design, and it was verily believed (if not obstructed in their end •• vours) within fifty years, rather Purchases then Money would have been wanting unto them, buying them generally (as Candle-rents ) at or under twelve years valuation. My Pen passing by them at the present, may safely salute them with a God speed, as neither seeing nor suspecting any danger in the Design.

7. Richard Smith titulary Bishop of Calcedon taking his honor from Greece, his profit from England (where he Bishoped it over all the Romtsh Catholics ) was now very busy in his employment. But when, where and how oft he acted here, is past our discovery, it being never known when Men of his profession come hither, till they be caught here. Now if any demand why the Pope did not entitle him to some English rather then this Grecian Bishopric (the grant of both being but of the same price of his Holyness his breath, and the confirmation equally cheap in wax and parchment ) especially seeing that in Ireland he had made Anti-Bishops to all Sees, it is easy for one (though none of his Comclave ) to conjecture. For in Ireland he had in every Diocese and Parish a Counter-Part of People for number and quality, which he had not in England, and therefore to entitle Bishops here, had but rendered it the more ridiculous in the granter, and dangerous in the accepter thereof.

8. Nicholas Smith a Regular, (and perchance a Jesuit ) much stomacked the advancement and activity of Richard Smith Bishop of Calcedon and wrote bitterly against him, the hammer of one Smith clashing against another. He fell foul also on Dr. Kellison President of the College of Dowag, who lately set forth a Treatise of the Dignity and necessity of Bishop and Secular Clergy, generally opposing his Doctrine, and particularly in relation to the English Bishops, instancing in the following exceptions.

9. First a Bishop over the English was useless, and might well be spared in times of persecution, there being but two pecu iar performances of a Bishop. viz. Ordination and Confirmation. For the former it might be supplied by Forreigne Bishops; the Priests of our English nation being generally bred beyond the Seas. As for confirmation of the Children of English Catholics, he much decried the necessity thereof (though not so far as to un-seven the Sacraments of the Church of Rome ) affirming it out of St. Thomas of Aquin, and other Divines, that, by commission from the Pope, a Priest, though no Bishop, might confirm. To this Dr. Kellison his Scholar (or himself under the vizard) replied, that in the definition of St. Cyprian. A Church was a people united to its Bishop, and therefore an absolutenecessity of that function.

10. Secondly he was burthensome to the Church, considering the present pressures of poor English Catholics, needing now no unnecessary exspences for the maintenance of the Bishop and his Agents. To this it was answered, that Mr. Nicholas Smith, and his Brethren, Regulars, daily put the Catholics to far greater charges, as appeareth by the stately Houses, Purchases &c. Indeed generally the little finger of a Jesuit was conceived, in his entertainment, heavier than the Loines of a Secular. Mean time in what care were our English Lay Catholics, with Issachar couching down between two burdens, bearing the weight of both Regulars and Seculars? But who need pity them who will not pity themselves?

11. Thirdly, he took exceptions at the person of this Bishop of Chalcedon, as not lawfully called in Canonical Criticisme. First, because not estated in his Episcopal inspection over England, during his life (as a Bishop ought to be) but only constituted ad beneplacitum Papae, at the pleasure of the Pope, which restriction destroyeth his being a Lawfull Ordinary. Secondly, he carpeth at him as made by Delegation and Commission, and therefore a Delegate not an Ordinary. To which the other replied, that even Legates have that clause in their Commission, limited to the Popes pleasure, and yet no Catholic will question them to be Lawfull Ordinaries. As to the second exception, the same (saith he) doth not dest ••• y his Ordinary-ship, but only showeth he was made an Ordinary, in an extraordinary manner: which distinction how far it will hold good in the Canon Law, let those inquire who are concerned therein.

12. Notwithstanding Dr. Kellison his confutation, the insolency of the Regulars daily increased in England, so that they themselves may seem the most seculars; so fixed were they to the wealth and vanity of this world. The Irish Regulars exceeded the English in pride, maintaining (amongst other printed propositions ) that the Superiors of Regulars are more worthy than Bishops themselves, because the honor of the Pastor is to be measured from the condition of the Flock: quemadmodum Opilio dignior est subulco, as a Shepherd is of more esteem than a Hoggard. In application of the first to themselves, the last to the Seculars, it is hard to say whether their pride was more in their own praise, or charity less in condemning of others. It was therefore high time for the Doctors of Sorbone in Paris (who for many ages have maintained in their College, the hereditary reputation of learning ) to take these Regulars to task. Sixty of the Sorbone Doctors censured the aforesaid proposition, and the Archbishop of Paris condemned the Book of Nicholas Smith, as also another tending to the same subject, made by one Daniel a Jesuit.

13. On what terms the Regulars and Seculars stand in England at this day, I neither know nor list to inquire. Probably they have learned wit from our woes, and our late sad differences have occasioned their reconcilement. Only I learn this distinction from them, the Catholics as Catholics agree always in matters of faith, but the best Catholics as men may vary in their opinions. I hope they will allow to us, what liberty they assume to themselves.

14. Dr. John Davenant Bishop of Salisbury preached his course on a Sunday in Lent at White-Hall before the King and Court, finishing a Text Rom. 6. 23. the former part whereof he had handled the year before. In prosecution whereof it seems he was conceived to fall on some forbidden points, in so much that his Majesty (whether at first by his own inclination, or others instigation, is uncertain) manifested much displeasure there at. Sermon ending his Adversaries at Court hoped hereby to make him fall totally and finally from the Kings favor, though missing their mark herein, as in fine it did appear.

15. Two days after he was called before the Privy Council; where he presented himself on his knees, and so had still continued for any favor he found from any of his own function there present. But the Temporal Lord's bad him arise and stand to his own defense, being as yet only accused, not convicted. Dr. Harsenet Archbishop of York managed all the business against him ( Bishop Laud walking by all the while in silence spake not one word) making a long oration uttered with much vehemency to this effect.

First, He magnified King James his bounty unto him, who from a private Master of a College in Cambridge (without any other immediate preferment) advanced him by an unusual rise to the great and rich Bishopric of Salisbury.

Secondly, He extolled the piety and prudence of King Charles in setting forth lately an useful Declaration, wherein he had commanded that many intricate questions tending more to distraction then edification of people, should utterly be forborne in preaching, and which had already produced much peace in the Church.

Thirdly, He aggravated the heinousness of the Bishops offense, who so ill requited his Majesty's favor unto him, as to offer in his own presence, in so great an Auditory to break his Declaration, inviting others by his example to do the like.

Fourthly, that high contempt was the lowest term could be given to such an offense, seeing ignorance could in no probability be pretended in a person of his reputed learning and eminent Profession.

What the other answered hereunto will best appear by his own letter written to his worthy friend Doctor Ward, giving him an exact account of all proceedings herein in manner as followeth.

16. As for my Court business, though it grieved me that the established Doctrine of our Church should be distasted, yet it grieved me the less, because the truth of what I delivered was acknowledged even by those which thought fit to have me questioned, for the delivery of it. Presently after my Sermon was ended, it was signified unto me by my L. of York, and my L. of Winchester, and my L. Chamberlain, that his Majesty was much displeased, that I had stirred this question which he had forbidden to be meddled withal, one way or other: My answer was that I had delivered nothing, but the received Doctrine of our Church established in the 17 Article, and that I was ready to justify the truth of what I had then taught. Their answer was, the Doctrine was not gainsaid, but his Highness had given command, these questions should not be debated, and therefore he took it more offensively that any should be so bold, as in his own hearing to break his royal commands. And here my L. of York aggravated the offense, from many other circumstances. My reply was only this. That I never understood that his Majesty had forbid a bandling of any Doctrine comprised in the Articles of our Church, but only raising of new questions, or adding of new sense thereunto, which I had not done, nor ever should do. This was all that passed betwixt us on Sunday night after my Sermon. The matter thus rested, and I heard no more of it, till coming unto the Tuesday Sermon, one of the Clerks of the Council told me, that I was to attend at the Council-Table, the next day at two of the clock. I told him I would wait upon their Lordships at the hour appointed. When I came thither, my L. of York made a speech well nigh of half an hour long, aggravating the boldness of mine offense, and showing many inconveniences that it was likely to draw after it. And he much insisted upon this, what good effect his Majesty's Declaration had wrought, how these controversies had ever since been buried in silence, no man meddling with them one way or other. When his Grace had finished his speech, I desired the Lord's, that since I was called thither as an offender, I might not be put to answer a long speech upon the sudden, but that my Lord's grace would be pleased to charge me point by point, and so to receive my answer, for I did not yet understand wherein I had broken any commandment of his Majesty's, which my Lord i his whole discourse took for granted. Having made this motion, I gave no further answer, and all the Lord's were silent for a while. At length my Lord's Grace said I knew well enough the point which was urged against me, namely the breach of the Kings Declaration. Then I stood upon this Defense, that the Doctrine of Predestination which I taught, was not forbidden by the Declaration: First, because in the Declaration all the Articles are established, amongst which, the Article of Predestination is one. Secondly, because all Ministers are urged to subscribe unto the truth of the Article, and all Subjects to continue in the profession of that as well as of the rest. Upon these and such like grounds, I gathered, it could not be esteemed amongst forbidden, curious, or needless Doctrines; and here I desired that out of any Clause in the Declaration it might be shown me, that keeping myself within the bounds of the Article, I had transgressed his Majesty's command; but the Declaration was not produced, nor any particular words in it; only this was urged that the Kings will was, that for the peace of the Church these high questions should be forborne. My answer then was, that I was sorry I understood not his Majesty's intention, which if I had done before, I should have made choice of some other matter to entreat of, which might have given none offense; and that for the time to come, I should conform myself as readily as any other to his Majesty's command. The Earl of Arundell seemed to approve of this my answer, and withal advised me to proceed no further in my defense. This in substance all which was done or said in this matter, and so I was dismissed. The Lord's said nothing either in approbation of what I had alleged, to show that I had not wittingly broken the Kings known command, or in confirmation of the contrary, urged against me by my Lord's Grace. At my departure I entreated their Lordships to let his Majesty understand, that I had not boldly, or willfully and wittingly, against his Declaration, meddled with the forenamed point; and that now understanding fully his Majesty's mind, and inten ion, I should humbly yield obedience thereunto. This business thus ended, I went the next day to my L. Chamberlain, and entreated him to do me the favor, that I might be brought to kiss the Kings hand, before I went out of Town, which his Lordship most readily promised and performed. When I came in, his Majesty declared his resolution, that he would not have this high point meddled withal or debated, either the one way or the other, because it was too high for the people's understanding; and other points which concern Reformation and newness of life, were more needful and profitable. I promised obedience herein, and so kissing his Majesty's hand departed. I thought fit to acquaint you with the whole carriage of this business, because I am afraid many false reports will be made of it, and contrary one to another, as men stand contrarily affected. I shown no letter or instructions, neither have any but these gene all instructions, which King James gave us at our going to Dort, which make little or nothing to this business. I sought amongst my papers, but could not find them on the sudden, and I suppose you have them already. As for my Sermon the brief heads were these: Eternal life is the gift of god, through Jesus Christ our Lord. As in the former part, I had spoken of the threefold misery of the wicked; so here I expounded the threefold happiness of the godly to be considered.

  • 1. Happy in the Lord whom the serve: God or Christ Jesus.
  • 2. Happy in the reward of their service: Eternal life.
  • 3. Happy in the manner of their reward: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or gratnitum donurn in Christo.

The two former points were not excepted against. In the third and last I considered eternal life in three divers instances, in the eternal destination thereunto which we call Election, in our Conversion, Regeneration, or Justification, which I termed the Embryo of Eternal life, John 4. 14. And last of all in our Coronation, when full possession of eternal fi e is given us. In all these I shown it to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or the free gift of God through Christ, & not procured, or premented, by any special Acts depending upon the free will of Men. The last point, wherein I opposed the Popish Doctrine of Merit wàs not disliked. The second, wherein I shown the effectual Vocation or Regeneration (whereby we have Eternal life inchoated and begun in us is a free gift, was not expressly taxed. Only the first was it which bred the offense; not in regard of the Doctrine itself, but because (as my Lord's grace said) the King had prohibited the debating thereof. And thus having let you understand the carriage of this business I commit you to the protection or the Almighty.

17. This year Thomas Dove Bishop of Peterborough ended his life. He was bred in Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge, chosen Tanquam therein, which it seems is a Fellow in all things save the name thereof. Afterwards Chaplain to Q. Eliz beth who made him Dean of Norwich, being much affected with his Preaching, as wont to say that, The Holy Ghost was again come down in the Dove. He was a constant Housekeeper and Reliever of the Poor, so that such who in his life time condemned him for Covetousness, have since justly praised his Hospitality. Now though Doves are generally said to want gall, yet the Non-conformists in his Diocese will complain of his severity in asserting Ecclesiastical Discipline, when he silenced five of them in one morning, on the same token that King James is said to say it might have served for five years. He was an aged man, being the only Queen Elizabeth's Bishop of that Province which died in the Reign of King Charles, living in a poor Bishopric, and leaving a plentiful estate: to show that it is not the moisture of the Place, but the long lying of the stone, which gathereth the great moss therein. In a word, had he been more careful in conferring of Orders (too commonly bestowed by him) few of his Order had exceeded him for the unblamablenesse of his behavior.

18. Now began great discontents to grow up in the University of Oxford on this occasion. Many conceived that Innovations (defended by others for Renovations, and now only reduced, as used in the Primitive times ) were multiplied in Divine service. Offended whereat, they in their Sermons brake our into (what was interpreted) bitter invectives. Yea their very Texts gave some offense, one preaching on Numbers 14. 4. Let us make us a Captain, and let us return into Egypt. Another on 1 Kings 13. 2. And he cried against the Altar in the word of the Lord, and said, O Altar, Altar, &c. In prosecution whereof they had not only tart reflection on some eminent Persons in the Church, but also were apprehended to violate the Kings Declaration, for the sopiting of all Arminian controversies.

19. Dr. Smith Warden of Wadham convented the principal persons ( viz. Mr. Thorn of Bailiol Col. and Mr. Ford of Magdalene Hall ) as offenders against the Kings instructions, and ordered them to bring in the Copies of their Sermons. They suspecting partiality in the Vice-Chancellor, appealed from him to the Procters, two men of eminent integrity and ability, Mr. Atherton Bruch, and Mr. John Doughty, who received their appeal, presuming the same justifiable by the Statutes of the University. But it seems the Procters were better Scholars than Lawyers, except any will say both Law, and Learning must submit, when Power is pleased to interpose.

20. Archbishop Laud did not like these retrograde appeals, but sensible that his own strength moved rather ascendendo, than descendendo, procured the cause to be heard before the King at Woodstock, where it was so ordered, that,

  • 1 The Preachers complained of, were expelled the University.
  • 2 The Procters were deprived of their places for accepting their appeal.
  • 3 Dr. Prideaux, and Dr. Wilkinson were shrewdly checked for engaging in their behalf.
The former of these two Doctors ingenuously confessing to the King, Nemo mortalium omnibus horis saepit, wrought more on his Majesty's affections, than if he had harangued it with a long oration in his own defense.

21. The expulsion of these Preachers expelled not, but increased the differences in Oxford, which burnt the more for blaZing the less, many complaining, that the Sword of Justice did not cut indifferently on both sides, but that it was more Penal for some to touch, than others to break the Kings declaration.

22. This year ended the days of Mr. Arthur Hildersham, born at Stechworth in the County, bred in Christ-College in the University of Cambridge, whose education was an experimental Comment on the words of David, When my father and mother forsake me, then the Lord taketh me up.

My Father Thomas Hildersham a Gentleman of an ancient Family.
And Mother Anne Poole, daughter to Sir Jeffery, niece to Cardinal Poole, grandchild to Sir Richard Poole, and Margaret Countess of Sarisbury, who was daughter to George Duke of Clarence.
Forsake me Quite casting him off because he would not be bred a Papist, and go to Rome.
THEN An emphatical Monosyllable, just in that nick of time.
The Lord taketh me up. Not immediately (miracles being ceased) but in and by the Hands of Henry Earl of Huntingdon (his honorable kinsman) providing plentiful maintenance for him.

23. However, after he was entered in the Ministry, he met with many molestations, as hereby doth appear.

1 silenced by The High Commission, 1590. in June.
2 Bishop Chaderton, 1605. April 24.
3 Bishop Neile, 1611. in November.
4 The Court at Lecest. 1630. March 4.
1 restored by The High Commission, 1591. in January.
2 Bishop Barlow, 1608. in January.
3 Doctor Ridley, 1625. June 20.
4 The same Court, 1631. August. 2.

And now me thinks I hear the Spirit speaking unto him, as once to the Prophet Ezekiel, Thou shall speak and be no more dumb, singing now with the Celestial Choir of Saints and Angels. Indeed though himself a