Of the Head Cornerstone

himself did lead them unto it: and that he did reign very long, longer than any of his Progenitors before, even five and fifty years; and, that he was but twelve years old when he began. But then we have it delivered withal, that afterward he repented him of his Idolatry and looser ways, and restored the true worship of God again: but neither is it plainly set down, neither may it (so far as I see yet) by circumstance be gathered about what time of his reign it was that so he repented. The Hobrewes are of opinion, and S. Jerome, it seemeth, by them, that a long time he was in that his amendment. But seeing in the Books of the Kings there is no mention at all of his repentance, but altogether of his foul Apostasy and sin, and when he had Children (which for certain years after first he began to reign, he could not have) he then committed foul Idolatry with them, it may se me rather thereby, that that his sin was the most praedominant, or the most conspicuous thing in his reign, because it only is spoken of there: and then, that his repentance and [ B] amendment is more likely thereby to have been towards the end of his reign. So likewise, seeing himself was not able to govern his Kingdom when first he came to it, being then but twelve years old; and we heard noted before, that Hezekiah his Father was not the man towards God that he ought to have been, after all those favors received: hence may it seem, that Hezekiah himself, towards the ende of his reign, did grow more careless of Religion than before; both for that he left so corrupt men behind him to have the government of his Son, as, it seemeth he did; and for that there is such probability as there is, that his Son also was no better instructed. Who at those years, with reasonable industry or pains taking, might other-wise have been brought to some reasonable good understanding and knowledge of the truth: and, if his Father had been resolute and forward it is most likely (by the usual course of God's dealing) to some special good liking thereof also. In what sort he offended, during the time (whether it were less or more) that he abode in that his since, we have not only set down what his sin •• it self was: but withal, how offensive it was unto God. That we may the better see, what his sin it self was, we are to mark, that first we have relation of that wherein he drew in the people also to offend with him; then, of such others, •• did more specially concern but himself: and, that is order is twice observed. In the former of which, beginning with those wherein he drew in the people also to be offenders with him, first we have his sin set down but generally: but then, in diverse particulars besides. Generally it is said, that he did evil in the fight of the Lord, after the abomination of the Heathen, whom the Lord had cast out before the Children of Israel. In that which is set down more specially of him, first we have noted what he did else-where in all other places besides: then, what he did in the house of the Lord. In his doings else-where, he is first noted to be contrary to his Father, building up the High-places again, that his Father had broken down before; and to be like unto Ahab, both in erecting Altars to Baal, and making a Groue (a degenerate Imp in the mean season:) and that besides, he worshipped all the host of Heaven, and served them. Comming to the House of the Lord, first for the House it self, he built Altars (to others) there (as we in our Churches, have worshipped others also) which house was ordained only for him: then, in both the Courts of the house, he built Altars also, even to all the Hoast of Heaven. Such as in this place did more specially concern himself, are the next that follow: [ C] and therein have we noted, first what those things were; then, as it seemeth, in what measure he employed himself therein. They were, that he caused his Sons to pass thorough the fire: and gave himself to Witch-craft and Sorcery; and used those that had familiar Spirites, and South-saiers. The measure by which it seemeth he employed himself therein, belike was great, for that it is said he wrought much evil (therein it seemeth, or at least it may be so taken too, if otherwise it be not more general) in the sight of the Lord, to anger him withal. In the latter of them, there is but one thing noted wherein he drew in the people to offend with him: but in this, we have not only that particular fault of his; but also how the Lord was offended with him and the people, for this and the rest. In his fault we have noted likewise, not only what that fault of his was: but, more plainly here than before, how he drew in the people with him. His fault now was, that having made a certain Image of a Groue, that did he set in house of the Lord likewise. Which sin of his, is again amplified by the original use of the place: first towards GOD, that it was properly dedicated to him; then, on behalf of the people, that it was a pledge unto them, that they should never remove thence again, if they observed for their part the covenant betwixt them. He so drew in the people with him, that they obeyed not (according to their covenant before) but were led out of the way by him, to do more wickedly than the Heathen people whom the Lord (for their wickedness) destroyed before the Children of Israel. The Lord was so offended with him and the people for this and the rest, that he took purpose to bring heavy judgments on them for it: and to that end by certain of his Servants the Prophets he acquainted them with it, and namely, that he would deal with them as he had done with Samaria and the house of Ahab before, even utterly forsaking them, and delivering them over to their enemies on every side; but they made no reckoning thereof. That which in this place did more specially concern himself, was, that he shed much innocent blood, and, as it were, even filled Jerusalem with it. In which point, the Hebrews do more specially charge him, that notwithstanding he had married the Prophet Isaies Daughter (as they also conceive) yet he spared not him neither, but most cruelly put him to death among others. But it may probably seem, that if it were so, it would have been mentioned here, both for the strangeness of the fact, and for the dignity of Esaies person, being so notable a Prophet long as he had been, and of such Parent age as it seemeth he was. The punishment that at this time they had for this, is but [ D] briefly described; as if all were shut up in the person of the King: namely, that the Lord brought upon them the Captains of the Hoast of the King of Ashur, who took Manasseh, and put him in Fetters, and bound him with Chaines, and so carried him to Babel. But when as so they dealt with the King, we may well conceive, that there were many others that smarted besides. In the rest of their time that after ensued, they were twice set up again; but stood no better than before: so that in either of them we are to see, first how they were again set up; then, how ill it was that they stood. The former of these was in the days of him that now we speak of; and of his Son who next succeeded him in his King 〈◊〉 : they being again set up in the former of them; and falling down again in the latter. As touching their setting up again by Manasseh the former of the • that now we speak of, we are given to understand, that in that his tribulation he humbled himself unto the Lord, and in such sort sought unto him, that the Lord was entreated of him, and so brought him home again, and restored him unto his Kingdom: and that he thereupon (besides some other works that he did) •• olished the Idolatry he had set up, and advanced the true worship of God again; and yet not • o 〈◊〉 , but that the people did sacrifice still in the High-places, though to none other now but only to God. A kind of reformation that in some part 〈…〉 that is to be seen in over many of the greater sort of ours also: especially, so far as our several Churches may be resembled to that Temple of theirs; and the greater sort among us to that whole people of them. For albeit, that among us also corrupt Religion be much abolished, and the true worship of God again restored: yet the greater sort among us everywhere almost, do but few of them, and seldom repair to their Parish-Churches, there to worship with the rest of their brethren in the congregation, to help forward others by their example; but only worship, or have Divine Service at home in their own houses (and that sometimes by Lads too, or some base servant of theirs) in such High-places as they have there, yet (God be thanked) doing their worship only to God. But now for the people of Judah generally, seeing Idolatry was now abolished, and the true worship of God restored unto them, they might not deny, but that now they were in good measure set up or restored again: though yet notwithstanding his credit was not so raised among his own people, but that (whatsoever conceit they had of him) when he died, they did not vouchsafe to bury him among the Kings his praedecessors, but only in his own Garden at home.

2 Their falling away at this time is not plainly set down, but only employed: [ A] namely, that Manasseh being departed Amon his son succeeded him in his Kingdom; and reigned two years; and was a very bad one, after the former ways of his Father. So, for his departure or falling away, there is nothing spoken, but only of the King himself: but when the King himself is so corruptly given, we may easily conceive, that the people did soon follow after. As touching his Story, his reign, we see, was but short: and so we may easily conceive, that his Story will not be long. In it we have, first how he sinned: then, how he was punnished. His sin we have set down, first generally: then, more specially. Generally, that he did evil in thē sight of the Lord, as his Father Manasseh did. More specially he is noted, to have followed the ways of his father in his Idolatry, and that to have done more & more; but never to have repented himself thereof as his Father had done: and farther to have added, that he quite forsook the Lord God of his Fathers, and walked not in his way. His punishment was, that his servants conspired against him, and slew him in his own house: which fact notwithstanding the Lord so avenged by others soon after, that when it had done his just judgment on one that had so much provoked his wrath against him, it might not then stand as an vnpunnished example to others.

3 The latter of these reacheth throughout the Story of all that follow: and [ A] first again, how they were yet once more restored; then, how foully they fell away after. Restored they were by him who next succeeded, Josiah his Son, whom the people made King instead of his father: who being so taken to the kingdom when he was but young, being then but a very child, of eight years age, held thē Kingdom indeed a good time, one and thirty years; but yet by his own adventure was soon cut off in the flower of his age, so that he never came unto sorry. Of which his one and thirty years reign, eight years there are, in which it seemeth, we have no Story of him, namely till he was sixteen years old, which was the eight year of his reign: during which time it may well be, that the estate of the people was but pitiful still, much like •• Amon his Father did leave it; yet now (by likelihood) growing •• better. Insomuch that whereas it is said of his whole government generally, that he did uprightly in the fight of the Lord, and walked in all the ways of David his Father, and bowed neither to the right hand nor to the left, it seemeth to appertain [ B] but to that part of his reign, wherein growing to discretion and judgment, himself began to deal in the affairs of his Kingdom. Which when he did, we have noted unto us, both how he made his entrance thereinto at the first: and how well he did employ himself therein afterward also. When he made his entrance thereinto at the first, the first thing that we read of, was, that he began to seek after the God of David his Father: and that so he did while yet be was but a child; which also is there noted to be, in the eight year of his reign, when he was about sixteen years old. Those good employments of his that followed after, are sorted to two special times of his reign: some to the twelfth year of his reign, when himself was twenty years old; others, to the eighteenth of his reign, when himself was six and twenty. Unto the twelfth year of his reign we have some things very plainly ascribed: but then have we some others besides, that are not known then to be done, but only by something that followeth after. Those that are in plain terms to it ascribed, are, that he destroyed Idols and Idolatry, first in Judah and Jerusalem: then, in many Cities of Israel besides, such it seemeth as had joined themselves to Judah. Those others besides which were done then also, or thereabout (betwixt that, and the eighteenth following) and yet are not known then to be done but by something that followeth after, is the order that was taken for a collection to get in Money for the repairing of the Temple. For in the eighteenth year order being taken for the bestowing of it, being come in somewhat afore, there may be no question of it, but that order was likewise taken before how it might be first gotten in. Unto the eighteenth year of his reign, when he was of the age of six and twenty, are diverse things ascribed: some that the King had in purpose to do; others that fell out by occasion. That which he had in purpose to do; was, that by that time having gotten some reasonable quantity of Money in, they set in hand with repairing of the Lord's House: and that as themselves had so good a care of it, so it pleased God to bless them with such workmen, as dealt very well and faithfully with them in the business to them committed. In that which fell out by occasion, we are to consider, first, of the occasion we speak of: then, of that which was done thereupon. The occasion was in that the High Priest, finding a Book of the Law, as he was repairing or cleansing the Temple, acquainted the King therewith, by those Messengers that the King had sent unto him about other business. That which was done thereunto, was, first to understand the will and [ C] pleasure of God therein: then, to do thereafter so near as he could. To understand the will and pleasure of God therein, first he sought but unto the Book that so was sent him: but then he sought farther to the Lord himself. He sought but unto the Book that was sent him, when he gave ear to the reading of it: but that it appeareth, he effectually did (a good example, of what force even Reading also is, with those that are zealous indeed) both for that he did conceive that sorrow thereon; & because he did so specially sent about farther enquiry. In that farther inquiry about which he sent, it shall be good for us to mark what course was held therein: and how to apply it to our use also. The course that was held therein, was, first on the Kings part, both that he sent very special men about it; and that his direction unto them was, that they should inquire of the Lord: then, on theirs, that they went to one Huldah, a woman, then also in the estate of Wedlock, it seemeth, but a Prophetess, to inquire of her concerning this matter; & having conferred with her about it, they so returned to the K. again, bringing to him her judgment thereon. To our use we may apply it, if we also do so resolve, that to inquire of those with whom we see the spirit of God in such sort to be, as that they have a reverend regard to his holy word, and are of an humble and peaceable temper withal, first in the ordinary Ministry that he hath given us; then also, if it fail there, in any other whatsoever, is to inquire of the Lord (at least, so far as there is nothing delivered by them, but that which agreeth with the word it self:) and here, in this Story, we may see, that we have the judgment and course of a sort of special men, chosen by a godly and a virtuous King, one of them also the High Priest himself, concurring with us. Neither at this time did the Prophetess her-self say anymore, than any of the Priests or Levites, or any other that had diligently and in good manner exercised themselves in the Book of the Law, might out of it as fully have done: saving only, that she applied the promise that was made generally to all, to him that now sent to inquire of her; of which another, only by the word, might also have given a very good hope, though not such certainty as she then did, in that particular, the hearts and truth of the ways of men being known only to God, and to whom it shall please him to reveal them. For the Lord had so opened his mind before for such matters, by the Mynistery of Moses, in two several places, to that end specially directed (besides all others that else-where came in by occasion) that even out of those only might that censure be gathered, that the Prophetess now gave [ D] unto them: especially, if we lay thereunto, that which God himself delivered to Solomon, when he had built, and did dedicate the Temple unto him; which it (it may be) was then also written and added to that Copy of the Book of the Law, if not, yet must it of necessity be of fresh remembrance of them, so many as had regard to such matters. It may be also, that God had not acquainted the Prophetess howe Josiah should in the end overthrow himself, and by his folly fall into the hands of his Enemies: and that he opened no more unto her, but for those matters about which he sent, that none of those should fall in his time; but that, for anything that thereof should fall upon him, he should be brought to his Grave in peace. Thus understanding the will and pleasure of God for that matter, and therein, that his wrath was sore bent against the whole Land for those Idolatryes of theirs, and other sins which they had committed, he setteth in had to make redress for those matters now: first by gathering the whole people to make a new covenant with God; then, by doing certain special services besides. To gather the whole people to make a new covenant with God, he first sent for, and gathered together to Jerusalem all the Elders, and the people great and small; and himself read, as it seemeth, or at least caused to be read, in the ears of the people, the Book of the Covenant: then, both himself first entered into the covenant, or made covenant with the Lord, that thence-forward he would do according to the Laws and ordinances in that Book prescribed unto them; and then caused all the people there assembled to do the like. In those special services that he did unto God besides, we are to consider, first what they were: then, that although they were special services indeed, yet did they not praeuaile so far with God, as we might easily conceive that they should. To find out that they were special good services to God, if we mark, we may note, that they were of two sorts: one, the abolishing of much of the evil that was among them; the other, that he likewise set in hand with some special worship of God. The evil that he abolished, was, for the most part, Idolatry, and such things as did belong unto it; but partly also, both that sin against nature, and Diabolical Arts and practices besides: and not only for Idolatry, but for other corrupt worshipping also, he was so resolute (for by his direction it is most likely to be) that the Priests of the High-places might not after minister in the House of the Lord (though they in those high places had worshipped none other but only the Lord, and not any Idols: for then had their case been all one with the others) but only, on their conformity, [ E] were allowed to have their sustenance with the rest of the Priests, of the avails that out of the offerings of the people were allotted unto them. That special worship of God wherewith likewise he did set in hand now, was the ordinary Service of God there in the Temple: and holding of a Passe-over unto the Lord. But the former of these is in such sort enterlaced in the Story of the other, that it seemeth, the latter of them was his principal intention: and the former of them, but for the better performance of the other. Nevertheless it is plain, that he took good order for the former too: and that it was accordingly performed. But the latter of them was performed in very rare manner: not only the King and his Nobles, the Priests and Levites being present at it, but the Inhabitantes of Jerusalem also, and all Judah and many of these Israelites that then remained; and what by the King and his Nobles, and certain other principal Fathers, there were given unto it three thousand eyght hundred Bullockes, and of lesser Cattle, Sheep, Goats, Lambes, and Kids, thirty seven thousand and six hundred. Insomuch that it is plainly said, that since the days of Samuel, there was never the like: nor, that any of the Kings, ever at any time, kept any such. That nevertheless these good services of his, did not so much praeuaile with God, as we might easily conceive that they should, it shall be good for us not only to note, what it is which here to that purpose is said: but that our selves do mark likewise, whether we may not espy some such defect therein, as that we may the rather account that it is no marvel if they prevailed no farther than they did. That which here to that purpose is said, is, that when it is before acknowledged, that none of the Kings before him were in godly disposition like unto him: yet doth it follow immediately after, that the Lord notwithstanding turned not frō the fierceness of his wrath; but held on his purpose still to put Judah out of his sight, as he had don Israel before (which was, after the time of Christ, fully performed) and therewithal, even Jerusalem the head Citty thereof, and the Temple it self. The defect that we may see in this his service to God, is no more but this: that whereas we have so special mention of this one Passe-over held, it seemeth he held no moe; especially, seeing he and others were at so great charges with it. But it is plain, that the Law of God required it to be yearly done: and so it may seem, that although himself were passing well minded (as he hath indeed notable testimony given him therein) yet the sway of former disusage dazzled his eyes so far, that himself also could rest contented, if he could obtain of his people, that they would hold one such Passe-over unto the Lord, as now he had done. And true it is indeed, that [ F] when some general corruption hath once over-flowed any people, and for some time hath lien upon them: then may there be among such, diverse of them sincerely given, and marvelous well minded; and yet notwithstanding very defective, even in their best services whatsoever. But then may this teach us withal, that it is not sufficient to be passing well mi •• ed in our selves, unless we farther endeavor, to get our selves in all things (appertaining to our duty to God) fully intormed of the will and pleasure of God; and that then we set in hand to do accordingly: and we are farther to take heed in our selves (though we find no reason to charge Josiah with it; but good testimony to clear him rather) that we never think to make someone pompaticall piece of service, that we will more specially do unto God, to stand in steed of such ordinary service as he requireth. Love me a little, and love me long (a proverb oft times used among us) may well be allowed to have some place in such things also: experience it self so often teaching, that many (of the greater sort, especially) among us (and of the meaner too, that in their kind would, some way or other, be as great as they could) although after a sort they do profess, and seem to be well minded also, yet seldom do they frequent the public exercise of our Religion, but only after a portly manner; and yet look that those seldom repairings of theirs unto it, should by the weight of the pomp or portlinesse of them, counterpois the usual repairings of others, nothing indeed so great in show, but in simplicity and plain dealing, every of them (for the most part) as good as theirs.

4 Having thus reigned till he came to the point of one and thirty years, we [ A] are now to see, how by his own needless adventuring, himself was slain; and his Kingdom surprised by Forraigne power: one of the most pitiful accidents, that ever befell the Kingdom of Judah; and such as was the very beginning of all their calamity, themselves never seeing so much as one good day after, so long as they stood a people or state in their own Land. But in it, it shall be good to note, not only the Story it self: but howe it may be to good use applied. The Story it self is in effect no more but this. The King of Egypt going to warfare against the King of Assyria, and purposing to go up against his enemy, even to Carchemish, a Citty near to the river Euphrates, and so to the heart (as it seemeth) of his dominions, or near unto it: the King of Judah would needs impeach his passage by the way, on no occasion that the Text recordeth, being also by the King of Egypt specially warned to the contrary, and, as he pretended, from God himself; and taking his deaths wound in the field, he was carried home to Jerusalem, and so [ B] died there, and was buried. In which his pitiful overthrow, the stranger that this judgment of God is, that so good a Prince so soon miscarried, without any special offense of his that we read of going before, though there be no question but that God had very just cause so to cut him off: yet is it good for us, so much the rather to look into it, and to see whether we also may not espy, that as the case was, there could be no better end expected of it. That, it seemeth, we may gather, first for that the Text it self doth not show, that he had any just cause so to adventure himself as he did: then much rather, for that some things it hath, that seem to convince him of inordinate dealing therein. Seeing the Text it self doth not show, that he had any just cause unto it, we may well doubt that he had not: although it be the most men's judgments, that he feared (as in reason he might, if he had not the better security one way or other) the surprizing of his own Realm thereby; and that thereupon he went and gave him battle. But what need he in such case to give him battle when as to that end it had been sufficient to have been there with his forces where he thought there might be danger; or so to have disposed of them, as had been meetest to such a purpose: and not to have stricken, till he had seen there had been need? Those things that are in the Text it self, are two: one, how Pharaoh endeavored to satisfy him therein; the other, the manner of Pharaohs passage. He endeavored to satisfy Josiah in that matter, very orderly and carefully, as it seemeth: both sending him word that he meant no hurt unto him, and that GOD had sent him against those his enemies against whom he went (the Text also bearing him witness, that he said truly therein;) and warning him besides, not so far to oppose himself against God, least he sped thereafter. Now true it is, that Josiah could not know him to say truly therein: but seeing he disclaimed to have any purpose against him, and farther pretended that the Lord had sent him about that business, and willed him to make hast therein; it had been no less than neighbor-hood or good dealing, betwixt man and man, had required, in such case to have held of his hands, till he had seen farther cause to be stirring. As touching Pharaohs passage, it is commonly taken, that he was to pass thorough the Kingdom of Josiah, or some parte of it (as by those before recited:) and true it is, that Judea did lie much in the way. But we do not read, that he sent unto him for any passage that way as it is the manner of men in such case to do: especially such, as mean no hurt unto them by whom they would pass, as it was professed by the King of Egypt in respect of the Kingdom of Judah. So did Moses before: first of the Edomites; then, of the Amorites. [ C] And the truth is, that he had other passages besides: both on the right hand; and on the left. By the right hand he might have passed, by the South ende of the dead-Sea; and so have left all Judah on his left hand: but it appeareth by the place where they me • that he went not that way. By the left hand it is most likely he went: and that might he do, either by Land, or by Sea. If he would go by Land, then was he to go along by the Sea-side, called by them the great Sea, and is the same which is called the Middle-Earth-Sea with us, or the Lenant Sea, by the ende of which all the Land of Israel is bounded on the West. Which way if he held, then he was to go by the Country of the Philistines, and through the Tribes: of Simeon and Dan, and by the west ends of Ephraim, and the one half of Manasseh, before he should come to the place where Josiah was to stop his passage: and so all the way to have had Judah on his right hand. But I see no great probability that he went this way, becauses Josiah being purposed to be in his way, he might have done that more to his advantage a great deal much sooner, even when first he came to the Philistines, and all the way after: whereas now he was first to go clean out of the praecincts of all Judah and Benjamin, and to pass through the whole Tribe of Ephraim, and all that half Tribe of Manasseh, before he could come to the place where he gave battle to the Egyptians; but then could have no color at all to do it, when as they had passed all the way so near unto him before, and yet had never offered him any such dealing. So that the likeliest is, that whereas the Valley or Plain of Megiddo, where the battle was given, was in the Tribe of Issachar, but indeed belonging to that half of Manasseh that was nearest unto it, and near unto that Sea side that lay towards Egypt, the King of Egypt came with his Army thither by Sea: and that after he had taken Land to go on his journey (and this way lay very fit for him) he had this battle given by Josiah. This do I think so much the more likely, for that it is said by the King of Egypt, that God had commanded him to make hast in that his voyage. For so might he free himself and his Army of diverse cumbrances in passage that other-wise he was likely enough to have by Land; and the better avoid the rumor of his coming against his Enemies, which by this means was like to be much less, than if he had gone all his journey by Land. If it were so, though Pharaoh, being landed there, might have turned some-what back upon the Kingdom of Josiah, (for such things are some-times in policy done:) yet by his landing so far off from him, he had the less apparent cause to doubt him: and we read of no intelligence he had to the contrary. The knowledge of the place whither the King of [ D] Egypt was going with his Army, were likely to help us much to know the way that he took, if we could attain to the knowledge of it, near unto what part of Euphrates it stood. But that (I think) doth not appear, not only by any of our commentaries, but also not by Pliny before, nor Ptolemy after, nor by our late Geographers since. There be that have thought this Carchemish to have been Zeugma; but one of them since doth varry, and goeth to another which doth much near resemble the name: but neither doth he show in what part of Euphrates it standeth; and it is known unto all, that the River is of great length. But if it were Zeugma, as first they both agreed, it indeed stood very fit for the course that (it seemeth) Pharaoh was in: and it is noted, to yield a special good passage over Euphrates. For it standeth from the place where the battle was stricken, in a manner, in right line beyond Damascus: but that they say, it was the lowest passage over Euphrates, belike they have their authority for it; other-wise so standing, that it leaveth a greater part of the River (by far) beneath it, than it is above. As also it seemeth much to cross that other Cercusium which Mayster Junius rather leaneth unto now, for that by the self-same place of Ammianus which there he recyteth, it is most likely, that there also was passage over Euphrates, for that it was made a border-fortification to praeuent the damage that before they had, by the incursion of the people's adjoining: and then must it either be above the other (and then was it farther out of the way, and more unlikely to be the place that is spoken of here) or else the other must not be the lowest passage over that River, but (rather of the two) leave this to be most likely to be the place (if it were the lowest passage) though the other be in name more like unto it, at least if there be no more than yet appeareth. Endeauouring to apply it to good use, we may so do, first generally to all: then, to one sort of people more specially. To all generally, first that such as are best of all given to the advancement of God's glory here, are yet to take heed, that they not so account of God's protection for the same, as that any way they put themselves in danger inordinately; himself having a promise before, that for those evils that were to come upon the Land after his time, and about which he sent to inquire) he should be brought to his Fathers in peace: then, that the sin of men may be so great, that though after they do never so well, as Josiah now did, yet may not the course of God's determinate judgments ever be stayed. That one sort of people whom it concerneth more specially, are all Idolatrous and superstitious persons, who may [ E] take a special good warning here: namely, that they take good heed, that they conceive not well of their Idolatry or superstition, if at any time they see, that such as have opposed themselves against it, as Josiah mightily did, have some hard end in the judgment of the world, as he also had; though otherwise, in many respects, every very favorable also.

5 But though Josiah himself now perrished; yet left he the people in good case for the truth of Religion, and of the worship of God among them: [ A] though very soon after they left it again; and so continued in the days of all their Kings that next succeeded. Concerning whom, such is the Story now succeeding, as may justly seem to require, first that it be some-thing considered upon generally: but then that we come to the Story of every of them more specially. Generally no more but this, that from this present, the estate of the Kingdom of Judah was very pitiful, and a right pattern of a people unto whom GOD did lay their sins to their charge, though nothing so deeply as they deserved, yet in great measure too. Now, that their own sins had so deserved, is a matter so plain, that nobody can be ignorant of it. But another thing there is, that it may be, would not be espied of many; and yet is right worthy to be marked of all: namely, that all this calamity, after a sort, and in some respect descended from Josiah too; very plainly in respect of his own person, and to be doubted too in respect of his Children. In respect of own person, it was very plainly, for that he was so prodigal of his own safety, or did venture it so far as he did: and therefore no marvel, that all Judah and Jerusalem generally, the Prophet Jeremiah, and many others in particular, did so much bewail that pittyfull accident of his miscarrying. A very special good warning to all that have charge, or upon whom the good estate of any dependeth, not to be so careless of their own safety, as many are (even good Princes too some-times:) least that so they make themselves aunswerable, for whatsoever calamity thereby cometh in to others on them depending. In respect of his Children it may be doubted, because he had so many of them that came to the stand, and not one of them all of any value to that purpose: and yet had they better than two and twenty years among them, wherein to show forth what virtues they had, if they had any; the estate of the Kingdom so long standing, though after that needless conflict of Josiah, but after a ruin-like and weltering manner. For this present Story maketh mention of three of them that came to the Kingdom: and one other place there is that maketh mention of the fourth also sometime to have reigned. Those three [ B] are, Jehoahaz (who is called Johanan) set up by the people, and then Eliakim and Mattaniah called also Zedechia, both of them set up by foreign power: the one, by the King of Egypt; the other, by the King of Babylon. The fourth that we speak of, is Shallum, noted also to be the Son of Josiah, and that he reigned for Josiah his Father. But seeing the time that followed the reign of Josiah, till the time that the kingdom was clean overthrown, is by the Story successively ascribed to the other three, therefore is it conceived that it might be this was the eldest, although he be last named in the former of those two places, or otherwise on whatsoever motive stepped up to the kingdom immediately after the death of his Father (as Adonijah did when his father seemed to be past recovery, so to praeuent Solomon therein) but that it was held for naught, the people annointing Jehoahaz so soon as they did: &, because it is recorded by a later Story, that the King of Egypt, when he took away Jehoahaz, took away withal, not only such as he had placed in authority about him, but a Brother of his also (though there he varieth in the name) and that Jeremiah speaking of the carrying away of Shallum, and dying in the place whether he should be carried, seemeth to mean it of that passage into Egypt when Jehoahaz was carried thither, therefore it may be so much the more likely that he also reigned some little time by his own usurpation, till the people did set up his brother against him. I know there be other interpretations of this Shallum, nothing at all agreeing to this; but yet thus much may be alleged for the sense aforesaid: and seeing we have so undoubted warrant, both that Josiah had such a son, and that he reigned after his Father, put case it be not in all points the best exposition, yet is it sufficient for the matter that now we are in. So Josiah, that good King, had four sons; and they all came to the kingdom after their Father (three of them without exception, the fourth also by great probability:) and not one good of them all. It is a thing that may befall l • ne best man in the world: and we are to leave unto God the secrecy of his judgments therein. But it is much to be feared, though Josiah was a good man himself, yet that he had not altogether so special care of the good education of his Children, as he ought to have had: at least, it is over slightly regarded of us, not only of the common people, but even of our great professors too. So may good men, if they take not special good heed, be noisome fountains of some special calamity to others.

6. But now to come to the Story of every of them more specially, of those three [ A] Sons of Josiah that without exception came to the kingdom after their Father, one there was, that came to the Crown somewhat disorderly, as it seemeth: but the others came more orderly unto it. He that, it seemeth, came unto it somewhat disorderly, was the next that succeeded, Jehoahaz, one of the sons of Josiah, whom the people after the death of his Father anointed to be their King: but that outward ceremony of their anointing could little avail, unless he brought with him a better title, or were of better mind towards God, than, it seemeth, the Story will yield him to be. As touching him therefore we are to consider, first of his coming to the kingdom; then, of his reign therein. His coming to the Crown is therefore the rather to be considered, for that it seemeth he came not orderly unto it: and yet is not so noted by some. That he came not orderly unto it, may be gathered, first by the estate of the Country at that present: then also, by the years of his age. The estate of the Country at that present was such, as that by likelihood and common reason, none should take that title upon them, without the consent of the King of Egypt having then so lately prevailed among them so much as he did. Yet I deny not, but that it may well be that they might. For the text doeth witness these two: one, that Pharaoh was to make hast in that his voyage; the other that Josiah being wounded in the field, was had to Jerusalem, and there died. If Pharaoh were to make hast, it may very well be, and is the likliest, that having then cut in sunder that hindrance to his ready passage by his sword, he would not desire to make any longer stay there; especially, if yet he knew not, that Josiah died so soon of the wounds that there was given him (as it may very well be he did not:) and it is plain we have no story of anything he did there at this time; which is likely enough we should, if here he had done anything else. His good success also that is noted he had in this voyage (namely, that he prevailed against his enemy, and so returned a Conqueror homewards) may be some probability, that he made no tarrying here, but went on forward about his business. Which if he did, then was not he to take it so ill, if in that his absence the people did servppe another King: though it had been the surer and better way, seeing by his sword he had gotten that interest in them that now he had, to have sent to him first to have known his pleasure. And therefore that Ieoahaz might not in that case so easily take so much upon him though the people did freely so bestow it: for that they, in reasonable good intendment, were not their own men now to such a purpose, so far as might warrant that his acceptance of it, to stand by any good right unto him. By the years of his age it seemeth to be very plain, that though he also were the son of Josiah, yet had he then living an elder Brother, to whom by common right the Kingdom did rather belong, than to him. So that in him we may see a right pattern of many of us: especially where a second marriage so far praeuayleth (and else-where too) as that the Heir of the former is put by from his Fathers possessions, and the Child of the latter taken in to that favor. In all which cases lightly neither doth the Father nor Mother use that injurious or hard measure with so resolute minds, as the Brother taketh the benefit of it, never making question of the lawfulness of his Title unto it: and yet there is a Story recordeth, that Tz • hanger a Turk, one of the Sons by a second Wife, took it so heavily, that Mustapha his elder Brother by a former, was by the policy of his Mother, and so by the commandment of the great Turk his Father made away, to make the way for some of those others to the Empire, that he cried out against his Father for that indignity, and himself rather chose to die with his dead Brother, than to reserve himself to those honors and treasures that in such sort were procured and offered unto him. And true it is, that receiuors ofttimes do easily make thieves. Of those that do not so take it, I find as yet but only three; but all of good judgment, saving that in this I do not see what warrant they have so to conceive: one of them going no farther, but only as it were by the way, terming Eliakim who next succeeded the second Son of Josiah (it may be, not marking what years are ascribed unto the age of either of those two that are in question, but only how they came to the Kingdom, and making no doubt but that had been right;) the other two joining their labors together, do both of them well mark that difference of years, and yet conceive them so to be taken, as that Jehoahaz must needs be the elder, and Eliakim the younger. His reign was but short, continuing only but three months: and so if he got it inordinately, it is plain that he had little comfort of it. Nevertheless, in that short time that he had, he did sufficiently bewray himself what course he would have held, if he might have had longer continuance: and withal had of the fruit of his own ways in reasonable good measure for the time he continued. He bewrayed himself what he would have been, by doing so ill in the fight of the Lord, even as his elders before had done; and so making proof in himself, that such as are readiest to step to better rooms, are not lightly the meetest for them. In those fruits of his own ways that he reaped thereby, we may well note the equity of God's judgments upon him: not only for betaking himself to those bad ways of his corrupt elders; but also for that his ambitious stepping unto the Kingdom. For the former, he could [ C] not be ignorant how much God was offended with the whole Land for those Idolatries and other abominations which they had already committed, and what judgments he had determined upon them for the same: & therefore right worthy, so soon to be discarded, to be put in bonds, and to finish his days in dishonor and sorrow, for that he did not altogether abandon those ways that were so offensive, and not seriously follow the steps of his Father and those better elders of his, so to have turned aside (if it had been possible, at least so much as in him was) those heavy judgments threatened unto them. For the latter also (if he were an offender therein, as most do account him, and I see not how the Text may be otherwise cleared) whereas in that offense he had partners with him (for it is said that the people of the Land did anoint him King, or made him their King) so may we see that the punishment ensuing did in some sort meet with them both: first with the King that so took upon him; then with the people that so much forgot themselves therein also, stepping in so far as they did betwixt that new Lord of theirs, and the right that he might account himself to have over them by that overthrow that he gave them and their King when as vnprouoked by him, they crossed him the way to impeach his passage. For this their new King he forth-with displaced, and put another in his room: and did not only displace him, but also put him in bo • des, and took him away captive with him to Egypt, where soon after he died. A reward good enough for those that so unreverantly rush into that sacred place of Supreame authority on earth: and meet also, that him-self should with his own eyes see, to his own disgrace, his elder Brother by right placed; whom he had put to such disgrace before, by stepping into the place before him. Which also is a good warning to all in such case, to take heed, that they do not so inordinately press to the higher places with the injury of others, as that thereby they occasion God, that most high and righteous Judge, to right those that were wronged by them, even to the depth of reproach to themselves. For that which befell unto the people (that fine, as we term it, that was imposed upon them, of one hundred Talentes of Silver and one Talent of Golde, to be assessed by him whom they had rejected, but now was made King over them without any thanks unto them) I know it is taken by some, as though it should be a yearly tribute: but it seemeth rather to be in the way of an amercement or fine; for that their praesumptuous dealing (as he might take it) in so high a matter, not unto them, but unto him now appertaining; and so is it taken by one of good judgment also. As also diverse things in the Text do seem to incline that way rather, as that he presently deposed him whom they had set up, and placed another whom they had refused; and that this imposition is not termed by the ordinary name of a tribute, but a [ D] punishment or condemnation, or as we term it, an amercement or fine, as imposed upon them for some fault that they had made: and we read of none other but only of this; besides that other of withstanding his passage, for which he had before a sufficient revenge, in that he gave them the overthrow, and slew their King. Which doing of his, so amending by equity, that which they had done injuriously before, may likewise be a warning to all people's ensuing, that they do not so injuriously behave themselves towards any (as many have done and yet do unto the Ministry, so often as they entitle others unto their needful and lawful maintenance) as that thereby they occasion God, to send in strangers to right things again. And there is fair probability for it (for men are men, and he that we speak of was none of the best) that seeing Eliakim whom they had rejected, had the sessing of them, when now he came to the gathering of it, both that he would have of them, much more than King Pharaoh was to have of him: and that he would more specially remember besides, those that were the chief doers against him before, in praeferring his younger Brother to the kingdom, before him that was the elder.

7. Those that came to the Crown more orderly, were the rest that follow: one [ A] of them, having it to him and his Son; the other having it, but only himself. He that had it to him and his Son, was Eliakim, elder than he whom he succeeded, (at least as it seemeth) as we saw before: placed by the afore-said King, by the right that now he had gotten over them by his Sword; and himself, as it seemeth, being next unto it by order of nature. But it pleased the King to change his name: and so called him Jehoiakim, as established of the Lord. But as the annointing of his Brother that went before him, having no better right than he had, did little avail him, but that he was more justly deposed, than he was set up before: so the glorious name that now was given unto this, will hardly be found, by the Story ensuing, either to have made him a better man, or to have given any good assurance unto his estate. Which that we may the better perceive, we are first to consider of the ways that he held: then, of the fruit he reaped thereby. The ways that he held, as they are set down generally, were evil in the sight of the Lord, according to all that his Fathers (the worse sort of them) had done before. As we are to consider of them more specially, one sin of his there is, wherewith Jeremiah doth charge him, still to have had all his life long: others I see not but such as appertain to the time of his [ B] hard estate, wherein he was in subjection to others. That which Jeremiah doth so specially charge him withal, is, that he had but little regard to the word of GOD: and, that that had been his manner from his youth up. Afaire warning to all those that make so light of the word of God, as it is the manner of many ever to do. As touching those that do appertain to the time of his hard estate we are to note, that he served two Kings successively, or held his kingdom first under one of them, then under the other: the former of them being the King of Egypt; the latter, the King of Babylon. While he held of the King of Egypt, we have some matters of certain knowledge: & one other, that may probably be gathered. Those that are of certain knowledge, are two: one of them recorded here; another, else-where. That which is recorded here, is as touching that amercement or fine, that the King imposed upon them: which he got up of the people; and made payment thereof to the King. Wherunto what time was appointed, or what time he took unto •• , we have not delivered unto us: but we may easily conceive, that he had three years unto it, because Nebucadnezzer King of Babylon came not in upon him, till the ende of the third, and beginning of the fourth year of his reign; and, as it may seem, but only making his praeparation in the third, and not coming in upon him till the fourth, and such season of the year as was meet for the Wars. That which we have else-where recorded of him while yet he held off the King of Egypt, is of one Uriah, another Prophet in the days of Jeremiah, and in the beginning of the reign of Jehoiakim, whom Jehoiakim flew for prophesying against Jerusalem and against the Land, as Jeremiah did: and hereupon he was so eagerly set, that when as Oriah understanding the danger that he was in, fled into Egypt, so to escape it, he sent for him thither, and so got him (belike by the friendship that he had there) and then took his pleasure on him. That which may be probably gathered, is, that towards the end of the first year of his reign, or about the beginning of his second, he took his Son Jeconiah or Jehoiakim into the society of his Kingdom with him, when his Son was then but eyght years old. The probability is this, that in one place it is said, that he was eyghteen years old first when he began to reign; and in another place, that he began his reign when he was but eyght years old; and yet both places agree that he reigned but three months; the one place adding the odd da • e • also. Whereby it may probably seem, that the one place •• aneth but only that time which immediately followed his Fathers death: and the other, all the latter ten years of his Fathers reign partly, or in some respect; but chiefly and properly, but only those three months and ten days, that next and immediately after did follow. To which end it is to good purpose noted, that there is mention made of one Zedechia [ C] King of Judah, in the beginning of the reign of Jehoiakim: at which time there was none such; himself only reigning there then. But this might well make him to doubt, that either his Brother who was so called, or some other of that name, was likely ere long to come in place, and to defeat his Son of the Kingdom (as Jehoahaz would have defeated him before) unless in time he did provide the better for it: and that therefore he took it as the surest way, so to take him into the kingdom with himself before. When he held of the King of Babylon, we are first to see by what occasion he came to hold of him: then, in what sort he carried himself under his obeisance. The occasion was, that the King of Babylon, did now so much praeuaile against the King of Egypt, that he quite dispossessed him of all those Countries that he had betwixt Euphrates and his own Country of Egypt; and so consequently dispossessed him of Iudeah too: and this he did so mightily and thoroughly (for God himself, that is the Lord of all, had now determined to give them all into his hands to the third descent or generation; and so he caused word to be sent to many Princes in those partes) that the King of Egypt came no more out of his own Country, to meddle with any of those Countries there. Being so atturned to a new Lord now, he so carried himself under his obeisance, that for three years he abode dutiful unto him: but then afterward rebelled against him. Yet in those three years wherein he professed his allegiance unto him, although the Text do plainly say, that he becam his Servant those three years, one thing there is notwithstanding, which then he did, which yieldeth a great probability, that even then also he was false at the heart, and so less marvel that afterward he burst forth into open rebellion: which was, that when there was read unto him, what the Lord had threatened unto them by the Prophet Jeremiah, how the King of Babel should come and destroy that Land, and take thence both man and beast, he both cut the Scrole or Book in pieces, and cast it in the fire that was before him (though by diverse of his Nobles he was entreated to the contrary) and commanded both Barak that wrote it, and the Prophet himself to be apprehended. For this was in the fifth year of his reign: and he became his Servant before. Where also it is not amiss to note, that whereas at that time they had proclaimed a general fast at Jerusalem for all the people that repaired thiither that, although in that outward manner they seemed much to seek to the Lord; yet by this fact of his so dealing with she-word of God, and with his Servants, he bewrayeth plainly, that so far as he joined with the rest in observing that fast, it was nothing else but Hypocrisy in him: and sure it is, that whether he shown any ill heart hereby, or not towards him to whō he professed allegiance, he out of doubt [ D] shown an ill heart towards God. These being his ways, we may easily conceive, that the fruit which he reaped thereby, was correspondent: and first in that he was enforced now to change his old Master, and to betake himself to a new: then, in that greater evil that he found, when he dealt ill with that new Master of his. When he was enforced to change, and to betake himself to that his new Master, seeing it was done by forcible means (for the Citty was besieged) we may easily conceive, that besides the dishonor, he received much damage thereby: and it is plainly recorded, that then the King of Babylon took away part of the Plate of the House of the Lord (which they neglected now) and put the same in the treasury of his own Idols. At this time also, it seemeth (namely in the first year of Nebuchadnezzar, that year of his being part of the third, and more of the fourth of Jehoiakim) we are to begin the first Captivity; and that Daniel, Ananias, Azarias and Misaell, with the rest of their fellows (those children or youngths of the seed of the King and of the Princes) were at that time taken away to Babylon: yea, and Jehoiakim the King himself too, though soon after, yielding his allegiance, he were for that time sent back again. As also the Text it self doth not only testify that he was bound in chains, but showeth withal, what was the intent or meaning therein: and that being the meaning then, it is like enough it was effected; at least, there is nothing in the Text against it. That greater evil that he found when he dealt ill with this new Master of his, was first by the hand of certain people's near adjoining; then by the King of Babylon himself, coming with main force against him. Those people's adjoining were of the Chaldees, Syrians, Moabites and Ammonites, no doubt the forces of the King of Babylon, as may be gathered by the first sort of them, and for that he had now subdued (three yeaes before this his rebellion) those Countries unto him: but yet specially sent in by the Lord, to the destruction of Judah, for their sins before committed, which the Lord would now no longer bear at their hands. When the King of Babylon came in himself with main force against him, and got him into his hands, we have noted unto us, first how he dealt with the persons of diverse of them: then, how he dealt with certain other things besides. Of the persons we speak off, the first was the Kings: then certain others. As touching the King, first it may be, that now also he did put him in bonds, meaning so to carry him away to Babylon; but then it is sure that he altered his purpose, and both he slew him there, and did not vouchsafe his body burial: which latter member of his death, & of the despite don to his corps when [ E] he was dead, is reported but by Josephus; but very agreeable to that which Jeremiah denounced unto him before: and if it be true that he there reporteth likewise, that Jehoiakim made no resistance, but did readily open unto him in peaceable manner, it must needs argue, either great injustice and cruelty in Nebuchadnezzar, or (which is the more likely) that there was much infidelity and disloialty found in Jehoiakim, that being a King, and letting Nebuchadnezzar peaceably in, he nevertheless first clapt him Irons, and presently after both put him to death, and cast out his body in despite besides. As touching those others, we have a report (and it is not more than in such cases is often done) that he slew withal a great sort of others besides of special reckoning: and at this time also, or at the least soon after, he took away with him three thousand and three and twenty Jews captive to Babylon. For other things besides, it seemeth that at this time also they set fire on Jerusalem and burnt some part of it: but it is out of question, that he took away with him certain of the Plate or vessel of the Temple, and put them in the Temple of his Idols at home. All which (and no doubt much more that accompanied these, as all such cases commonly are) did the King bring on himself and others, by that breach of his allegiance before, though afterward (not of true remorse of that his infidelity, as it may seem, but to escape such farther mischief to him and his, as by Jeremiah was before denounced unto him) he yielded and opened unto him.

8 That Son of his who next succeeded, was Iehoiachin, otherwise • ise called [ A] Jeconiah, and Coniah, who reigned but only three months and a few days besides: as touching whom we are to consider, first how he came to the Kingdom: then what was his estate therein. The former of these I do more specially • o • but only because it is conceived by diverse, that the King of Babylon did •• ke him K •• g in steed of his Father: and one there is, who guesseth also at the time when he did appoint him, as that the King had been there with his Army about three weeks or better, before that he made Ioconiah King. What ground they have for it I see not, unless it be, for that Josephus having so led the way, others make that reckoning of him, that they also do follow therein. Otherwise there appeareth nothing in the Text it self, nor in diverse of our Interpreters, that yet I find, that inclineth to that opinion: but that he came to the Crown by descent or succession (yet indeed these times were troublesome) as his other ancesters commonly did; his coming to his Kingdom being there none otherwise delivered unto us, than the coming of others unto it commonly is. His estate therein was pitiful too, God ha 〈…〉 dy [ B] determined to set loose his judgments upon them: and yet notwiths •• n ••• g his own sin concurring withal. So, first of his sin: then of those judgments, • hat (in his time) came in upon him and his. His sin is plainly noted to be, that he did ill in the sight of the Lord, according to all that his Father had done before: a matter that is so much the more to be noted in him for two special considerations. One, that in this time of affliction, having his Fathers great calamity so fresh and green before his eyes, he nevertheless in so short a time as this, could so fully utter himself, as that this censure might go upon him: but a very good pattern how brittle we are; and how little affliction doth mend us, unless it please God, that his special grace may also go with it. The other, that whereas Josephus giveth a better report of him, as that he was both good and just, we will not stand to reason it with him, but hence may we gather, that men may be of special good account with men, even with the wiser and better sort; and yet be very odious to God: and therefore, that ever we ought for such matters to examine our selves by his undoubted word; and never rest satisfied but only by it. Those judgments that fell in his time, were indeed very grievous: but yet notwithstanding mingled with some comfort withal. Grieuous they were, both unto the King himself; and unto diverse others besides: first, in their persons; then, in diverse things to them appertaining. In their persons, the King himself having reigned but very little, had his enemies the Babylonians coming-in so forcibly upon him (and that without any desert of his towards them, that we read of) that he saw no better, but to yield himself and all that he had into their hands: an hard case, that he who had newlie begun his reign over others, sometime a most flourishing people, and acquainted with the ways of truth; should now subject himself and his people to a new up-start people, ignorant of the truth, and altogether possessed with error. Those also that were nearest unto the King in blood or degree of honor, accustomed to be rulers themselves, and ever to be attended by many, and all others besides, especially the chief and principal of them, the more nobly-minded they were, so much the more to their greater grief must they now themselves yield if not to soul and intolerable abuse, yet at least to a yoke a great deal more grievous to the nature of some▪ than many deaths. The things these had to themselves appertaining were, the Temple, their Cities, their Treasure and substance: all which must lie open unto the paws of the greedy gripers, without repining to serve their pleasure. All which being orderly done, nevertheless it might nothing avail them, but that needs they must (ten thousand of the [ C] chiefest of them) go into captivity: not sparing their treasure, nor precious things of the Temple it self. In all which bitterness the comfort they had mingled therewith, was, for the time present, that nevertheless God made better reckoning of those that went into captivity than he did of the others that remained: and for the time to come, both that themselves (in their own persons, or in their Children) should at seventy years end return again; and that the wheel should then be turned unto their enemies.

9. He that had the kingdom but only himself, and no issue of his to succeed [ A] him, was Mattaniah, one of the Sons of Josiah, and Vnkle to the King that last was, now carried away to Babylon (or at least towards that doleful journey:) but he came not to it as heir to his Nephew, but for that the King of Babylon bestowed it on him; and therewithal (belike, the rather to keep him true unto him) gave him a more honorable name, calling him Zedekiah, as the justice of the Lord (such men lightly never accounting of any other justice of the Lord, but such as altogether goeth on their side so much as may be.) Being so come to the kingdom, he held the same eleven years: and so, being the last himself, he shut up the course of the Kings of Judah. Wherein that we may the better see the justice of GOD cleared, in so dealing with him, in his days letting down that noble kingdom, so potent and glorious as in time it had been, having also so fair promises as (above all others) it had: it shall be good, in his story also to mark, first what ways they were that he held; then, to what proof they came in the end. Generally his ways were, the same and no other, that his brethren and nephew held before: he also doing evil in the sight of the Lord, as those others before him had done. More specially we may find, that the evil of those days rested not in his own person: but (even from him, as it may very well be conceived, for the most part of it) did much spread forth to many others. In himself was found, first towards God, that he greatly neglected the word of God by the Prophet Jeremiah, and never would be ruled thereby; and yet, on a time in his distress, sent to Jeremiah to pray for him and the people: then, towards the King of Babylon his Lord and Master then, rebelling against him, against the trust reposed in him, and against the oath that himself had taken. In the people it was found likewise, that even all the sort of them generally; and both the chief of the Priests and of the people, and the Kings servants, more specially, did make light of the word, that GOD by his Prophets did send [ B] them: and withal (for many of them) mocked and misused the Prophets themselves. So perilous a thing is it when Princes, and the greater sort among the people, are themselves ill affected towards the word of God: for that it cannot be avoided then, but that the people will be such likewise, or rather worse. The proof whereunto those ways of theirs came, was, though suitable unto them, yet doleful enough: even the utter destruction of themselves, almost of the whole Nation, without regard of sex or age, and without any compassion; to the overthrow likewise and rifling of all their chief houses and Cities, even of Jerusalem, and the Temple it self. So that even the whole Land was at this time brought unto utter desolation: saving that some few, and those but of the poorest sort, were left to inhabit and Till the ground; and a Governor with them to keep them in order. And so here is an end of the kingdom of Judah, and the story of that whole people, so long as they were a kingdom themselves: which was after the kingdom of Israel about one hundred three and thirty years. But whereas the story of them doth oftentimes refer us to such other monuments, as now we have not extant among us, both in the kingdom of Israel, and in the kingdom of Judah too: out of it I note no more but this, that even that consideration only, may well serve our turn both to withdraw our selves from the immoderate love of the world; and to acquaint us with such a care of God towards us, as is expedient for us to know. It may help to withdraw us frō the immoderate love of the world, for that thereby we may see, that even as a mighty earth-quake, doth easily shake down such buildings as were set thereon specially the slighter and weaker sort of them: so may Kings we assure our selves, that tract of time will so deal much rather with us, and with all our pomps and labors here; seeing we see that it hath already so dealt with the Kings of Israel and Judah, whose memory in all things was as like to be praeserued, as of any others whosoever. That care of God towards us which is expedient for us to know, and wherewith it doth acquaint us, is, that God would not have us overcharged with over-many Stories, Monuments or writings: and therefore praeserued but only such, as his wisdom saw to be needful for us. Out of which we are to learn this moderation: that as we are not to long after those that his wisdom hath thought good to miscarry; so we neglect not any of those that his wisdom hath thought good to praeserue unto us.

CHAP. 19.

1 WHen now they came to be in subjection to others, we are first to see, [ A] who they are of whom the Story goeth for that matter: then, what was their estate therein. That we may the more certainly find who they were, we are to know, that some of them are now gone before: and some come after. Those that are gone before, were taken away at two several times: and either of them, it seemeth, at the closing up of one year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign; and in the beginning of the next ensuing. And that is (we see) an usual thing in many cases, when as the thing that is done, is not of so ready dispatch, but that the doing of it doth ask some time, and cometh to hand towards the end of the year then being; and taketh up some of the year ensuing before that it can be performed: which, in this matter, the conferring together of sundry places of the Text, doth plainly teach us. The former of those was in the end of the seventh, and in the beginning of the eight years of his reign, after that he had put Jehoiakim to death, and that Iehoiachin his Son had for a time reigned in his room: then carrying away with him to Babylon, of the Tribe of Judah (who are the seed that now we speak off) three thousand and three and twenty persons. At which time notwithstanding there is mention made of ten thousand first, and seven thousand soon after, and of one thousand besides, then to be carried captive away: the former of which is noted, and so seemeth to be, the total sum both of Israel and Judah mingled together; and the seven thousand of Israel only, besides those others of the Tribe of Judah. And as for that one od thousand, the Text it self showeth that they were all of one Mystery or Trade: and belike of both sorts of the others. The latter of them was, when Zedekiah had rebelled against him, and thereby he in a rage against them, in the ende of the eighteenth, and beginning of the nineteenth years of his reign: at which time, he gave so free liberty to the sword now, and made such havoc generally of all, that he took away but eight hundred thirty and two; and belike could then find no mo that he thought worth the carrying. Those that came after, were by occasion that after this was given to the King of Babylon to send in his forces again: at which time he took those thence that now we speak of. So first the occasion: then, of this effect that came thereon. The occasion was, that many of the greater and meaner sort, who for fear of the Babylonians had fled the Land, and so remained in other Countries, till the host of the Babylonians was gone home, now began to come in again, and to behave themselves very disorderly and seditiously too: first Treacherously killing the Governor and his adhaerents whom the King had left on behalf [ B] of those that yet remained; then, dissembling first that they would be ruled by God, if it were sure that he would have them there to tarry, when they understood that so he would, utterly refusing so to do, going down into Egypt themselves, and forcibly taking down with them, the Prophet Jeremiah and Baru • his attendant withal. This occasion being given, the king of Babel sent in his forces again (it is not particulatly so recorded in the Text, but so to be gathered, because of that which now was done, and because it is plainly set down, that Nebuzar-adan his chief Steward was there about it) in the three and twentieth year of his reign, and then took thence seven hundred and five and forty persons. These they are that were taken captive to Babylon, on whom the Story now following doth treat: all of them being new no moe, but only four thousand and six hundred. But whereas now we understand of another sort of them gone down into Egypt, and that they are none of this company, it shall be good that first we consider of them: and then come to the Story of those that are gone to Babylon. In their Story that are gone into Egypt, first it is good that we note the effect of the whole: then, that we consider of one particular more specially. The effect of the whole is, that they continued in their wonted sins; and would in no wise be by the Prophet reformed: and that God thereupon, by that his Prophet denounced unto them, that the King of Babylon should come thither also, and that none of them should ever return to their Land again, but one way or other perish there in the Land of Egypt. That one particular which is good to be marked besides, is, that they also had a Queen of Heaven, whom they would worship as before they were wont, whosoever said nay: & that the Lord's judgment upon them for the same, was, that his name should not be called upon thence-forth by any of them; belike to teach them and us too, that those two never stand together.

2 Having thus found, that they were only those that went to Babylon, on [ A] whom the Story hence-forward goeth, and being now to see what was their estate in that their subjection, we are first to consider of their captivity: then, in what case they afterward stood, until the coming of Jesus Christ. Their Captivity was to reach out unto the space of threescore and ten years, from the first beginning of it, unto their deliverance again: which is by diverse diversely reckoned, because there were captives taken from Jerusalem, at diverse several and sundry times, as the Story it self declareth; but the odds that is betwixt them, is not great, nor to the substance of the thing it self much material. As when the day doth first break in the [ B] morning, or close up at night, or in a Sun-dial the Sun entereth into any hour, or doth first leave it again, it is hard for any, though never so attentively marking, so to set down the very moment or instant of it, but that others attentively marking too, may be notwithstanding of other judgment. As touching their Captivity in Babylon, because it was finished by their deliverance thence; therefore it shall not be amiss, that we couple these two together: first considering of their Captivity it self; then of their deliverance also. In their Captivity it self we are to note two special things: one, that as it was meant a chastisement unto them, so may we look to find it none other; the other, that nevertheless it pleased God, some-thing to mitigate the same unto them, by the comforts that he gave them therein. That as it was meant as a chastisement unto them, so it was indeed, we have it not set down by any special Stories thereof (as, in what things they were hardly dealt with there) but left as plain enough of it self: the Babyloniaus being now so mighty a people, and by their great success being grown so insolent as they were, and as by the infirmity of our common Nature all men are; and being besides so ignorant of the truth, and of the true worship of God, that the Jews, who only had the truth among them, and by it were more odious to all Idolaters whatsoever, must needs be odious also to them. The comforts that he gave them therein, were some of them under the King that now reigned over them: others, under those that followed. Under the King that now reigned over them, we read of some comforts that they had soon after they came thither: and some again in the time ensuing. Soone after they came thither, the comforts that were given them were, first by raising up some of themselves to good place among them; then by abasing those that were their enemies. Those whom he advanced soon after they came thither, were, Daniel, and certain others: first praeparing them unto it, then bringing them to the advancement it self. An order or course that is so much the rather to be of us observed, for that we ever covet to be advanced, but care not to be enable unto it before: that being • that pleaseth our humor well; but this being painful, and therefore on all hands declined of us. Praepared unto it they were, first by the order that the King himself did take for them and others: but then much more, by the good course that these did more specially take. The order that the King took for them and others, was, [ C] that such youths of the Issue of Princes and Noble-men as now he had gotten together out of the Countries that he had subdued, so many of them as were likely and towards, should have an ordinary, like Noble men's Children, and be instructed both in language of that Country, and in all such wisdom and learning as was meet to enable them, to be about the King himself, and to attend him: Among these there were four that were taken out of Jury (whether there were, of this sort, any moe or not, we cannot tell) Daniel himself, and three others with him: who were Hananiah, Misaell and Azariah; but then having these names changed, and others given them. The good purpose that they did more specially hold, is first attributed to Daniel only; but then communicated to the others also: and so it may probably seem, that it began of him; but then, that the others, being stirred up by his example, did readily join themselves unto him. As we also find by experience sometimes, that the good example of one, doth lead on others: & so may we learn, that ever it is good that some be doing; and more honorable it is, in goodness to be the beginners our selves, than followers of others. The purpose that they took, was, that they would rather fare hardly, than (even in that their captivity) eat of such things as God by his law had forbidden unto thē: which by the favor that Daniel had with their keeper, soon after upon some trial they obtained. Whereby it came to pass, that as the Kings desire was to have all those youths well instructed: so were those four especially, and far exceeded all the residue therein; and Daniel besides, specially endued with the understanding of visions and dreams. They being thus praepared, and the time now being near, that God would bring them to the advancement it self, first he occasioneth the King to do it: then, the King accordingly doth it. He occasioneth the King to do it, first by bringing him into some special want of help: then, by Daniel, yielding that help unto him to his full eontentment. The want of help that he was in, was by that his dream which troubled him much, for that he conceived it to be a matter of special importance: and yet neither did understand the meaning of it; neither could he call to his mind again the Dream it self. In the help that herein it pleased God by Daniel to give him, we are to consider of it, first as it was an help unto him: then, as it is instruction to us. As it was an help unto him, first it is set down generally: then, more specially. Generally, Daniel doth tell him, that whereas he was reuoluing or casting in his mind, what should be after him: it pleased GOD, by that great Image to repraesent the same unto him; it bearing a resemblance, both of that mighty State of his then, and of such as (for a good [ D] time) should afterward follow. That which he did impart unto him more specially, was, either to show the manner of those States while they stood: or else as touching the abolishing of them. While they were to stand, he noteth two things: one, that they were terrible all; the other, that still they declined to be baser and baser. And true it is, that all such Empyres lightly are grievous to the people over whom they are; and the longer they do enjoy them in peace, the more do they ever grow upon them, and ever devise occasions to hauke them in, more and more: and that such as succeed in the room of the former, as in time they follow the others, so are they often the baser also. In that which he speaketh more specially of the abolishing of those States, he noteth two things: one, that they should be abolished; the other, that it should be by a mightier State than any of those. As it is instruction to us, to our great comfort we may conceive, that as those mighty earthly powers were abolished by the coming of Christ, when nevertheless he came then but in great weakness, in comparison; so will all other such like, and the whole power of the World whatsoever, much rather give place, as having no power at all to stand then, when he shall again come in power and glory: and that the power and glory of the World being swallowed up in the power and glory of the kingdom of Jesus Christ, so many as are in Christ have no loss but gain thereby. The King being thus far occasioned, was very greatly affected thereat, and did much advance not only Daniel himself: but, at his request, those three fellows also of his besides: not to be doubted, but to the special good comfort and help of all the residue of that Nation; but of those that were there already, and of those that shortly after were brought unto them.

3 In the Story of those their enemies that were about this time abased, first we [ A] have the occasion thereof delivered unto us: then, how they were thereon abased. In that which was the occasion of it, we have some part of it plainly recorded: some other again, that is but implied. That which is plainly recorded, was the setting up of that rich & glorious Image: and, that so straight commandment was given, that all sorts of people there, at once, should, at a sign given, all together fall down and worship it. That which is not so plainly set down, but yet may seem to be plainly implied, is whereupon, or for what cause, this Image may seem to be erected: which may well seem to be, in truth to overthrow the most of those that were now advanced; and yet as on a needful policy on behalf of the State. That their intent might well [ B] be, to overthrow or undermine the most of those that were so advanced, it may seem, because they did so readily accuse them; as conceiving before, that because their Law did so plainly forbid the worshipping of Images, and these were men of so special reckoning for their regard unto the Law, therefore they were likely enough to catch them hereby: and the experience of all ages teacheth, that great men that lie at receipt of Courtly paeferments, can hardly brook it that strangers should be praeferred before them; especially such as these, being of so base a reckoning as these were now with them, being in captivity unto the. That they did not then accuse Daniel too (for we may well hope, that he also did not worship, though in their accusation they make no mention of him) it may well be, that they did but that in policy only: as fearing that his authority and credit was so great with the King, as that so they might have marred all, if they had taken him in with the rest. Those that were abased hereby, were of two sorts also: some, of whom we have such matter plainly recorded; others of whom it is again but only implied. Those of whom we have such matter plainly recorded, are all the company generally: and one above others more specially. All the company generally had no small abasing in this, that that their new and glorious God, and their worshipping of him, yea and that whole solemnity it self, was by those three Servants of God so much crossed, yea and by God himself (in so miraculous defense of his Seruaunts) so plainly disgraced. More specially, the King himself, who now in this did make himself their Enemy too, and was accordingly dealt withal for it: first while he persisted in that course wherein yet he was; then, in that he was forced in the end to yield. While he persisted in the course wherein yet he was, he fustayned a kind of abasing first in his own person: then, in certain to him appertaining. In his own person he was so far abased based in it, that notwithstanding his grievous expostulation with them for that they had not already worshipped, as he had commanded; and his second charge that now they should do it, or other-wise incur even the utter-most of his most grievous displeasure: yet notwithstanding, for all his own greatness, and that all the others did readily obey him generally, he nothing at all praeuayled with any of them. Those that did appertain unto him, were of the most valiant in all his Army, and had the charge to bind them, and to cast them into that fiery Furnace which was for that purpose provided: which when they accordingly did, they were slain with [ C] the fire whereinto they did cast those others; and so, whether they were of his Captains or Soldiers, the King did leese them. But whereas these Servants of God were not burnt, and had no hurt at all by the execution of that terrible sentence of the King against them, it so wrought with the King, that God had thus myraculously delivered those his Servants, that he not only now gave glory to God, and made it death for any to speak any blasphemy against him, for that none other could so deliver as he now had done: but now also, did specially advance those whom he had condemned before. In the time that 〈…〉 ed in the reign of this King, one other story there is, out of which there might •• se much good comfort to the people of God, and most likely it is, that so there did: namely, that great and rare ab • sing of the King himself, which befell him towards the end of his reign, and as it seemeth, in the last ten years thereof, which also continued the space of seven years together. For in that the King himself was so abased, it is most likely, that such people as were in captivity under him, had the more ease thereby: and comfort withal to see how God revenged their cause upon him: and whereas God foreshowed that unto him before, by a dream that he sent him, and none could expound the same unto him but Daniel only, of all those people's that were in captivity none more likely than Dauiels people to have such favor as that would yield. Those other Kings that followed, in this mighty State that now we speak of, during the time of their captivity (such as are by undoubted authority noted unto us) were two: Euilmerodak; and Baltasar: Euilmerodak succeeding Nebucadnezzar his Father, so soon as he came to the Kingdom, discharged Iehoi •• hin or I •• honias out of prison; took him to his own Table and advanced his Throne above the Thrones of all the Kings that were with him there: a matter that could not be but to the comfort and case of that people, when as their King was in that reputation with that mighty Monarch under whom they were. In Balthasars time we have some, while yet he had longer time to govern: and one immediately before he was to leese both his Kingdom and life together, Those that we have while yet he had some longer time to govern, are two: one, in the first; the other, in the third years of his reign. In the first year of his reign was that vision that Daniel had imparted to him, as touching the great troubles which after their deliverance out of captivity should befall them, and he upon them a long time after; and which Daniel did likewise declare to the people: by the which they [ D] were given to understand, that when their Captivity should be ended yet should not their afflictions and exercises thereupon cease; but then withal, both that such as did molest them should be remembered, and that a King or deliueret should be given unto thē, who should be most mighty, and whose kingdom should endure forever. In the third year of it, was that other vision of the overthrow of the Persian state: & how deeply the people of God should be exercised by the Gracian succeeding: especially, by an ungracious Imp in the latter part of it. And the comfort they had in this, was, that it pleased God so familiarly to deal with one of themselves: and that by him, both they were fore-warned of those their troubles; and were assured withal, that God would be avenged on those that should so trouble them. That one that went immediately before he was to leese his kingdom & life together, was that hand-writing seen on the wall, that made the King and all his company astonied at it, even in the midst of that great feasting of theirs, whereby the imminent ruin of that present State was denounced unto them: and none but Daniel was able to expound that same unto them; for which likewise he was then rewarded with special honor. Both which in all reason must make that little time of their captivity much more easy unto them, than otherwise it was likely to have done.

4 The time of their Captivity being now in a manner expired, the end of Balthasars [ A] reign closing up the time of the Babylonian State, and almost the full term of the seventy years of their Captivity, we are to consider, in what sort it pleased God to work their deliverance, so that having accomplished the time of their Captivity, they might return to their Country again. To that end it pleased God, first to make a way unto it: then, to perform the thing it self. To make a way unto it, he would first abolish the State that then stood: and then set up another in steed thereof. The State that then stood, was that mighty State of Babylon, as we have seen already: and for it, we may do well to consider, not only that it was removed, but some pointes also of the manner of it. In that it was removed, they having before made such havoc of the people of God as they had, and yet holding them in subjection: we also may have good hope to see this Babylon of ours, which hath so imbrued it self in the blood of God's Seruaunts, and yet keepeth many of them Captiue still, in his good time to be removed, that his people may again return; and not only the main body of it, but the several arms and branches withal, that, according to their power, do yet keep some of the people [ B] of God in captivity, as Princes their Subjects, Parents their Children, Masters their Servants, and Land-Lord's their Tenants. That with us also, every depth be filled up, every height brought low, all crooked and intricate turnings be made straight, and all rough ways be made very plain, that the people may have so ready a way to return, that it may be evident to all, that GOD doth now deliver his people, to his glory: and that though the power or glory of some of them in particular may yet be great; yet that it shall soon show it self but as the Flower of the Fielde, even melting away, by that breath of the LORD that now cometh on it. In the manner of it we may note, that they were surprised in the midst of their jollity: and, as they were profanely abusing those holy vessels. And so the enemies of the Gospel may be in their jollity, set upon mischief, doubting no perrils, casting no dangers, but making merry, and accounting all their own sure enough: and yet even then also have their destruction to rush in upon them, when they do least fear it; and when they have accounted themselves the farthest from it. In that it came upon them when they were profanely abusing those holy vessels, it may be a warning to so many of us as yet with-hold such maintenance or livings of the Ministry, as by right are due unto them, and both they and the people have need of, to God's glory, and their own souls health: that we also are liable to the self-same judgments; and that, if we have them not now, there be heavier that abide us hereafter. That other that he did then set up in steed of that which thus he abolished, was of the Medes and the Persians: the Medes being of greater reckoning before, but the Persians growing to be the mightier now; and at this time both concurring, or uniting themselves together. Who when they came in place, did indeed (not long after) give the people leave to return, and very good help thereunto besides; yet not in such sort, but that first there were some difficulties, of the people of God to be devoured: having certain story of some that befell unto Daniel; and of others that it seemeth many of the people beside conceived. Those that besell unto Daniel, we find to be two: one, his casting into the Lions den; the other, that their deliverance came not so readily, but that he was fain first to pray for it. That he was cast into the Den of Lions, is recorded before that other of his praying, and allotted to the reign of Darius: and so it may well be, that it was soon after the Medes and Persians came to the kingdom; and that finding Daniel in special place then, and (it may be) hearing of his worth before, the new King did now think good to use him in such place of credit in his affairs also, and thought to advance him farther too. Wherein it shall be good [ C] to mark, how it pleased God to deal with him, that so we may be better warned as touching our selves. It pleased God so to deal with him, that first he brought him into great danger: and then did send him great deliverance. He was brought into that danger, nothing at all of his own default: but altogether by certain others. Himself held so good a course in all his ways, that when the great men of the Medes and Persians (belike on envy of the great place the King had given him, especially, he being but a stranger and a captive among them) would gladly have found some fault with him, yet could they find none at all in any of all his ways whatsoever: so that they were fain to make their quarrel, and to ground their accusation upon the exercise of his Religion, in that as it seemeth, they had noted him diverse times, in his own chamber, to make his supplications and prayers to God; as the godlier sort in all ages, as occasions are at any time offered, have now and then used to do. But upon this ground they went to the King, and obtained such a decree or law to be enacted by him, as unwitting to the King might entangle the life of Daniel: and so stiffly did urge the execution of it when they had obtained it, that Daniel was cast in the den of the Lions, though the King himself would fain have delivered him. As touching which one point, that the King would have delivered him if he might (which he might not do for that the Laws of the Medes & Persians were such, as that no decree confirmed by the King might be altered) it is good to note, that although it be good and needful for all states generally, that the Laws they have made be well observed: yet is it both good & needful likewise, that there be a power reserved to dispense therewith, so oft as the letter of the Law may entangle, such as the Law-makers did not mean, and are not within the • quity of it; and that there is none so meet with whom •• leave that special power, as the King himself, or such as are in Sovereign place. The deliverance that in this case God did send him, was, that he was extraordinarily preserved from the mouths of the Lions; and his adversaries with their Children and Wives, cast-in i • his s • e • de • belike to teach this new people, who were so lately come to the fruition of this state; what manner of God he was whom that people professed, how able and •• ndf • l he was, both to preserve those that served him, and to punnish those that opposed themselves against them; as also the king himself did so take it, and both warned others of it, and thenceforward accordingly esteemed of Daniel. That their deliverance came not so readily, but that Daniel was fain to pray for it, we are first to consider, how that appeareth: then, what our selves are to gather out of it. It doth sufficiently appear, for that the Medes and Persians were then fully possessed of Babylon, and of the whole State thereunto appertaining: [ D] and yet did it not so readily come in then, but that Daniel, though but in the self-same year, in great heaviness addressed himself to prayer about it, even with fasting Sack-cloth, and Ashes. As also it is noted by one that is praecise in calculating the time, out of Herodotus, that this their getting of Babylon, was in the spring time of the year (who likewise supposeth that Daniel's Prayer was about their Feast of Passover: and setteth down their gaining of Babylon, and their license to depart in two several years of the world; one, in 3603. the other in 3604.) and we have no time mentioned in the Text it self, of any sooner aryuall of theirs in their Country, but a little before the seventh month of the year; as also there be some circumstances there, that do most import, that then they were but newly come thither. That which out of it we are to gather, is some part of it of that time present: but some part again of the time ensuing. That which is of that time present, is, both that Princes (though other-wise good) are but seldom in such things so forward as were to be wished: and that for such things as God hath promised and meaneth to give us, nevertheless he doth not make such hast therein, but that he leaveth us time to seek to him for them, and occasioneth us so to do. That which is of the time ensuing, is out of the answer that Daniel had on that his prayer: wherein though he had certain comforts given, yet both those comforts were not in so plain speeches delivered unto him, but that it was some-what hard▪ to understand them (and so are they yet, even to these days also;) and he might (even at the first sight) see, that much more trouble did yet abide them. Belike, a resolved course with God, for all his people; ever, in this Worlde, to be under the cross, that so he may do them the more good in the Worlde to come: and that it may never (lightly) be sufficient for the Children, that their Fathers had suffered much; but that, as they also were his people, one way or other they should drink of the same cup, that so they might be partakers with them in glory. For therein we may plainly and undoubtedly see (and yet not entering into any particulars of it, but leaving them to others, that have better helps, to be by them decided, as indeed there is great variety of men's judgments therein) that now this people, for whom Daniel was so careful to have them restored home again, were not any long time after to stand or to be a people: but that whatsoever promises they had of GOD, to themselves and their State, their promises and praerogatiues, were now very shortly all at an ende. In Queen Mary's time, when Images came in requaest again, and a Carver was busily occupied in repairing some that in King Edward's time had been some-what defaced, as making new Noses to such as had their former stricken off [ E] before, one espying how he was occupied (one, that her self detested Idolatry, and belike had some knowledge, as it pleased God: for other-wise she was but a simple Woman, but ready and bold in the cause of Religion, that their date then was but short) gave the caruer plainly to understand, & in the way of ascoffe, as that case required, that he was very fondly occupied, in making new Noses to those, that shortly after should loose their heads. The matter that now we have in hand is of much greater importance: but that taunt of the woman, may some-thing open a readier way to the understanding of this matter also. For Daniel, we may plainly see, by the earnestness of his prayer, that he was very careful for them, and by the occasion he took unto it, that it was for that distressed people, and for the desolation of the Citty that had so notable promises, and nevertheless was so desolate now; wishing now return to the people, and the building again of Jerusalem: and so goeth it directly unto the matter, that GOD doth give him to understand, that the people and Citty for whom he was so careful, were not such as he s 〈…〉 ed thereby to conceive them to be; but that for their great unthankfulness, when GOD shortly after should perform the rest of his promised favors unto them, should come to a final and pittyfull end. To which ende also it is not amiss to mark, that it is not delivered unto him, as to go and wame the people thereof, least those heavy judgments come upon them: but a thing already determined and impatred to him as a secret, and for the special favor that God did bear him. The order the Angel observeth therein, is first that he doth it but generally: only showing, that then there was but a short time wherein God would dispatch whatsoever he had to do with them, & not seeming to talk of years but of weeks, so to note the time to be short, but yet that God would afford them the time that he spake of in very good measure. Then more specially, that although they now returned, yet would it be long before they should attain to have any good estate among them: and that when they had attained thereto, yet should they have many troubles withal; and when it had so stood but a short time to speak of, then should it suddenly, and, as it were, in a moment rush down at once, never to be set up or repaired again. That there were other difficulties also, which it seemeth, were conceived of the people, may probably be gathered, for that by the Story of Ester following, where we have mention of so many of the Jews there remaining still, when nevertheless they had free leave to return: they belike seeing some reason to move them, not to be so forward yet, and thereupon staying behind as they did. It may well be, and is most likely, that for most of them it was no more but worldly respects that did so stay them: but it may likewise be, for many of them, that they saw (as they thought) just cause to doubt, that it was no wisdom yet to be doing.

5 To perform the thing it self unto them, it pleased him so to work in the [ A] hearts of those to whom it appertained, that soon after it was effected. Those to whom it appertained, were first those that were in Babylon, to whom as yet they were in subjection: then the Jews or people of God that were now to be delivered. Those that were in Babylon, to whom the people were yet in subjection, were first (as their Story in this, doth occasion us to consider) King Cyrus himself: then, certain of his people besides. Betwixt these the matter proceeded, as it were by two degrees: and so are we to consider what was done, first in the former; then also, in the latter of them. In the former of them King Cyrus himself, soon after that he came to the Crown, by open Proclamation first acknowledging the goodness of God towards him, and the charge that he had given him to build him an House in Jerusalem: both giveth free liberty to the Jews to return (so many as would) there to build the House of the Lord; and besides willeth his own people among whom they dwelt, to be helping unto them. That which heereuppon was done by the people of God, was, that the chief Fathers, and the Priests and Levites, together with all such of the people, as whose spirit God had moved thereunto, assembled themselves together to make their return, according to the license or leave that now was given them. This mercy hath God in this present age, vouchsafed likewise to many of us, that we may return (to the free professiō of the truth in Christ) again if we will: and so ought we to address our selves again to return: as also those do, in some kind of measure, to whom it hath pleased GOD to vouchsafe them such mercy, as effectually to move their hearts unto it. In the latter of them we may see the readynesse of the Jews herein to be well required, and encouraged withal to proceed: first by the people among whom they dwelt; then also, by king Cyrus himself. The people among whom they dwelt, bestowed liberally upon them towards their journey: and, as it seemeth, sent with them besides; a free-will offering, towards the work that they had in hand, the rearing up of that Temple to God. A special good token of the favor and goodness of God towards them, that so did frame the hearts of their enemies, to be helping so well to themselves and their business: whereas we are but seldom able, to obtain the like of out friends, that are of the same profession with us. King Cyrus himself did likewise bring forth and deliver unto them, all the rich Plate at the Temple of God at Jerusalem, which Nebucadnezzer had taken thence long before, which he also and the other Kings that followed had hitherto kept and used as their own; even five thousand [ B] and four hundred parcels of them (we have else-where set down threescore and nine moe) massy and fair, being such, we may conceive, so nere as they could, as Solomon had made to the use of the Temple, and he made them in his great abundance, in the glory, and to the glory of that great and glorious Kingdom of his) and all of them either of Gold or of Silver. Which Story is, as it seemeth to me, of very rare and special note, first if we look no farther but only unto Cyrus therein: but then especially, if in it we cast our eyes unto God. If we look but unto Cyrus therein, soon may we find, that as he was but a natural man, he might easily conceive, that as the case now stood with him, he had more reason still to keep them, than so to part with them. For himself never took them thence; but one of his praedecessors long before: and he might easily come to the knowledge of this, that for the sin of the people God had given them, and all that they had into his hands; so that he was but God's executioner therein, and that in duty he was to do him that service, and might lawfully take, to his own use, all the spoil of them. Being also so rich a booty as they were, so fair an ornament unto his State, and so needful an help (if need should be) to further his wars, there was sufficient ground or warrant, for a natural man, still to have kept them: and no way at all, to escape the note of unadvised dealing, withal his States-men that were about him, so easily to part with such a booty, so arising or coming as that did to him. Again, if himself were disposed there-with to furnish the Temple of God at Jerusalem, yet what need he to be so forward when yet there was no Temple built, nor yet in building: and, though it were built, and the same very stately too, and were magnificent; yet that even the best wisdom of natural men, and such as are but mere Politicians, might easily resolve, that half of those parcels, or a much less part, might easily serve them. Whereunto, if such as might seem to have a care of Religion, and of the advancement of it, as much as any, should put in their vie, that Religion needed not those earthly ornaments, and that they might make the teachers of it to forget themselves, or to degenerate, in what perplexity might we conceive this King would have been, if he had been anything doubtful before? But he was resolute, and heroical too: and accordingly carried himself in all that action. God, indeed, had made him great; and that he confesseth: but we understand of no farther charge that he had for this matter (at least, that himself doth take with) but only that he was to build him a Temple in Jerusalem. So it may be, he needed not [ C] at all to go any farther: and seeing there was not such use of those things yet, he had no great cause so soon to have sent them. If in it we cast our eyes unto God, seeing that this doing of Cyrus is so much ascribed unto the Lord as it is, out of it we may gather, that it was of the Lord, that howsoever God before had given the people themselves, and those holy implements, unto those Monarkes of Babylon; yet now he would have all returned home again, not only the people themselves, but those holy vessels withal; and that God did not direct Cyrus now, seeing they had so long had them, therefore to keep them still; much less, to make some part to serve them. When the Spirit of God doth in such case move any of us, then be we sure, that all such things must ever be carried in more honorable manner, and much more agreeably to the rule of equity, than otherwise our selves should think that we needed to do. Our selves have had, and yet have, in this our age ours, a case much like. Monasteries and Chanteries had gotten away, almost all those holy Vessels, from most of our Churches, all Christendom over; and namely, in this Land of ou •• : I mean; that ancient, due, and needful maintenance unto the Ministry; such as God himself appointed to his people of old. The sins of the people had (no doubt) so first deserved: and so did God in his just judgments, then give them to others. But when those houses had filled the measure of their sin also, then did God strengthen the lawful Magistrate, of long time unable to deal with them before, to look into their doings, and to with-draw from them again, what God was content they enjoyed before, and to that time held▪ to the just chastisement of us his people▪ and they; according as God hath enabled them, have with-drawn those things from them indeed. But whereas Cyrus did not only be ••• ue those Babylonians of them, but forth-with sent them away to Jerusalem, herein most of the Princes of Christendom have not yet attained unto the pitch of his example. In this Realm of ours it pleased God to raise up a notable Cyrus for the first part of it with great power, and terror to them all, he wrested them out of the hands of those Babylonians of ours; but then, the Nobility and Commons thinking good to bestow them on him, to the use of the whole, he also thought good so to take them. Wherein if in his own conscience he had found he had done amiss, or at least not so well as he might have done, to the glory of God & good of the people, he had time enough after to have bettered his course therein. His son succeeded; but under age: yet in those tender years of singular hope. But those that sat at the stern then, seemed to have taken (for diverse of thē) such sweetness in those they had gotten before, that [ D] they seemed rather to cast in their heads how to get mo, than how to return those again that once they had gotten. This held but a while; God himself soon taking away the ground that they stood on, when they did make it so to serve them: and it may be, that even it was as great a cause as any other, that so soon we lost so great a comfort. Of that line we had another then next following, who made towards it marvelous well; elder in years, but latter by sex: such a Princesse, as excepting but two things only, all true subjects might to their comfort have well enjoyed. But even in those also she might be held somewhat excused: being, as she was, brought up in the one; and near allied unto the other. But for the matter we speak of, she readily gave so good an example in her kind, that I know not yet to be matched by any, and may prove to to be a condemnation to many. Since that we had another of the same, a very rare Jewel indeed, whom also it pleased God to bless (for above his endowments of her, though those also were very great) with long continuance and great success: but then were we so far from going forward with that good work to our hands begun, that even then it was brought clean back again; and a way left open to many (that would) to proceed farther therein, so oft as such opportunity should be offered, as themselves thought good to work by. So it hath pleased God to make an end of that line, and •• w hath begun on another next unto it: and God every bless the purpose it self, with the instruments and means whereby it pleaseth him to work. Otherwise notable Princes no doubt we may have; furnished also with men of great depth for wisdom and learning: and yet our sins may justly deserve, that this example of Cyrus be nothing near followed of them; nor so much as found by many of them, that it were to be followed.

6 That which the Jews hereupon did, was, that as before they were setting [ A] in hand with their journey: so now, being better holpen and encouraged unto it, than in likelihood might be expected, they do more readily betake themselves unto it. And so they returned, to the number of two and forty thousand, three hundred and threescore persons: then also having among them, of men-servants and maid-servants, seven thousand, three hundred, thirty and seven. At which time it seemeth they brought cattle with them also to stock their grounds, both great [ B] and small, because the King had willed his people to help them with cattle; and we read that the people so did: but we have no Story but of such as were for burden. But of such sortes we read, that they had Horses, seven hundred, six and thirty; Mules, two hundred forty five; Camels, four hundred, thirty and five; Asses, six thousand, seven hundred and twenty. There is in these places of Esdras alleged some little odds in the numbers recited: but these are to be over-ruled by the other. As for the other, that Darius sent those forces with them to safe conduct them home, and sent them in so favorable & comfortable manner with instruments of Music, not as captives, but as beloved and special friends, as unto a wedding because there is nothing against it, & is not (in the nature of it) a thing unlikely, we may probably conceive, that so it might be indeed. But sure it is, that their term being now expired, Babylon was no longer-able to keep them: they might with good will part with them, as cheap as with ill. Part with them they must, whether they would or not. And then as Laban at least pretended, that he would have sent Jacob home with melody also, had he made him privy to his departure: so it may be that these now did, when they saw they could keep them no longer. Which if we mark we may find to be verryfied in these days also: first, in that that now they returned, very plainly; then partly likewise, in that manner of it. For as it could not be withstood then, but that they returned, when the time was come that God had appointed: so do we see it now in these days of the Gospel, that whereas we have long been in captivity under the power of darkness, spreading it self upon us, from the corrupt and decayed estate of the Church of Rome, not seventy years only, but even seventy times seven years, and those in just and full measure (for, for the space of five hundred years, now not long since accomplished, they have in a manner taken their pleasure all Christendom over, though nevertheless at no time to speak of, at least in no age withour resistance) our return unto the truth of the Gospel again is already begun, and daily enlarged, yea and comfortably advanced too. Daniel and his three fellows were highly advanced in that estate of Babylon before; Nabuchad-nezzar himself abased towards the end of his reign, for seven years together; Iehoiachin or Iechoniah (the captive King of the Jews) let out of prison by Euil merodak, and in special great favor with him; and Daniel again, in the reign of Balthasar was in that reckoning, that he was vouchsafed the palace of Susan, and there [ C] employed in the Kings businesie: and yet none of these, nor altogether, by any force or favor they had, could at any time work their deliverance before. But now, when the appointed time was come, it was not those mighty Monarks of Babylon, that were able to keep them; nor able so much as to help themselves neither: they were from heaven proclaimed before, to be but grass, and the glory of them, to be but as the flower of the field; and no more able, in all their power, in that day to stand, that God in his secret purpose appointed for them, than the flower against a sharp nipping wind. We also have had, all Christendom over, at times, here and there, and namely in this land of ours, many notable Princes, godly and great learned men, who a man might think, had been able, long before this to have delivered themselves and their people, from that Babylonish captivity of theirs wherein they were; as also attempts sometimes have been made: but the time was not then come, and so they could not; and so were they fain to lie down again under the Altar, and patiently to await, till the number of their brethren were accomplished with them. In these days of ours, God hath so well begun our deliverance already, that thereby we may probably conceive, that now he doth mean to go forward with it, and not to break of till he have done it. Himself hath told us, that after those evil and heavy days, when the Sun should be darkened, and the Moon loose her light, and that there should be of the stars th •• should fall from heaven (all which things are plainly done, in that power of darkness that late reigned over us) he would then send his Angels (which also may be his servants in the Ministry of the word) with a great sound of a trump (and the Gospel is now in great measure delivered unto us) to gather together his elect from where they were scattered under the Heaven. Saint Paul doeth tell us, that the second coming of Christ should not be, till there were a departing first; and, that it should be in the Temple or Church of God: but then that he by whom it should come, should be revealed, and consumed with the spirit of his mouth, or, as it is commonly termed, by the preaching of the Gospel. In the Revelation it is plain (besides many things else concurting therewith) that the illuminating or lightning of the earth going before, the utter ruin or fall of Babylon followeth immediately after. Which [ D] course also seeing himself hath hitherto held, we may well hope, that he will not vary now. When he did set in hand with the deliverance of his people out of their bondage in Egypt, after that once he began to do it, and did not leave of till he had done it. Moses did seem to make towards it before, conceiving his brethren would have understood, that God by his hands would give them deliverance; and thereupon (it seemeth) left the Court, and offered himself so far to his brethren as then he did: but God would not that way do it, nor at that time neither; and so it did not prosper with him. The Egyptians also, when once they were gone, and before they got out of their Dominions, when as likewise (as the case stood then) it seemed to be a most easy matter to get them again, made after them a-pace with main force, and endeavored the best that they could, to bring them back unto their former bondage: but they had had their time of them before, and they had used them then as themselves thought good; and never might they look to have them again. Themselves they might overthrow in the Sea; and so they did: but they must bid the people of God a due forever. The Babylonians did not use (that we read of) so hard measure towards their captives the Jews: but God indeed changed the suit, and set others in their rooms. Had they stood: yet the date of the Jews was out; and were not there to be kept any longer. Our Babylonians are of a stiffer kind: still would they keep such as they have; and get again those that are gone. They make after a-pace, so oft as they may; and mightily threaten, as though whatsoever they would, they could: but we know, that the Sea of their power is ebbing already; so that flash in they may, but then must those waves of theirs suck-up, and ever sink-in, or settle downward more and more. While they were to be flowing, there was no power to hold them out, but that needs they must come to their height: they are to ebb now; and there is no power can keep them in, but that needs they must hence away to their depth.

CHAP. 20.

1 IN what case they afterward stood until the coming of Jesus Christ, being now to be seen, it shall be good not only to search [ A] out what that estate of theirs was: but also to enter into some consideration withal, how to resolve our selves, as touching certain doubts which out of the same may arise unto us. Searching out, [ B] what that estate of theirs was, it shall be good likewise, that here again we consider, first but generally thereof: then, that we come more specially unto it. Generally it is no more but this, that still they were in subjection to others. For though now they were sent home from Babylon, yet were they still to be in subjection to those that did deliver them from thence: and so, to pay them tribute; and to hold their allegiance to them. When afterward also it pleased God to pull down any of those States that for a time bare sway in the world, and to set up others in their room, then were they also to atturne (as it were) unto them, and to be in allegiance to them. So, this people of God themselves, albeit they had that praerogatiue, that they were the only people of God: yet never were they vouchsafed that earthly favor (in all this time that now we speak of) that they should grow to be a mighty State over others (as diverse there were, in this time that now we are in) but that others should have that preeminence, and these should be in subjection unto them. So may we be the people and children of God; and so out of question, very dear unto him: and yet never be vouchsafed such earthly favor, as others are. Which consideration some-times hath sitten so hard to diverse, that they have been much dismayed at it: for which cause it is so much more needful that it be we well digested of us; least we also thereupon doubt of his favor towards us. God meaning those that are his indeed, much better things than are these matters here, he therefore bestoweth these upon others, but ever reserveth the better things to those that are his. Highness of mind, such as ariseth from the corruption of our nature, is that which maketh us so to press unto praeheminence: but that is to be abased and humility to be planted in steed thereof. Another highness of mind there is, unfeignedly joined to humility here, which descending from above, maketh small reckoning of those things that are beneath: and so teacheth those with whom it lodgeth, not much to care in how mean estate they are here; but to set their most affections on those better things that are promised there.

2 More specially it seemeth needful here, that first we consider, somewhat of [ A] the compass of time that this Story doth lie in: then, of the estate of the people therein. The compass of time that this Story doth lie in, is not so plainly set down in the Text, but that the learned do yet vary about it: and it would ask a special Treatice, to beat out the likelier opinion of them. Which because the course that now we are in, doth not allow, therefore it shall be to our purpose sufficient, but only [ B] to consider of the Story, and of such time as we noted therein: especially seeing we make no question, but that so much only is sufficient for us, as it hath pleased God to leave us. As touching the estate of the people therein, we find, that for the most part of that time, we have it set down by the word of God, and in the way of History, as for other matters besides: but, for the residue of it, but by the way of Prophecy, and the same very briefly too. While we have it set by the way of History, whereas but part of the people now returned, and many of them yet tarried behind, we have some Story of both sortes of them: first of those that now returned; then, of those that yet tarried behind. As touching those that now returned, their Story first noteth in what estate or case they were generally: then doth it deliver unto us, one special employment of theirs besides. Generally no more but this, that they had under them both the freedom of their Religion and Laws; and a Deputy or Governor, one of themselves: but yet that they were in subjection unto them, and did pay them tribute withal. That one special employment of theirs, was the reedifying or building again of the House of God. In the Story of which we have delivered unto us, first how themselves were occupied about it: then, how it pleased God, in the end to finish it. Themselves were so occupied about it, that they did for a time marvelous well; but nothing so commendable, a little after. For, when first they came home, we read of diverse things very well done, both of certain of the chief among them: and of all the whole company too. Certain of the chief among them gave towards the building of the House of God, of their own accord, threescore and one thousand drams of Gold, five thousand pieces of Silver, and an hundred Garments for the Priests to use in their ministration: the sum of which Gold and Silver that so they did so willingly give, being accounted, in our Coine, to amount to somewhat above fourscore and fourteen thousand, four hundred fourscore and thirteen pounds; a notable contribution, if we mark, in respect of those that gave it. For they were but newly come out of captivity: and men are not wont to let those that are of that sort, to grow to any special wealth among them: and whereas they were, besides their servants, but a few above two and forty thousand, this came to above forty shillings a piece, one with another. An example to be marked of us so much the more, for that it seemeth it would be hard to match it with any such liberality of the greater sort among us: though we also have now these many years had in hand the building up of God's House among us again. Many of the greater sort among us, it may be, we might find, and too too many of the meaner [ C] too, who one way or other have possessed themselves of many of those things that should go to the setting up of the house of God among us, or at least were needful for it: but for any such liberality we are so defective, that it may be very well doubted, we have no great meaning to get up that building. Of all the whole company of them there are good things noted likewise, both of their present devotion towards God: and of the care they had too, of the business or work they had in hand. As touching their present devotion then towards God, it is noted, that against the seventh month the first of their festival times, it seemeth, they had, after that now they were returned, they all came together to Jerusalem, made ready the Altar, offered thereon in very good mannner, and kept withal the feast of Tabernacles according as by the law was appointed: and though it seemeth it was the fear of the people among whom they were, that much quickened up their devotion now; yet seemeth it likewise, that with good courage they did perform it, though the people of the Country did seek to trouble them much therein. As touching the business they had in hand, then also they gave money, and made provision, that so they might set in hand with the work so soon as might be: and in the second month of the next year, they began the work it self, laying the foundation and building thereon; joining withal, in very good manner, giving of thanks and praises to God. At which time there fell out among them an accident very strange, till it be seen what reason it had. For when they had laid the foundation, and reared up some building theron, as it was a joyful sight to most of the company, who shouted so for the joy they conceived, that far off it was heard: so was it likewise so sorrowful a sight to diverse of the company, such as were of the most ancient of them, who had seen the former Temple, out-lived the Captivity, and were now come home again, that they wept a-pace for sorrow, to see that this was never like to come near to the former; and the cry of these (many of the others no doubt now joining with them, for the reverence of their years and place among them) was likewise so great, that it could not be discerned, whether the noise of their mirth, or sorrow were greater. We also have had many years now, the house of God rearing up among us: but so very unlikely ever to come to that beauty that were to be wished, for that the maintenance thereof is so strongly withheld by many; and that which remaineth, so hauked in still more and more, that although [ D] many rejoice for that which is already done (and good cause have we, God be thanked, so to do) yet many of the godlier and wiser sort, who see well enough that this kind of building will never grow to any such beauty, as great reason it were it should, and can rightly decipher whereunto such glorious shows as sometimes we have do closely tend, do heartily sorrow, to see it so entangled in a kind of fatal necessity, that they can never look to see it out of the briers. But God be thanked, that whether we rejoice for that which is already done, or whether we sorrow for that which wanteth and is like to want still, all is on behalf of the Church of God. For we have certain others among us, that have herein no sorrow at all, but to see the house of God advanced among us so much as it is: nor any joy, but to see it rise up so slowly as it doth, & not likely neither to make better speed. That they did nothing so commendably a little after, was that they grew cold and slack in this their business: which notwithstanding we do not find in the story, in that compass of time that now we are in, namely, soon after they were returned; but yet are assured that so it was, because the Prophet Agg •• s or Haggay doeth afterward from the lord so charge them. But that we do not lay anymore to their charge than justly we may, we must withal confess, that indeed they had some occasion given that they went not forward: but yet not such, as for all that time might hold them excused. The occasion they had, that they went not forward with the building that they began, was for the fore-part of the time but easy: but stronger after. While the occasion was but easy, nevertheless it seemeth, they suffered themselves to be very long hindered thereby, even threescore and ten years, or thereabout. For as yet I see not the time so cleared by the Learned themselves, that we may safely set down the certainty of it: as neither the Text it self doth tell us (as a matter belike that the wisdom of God did not think so needful for us) what time it was that they left 〈◊〉 building. But seeing it seemeth to be so long an intermission as now we have 〈◊〉 , it shall be good, that so much the rather we do consider, both of the occasion they h •• de unto it; and of their fault that thereon they made: that so we may ( • o our own instruction) more distinctly see, first, how far they were occasioned to surcease from that their buisinesse; then, how far we may account they offended therein: They were occasioned to surcease from their business, but more easily (as I said) at the first: but after, more strongly. When they were but easily hindered we are again to consider, first what the same hindrance was: then, what use the Jews made of it unto themselves. The hindrance that they had, was by certain neighbors of theirs near [ E] unto them, those mungrel -Israelites that we spake of before: the people that Salmanasor brought out of his own countries, and placed in the cities of Israel; taking away those that were left of the Israelites in deed, and placing those in certain cities of his. These, as we heard had the hand of God in such sort upon them at their first inhabiting there, that thereby they were brought to the fear and worship of the Lord: but yet not so fully not so sincerely, but that they worshipped then wonted Idols withal. The business that these did make to the Jews, was first as friends: but then, as enemies. As friends, they came unto them offering themselves to help to build with them, as being of the same profession for Religion that the Jews were of: themselves belike seeing no ods, but that seeing they worshipped after a sort the Lord too, their profession was as good as the profession of the others, though they worshipped their wonted Idols besides. And we have diverse such among us also, professing Christianity, but mingling their Idol-worshipping withal (though, it may be, not altogether in so a high degree as those others, and yet in effect not far of from them) who nevertheless themselves will not seem to see but that they are as good Christians as any, yea and the only Catholics all Christendom over. But the people of GOD were wise enough, for them, and so gave them their answer accordingly: namely, that they had nothing to do in that business, but that it was to them the Jews only committed; and so that themselves only would accordingly do it. Apoynte of wisdom and resolute dealing that hath been long over-much wanting with us, allowing those mongrel-Christians of ours to bear over-great sway in the Common-wealth among us, being now as it is so worthy a member of the house or Church of God. For woe worth the building, that they would have built: it would soon have been seen, what kind of building theirs would have been. For so are we sure, by plain experience, that ours have done. Being once allowed to bear any sway, in Court or Country, on Bench, or at Barre, the truth of the Gospel, and the better professors of it, were ever sure, if they came in their way, to have the shrewdest nip that they could give them. God ever keep them from the Counsel-Table: it is not to say, how wonderful much mis-chief they might do there. When these good Catholics saw themselves so plainly deciphered, and could not that way attain to any part of their desire, then did they not stick to show [ F] themselves as thty were indeed, themselves pulling of their visards then, and showing themselves to be plain enemies, that seemed to be such friends before: and that which they did, first by themselves; then also, by others. By themselves, they so terrified and discouraged the builders, and so troubled them in their business, that the building of the Temple was thereby very much hindered. As we also have seen by our companions of that rank, that when they might not themselves have been fingering as they thought good, then would they be so troublesome unto them one way or other, and cast in their way such terrors withal, as that thereby our building also hath thrived but ill, in comparison of that which otherwise it might have done. By others they did it, first by hiering Counselors against them: then, by seeking to weigh the King himself to their bent also. That they hired Counselors against them, it was that they should be a means to hinder the building: themselves belike seeing, that they did hinder it nothing so much, as their good Catholic hearts desired; and therefore seeking unto those others, that (they knew well enough) could give it a deadlyer gripe than they. And let Princes have any such about them, we need not to doubt, but that our Catholics too, will be sure to wage them: and the Gospel may beshrewe their unhappy Pates, that have spied that advantage so much as they have. To weigh the King to their bent also, it seemeth, that first themselves did write: then, that they got the Governors of those partes to do the like. For first it is said, that themselves wrote an accusation against the Inhabitants of Judah, and of Jerusalem: then it followeth immediately after, that the Governors of those partes did also write against them. Of that which is attributed unto themselves, we have no more said, but only that they wrote to the King against them: but the other is set down at large; and is indeed a grievous letter against them. Of the former, though there be no more said in particular: yet, as the effect thereof is set down unto us, it implieth matter enough against them, and that they spared not any particulars that might seem to make for their purpose. But in the other, the Governors of those Countries, do so charge that Citty with rebellion and troublesomnesse to Kings and Princes before, and put the King in such fear of leesing all his Dominions there, if that Citty get up again; and so refer themselves to the ancient records therein, that they readily [ G] obtain inhibition to stay it: and when they have gotten it, do as readily speed themselves to Jerusalem, to compel the Jews to stay their building; and so the work now for long time ceaseth.

3 The Jews, being thus far occasioned, did now give over (we may may easily conceive) at least for a time, their building there. But if we mark, [ A] we read of no inhibition till now; and this seemeth to be much longer since they returned, than divers do take it: and then had they time enough, to have finished their work long before this. Whereas therefore the Prophet doth charge them, that they had lingered in their business; and for that cause it was, that God had sent him a Famine among them: hence we are very probably directed to gather, that first they had a long time lingered; then, that they were forbidden besides. Which is so much the rather to be considered, that we charge them no farther than justly we may. So it seemeth, that that charge of the Prophet after, appertaineth but only to that time, when as yet they were not by Sovereign authority forbidden to build: and that then it was, that they so busily went about their own private; and accounted it no time as yet, to build on forward the house of the Lord. A matter, so much the rather to be considered, first, for the better avoiding of one piece of danger that is in our way here: then for certain other general doctrines besides. That one piece of danger that is in our way here, is a note in some of our Bybles that may seem to import, that although Sovereign authority did forbid them to go any farther yet in their building; nevertheless being willed by their Prophets still to be doing, it was their partes in that case, rather to disobey their King than their Prophets. Indeed it followeth immediately after, that a couple of Prophets did encourage them to be doing: and that accordingly they did then set in hand with their business again. But that is another Chapter, though next to it ensuing, and so not necessary to be understood of the time that is spoken of in the Chapter before; as also we have in the Text it self diverse good reasons that do other-wise direct us to take it: both in these two Chapters that now we are in; and in the Story of those Prophets themselves that are spoken of here. In these two Chapters that now we are in we have two reasons, one, arising out of them both: the other, in the latter of them. That which ariseth out of them both, [ B] is, that neither we have the same King, nor those Governors in the one that we have in the other: as by conferring them together doth plainly appear. If there be not the same King in the latter that was in the former (as, though otherwise it be very plain, yet if there were no more but that alteration of Governors that there we find, even that only were sufficient to direct us to gather, that they were two several times that were spoken of here) then though the former did forbid them to build, yet had they no such cause to stay under the latter: especially, being then so called upon by those their Prophets as they were. That which ariseth out of the latter of them, is, that the time when those Prophets did encourage them to be doing, and they thereupon did return unto it again, was the same, when Tatnay and his Fellowes came to question with them about it to inform the King, which was Darius, and not Ahash • erosh or Art • sh • sht then. In the Story of the Prophets themselves it is plain, that it was in the days of a new King that they did prophecy▪ not in the days of Ahash • erosh or Art • sh • sht that did command their building to cease, but in the days of Darius succeeding; and not till the second year of his reign neither, and the sixth month of the same for the one, and the eyght for the other. In which time there might be some reasonable good knowledge had, whether he were like to incline to their favor or not: at least, when GOD was disposed to set these Prophets a-work, then could he frame the Kings heart also, to be correspondent thereunto. Which consideration of the variety of times and the reign of those Princes, might easily have shown, that such a note there could never seem to have any sufficient warrantice for it. But some, not other-wise evil, were then also, (it may seem) so possessed with that opinion, that people were so much to regard the Presbyteries, that in such things the Regal eminency was to yield unto it, that even that point of praeiudyce only, might make them the rather stumble at this: and so made themselves some-what bold, in such sort to lay down that note, as if men need not fear to take that from the one, and to give it unto the other. A point so per •• lous, that it might not in duty be omitted, but that others were to be warned of it. Those other general doctrines besides, that arise out of this, are two: one, appertaining to all; the other, to the greater sort chiefly. That which doth appertain to all, is of two principal branches: one, the notice of a special point of infirmity in us; the other, a course that God in such case, may be doubted, will take. That special point of infirmity in us that hence we may learn, is, how easily we slip (if we take not the better heed) our greater business, in respect of some less: and not only such as [ C] are but of ordinary or common temper therein; but even of the better sort too. For this people, when first they returned, did marvelous well: with great devotion they first worshipped God; and then for that their peculiar business, they liberally made provision for it, and readily set in hand with the work it self. And yet soon after we find they were very slack therein: and (it seemeth) a long time too. If a people for that time so forward and zealous, could nevertheless so soon fall off from it again, a great deal more are many of us in danger of it. If we inquire what it was that hindered them, we do not find them other-wise charged, but with that unseasonable regard of their own private: but that doth imply withal, that they had but a slender regard of the public; for that a special regard, both of the one and of the other, do never in any (or but very seldom) inhabit together. This may we easily see in all public good things whatsoever: but especially, as this case was, whensoever the house of God decayed, is to be reared up among us again. For then (say we) the time serveth not yet, that so we may with better color go about our private. Since the time it pleased God to vouchsafe us the Gospel, we had plain experience of it: then, being brought home again from the Captivity wherein we were; and, for a while, at the first beginning well. But then our proceedings (saving that still we upheld, what we had done at the first (were nothing so answerable to that beginginning as were to be wished. There was no time then (thought we) to proceed any farther: and yet before God, there was nothing at all, it seemeth, that hindered indeed (other things, I grant, might then be pretended) but only the immoderate love we had then to our private; but that may we see was thoroughly followed▪ by those that were in any place of such advantage. Of that which since hath been so busily followed to the use of the whole, more than in the days of those our elders th •• lived before, I grant there may be some doubt conceived, for that it might ever seem to be carried by a care of the public good of v • all: and so was •• indeed, so far as there was no more done, than for the defense, maintenance and honor of the State was needful to be. But if there were any needless burdens imposed on the lower, to raise up some needless helps to some higher (a doubt that in these our days lay not far of to be conceived) then was that public but private also. The course that in such case God useth to take, is, that when folk will not, they shall not: as here we may see he dealt with the Jews. For when as having such time as they had, they nevertheless were so easily hindered, that so they might the rather go about their private, God then so ordained, that they should be hindered indeed, [ D] which was by that inhibition given them. A general warning to us all, to take time when it pleaseth God to give it; else not to think much if he also take it from us again: and to have this circumspection, as in all things else, so especially in reedifying the Temple of God. We, in those days that lately we spake of, had indeed many rubs cast in the way: but if we mark, neither were they, till first our selves lingered; and, from that time forward, they did still increase upon us. So that slipping time when we might, hardly came it after so fitly again. God grant that yet, if so it may stand with the good pleasure of God, it may be ever taken as it ariseth. That which appertaineth to the greater sort chiefly, is, that the House of the Lord is not so easily repaired, as many it seemeth do think that it is. Cyrus, having given them leave, and some help unto it, and having done that in so good manner as indeed he had done, thought as it seemeth, that it would have served: himself would prosecute his good success to the enlarging of those his Dominions; and so he did. Himself acknowledged, that God had commanded him to build him an House in Jerusalem: and he implied a plain grant withal, that God had waged him already right well, to do it, having given him, as himself told us, all the Kingdoms of the earth. And he having done that which he did, belike he thought, that therein he had done as much as God would have looked for at his hands. But he was deceived: he was without question a notable Prince, and many good things we find in him; but he was not well acquainted (as yet) with God. He was but an Heathen man: and knew not how striktly God would look, that what he commanded, should with all diligence, and to the full, have been performed. He did not consider, that God commanding that unto him, did withal imply a Supersedeas to all things else, or Sequestration from them, till that were don: he thought God would be more easily answered; or that he might in the mean season prosecute those his other affairs, and greater too (as it seemeth he took them; and it is certain, that others do) and afterward do this at more laisure. But God would not be so dealt withal by him: seeing he no better did that which he should; he did soon cut him off from that which he would. God had given him so much glory already, that it was not for him now to look for any such augmentation thereof at the hands of him, whose glory in this so much he neglected: but rather to have resolved on this, and to have assured himself thereof, that herein advancing (the best that he could) the glory of him that had brought him thus far already, he should that way soonest have attained to all that glory, and those Dominions that yet abode him. But he leaving this the open and the readiest way, [ E] and that which was to him enjoined, he took another much more suitable to flesh and blood, and thereafter, in pitiful manner, perished in it. This might he have done, without any hazard at all of the blood of any, his own, or others (if not to the saving of very much which otherwise might be easily spilled:) that course that he took, could not be any way performed, but with much hazard of blood; and, as it fell out, there was very much blood-sheading about it. It was first indeed but the blood of others; but by and by after, even to the full, required with his: and that in dishonorable manner too, after that first the honor of God was so lightly regarded. A judgment of God of special moment, ever to be before the eyes of those that have charge: ever to account it their chief and principal business, to rear up an ho •• Temple to God, 〈…〉 of the 〈…〉 requiseth; and not to 〈◊〉 that anything else should 〈…〉 they have done, in some good 〈…〉 , their duty in th •• .

4. Having seen in what sort the 〈◊〉 themselves were occupied 〈◊〉 [ A] it 〈◊〉 that in effect they did •• better but 〈◊〉 therein, 〈◊〉 what the 〈◊〉 they had thereunto at the first, and how long a time, as it seemeth, they had unto it afterward (but so do we also in all good employments 〈…〉 that n • w we speak of) 〈…〉 God in the 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 it; 〈…〉 i • seemeth he did, first 〈…〉 people occasion again after the • e 〈…〉 ; then, •• very comfortable m •• ner, giving to his the victory of 〈…〉 were▪ occasion the Enemies, after their 〈…〉 to 〈…〉 against them by that special dealing that no • it pleased hi 〈…〉 people: first in the subs 〈…〉 also in the manner 〈◊〉 . The 〈…〉 that now in the reign of another King, he both s 〈…〉 his Prophets 〈…〉 them up, now again to be doing: and withal did 〈…〉 of the people • o do accordingly. The manner of it was, that it was not confusedly b 〈…〉 done, but in such order as most beseemed: the Prophets being so specially directed to two of the chief Rulers among the people; and they being the chief Leaders unto the rest. And so is it a good token that the Lord also dealeth with us, when he both calleth upon us by his Prophets, and moveth our he ••• es do there-after: and when this is likewise done, not in any con •• sed or praeposterous order, but according to this good pattern before us. For some-times it cometh to pass, that we have spirits among us, that pr • tending 〈…〉 nd reformation do nevertheless make but slendes account of their Superiors, though professors and maintainers of [ B] the Gospel too; but rather turn to the rude and in constant people, working with them as they are able, sometimes against those their superious, and very often vn witting unto them: and this ofttimes they do (for Satan is coming, and so can deal when he is disposed) with such a show and resemblance of true zeal indeed, that it is hard for many to find them, to be such as they art; being • o better (for many of them) than deceivers indeed, and such as seek to draw men into parties to their own advantage. For not only we are taught, in plain terms since, that they are praesumptuous, and stand in their own conceit, that despise government or speak evil of those that are in dignity; but of old likewise God so coupled all true devotion and zeal towards him, in the Ten Commandments so fast together, with the due honoring of Father and Mother, that though there were no more but that only to decyphe • their meaning and course that they hold, yet that only were ever sufficient whereby to know them: and not only those of the Popish crew; but all others also whatsoever. The Jews therefore did now no sooner, being thus stirred up, fall unto their business again, but that their enemies (not those that we heard of before, but all of a Feather) the Governors of those Countries now (but all these were Heathen, and knew not GOD, and were no Governors of theirs neither) were by and by with them, and would needs know of them, how it came to pass, that now again they would needs be building. But now, belike doubting, that the inclination of their new Prince was more favorable towards them, than they would have wished that it should have been, they deal with them accordingly, not so imperiously, nor so saucily as other-wise they would, (for that is the manner of all the Enemies of God and his people▪ to be too too malapert so long as they are backed with earthly helps; but other-wise to be, as therein they are of a base kind, as servile as may be;) but only asking whereupon they are afresh so building, and taking the names of the principal of them; so to terrify them the more, so far as they might. In the answer that the people do give them hereto it is good to mark, that they make no mention but only of that which made for them, the authority of Cyrus which they had to build; and never speak of the inhibition afterward given that might easily seem to make against them, though that also might well be answered by them, as becoming • o • d by the ••• th of him that gave it: so the rather to avoid (it may seem) needless contention and business with them; all of that kind being • uer ready to make Mountains of Mole-hills, so oft as they get never so little hold against [ C] them, or but only some very shaddow, where they fail of the body it self. The occasion being thus given and taken, and now being to see how comfortable manner it pleaseth God to give unto his the victory of them, that they we see that he plainly doth, first (if we mark) in the accusation or charge that was laid against them: then, in the process of the cause ensuing. In the accusation or charge that was laid against them we may note it, for that God doth so over-rule them that they 〈◊〉 but moderately in the cause: both with the people themselves that were building; and when they write to the King about it. For that they deal no 〈◊〉 with the Jews themselves, we are to conceive, that being of the kind they were of, so natural Enemyes to the people of God, and especially to the sincerity of their profession, there was some special hand of God in it that bridled them to that moderation. The like we may see when they write to the King, for that they did but plainly write of the case as it was, without any mingling of any bitterness or Gall against them: and very indifferently refer it unto him, whether it please him to cause search to be made whether any such grant was made them, or not; and what his pleasure was in that case to be done. Some way or other no doubt they were muzzeld, being so cursed things as they were, and yet did so little offer to bite. In the process of the cause ensuing the most of God's dealing was with those others: but some part of it likewise with the Jews. Those others were, the King himself, and those that (so far as it was) offered themselves against the Jews. The King, upon that letter of theirs causing search to be made, and finding that Cyrus indeed had given them leave so to build, and out of his own Coffers had allowed the expenses of it, then giveth his judgment, and setteth down his decree: first, for that time present; then, for all ages after ensuing. For that time present his decree was, that they should in no wise hinder it; but that whatsoever the Jews should need thereunto, eyether for the building it self, or for the service of God after, that should be given unto thē out of the kings Coffers there, as themselves should require, that so prayer might there be made for him and his: and that if any should alter this order, himself should be executed, and his house both razed and made a Dung-hill. For all ages ensuing, he putteth all Kings and people's under a grievous and fearful curse, and the same to descend unto them from the self-same God that had [ E] put his name there, whosoever should after put to their hands to destroy that house of God at Jerusalem. A Story of great worth to be marked, not only in respect of that which he did: but also in respect of the person that he sustained. In that which he did, one thing we may note throughout the whole: another, out of one part of it. Throughout the whole we may see, that in that cause (which was the building up again of the house of God in Jerusalem) he did not temporize, but was very resolute: as not only Princes, but all others also, should ever be, in the cause of Religion. A matter so much the rather to be marked, for that the undoubted wisdom of God hath here set down this for a pattern: whereas it is but only the wisdom of flesh and blood that giveth that other direction unto us; here also approved by the effect that then ensued. That one part of it is, in that so he thundereth against whatsoever Kings and people's should afterward go about to impeach the house of God there: the truth whereof we have in Jesus Christ, and in our Churches, wherein the name of God is called upon, and wherein his people have the use of his word and Sacraments. And seeing that it pleaseth God sometimes to use but mean instruments to great good purposes (as when he spake by Balaam himself, and by his Ass) the matter it self is of that Nature, that leadeth us to conceive that it is of GOD: and then, both that it is a definitive sentence of God himself, though uttered but by that King then; and that it incloseth within the danger of it, all such as now also any way impeach the estate of the Church among us. In respect of the person that he sustained, one thing is plain: another, very probable too. That which is plain, is, that he was but an Heathen man: and in that rude age of the World. A matter of just condemnation to many Christians: now in this great light of the Gospel. That which is probable, is, that the King that we speak of was a • astard, or one that was but base borne: the learned resolving that it was he that was so called; and that so he was indeed. A very rare matter to have any of that sort so well disposed towards God, as many things here do show this than to have been. Many of them other-wise have been notable then, and some in our days too, great ••• kers or outward professors of the Gospel: but very few good men of them all; and even those Gospellers also (it may be feared for diverse of them) Church-robbers rather than Church-rearers. Let all sorts be careful, ever to keep both their bodies and beds undefiled. That part of his dealing that was with the Jews, was, that they being so far encouraged and holpen then (even those Governors themselves readily and roundly now coming in to [ E] their help) and the Prophets so calling upon them besides, and so now having, as it were, both the Sun and the Moon to give them light, or both heaven and earth assistant unto them, the work was soon dispatched by them: and then, that being finished, and at such time of the year, as that the Feast of the Passe-over soon after approached, they first solemnized the dedication of it in very good manner, and with great gladness and joy; and held the Feast of the Passe-over, and unleavened Bread very orderly too. In which Governors aforesaid we have withal a very good pattern, what hope we might have of such like among us, Enemies yet to the Gospel of Christ, and to the building up again of his Temple here: namely, that although yet, so long as they see that they are but dallied withal, they praetend full smoothly, that their conscience forsooth will not suffer thē to come to the church, or at least, not to communicate; yet were they kindly dealt with indeed, as these others were here, conscience or no conscience, then would they come. For though their praetence or outward appearance for the time bear a fair show, in certain of them, as though in no wise they might be moved: yet seeing that lighly they have (among all the sort of them) no conscience at all, but such as resteth not on the word of God but upon policy, private combinations, and both unadvised and wicked oaths, we need not to doubt, but that that kind of conscience is of so good fellow-like a nature, that it will readily go with them whither soever themselves list, hither and thither, to this side & that, yea forward and back-ward, even as they will; and will ever be loath, go which way they list, to tarry behind them.

5 As touching those that tarried behind when these others returned, we are first to consider who they were: then, what is the Story of them. It is therefore [ A] good to consider who they were, because we find some that are named for this return, whom notwithstanding we reckon to be of those that tarried behind: namely, Nehemiah, and Mordecai. As touching Nehemiah we have indeed good Story, that he came afterward: but it seemeth he came not yet, except he returned back again. For, being so great a man as he was, named here in the third place also, it is not unlike, but that now we should have had some Story of him: and certain it is that long after this he was in the Court, in the Palace of Susan, attending the King there, in a special office. As for Mardocheus or [ B] Mordecai, we do not else-where find, that he came at all: but afterward we have some Story of him there. So it is thought by some, that although they came not now, yet they gave in their names at Babylon, to be of the number of those that would return: and more specially for Mordecai, that the Mordecai that is named here, was not the same of whom we have the Story after. Howbeit seeing the Text nameth two such here to have returned with the rest, it is most likely that they also returned with their Brethren, but then went back to Babylon again. It is the manner of the best natured men to accompany their friends in special journeys, at the least for a good part of them: and the wiser sort have ever thought it wisdom, that so many as were men of special reckoning, should in all such actions as they would have to go forward, be foremost themselves, or •• least by their praesence or partaking with them, to give some countenance •• credit unto them. So it may very well be, that these also, either in kindness as they were brethren and good men besides, or else for example to draw the mo with them, being of such account among them as they were, did now also return although we have yet no Story of them: as also we may easily conceive, that there w •• e none others so called, that should be vouchsafed • o have such place here among the chief and principal Fathers, anything so likely as those of whom we afterward have so special Stories. Yet because we have no Story of them yet; and that by likelihood when they had brought their brethren home, they returned back again for the good of those their brethren: therefore have I also for this time thought good, to make no other reckoning of them, than as yet remaining behind; and of those the Story will afterward show, that there were many others besides of whom we have no particular mention.

6 Now therefore as touching the Story of these, we may well conceive that [ A] there were two sortes of them: some that stayed there for the good of the people; others, but in worldly respects. Of those that seem to have stayed there for the good of the people, one there is of very great and special account, that, for ought that we read, stayed there still: but others, that afterward came home to their brethren. He that was of special account, and for ought that we read of, stayed there still, was Daniel the Prophet. On whom although we have already [ B] heard somewhat in the proper place thereunto appertaining, as then the consideration of him was but a part of the Story of the whole people: yet now that we are to consider thereof as his own proper Story, in this place, in that respect, it shall not be amiss to consider somewhat more fully of it, his case therefore was such, as that soon after the Persian Monarchy got up there, he was brought into great peril of his life: but wonderfully delivered again. So it shall be good for us to consider, first of his peril: then, how he was delivered from it. In his peril we are likewise to consider, first of the occasion of it: then, of the danger it self. The occasion of it consisted, if we mark, of two principal branches: one, the favor the King did vouchsafe him; the other, the envy of the Nobles against him. The favor that the King did vouchsafe him, was very great; and besides he meant greater unto him: and the reason was, the excellency of the spirit, or, as we commonly speak, the great worth or worthiness that the King noted in him; as also it may probably be, that the fame that before might justly go on him, especially by his late praediction of Balthasars fall, might occasion the King first to cast his eye unto him. A matter so much the more worthy to be considered, if we mark what honor it was the King did vouchsafe him: and whereupon the King did vouchsafe the same unto him. The honor he did vouchsafe him was, to be one of the chief in the affairs of all his Dominions, having then an hundred and twenty Kingdoms or Provinces under him; so placing a Prophet in very high place in matters of state: a very absurd thing, in the distempered humors of many; but here not only put in ire (and to great good purpose too) by that Heathen King, but left enrouled to our instruction by God himself. If we mark whereupon the King did it, we find that it was, not for any cunning or fetching head, or for that he could deeply dissemble, much less for any bad devises he had to wring in the wealth of others, and to keep all low but themselves; but for the excellency of the Spirit that was in him: a special good pattern to show unto Princes, in what rank of people they may soonest find such as are for them; so that withal they ever take heed of humorous mixtures ofttimes concurring. Whereupon the envy of the Nobles did arise against him we have not expressed, being belike left us as a matter of that facility, that everyone himself may find it: but that it was great, is very plainly noted unto us. In that it is left to our selves to gather, whence it arose, we are by it only sufficiently taught, that none lightly can have any special place of honor or favor about a Prince, but that others will take it ill, & seek to undermine him therein; especially being such as he was, a stranger then, and a captive before: and that no [ C] worthiness of the party whatsoever, can be against all a protection unto him; all others (to speak of) accounting themselves, though never so mean, yet to be of reasonable good worthiness too. How great this envy of theirs was against him, we have by two things set down unto us: one, that they sought no less than his life; the other, that they did it, when nevertheless themselves could find no fault at all with him. In that no less than his life would please them, we may see how plainly they adventure their lives, that press to the higher places in Court: thereby making themselves a mark for others to aim-at. In that they did it, when nevertheless they could find no fault with him, and thereupon did cast otherwise to entrap him, we are not only to mark, as afore, that innocence in such case doth not ever secure us; but farther to consider withal, of that special devise of theirs that they had to entrap him: and first, what they concluded among themselves; then, what they obtained of the King. Themselves concluded, when they had wacht him long before, that they should never find any fault with him, as touching the discharge of the trust to him committied in the place he was in: and that the only way to entrap him would be, some way or other to seek to do it by the Law of his God that he professed; and so resolved first to make a decree for their purpose, and then to move the King therein. Daniel then was an happy man, that walked so even in all his ways, in so great a charge, in so high a place, over so many Countries, and in such favor with his Prince, that none of them all, though gladly they would, was able to lay anything to his charge: a wonder rather than a Story to us, who cannot have any so little such place of advantage, but that we are so far from walking so even that nobody can charge us; as that we have much a-do to stop the mouths of whole Countries, that they cry not out against us. On the other side, if any would lay a plot to catch us, by any constancy or devotion in us in our Religion, and we any way understood that that way were laid some plot to catch us, we then could walk so just and even betwixt heaven and earth, that Foulers could never live by their Trade, if they could no better deal with the wiliest foul that is, than these other Birders could at any time prevail against us: Long might they fast, if needs they would still keep their stomach for so dainty a dish. That which they obtained of the King, was as touching the decree that they had made: and so are we first to consider of that decree; then, how they did in the end obtain it. In that decree we are to consider, not only what it was in it self: but much rather what it was in respect of the use whereunto it was ordained. What it was in it self, is plain enough in the Text: namely, that none [ D] should for thirty days space, make any request to God or man, but only unto the King himself; and, if any did, that then he should be cast into the den of Lions. In respect of the use, whereunto it was ordained, first we may plainly see, that great Counsellers sometimes, are but meanly occupied, and become trap-makers too: and not ever but some of them of less reckoning; but even all the whole company of them (for so they plead, that it was the doing of them all) and so consequently, even the flower of them withal. Then, that for the more easy obtaining of it, they stick not to seem to have it their meaning, to defy their King, or to make a God of him: and yet that they do it in wisdom too, not urging to the people too much at once, and therefore appointing (for the first time yet) but thirty days only. In that these great Counsellers here, do so lie in wait, by the help of the King to entrap Daniel, Princes have a reasonable good warning to take good heed, that of those that are the greatest about them, if any be more faithful than the rest, the others do not abuse their help to entrap them: and in the other, that if in their greatness they cannot be content still to be men, lightly they have such about them, as (for one purpose, or other) will not stick soon to make them to swallow. How in the end they did obtain it, that we may the better see, we are to note, that one part of it they easily got: but hardly the other. That which they did easily get, was to have the King to confirm it, or to establish it: which they did no sooner move, but that he readily granted, adding his confirmation or seal unto it. A pattern plain enough in it self, both how readily such as are in high place about Princes, will sometimes abuse them: and how easily Princes themselves if they take not good heed, are by those that they trust abused. That which they did more hardly obtain, was the execution of it: concerning which, first we are to see how there was an offense found to be committed; then, how the execution thereon was obtained. The offense that was found to be committed, was, in that Daniel used prayer still after his wonted manner: and they purposely watching, took him so doing. Whereby it seemeth first very plain that Daniel was wont to use prayer: and, not altogether unlikely (saving that none but himself, was thereupon accused or troubled) to be with his Family also, for that they did so well know it, and wrought thereupon; and for that now they could so readily come upon him when he was so occupied. Otherwise, if it were such prayer as himself used alone, it is not unlikely, but to such purpose he would have taken some place more private: as both the nature of that [ E] kind of prayer requireth; and it is the manner of the best men to do, as Christ also himself doth afterward teach. For that the window towards Jerusalem in the place where he was at prayer, was open, it is not needful that so we take it, as if purposely he did it not caring who saw what they did; or that so he would do, purposely to cross that wicked decree: but that the place where he was wont to be at prayer, was so coasted, that it was open towards Jerusalem, that so he and his Family using to direct themselves towards it in their prayer (as Solomon had conceived before, that in such case the faithful would do, and withal had desired that God would then hear them) might more earnestly be stirred up thereby unto prayer, and seek to meet with such favor of GOD in the way that for it was thus far prescribed unto them. Where also it is to be noted, that now they were in their enemies Land, where there was no public prayer or exercise of true Religion to God: and that therefore it was more meet for Daniel to have it at home, for him and his. For where Religion is professed and the Public exercise thereof allowed, there should the Public place by all be frequented: and the rather, both to the better leading on of others; and to praeuent the wiliness and distempered zeal of some, who under praetense of prayer in private houses, undermine the people's regard to the public, and besides breed in diverse things, sects and division. The execution heereon was obtained, by their great importunity with the King, who otherwise would gladly have delivered Daniel, but that they were so importunate with him, urging the stricktnesse of the Laws of the Medes and Persians, that being once made, they might not for any man's cause be broken: and so in the ende Daniel according to that new Law, only for that cause purposely made, was cast into the den of the Lions; but sore against the mind of the King, if with the consent of his Nobles he might have done it. In which strictness of the Laws of the Medes and the Persians it shall be good for us more specially to mark, one thing that is very commendable in them: another that is as defective too. Commendable it is, that they had so special care of putting their Laws in due execution when once they were made: not sparing the greater sort therein, apartiality that is too usual with us. But defective they were in that there was not praerogatiue left in the hands of the King, to dispense with such things, as came not within the sense or meaning of the Law; but only within the letter of it. Not that we may account this Law that we speak of to be altogether of that nature: [ F] but that the resolutnesse of their speeches importeth that there was no such help reserved. For in this Law that we speak of, it was the chief meaning of those Nobles, to give that stranger such a chirt among them: and though it were sore against the Kings mind, that when Daniel was come within the danger of it, it should be executed on him; yet can we not so properly thereupon say, that the King had no such meaning, as that the King was by them over-reached, and did overslip himself in it, including that he never thought of. His deliverance out of this danger was such, as very effectually wrought with the King besides: but first of that his deliverance; then, in what sort it wrought with the King. Again his deliverance it self was such, that he was not only delivered from those savage Lions: but also to the destruction of those that caused him to be cast in unto them, as savage as they. That he was delivered from the Lions the King himself found the next morning betime; & so was he taken out from them again: and, on the other side, the others cast in, not only themselves, but also their Wives and Children with them; to whom the Lions then gave no sparing, but made a ready and quick dispatch of them all. Which example of God's great and wonderful protection of Daniel, and the severity of his Justice on those his Enemies, so wrought with the King, that not only him-self gave glory to GOD: but also commanded all his Dominions to do the like; acquainting them with that which at this time he had for Daniel done. A great condemnation to many of us, that an Heathen King should be so ready for this one great work to publish the name of the Lord: and we being Christians, and thereby made acquainted with great numbers of such works of his towards us and others, nevertheless are nothing so ready to acquaint others there-with to his glory, not only such as are farther of, but not so much as our nearest friends or neighbors, no nor those of whom we have charge, our Children and Servants.

7 Those that after came home ta their Brethren, were two: Ezra the one; Nehemiah the other. The Story of Ezra is in effect no more but this, that considering [ A] of the case of his Brethren, and being himself able to instruct them in the knowledge of God, and having some favor, as it seemeth, already with the King, he thought to see if he could be able to compass, that so he might be by the King employed: and speeding very well therein, he then got others unto him, and did make [ B] his repair accordingly; so to bestow his labor among his Brethren that were already returned. So are we first to consider of this his coming unto them: then, what he did when he came there. In this his coming unto them, we are likewise to consider; first, what was his purpose or meaning in it: then, howe it pleased God to prosper him therein. His purpose or meaning was for their good, much like to that of Moses, when he left the Court to go and see how his Brethren did under their burdens: and no doubt a special work of God's holy spirit in him. For having studied before the Law of God, and having attained unto good knowledge therein, he now resolved, or took purpose with himself, or, as there it is said, praepared his heart to some special service of God: namely, to seek the Lord, or to do him, as the case was then, the best service he could; and so determined, to go into Jury to his Brethren that were gone home before, and to teach them the knowledge and fear of GOD. A rare, and a special good Story: well to be considered of all; and an example to great good use in all ages among us. For his purpose was, to leave the place where now he was seated (as we may probably conceive, for that he tarried so long behind his Brethren that went home first) and well too, it may seem by his so long tarrying there, and the favor we find a little after he had with the King: and to go into Jury to his Brethren there, to bestow his labor, in that aforesaid instruction, on them. If we mark the Story (and he was not like to be ignorant of it) whereas there went not down full out fifty thousand in all, of themselves and their Servants, we find, that four thousand six hundred and thirty of them were Priests and Levites, all of them, by God's ordinance and their own profession, teachers of the people. So falleth it out, that they had so many Teachers (by profession) among them already, that every of them, one with another, had not full out five persons of all the rest to teach: and so might this purpose of his seem to be needless; and to some, but only a weak conceit of his own. But Ezra belike, did much more deeply consider, than many others: both of that late desolation that was among them; & of their present estate at that iime also. For the late desolation that was among thē, having no exercise of their profession, conversing with those that were Idolatrous, & over-ruled by them, must needs make such a dissipation of Religion, and all good order among them, as could hardly be recovered again many years after. Their present estate also could in no wise be, for such matters, but pitiful yet, the building of the Temple it self being hindered, and [ C] being in so great an hazard, whether ever it should go forward or not. For so we may be sure, the Priests and Levites were not yet restored to their needful and wonted maintenance, but were compelled otherwise to help themselves, and to supply their own necessities so well as they could: as also there may be no better hope conceived, but that such as did employ themselves in the ministry (& those by likelihood but few) neither had the people anything well attendant, nor were themselves but faintly occupied, or but after a secondary manner. Ezra therefore might well conceive, that in such case somebody had need to bestow some special labor about them, and thereupon did yield himself to that service. And so among us it were to be wished, that seeing in the most of the greatest Parishes, the due and needful maintenance of the Ministry is so strongly withheld from those Churches, that there can be no maintenance had for an able man among them; and many of those able men that otherwise we have, seeing their people, (for want of stronger order taken) so careless, and all the whole sway of the people about them, so universally carried to the present things of this world, do but easily follow their function also: it would please God to stir up, and to send forth some such store of Esraes among us, as that at least the most desolate places might in some good measure be relieved thereby; and that some of the Issue or Stock of those, that so with-hold the right of these Churches, would buckle themselves unto the Ministry, & on their own charges make so good supply, as God should cable them to do. This extraordinary course of his, especially being so universal, or bending it self towards the whole people generally, might be some check unto the easier labor of others, and by them therefore the hardlier censured: but it was the hand of God that was upon therein, both a sufficient warrant in his own conscience, and a strong defense against others. It pleased God to prosper him therein, both while yet he was in Babylon: and in his way home-ward too. While yet he was in Babylon, it pleased God so to work (in a manner) in the hearts of all, that on every side he had great encouragement and help to that his good purpose, in plentiful measure: first of the King himself; then, also of others. It pleased God so to work in the heart of the King himself, that he dealt marvelous graciously with him: insomuch, that although it seemeth, that Ezra desired very much of him; yet was the King nothing behind in liberal granting. For that it was the request of Ezra, we need not to doubt, for that the Text it self doth doth so term it: and that the King was as free in granting, it appeareth likewise, for that the Text doth also witness, that the King did grant him all his request. First therefore it shall be good to see what it was that Ezra desired, [ D] and the King did grant him: then, to mark what use we may make thereof to our selves. What Ezra desired, we have not in particular noted unto us; but only what the King granted unto him: but seeing we understand already, that both are one, we need go no farther, but only to that which here we have delivered unto us. The King therefore we find to have dealt very graciously with him, both in the authority & credence he gave him: and by the aid that he did afford him out of his treasure besides. Authority and credence are in nature so linked together, especially the latter of them unto the former, that where it goeth before, there doth the other necessarily follow. Yet is Ezra in so special good liking with the King, that besides the authority that he doth give him, he diverse times in plain terms doth express how worthy a man he accounteth him to be, and what special trust he reposeth in him: as Ezra himself doth afterward also very plainly acknowledge. A large proportion for the wisest and godliest Ministers of the Gospel, at any time to attain unto, not only with the most Christian Princes that our age breedeth; but even with much meaner men than they, yea with the meanest of all too: and therefore not amiss, that such examples should show forth themselves unto us, when we come in their way, that so we may the better learn what we are indeed, profaine or godless a great deal more than we are aware of. In the authority that now he gave him, we may see the King had a special good care, that Ezra might be very well furnished unto his journey first: and then to do the business it self, when he came home. To furnish him to his journey first, he gave him leave to take home with him, both so many of his Country-men the Jews as were themselves willing to go: and all such contribution and free-will-offering as either the King himself, or any of his Nobility or Counsel, or any of his own people or of Jews, should be induced to give towards the Lord's House in Jerusalem. It is not here set down what the King himself did give, nor in particular that he did give anything at all; and so of all the others besides; but when hereupon it was gotten together, and afterward delivered to certain of the company of trust, to take the charge to carry it home, then it doth plainly appear that they all had given very liberally. The better to do the business it self when he came home, he gave him authority, from himself and his seven Counsellers (the highest authority of all that was there) to make first such inquiry and search how all things stood there: as that so finding all such wants or griefs as thē did urge them, he might then so much the better provide remedy for them. Having gatheted him to such advisement first, then it seemeth by the course of the Commission it self he leadeth him, first to such things as concern certain of them [ E] more specially: rhen, unto such •• concern all generally. Those whom the Commission doth respect more specially, are first, such as appertain to the Land of Jury: then, certain that confine upon them. Of such as appertain to the land of Jury, a couple there are that are so specially regarded: the Temple it self, & the due worship of God therein; & so many of the Jews themselves as were employed thereabout. For the Temple it self and the due service of God therein, the king doth by this his Commission, first provide for certain things more specially: then, for all together generally. Those that he provideth for more specially, are, first for the right employment or use of certain things they had already: then, for some others that might be wanting. The things they had already, were, the Treasure and Plate that they brought with them: of which treasure they were presently to lay forth what should be needful, for all such sacrifices as were from time to time to be offered, and all the rest to be disposed as Ezra himself, and his Brethren should think good, to the use of God's service; & all the Plate or holy vessels, were to be placed in the temple to the use of God's service, as to every sort of them should appertain. Those otaers that might be wanting, were such as the King and his Counsel conceived might be mo than they could think of; and therefore took order for those things also: and that in such sort as is worthy the marking, both for the proportion in such case prescribed; and in what sort it should be delivered. For the proportion was very liberal: making no stay, so long as it did not exceed an hundred Talents of Silver; and the like proportion (in their kind) in Wheat, Wine, Oil, and Salt. For the manner of the delivery of it, the Deputies in the Countries adjoining were commanded, in such sort to do it, as that the Jews could never have wished a readier nor a better way: they being commanded, that it should forth-with be delivered without delay; even only upon Esraes requaest, or when he should call for it. Not so content with these limitations, he farther commandeth generally, that whatsoever by God's appointment is to be done for the House of the Lord, that it be speedily done, least otherwise the wrath of God be bent against them: thereby seeming to imply, that already they had felt some hand of God upon them; and that it was, for that they had no better regard to the house of God. For so many of the Jews as were employed about the House of God, the order that he took, was, that no tole, tribute, or custom should be laid upon them. For those people's that did confine upon them, he authorized Ezra to appoint such Governors over them, as he should like of: the King himself directing him therein to appoint such, so near as he could, as already knew the [ F] law of the Lord; and to teach it to others that knew it not. Those things that concerned all generally, either the Jews themselves, or those people's that confined upon them, as also the Officers and Governors of either of them (but especially, it seemeth, of those other people's) were none others but diverse sorts of punishments, which at his own election or discretion, he had power to inflict on those that were disobedient, either to the Law of God, or unto the Law of the King: giving him both authority and charge, to punish all such without delay. And those punnishments were, some to remove the offenders from them, either altogether taking them away as by death; or but chasing them away out of the Country, as by banishment: or more easily punnishing them within the Land, as by confiscation of goods, or imprisonment. This being the effect of the Kings Commission, and the authority and credence that he gave unto Ezra, and we being now to see what use we may make hereof to our selves, we are to know that best we may do it, if herein we shall duly mark, how far the King condescended to him on the behalf of the House of GOD: and what authority it was where-withal he did inuest him. On the behalf of the House of God, it is plain, that the King did yield marvelous far: a special good matter to be considered upon, both for all generally; and for certain of us more specyally. All generally may note a very rare and a special zeal in this Heathen King towards the House of God in Jerusalem: a great condemnation to all such Christian Princes, and other great ones besides, whom God hath enabled to such purpose, and yet, neglect their duty therein; and a fair pattern for all such men (and for all others in their measure) to lay before them, and out of it to learn, to what pitch or degree they ought to come in that case especially, if they would have the Testimony of a good conscience, that they have performed anything near that point of duty. Certain of us more specially might out of this learn, that we should not be so Meale-mouthed as many of us are, so fearful and doubtful of any good success in any motion for the House of GOD, that other-wise gladly we would exihbit to the greater sort among us, but that we doubt we should not leese our labor in it: and then lightly we cull out some odd trifle or other (a matter, I mean, of no moment to speak of in comparison of that which indeed were to be done) and make our motion or suit for it, as being the utter-most that we may in any wise hope to obtain. So cometh it to pass, that when we are so fearful in moving or demanding that which is due, even that only doth much enbolden [ G] those that are the detainers of it to do nothing at all; or at least with much a-do, and as it were of great liberality, and much more than they needed, to grant us those trifles that so we demand. Ezra did not so: but made a right large demand indeed (and yet no more, than was needful for the business it self, and due to be by the King performed) and God so prospered him therein, that, setting himself so well as he did to glorify God, and no whit yielding to part stakes therein, that he obtained all he desired, finding the King as ready to grant, as himself was to demand. We had a matter some-what like in Moses before, when Pharaoh could be content they went, so they left their Cattle behind: when Moses notwithstanding would not yield therein neither, not so much as to leave any one of them all, so to redeem passage for the rest. And being so resolute, God did prosper him there-after: forth-with giving most open and free passage to all. On the other side, it was not the dignity of Moses and Aaron, nor the favor that God did bear them, especially to Moses (no not when he earnestly prayed to be released of it) that could acquit them of a special chastisement that GOD would needs lay upon them, only for that they were but doubtful or timorous in an hard piece of service that he had enjoined them, being a thing very unlikely to come to pass as he had directed them to expect: even for that they did not speak to an hard dry Rock thereby, even in the praesence of the people, and as it were with authority, or imperiously commanding it, to give forth abundance of Water to the use of God's people; as hard a case, as this of ours that now we speak of. For, GOD be thanked, our Princes and great men have been so long, and now are so well acquainted with the truth of God, that we may well hope, that there is more ability and readiness in them to yield whatsoever is needful to the advancement of the glory of God among us: than in a dry Rock, to yield forth, on the sudden, such abundance of water. The nature of the authority wherewith the King did inuest the person of Ezra, was for the most part, merely civil; himself being but an Ecclesiastical person only: a fair pattern, n •• only that such persons may be invested with such authority; but also, that the King himself, and his seven Counselors (the flower, belike, for experience and wisdom, so far as he was able to judge) in all his Dominions, which were many & great, in wisdom thought good to make choice of that man, & so to furnish him to that business. A matter of reasonable good satisfaction to those, that so hardly digest, that such persons should at any [ H] time have any such power to them committed: and reasonable plainly emplying withal, whence it is that the cause of the Gospel, and estate of the Church, have yet no better success among us; and that it is never like to be better, so long as such as were likeliest to do it, are so carefully held off from the assembly of those, whence our hope is, that it might be obtained.

8 Those others whence he had encouragement and help besides, were partly other people's there: and partly his own Country-men too. Those other [ A] people's there, were such as were of the Kings Dominions; who for many of them were Contributors, and gave their Offering to the House of the Lord: Namely, the Kings seven Counselors, certain of his Princes, and of the people. What any of them in particular gave, we have it not noted; and no marvel, when we have not any note of that which the King himself did give, as we saw before: but by the total following it will appear, that they bestowed very well, either all of them generally, or certain of them more specially. Of his own Country-men in those partes diverse there were, that were Contributarie too, bringing in their Offering also: but many of these gave him greater encouragement than so, for that they joined them-selves unto him in that his good purpose, in some good measure, addressing them-selves to depart from thence, and to go home to their Country with him. Wherein the most commendable part of that actions of theirs, was not, that they did accompany him home: but in that, he going about so good business, they were as it seemeth in that respect willing, in their measure to be partakers with him. For, by likely-hood, but few or none of all this company, were borne in Jury, but only in Babylon, and in the Provinces adjoining, where their parents and they were a long time in Captivity, though by this time it is not unlikely, but that they had gotten better hold among them. What time it was that Ezra came down, it is not indeed by the learned agreed: but there is none, that probably doth reckon so short a time, but that these which now go down with Ezra, must needs be altogether another generation (some few particulars it may be, only excepted) than those that came into Captivity. Which being so, then it is not so likely, that these were so ready to go into Jury, as to their native country (in [ B] which respect they might rather have had a desire to have stayed where they were already:) but that, being of that people, to whom not only that land was given, but also this prerogative withal, that they were the only peculiar people of God, in duty it seemeth, and in godly zeal, they resolved them-selves now to go with him; so to help forward the worship and service of God (or as we do often term it, the cause of Religion) together with the good of their Brethren there, the best that they could. A thing that must needs be marvelous comfortable unto Ezra, to have so many, so far to join with him, in so good a purpose as it: pliable hearts in the people, with whom in such case we are to deal, and readynesse in them to take part with us in any good labor, being a greater comfort indeed, than outward helps were at any time lightly able to reach unto. But in this we find, that he had not this help of them all, of their own accord: but that he was fain to have some farther business for certain of them. For when as he took the view of those that were assembled unto him (having first a little entered into his journey) he found that they were about 1486. persons: but none of the Levites among them all (besides such as were of the Priests;) nor it seemeth any of the others that were to do inferior services about the House of God. But then specially sending for some of both sorts of them, he got two hundred and eight and fifty of them: and so had in all one thousand, seven hundred forty and four. But that these especially were no more forward •• themselves, but that Ezra was fain so to send for them, it seemeth necessarily to argue one of these two: either that they were exceeding slack in that point of duty; or else, that some way or other they understood, or at least themselves conceived, that the estate of their brethren that were already returned, was yet so hard, that they durst not adventure yet to go thither. Sure it is, that ofttimes we have experience of both: namely, that such as by their function or charge ought to be of the foremost, are ofttimes of the slackest; and that the maintenance of the Ministry is so kept from them, that they are fain to leave of their calling therein, and otherwise to shift for themselves so well as they can. How it pleased God to prosper him in his way homeward we soon may find, first in the beginning of that his journey; then, throughout the whole course of it besides. In the beginning of that his journey, we find it in two principal matters: one, about his [ C] whole journey; the other, about one special charge he had with him. That which was about his whole journey, was for the safety of their passage or getting home, in respect of such as might have assaulted them by the way, as the journey was long, and the world loose then: and this so much the rather, because they had omitted one help before; and so was God very good unto them, to put into their minds to take hold on another now. That which they had omitted before, was to have desired forces of the King to have conducted them home against their enemies: and this doth Ezra acknowledge that he was ashamed to do, for that he had before borne himself so much on the assistance of God, on behalf of those that were his, against all their enemies. The other, that God did put in their mind, now to take hold of to make supply, was, that they held a Fast to the Lord, and joined prayer withal, that it would please him to defend them, and to bring them safe home: the better way of the two, and more seemly for those that profess God; and yet the other in no wise to be refused neither, when the case doth so require, or it pleaseth him to offer it to any. A good pattern also, how the children of God in their distress do seek unto him: whereas the manner of others is, ever to secure themselves by earthly helps, and never lightly to have any mind of the other. That special charge of theirs wherein they took some order also, was about certain treasure that they had with them, and were to carry unto Jerusalem, being dedicated thereunto already; now making choice of certain special men of the Priests to whose trust to commit the carriage of it: which when they did, then did they see, how notably God prospered them therein. For so they found, that they had a notably rich offering given to the Temple: namely, one hundred and fifty Talents of Silver, and in Silver Plate one hundred Talents more; in Gold both one hundred Talents, and twenty fa • re Basins besides, and two other parcels, but whether of Amber, or of some other rare metal, very fair also, and as precious as Gold it self. A notable and a rare contribution or free-will offering, of those Heathen people towards the House of God in Jerusalem; being, no doubt, mindful enough (at least, as many be probably conceived) that it was richly furnished already by that fair and beautiful Plate, which we may conceive, came as near as well they could, to that which Solomon in the midst of his glory made for it before, no less than five thousand and four hundred parcels of it, that Cyrus had [ D] sent home already, all of them being either of Gold or Silver: but a great condemnation withal, to those that spoil the Churches of God of things most needful; or but as unrighteously with-hold them now, as they were taken away before. In which place, that one there is, of special account for his knowledge in the tongue, who contrary to all others whom yet I have seen, interpreteth those twenty Basins of Gold to be but ten, I think it is very hard to conceive whereupon he hath done it: especially, whereas himself, doth elsewhere Interpret the self same word to be twenty, as others do; and addeth nothing in the margent, as otherwise his manner is, to clear his interpretation therein. The root, indeed, it seemeth, is only of ten: but where that is noted, there also we find that the word which we speak of, is used for twenty; and so I thought it a point not unworthy to be commended to the consideration of others. Throughout the whole course of his journey he found the blessing of God likewise, for that he came home, he and his company, and all that they had, so safe as they did. That they were four months in their journey, the distance of the places, or length of the way, may justly require it. For though Ptolemy make it (the straight line I mean; but none lightly can go any set journey, though much shorter than it, but much farther about than so) but about eleauen degrees: yet Ortelius, findeth it to be about fourteen or better; which easily will make a journey long enough for such a company as those, with their Goods, Wives, and Children, to dispatch in four months space, though they might go all their way as strait as might be. But as in those days it was not unlikely but to be very dangerous for naked people together with their Familyes to make journeys, and to take their way by so many people's as lay betwixt (which themselves also doubted, as we saw before) they also (being separate from others in Rites of Religion) being therefore more abhorred than others: so the Text it self doth seem to give us to understand, that some there were that did lie in wait for them by the way; and therefore no marvel if they were fain to make their way some-what longer, so to avoid the danger of them.

9 What Ezra did there, when thus he was come, being now to be seen, we are to know, that we have but part of it in the Story that now we are in, [ A] which we have in the Book of Ezra: but then have we more in the Book ensuing, which is entitled to Nehemiah. So are we now but only to consider of that, which [ B] we have in this Book entitled to him: and to take the other where we have it delivered unto us, in the Story of Nehemiah. That which we have here delivered unto us, doth some part of it seem to appertain to the time of their first coming thither: and some part again, to the time some-what after. Of that which seemeth to appertain to the time of their first coming thither, most of it is altogether among themselves: but some part of it, betwixt them and others near adjoining. That which was among themselves, rested in two principal points: one, the discharging of a point of trust to them committed; the other, a farther duty by them performed. The trust that was to them committed, was, that when they should come to Jerusalem, then should they make true delivery of those things that were committed unto them to the use of the Temple, and of the service of God among them: which they truly did, the fourth day after they were returned; taking the mean time belike, some-thing to refresh themselves after that long journey of theirs, and to get those things in some better readiness against the time that they should be delivered. A notable pattern for Princes, and all other Patrons of the Church-livings: who have indeed nothing else before God, but only a trust to them committed to praeserue and keep them to the use where-unto they were appointed; and then without impairing (of that which is due and needful maintenance) delay, or corruption, to bestow them again. This had been a fair booty for Ezra, and the chief of that company, to have concealed and shared among them: especially, the Temple being so richly furnished, as by the other it was already. But they have given a better example than so. They did not embolden themselves to be doing with it, because the Temple had enough already: but belike they considered, that what God had thought good to move the harts of the King, Princes, and people to bestow upon it, that were not they to turn aside to other uses, much less to pelfer it unto themselves; nor so much as to envy or think much, that the Temple should have it. We also our selves (so many as are of any moderation at all) do not think much one with another, if it please God to give unto any, of earthly blessings, a much greater measure than he giveth to us: though Noble-men have many Lordships & honors; and though Princes heue many rich and mighty kingdoms. Those that are but in weak measure endued with godly wisdom, nevertheless do not allow, that any of the greater sort whatsoever, should (after the usual worldly manner) be: at any time striving to make them-selves greater, by laying Lord-ship to Lordeship, or kingdom, to kingdom: but what it pleaseth GOD by descent, or any orderly means whatsoever, to bestow upon any (as on Nabuch • dnezar the kingdoms [ C] of Edom, Moab, Ammon, Tyrus, Sidon and Judah; besides Babylon and many others that came in with it) that do they, be it never so much, with all their harts, and in all dutiful reverence leave unto thē; wish them good of it, & long to enjoy it. And such moderation ought to be in us all, one towards another for all such matters: much more in those things that it pleaseth God more plentifully to bestow, towards the advancement of his glory, and the eternal good of his chosen people. Yet in these things we not only use our freedom to censure them as we think good, to apportion them also, and to mince them at our own pleasure: but also we think, that therein we may lawfully do it; and that some there are that in duty ought so to do. Not in such sort working on those things that were unjustly, or, any way ill bestowed on the Church (for that is not the case; and there is no question, but that such things may, and ought to be amended) but thus grating at those things that came as orderly to the Church, as we have any other right in the world: such as good Kings, Nobles, and others, yea, even whole Synods and Parliaments too, moved by the good spirit of God, and laying before their eyes the example and word of God himself, in good zeal and uprightness of heart, to God's glory, and Souls health of others, did willingly offer unto the Lord to be his forever. So did not these: and beware that they be not condemnation to others. That farther duty that they performed, is of that nature, that in it also we might do our selves some wrong, if we should not but superficially or slightly consider of it: and yet I trust we need no farther than this, first to consider of it as it standeth by it self; then, as it is joined unto another. As it standeth by it self, it is, that when they were come home, they religiously worshipped God, both for themselves, and on the behalf of all their brethren. For they were burnt-offerings that now they offered, altogether abandoned from their own private use: thereby condemning themselves, and all the whole race or stock of them to have been most worthy of the just wrath that was upon them; and now making actual confession of such great guiltiness in them. That other whereunto it was joined, was, that their faithful delivery of those holy things, that were to their trust before committed: of which when in good sort they had discharged themselves, then might religious worshipping kindly and orderly follow thereupon; and when they did not reserve those things to their private use, out of which the blessing of GOD was to be derived to their brethren also, on that so good a care of their brethren, they might well [ D] worship for them likewise. But we, still failing the trust committed unto us, and turning to our own worldly luker, that which by right should be the maintenance of others now, and those no meaner nor less needful, but that by their Ministry much people should be instructed now in the knowledge of God, and afterward led to eternal glory, can never truly either give thanks or pray for them: and, where equity and up-right dealing goeth not before, there will never any sound devotion follow after. We may so gloriously prosesse, and bear such a show of godliness and zeal, as that indeed we may thereby deceive others, and our selves too: but so long as we do so strongly with-hold, but in earthly respect, that which others by right should have to much better use, it will be hard to find any one ounce of sound devotion, in great heaps of such profession. In that which was betwixt them, and others adjoining, we are to note the good success that now they had. For they did no sooner acquaint the Governors and Officers of those parts with that their commission, but that thereupon promoted or had in honor not only the people themselves: but also, which was much harder to them, even that house of God likewise. We on the other side, have wrestled long, and still do, with those that with us have been enemies to our selves and our buildings, ever since we have had in hand the building of the house of GOD among us: and yet never obtain that courtesy of them; nor so much neither, that they would be but quiet and let us alone, without their trouble and molestation. But belike they espy, that we go not so kindly about the work that we pretend, as did those that now we speak of: belike they note, that we strongly with-hold those holy vessels, (to us committed) to profane use still, and daily are embeseling out of the Temple such as were brought home before; and so conclude, that whatsoever we praetend, we have no regard indeed, to build up that house of God among us. So is there, on either side, a kind of conclusion implied: on the one side, that we may still keep those to our private use, and yet have it our meaning, well to build up the house of God too; on the other, they still with-hold things that were to them committed, and daily seek to get into their hands such as were brought home before, and therefore cannot have it their meaning well to build up the house that they speak of. Now betwixt these it may well be doubted, that if the latter of these be Logical indeed; then is the other but Sophisticall only: a matter for the Reader in that faculty, to think upon, and to determine.

10 That part of the doings of Ezra; which seemeth to appertain to the [ A] time some-what after ensuing, was about those unlawful marriages which many of the people had made since they returned from the Captivity, before that Ezra [ B] now came unto them. Concerning which, part of the Story we have delivered unto us as set down by Ezra himself: the residue of it, as set down by some other. In that which is set down by himself, first he showeth us, how he came to the knowledge of it: then how sorrowfully he took it when first he heard of it. He came to the knowledge of it by certain of the chief and principal men among them: giving him to understand, that whereas many of the people, yea and of the Priests and Levites themselves, had before married contrary to the Law of God (matching themselves with such of the ancient Inhabitants of the Land as yet remained, and others such like, forbidden by GOD as much as the others) they had not yet reformed themselves therein, but even to that day abode in that their iniquity: and not only the meaner people among them; but even the greater sort of them too, and those with the foremost. When we are to see how ill he took it, we are not only to mark how he behaved himself thereon: but withal, what may seem to be his reason that so he did. He, no doubt, so behaved himself thereon, as doth sufficiently witness, that it was exceeding grievous unto him: first, but sorrowing by himself; but then soon after praying to GOD. While he did but sorrow with himself, we are again there to mark, what his sorrow may seem to be then: and how far it wrought with others. His sorrow then doth very plainly seem to be great: he so fared with his garments and with his hair; and was so greatly amazed at it. It wrought so with others, that such as feared God among them, did thereupon repair unto him: themselves (belike) being sorrowful also, that so reverend a man as he, should be so far disquieted by any of them. When he set himself to pray unto God, it was at the time of the Euening-Sacrifice of that day when he heard it; not hearing of it, belike, till after the time of the Morning-Sacrifice before: and then going to the Court of the Lord's house, there falling down on his knees, and stretching forth his hands to the Heavens, he so made his Prayer to God. Wherein it shall be good that we consider, not only of the effect of his prayer: but withal, of some circumstances thereunto appertaining. As touching the effect of his prayer, it seemeth, that then he did not utter all that be meant: but that some of the company, pitying and sorry to see such a man so vexed by them, and thereby the better perceiving the foulness of their offense therein, made so bold with him, as, after a sort, to intterupt him; professing readiness, [ C] therein to be said and ruled by him. For in all, that at this time he said, he desireth nothing of GOD: but only acknowledgeth how grievously they have offended therein; exaggerating the same diverse ways also. The circumstances are two: one, of the time; another, of the place. The time was, the Euening-Sacrifice-time; the place, the house of the Lord: both of them seeming to insinuate, that he had a meaning, in godly wisdom, besides the confessing of the sin unto God, in such sort to do it, as most effectually might touch the harts of the people, especially of those that were the offenders. And to that ende it seemeth likewise, that he rather twineth his speech so as he doth, from the Lord himself to the people then present, speaking then of the Lord but in the third person only: so appealing (as it were) by the way, unto their own consciences therein, whether it were not so as he then had confessed, and would yet proceed some-what farther in it. The reason why it may seem, that he did take it so ill, was not only (as I conceive) the greatness of that fault, with all the evils and inconveniences thereto appertaining; but withal, that he was so crossed; as thereby he might soon see himself to be, in that good course wherein he was: and that, both in respect of that▪ which he had already done; and in respect of that which now he came among them to do. For probably we may conceive, by that great liberality of the King, his Nobles and people, and both those other savors besides that the King vouchsafed to Ezra (of which we have already heard) that he had already brought the King in great good opinion of that people, for holiness, and all good carriage besides, in all their other ways whatsoever. Great honor also had he procured to the House of the Lord; and many fair and rich Ornaments to it besides: matters of too great a price, for such degenerate, and mungreell worshippers, as now they were. He meant now to have delivered unto them, some exact knowledge of the Law of the Lord: and so to have raised such a people to God, as should be an ornament of that age, and a pattern to the ages ensuing. But now there is no matter to work-on: they are so far degenerate already, that it is impossible to make any such workmanship of them. He meant likewise, what by his industry in teaching them all the Law of God, and by the civil power that now he had gotten, to have brought all the people confining on them, yea and all their Gouournours & great men among them, in some good measure to have joined [ D] themselves unto thē, even in the profession of their Religion. But now had they (and he wist not of it) so abased and corrupted themselves, that in no wise they were any meet people, to have any such addition unto them: much less, so honorable an augmentation. These or such like, so mainly crossing that special good course that he was in, might very well be a great part of the cause, that he was so exceedingly grieved at those ill tidings, and stricken with such astonishment with them. A matter that speaketh plain English to us, and that goeth not behind the door to tell us, that Popish matchings, by such as nevertheless profess the Gospel, do ever lightly bewray all such to be, and for their Issue much more do bring in, but a mongrel people: never but ciphers in the Church of God, and unworthy the least of those favors that not only God, but good Princes also do sometimes give forth to the use of his people; a matter too untoward, of whom to make any good workmanship, and none of those men to whom others may be joined to any edifying of theirs towards God.

11 That part of this Story which we have set down unto us as by some other, [ A] is all that followeth: and it may we account to be set down unto us, not as by Ezra himself, but as by some other, because in this, Ezra doth not speak unto us as in his own person, as he did before; but, as it were some other besides, relating unto us more matter of him. The effect whereof is, to show unto us, how effectually it wrought with others, that he took this so ill as he did, in that he prayed so earnestly against it: and first, what effect it took at that present; then, upon some farther deliberation. At that present it took such effect in that company then gathered together, that Ezra himself might take great comfort in it, and plainly see that God had much blessed his travel therein: first in respect of that which then was done; then, in respect of the parties that did it. That which then was done, was first no more in effect, but only (and yet that was much, and a special great blessing of God, that it came so readily as it did) that they yielded conformity unto him: but then soon after there followed a confirmation or assurance of it by their corporal Oaths. When it was no more but only a conformity yielded unto him, yet then also came it in very good manner: showing their readiness unto it, and encouraging him to set in hand with it. When they yielded assurance [ B] thereof by their oaths, we find that Ezra now took heart to require it of them, and thought it wisdom so to do: then that the others did as readily yield it. As touching those that were parties in these two actions, in the former of them it is noted of all the people generally, that they wept and made great lamentation: otherwise it was in a manner but one man only, nor he any of the Priests and Levites, but one of the people whose Father also was one of the offenders in the matter now called in question, Shecaniah, the Son of Ithiel, one of the Sons of Elam; but one whom it pleased God so to bless in this his good and ready zeal, that it seemeth by that which followed, that they all accorded unto him, and sure it is, that nobody (so far as we read) stepped up against him. A good comfort, in such case, for all to be doing; and not still to tarry on those that should rather do it: God sometimes not opening the mouths of such at all; but stirring up more unlikely persons, yet giving a special blessing unto them. In the latter of them, it was an Ezra that did move them unto it (and such had they need to be among us, men of special good reckoning themselves:) and then, even the chief of the Priests, and of the Levites, and of the whole people besides, both gentle and simple, did readily yield it. A special good example to teach us, how good success may be expected of an earnest and faithful prayer: and a wonderful thing to see, how it pleased God thereupon to bend, even the harts of them all unto him. But it cannot lightly be, and in peculiar and special cases, but only in some certain of them, wherein there may be prayer conceived in such sort as it ought to be: the case requiring some special necessity, that it may be earnestly craved; and that it be very agreeable to the will of God (a matter that is not in such particulars so easily found, but when God is disposed by such means to effect it: but then doth he specially raise up the Spirit of him by whom he will do it, to a special good hope to obtain it) that so the Prayer may be faithful also. A matter to be the rather marked, that as on the one side we never slip the benefit of prayer when occasion is offered: so, on the other, we do not lightly attempt it, at the pleasure of others, whereby men have been (in their facility and good inclination) some-time abused. In the effect that it took upon some farther deliberation, we are to consider, what course it was that then was holden: then how it pleased God to bless it. The course that then was holden, was partly in Ezra: and partly [ C] in the Princes and chief of the people. In Ezra we find, that when he and the rest had done (for that time) with that Service of God in the Temple, and had now with-drawn them-selves to some convenient place, there to take their meat (as it seemeth) and other-wise to refresh themselves, he nevertheless did neither eat nor drink with them: but still mourned, for that the people had so grievously sinned. They had given good tokens before, that they meant now to amend it: but belike he could not yet satisfy himself therein, for that he knew their brittleness also. It may likewise, that he doubted some special wrath of God to be towards them which he would not revoke (for so had he dealt with the whole people before) for that which they had already done: notwithstanding these tokens of amendment that yet they had given. In the Princes and Elders of the people we find, that they, moved belike by that sorrowing of Ezra, yet continuing, presently made proclamation, both in Jerusalem it self, and in all the Country besides, that all those that were of the Captivity, or of their own people among them, should within three days repair to Jerusalem to the Princes and Elders there; or other-wise to forfeit all their goods; and themselves to be separated from their wonted society with all the rest. And truly, even Princes, and the chiefest Elders of all the people ought to have special good regard to the sorrowing and vexation in spirit of the better sort among them. Ezra, I grant, was a rare man, and a great personage too; and therefore the more to be regarded: but more likely it is, that it was not so much for his great authority wherewith he came furnished unto them, as for that godly disposition that they saw to be in him, that they had so good regard to that his sorrowing. He had indeed good cause to sorrow: but it may probably seem, that the godlier sort among us have more. His sorrow was, that so many of the people, had so dangeously matched themselves in marriage, with the women of those sinful nations that dwelt among them: and especially, in respect of that mongrel race, that was in such towardliness to be raised up therein. Ours may be, first in the same kind: then, in another much like unto it. In the same kind it is, that so many of our people, Gentle and simple, have so mingled and matched with the Popish race: and have thereby (in profession of the Faith) such a mongrel seed. The other that is much like unto it, is, that we see so many of our women, Mothers, Wives, and Daughters, to be now also matched as badly as they be; and this distasteful and pitiful disparagement, still to grow upon us more and more, even in these days of the Gospel: the alienation [ D] I mean of our Church-livings, such as were the due and needful maintenance of the Ministry; occasioned by the example of that allowance that God himself did set down to his people of old, and accordingly laid-forth by our better Elders, than those that since have so clean withdrawn them from all Ecclesiastical use so much as they have. For so many of them, as by the help whereof we our selves or any of us have been won to the knowledge of God, we may well, at least not absurdly, account our Mothers: as by their help, borne and brought forth children to God. Wives they were also, in respect of their former marriage to holy uses: and Daughters likewise, in respect of those from whom they descended. There is likewise another grievous disparagement among us, of the wonted maintenance and livings of those, that time out of mind have been well employed in good and needful labors; which others of the greater sort since have been suffered to incorporate unto themselves, either to more homely or at least to less use a great deal, than before: to the utter dispeopling of many Granges and Villages, and of diverse whole Towns besides. Now there is no question, but that the better sort among us, in all estates whatsoever, do sorrow at these: as also that our Princes and Elders cannot be ignorant of the sorrow that is hereupon conceived; at least, that such sorrow there is, though, it may be, they conceive not the greatness or the bitterness of it. But whether any due regard hath been had unto it, or not, if we refer the deciding thereof, to that which yet hath been done for the mitigation of it: I nothing doubt, but that this pattern of the Princes and Elders of Judah doth give unto us a farther light than yet we used. How it pleased God to bless this good course of Ezra, the Story ensuing doth sufficiently witness: first, in that which was done at Jerusalem at this repair of the people thither; then, in that which was done there and elsewhere as that their business lay, in the three months next ensuing. At this repair of thirs unto Jerusalem, first it is noted, that they orderly came, according to the commandment given them: then, that when Ezra did reprove them for those bad matches of theirs, and required amendment thereof, they readily yielded thereunto; only requiring, that whereas it was a matter that would ask some reasonable time to do it, and the weather was unseasonable then, they would take some farther time unto it, and that it might be inquired upon in their Cities at home, their meaning belike being therein, not only that themselves were not troubled more than need should be, but also for the better [ E] dispatch of the business it self. That which was done in those three months next after ensuing, was the dispatch of the business it self: wherein also we have a particular note of many that were offenders therein. The business it self was, that Ezra and certain of the principal Fathers, together with those that were appointed, in those three months and one day more, going unto the Cities themselves and sitting there, did make a separation of all those women and of their children, whom they had so married against the Law of God, and was now the matter in question. Such Commissioners, as that, the mo at any time we have in our needful causes, that are like unto them, the more are we beholding to God for them: the fewer we have of that kind, the more may we find, that certainly God is offended with us, and doth not mean us that good as yet; but will rather suffer us to run-on still, until we have filled our measure so full, as more fitly requireth the stroke of his justice. As for those unkindly and hard matches of ours, that before we spoke of, though there be such order taken for those that are of the same kind as we may hope will in time do much good in that matter: yet neither do those our Church-livings (even where the greatest multitudes are) nor those so many habitations of the meaner and common people, wherein, time out of mind, their praedecessors and elders did comfortably pass their days before, find themselves so blest, as yet to have any such Commissioners to them allotted. The offenders that then were found in that case among the Jews, were not full-out (as their note is left us) six score in all: and yet would not Ezra (not the rest of the Fathers, when they saw how grievous a thing it was unto them) suffer those to enjoy that place among them. Yet were the Jews that first returned, better than two and forty thousand in all, besides all such as (by likelihood) would afterwards be dropping in unto them. Our Parish-Churches are not found to be ten thousand in all; but to want some few hundreds thereof: yet were it good news (as I do take it) whosoever could assure us, that the number of those that smart by our unkindly hard matches, were not much greater. The like also, it is not unlikely, may be conceived by the other. Those Jews were but several persons: those others of ours, are, one sort of them, of the most populous Parishes of all; and the others, ofttimes great companies also. Could we be in heart indeed inclined to that we profess, it were no matter of any great difficulty, to do exceeding much good therein: and such service in these, would never [ F] be thought, any way inferior unto the other.

12 Not long after Ezra, came Nehemiah; and we have Story of him, that he [ A] came thither twice, and both times after this coming of Ezra: but we have no Story at all of him before, when the first company of the Jews returned under Zorobabell. So that although he be there also named, as one of the chief of those that then returned (as we saw before:) yet doth no part of the Story that now we have of him, appertain to that time, but only to the time that now we speak of. The former of those two times that he came to Jerusalem, was, about thirteen years after the coming of Ezra (Ezra coming thither in the seventh, and Nehemiah in the twentieth year of the same King) and unto this his former coming thither, doth appertain the most of his Story: first showing us, in what sort he now came thither; then, how he was occupied when he was there. That now he came thither, it was upon a special occasion given him: and so are we to consider, first of the occasion that so was given him; then, how himself followed upon it. The occasion that was given him, was, that certain of his brethren that came from Jerusalem, upon his requiring of the estate of the people there, gave him to understand, that the estate of the people there was yet very hard: and withal gave him in some such particulars, as out of which himself might be able plainly to see it. The he inquired of the estate of his brethren, he hath given a good example to us to do the like. He was an Officer in Court, and in special favor with the King: and so though our selves be well, yet should we remember those that are not. That