Of the Head Cornerstone

the people there was yet very hard: and withal gave him in some such particulars, as out of which himself might be able plainly to see it. The he inquired of the estate of his brethren, he hath given a good example to us to do the like. He was an Officer in Court, and in special favor with the King: and so though our selves be well, yet should we remember those that are not. That Jerusalem also was in so hard case as yet, having such favors as already it had, may be a sufficient notice and warning to all, especially to such as are in Authority, how hardly the Church of God (being once brought down) getteth up again, unless it be specially holpen, with rare and extraordinary favor. The particulars were, that the people were in reproach: and that Jerusalem it self lay open to the enemy, without either Gates, or Walls. The reproach that they were in seemeth to be, that the people's and Nations among whom they dwelt, did upbraid them with their misery and weakness, as serving such a God, as either was not able to do them good, or did make no reckoning of them. So when Princes and the great men of the world, do not yield convenient and needful help, to raise up the Church again being once decayed, they leave the faithful [ B] to the open reproach of all about them: whether known enemies, or no more but false brethren only. But the matter is strange, that Ezra coming down with so great Authority so few years before, the people and the Citty were yet in so pitiful case as they were. We have not the Story whereupon we may account should arise so great a change in the days of one and the self-same Prince: so well minded when he sent down Ezra in the seventh year of his reign; and so well minded again when he sent down Nehemiah thirteen years after. And needs it must be, that there was some special bad accident in it: but such is ofttimes the estate of the people of God; one deep calling another. But though we have no Story of it; yet have we Story of that which may probably seem to have given a good part of the occasion of it: namely, that by the means of Ezra, they did so abandon from them, both the women of those people's whom before they had married, and the children they had borne unto them. For this, if we mark it, was such a matter, as might very sore nettle all the people among whom they were placed; and, with most men, much sink the credit of Ezra besides: and then less marvel, if thereupon they all sent up to the King against him; and that the King and his Counsel, not thinking so well of him now as they did before, revoked the Authority which before they had given him, and thought the worse of all the Jews too. For it might seem to all that people, that this was for that present a very hard and vnneighbourly part: and that for the time to come, they might never look for any good neighbor-hood or friendship of them. There might be also of the people of God themselves that might hardly censure him therein, and that whole action: first, as being done clean out of season; then, as being more too, than absolutely was at any time needful. It might seem to be done clean out of season, for that he had such Authority to teach them all, and to punnish those that should disobey: teaching first, being (in all wisdom) to go before all such actions, as by the ignorance of any might be offensive. Himself also might see, that he could not so deal in that matter, but to the offense of all those people's: and that those, of whom he had all those great favors so lately before, were not themselves so well acquainted with the necessity of any such dealing, but that if those people's should thereupon desire them to bethink themselves, whether he were such a man as they took him to be, it might very well hazard all those savors that now he had gotten. And then; how much better had it been for him first to have dispatched all such things as were of special importance among them, [ G] while he had been teaching them withal the necessity of that other: and, when he had both dispatched those, and shown the needfulness of the other too, then to have set in hand with that matter? It might seem likewise that it was more than at any time was absolutely needful, first by some practice they had among them: then, by the nature of the inhibition it self with for that matter was given them. Their practice was, first of sparing the Gibeonites, who by the virtue of that inhibition should not have been suffered to live among them: then, of Salmon that married Rahab a Canaanite, and of Booz that married Ruth of the Moabites; yet did not after put them and their children away, but, in process of time, had Christ by them. The nature of the inhibition it self seemeth not to be such, as might in no wise have been broken: but only made for their good, and to have given them both advise what was best for them to do; and thereby to allow them so to have done. Otherwise we see not how the people might have kept their league with the Gibeonites: neither could we find the sin of Saul (in destroying certain of them after) to be so great, as the punishment of the whole Land three years together for it, did show it to be. That Ezra had a very good purpose, and meaning with him, when he came among them, there is no question; nor that now this doing of his proceeded of a godly zeal: but it may be, that as Christ commended the ill Steward, that he made shift in time, but not the manner of it; so in the doings of Ezra now, the prosecuting of that his good meaning and zeal, in that particular that now, we speak of, it may well be, was not so answerable to that his good meaning and zeal as was to be wished. Howsoever it was, we see that the case was with the Jews altered now: the estate of them being so very pitiful, and yet both the self same good King that gave Ezra so great Authority both living and reigning as well as before; and Ezra himself living yet, and as it seemeth (for there we find him shortly after) being at Jerusalem also. That these strangers do farther tell Nehemiah, that the Wall of Jerusalem was broken down, and the Gates burnt with fire, and this seemed so strange to Nehemiah, and that now he was so affected with it: it seemeth thereby, that they do not speak of them as they were left hy Nebucadnezzer before; but rather, that they had some-thing repaired them since they returned, but that their Enemies would not suffer the same to stand. There is a plain Testimony (though not so undoubted authority) that the same Darius who was of the Medes, and came in with [ D] Cyrus to the Conquest of Babylon, first himself vowed to build Jerusalem; and soon after gave special charge, that it should be done: and else-where it appeareth, by undoubted authority, that the same Darius did make great reckoning of Daniel; and was well persuaded of the true God too, whom Daniel worshipped, and whose Citty peculiarly Jerusalem was. But by reason it self we may conceive, that coming home there to dwell, there would they likewise build or repair not only some houses to dwell in, but their Walls and Gates likewise after a sort, such as urgent necessity did most require: and seeing they were by authority allowed, there again to inhabit, it is a necessary appendant thereunto, that that there also they were allowed to have reasonable defensive helps, though not of power to make any special resistance (which would be suspicious) yet such as was needful for convenient habitation; and seeing we find not that inhibited unto them, we need not to doubt, but that so far some-times they were doing though the Enemies also would be as ready to ruinate all again, so oft as they might. So it seemeth, that it was of such breaking down of the Wall, and burning of the Gates of the Citty, that those did now speak of; rather then of that which was done so many years before, as of which nobody could be so ignorant, nor have the force of their affections so durable, as to think so strange, and to take it so heavily, as Nehemiah now is noted to have done: as if their meaning were to let him understand, that their Brethren were yet so trodden down of the people about them, that neither Wall nor Gate could yet stand for them, but that still they brake down the one, and burnt the others. But I am not ignorant, that others there are of special account, that do other-wise take it. This occasion being given him, and we being now to see, how he followed thereupon, first we find, that he was occupied about that hard estate of theirs that now they were in: then, about some remedy for it. That which he did about that present estate of theirs was, that he sorrowed for it, and did much lament the same: a good example to us, that so far as our case is like unto theirs, we also should do the like. For our Jerusalem also is not yet so fortified, by strength of Laws, and by concurrence of authority with them, but that in some things of special moment, we may find good cause to be heartily sorry. To obtain a remedy for it, we are to consider, what course he taketh: and how he speedeth. The course that he taketh, was first with God; then, with [ E] the King: and this he doth twice. In the former, unto GOD, first he acknowledgeth his Justice therein: but then withal desireth his help; and even to obtain the favor of him, whose favor his place it self might witness, that he had in good measure already. So should we first seek unto God: and not only when other-wise we have no hope; but even in the best hopes that we otherwise have. When he was to deal with the King, first himself gave some occasion unto the purpose he had in hand; and, as it seemeth, not of set purpose neither, but that he could not other-wise do. For it was by the sadness of his countenance, which it seemeth he could not dissemble, no not in the Kings presence, though fain he would for fear of displeasure. But few there are of us, that so take to heart the hard estate of the Church, but that we can easily put on a good and cheerful countenance whensoever we will: and yet, of one and the self-same body, when one member is payned indeed, all the other members, less or more, do suffer with it. A matter so much the sooner espied in him, for that it was not his manner before to be sad in his praesence: a very good token, of a good member of the Church, that would so easily digest the discontentments of Court; and yet on the behalf of Jerusalem, could in no wise put it of, but must needs be so heavy. Then, when by occasion hereof the King asked him of the cause of it, he plainly told him, that it was because the chief Citty of his Natiue Country, in which likewise the Sepulchers of his Fathers were, could as yet have no walls but they must be ruinated, nor any gates but they must be burned. In the latter, when the King thereupon did ask him what was the thing that he desired, he first again prayed to God, before he laid forth his suite to the King. He sped so well, that whereas he besought the King, if so it might stand with his pleasure, to grant him, by the help of his Officers and Captains in those parts, both safe conduct for his own passage thither, and to be furnished with things needful when he came there: the King did readily grant him all his own desire therein; and withal both made him Governor of Judea, and sent certain Captains and Horse-men with him for his better safety in the way, and belike to do him that honor in the sight of others. All which Nehemiah, looking up, higher than so (as in such case we all should do) attributeth to the good hand of God [ F] upon him. In the way as he went, he acquainted the Governors of those partes with the grant of the King, that so far as to any of them should appertain to be assistant unto the business he had in hand, they might so perceive, what was the Kings pleasure for them to do: and two of them he found to be much grieved, that there was a man come, which sought the health of the Children of Israel; Samballat the one, and Tobiah the other, the former of them being the Governor of the Moabites, the latter of the Ammonites, and both those people's being near on the East to the Land of Jury.

13. Being so come to Jerusalem, and we being now to see what [ A] he did there, soon may we see, that first he employed himself to hold out the enemy: and then to get the people in good order at home. The better to hold out the Enemy, he now at this present thought good to get the Citty fenced: and afterward was careful, to have it better peopled also. That it might be fenced, first he endeavored to get the Walls repaired, and the Gates to be like-wise renewed: then, to be well and orderly kept. To get the Walls repaired, and the Gates to be again renewed, that so Jerusalem might be fortified, it is not unlikely, but that himself did see, that it was a work of that Nature, as that the Enemies would be much grieved at it, and therefore hinder it so much as they could. That the people had their being there, and there did exercise their Religion, it was not so grievous a thing unto them, so long as they lay so open withal, that when they would, they might have been on them: but now so to be fortified, that afterward they could not hope, to have so open a way to wreak their wrath upon them so oft as they would, that goeth sore against the Wooll with them. So may we see it, with us too: that Religion may be professed, and the due maintenance of the Ministry for the time, in some measure yielded, when Superiors will needs so have it; but, by strength of Law to be so fortified, that when they would they might not impeach it, that can many in no wise like of. This that he might the better do, for a while at the first we find, that he kepr himself close: but afterward he shown himself plainly enough. In that he kept himself close, coming unto them, it may seem, but only as a private man, and for a time not imparting unto them what he meant to do, we may reasonable plainly see, that he did not altogether after the manner of the great men of the World, coming to Jerusalem in so private manner as it seemeth he [ B] did. Others lightly are close enough all, if they have any secret purpose with them: but few there be, who at their first coming would not have the honor done unto them which in such case they might, & account to be due to the person they bear. Yet is it for the most part seen, that such as least seek to be honored of the people, do nevertheless most good unto them; and so deserve most honor of them: Christ himself afterward coming thither also, in much more private estate than, he and a great deal more meanly; but blessing them with everlasting peace, and deserving much more honor of them, than they could yield him. But while he kept him-self so close, he by night, and having but few with him, secretly viewed the ruins of the Citty and Breaches of the Walls: doing it secretly, and having so few with him therein, it might very well be, either of wisdom; or of modesty, or of both. In wisdom he might doubt, that Enemies had their Spyes among them: in modesty, it is very likely, he could not make show of doing anything, till he did it indeed. And we see by experience, as reason also plainly teacheth, that such have readyest dispatch of their business, that can best keep it from their Enemies knowledge: and that such as talk most of what they will do, least of all do it; the greatest part belike of their purpose being spent in a few words, and so having little remaining to be spent in deeds. He shown himself plainly enough when he had in seceet viewed in what case those things were, that were of them to be repaired. Which when he did, then are we to see, not only how him-self dealt with them about this matter: but what it was also, that on all hands was thereupon done. His dealing with them was, that first he did put them in mind of their present miserable and reproachful estate in that they saw that Citty of theirs, the Head-Citty of all the Land, even the Citty of GOD himself, to lie so wast, and so open to the spoil of all; and then, both acquainted them with that special opportunity of helping themselves therein that GOD now had given them; and moved them to buckle themselves unto it. That which was on all hands thereupon done, was for a time without interruption or trouble: but then soon after they had some business withal. Without interruption or trouble it was, that praesentlie upon that good news and motion of his, they set in hand with it: and dividing themselves into several companyes, as to such purpose was meetest, they were building round about the Citty all at once. How long they were so occupied, and how far they raised their building before they were interrupted or troubled [ C] therein, we cannot tell: but it is most likely, that such as were so grieved, that any man should be careful for the good estate of the people, would also have such an eye unto them, as that they could not be long about so needful business as it, but that they would quickly be with them. And we have it plainly set down; that at certain times they did trouble them indeed: but themselves began to be afraid of them. They troubled them first, while the walls were yet but in building: then again, when they were built. While the wall was yet but in building, we find that they troubled them before it came to half the height of them: and then again before the residue of them was finished. Before the walls came to half their height, we find that they troubled them twice. For first Samballat, Tobiah, & Geshem the Kings Deputies over the Moabites, Amonites, & the Arabians, first, as it seemeth by the answer that Nehemiah gave them, made show, as if they also would have holpen them: but when that would not be accepted, then both they would have made them believe, that without their help they could never do it, and both mocked them as not building to any purpose, and yet in their own weak conceits as if by the strength thereof they might be able to stand, even against the King himself. But Nehemiah making no reckoning of those their scornings, and directing his answer but to such points as were material, doth plainly tell them, that in trust that God will prosper them, they will be doing: but as for them they had nothing to do in that business, neither did they belong unto it. Then again we find, that when Samballat and Tobiah were on a time together, and, as it seemeth, but at Samaria, much nearer to the Jews than their own Countries were, and there having an Army too (but to what purpose we do not find) they, both of them scorned at the Jews building, as never able to be of any force, not so much as to bear the force or weight of a Fox, if he should happen to leap up thereon. At which time we find that Nehemiah turned him-self to prayer: yet not as it seemeth in fear of that Army, but against those bitter scorns of theirs. As we also diverse times see that the forces of the Enemies of the Gospel are nothing so fearful, as their scornings, being against the truth, are bitter to those that themselves do love it. Immediately after both which Stories it followeth, that by this time the Walls were joined and reared up to half the height of them. Before the rest of the Walls were f •• nished, we find not only that their enemies were brogging at them: but also that there was such an hindrance among themselves, as in reason [ D] might well have impeached the finishing of them. The enemies we speak of, were first those two Captains again last remembered: then also certain people's joining with them, the Arabians and Ammonites, and part of the Philistines (such as were of the Citty of Ashbod.) All which were determined secretly on the sudden to rush in upon the builders and to slay them, and so to make the work to cease: the fortifying of Jerusalem being such a thing as the enemies can never brook. But the Jews getting understanding of their intent, first sought unto God, and then so provided for them, that the others thought it would be to hot a piece of service for them to attempt: and so gave it over, thinking it better sport of the two, to sleep in an whole skin, if so they might. At which time it is good to mark, that the Jews were fain to stand to their defense when they were fortifying Jerusalem, the one half of them to be armed, ready to receive the enemy, the others also that in the mean while built, yet to build but with the one hand only, and to have their weapon in the other: but that so taking courage unto them, and buckling themselves, in that quarrel to cope with their enemies if needs they would, their enemies then were quiet enough, and would not meddle. Both which in these days experience hath often renewed unto us: namely, that such Kingdoms or other States as take with the Gospel, must also provide against the enemy; but that so doing, their enemies then grow wily enough to look ere they leap.

14 That hindrance that was among themselves, that in reason might well have [ A] impeached the finishing of this work among them, was certain hard dealing of the greater sort with the meaner: many of the people being by it discouraged, till it was by Nehemiah amended. In the hard dealing that here is noted, it shall be good to consider, not only what is reported of it: but also to what ende there is such remmbrance of it here. That which is reported of it, resteth in two principal pointes: one, that the people complained, that it lay very sore upon them; the other, to note whence it came unto them. In that they did so much complain that it lay very hard upon them, and yet the burden (it seemeth) was no greater but only the hundredth part of the loan for one month, which cometh no higher but only to twelve or thirteen in the hundred (but others there are, that do otherwise take it) such as are in Authority are to take good heed, that so near as may be, there be no such oppression among their people. And seeing this was so grievous unto them, and did so sore overlay them, when it came unto them but only from [ B] the richer sort among them, and not from him which was then in chief Authority under the King, which at that time was Nehemiah himself: then, any people must of necessity be much more grieved, or borne down with such burdens, when besides the toleration of those, even their Deputies themselves, lie heavy upon them. For so is it their manner sometimes to do, and to account it a needful point of wisdom too, that thereby making them unable to stir, they may afterward impose upon them whatsoever hard measure they shall think good, & have the others quietly to take it: in which case the people, howsoever they might have prevented the other before, or at that present might turn a-side from it; yet this kind of burden can they in no wise avoid, but needs must bear it how unable soever they are to do it. That there is such remenbrance of this hard dealing here, it may likewise give us to understand, that such things tolerated in the richer sort of the people, and immoderate impositions from higher Authority also, may, wheresoever they come together, much more hinder the fortifying of Jerusalem, in any of our Christiā kingdoms likewise, and therefore no marvel, if the course of the Gospel do not in such places so effectually proceed as were to be wished; especially there, where impositions (though smart enough in them-selves) were notwithstanding but an easier burden, so that the things, themselves remain, out of which they were to be raised. In that Nehemiah did go so readily about to amend it, first it argueth, that he did think it a mattet needful to be amended▪ then, because we see that he did it, it shall be good to mark what course he observed therein. That he did think it needful to be amended, is not (I grant) of force to infer, that we should be of that opinion also: but yet it is a fair warning to us to take heed, that his dutiful regard in that matter, be no just condemnation to any carelessness of ours therein. The course that he observed therein, is, that first he was much grieved at it: and then did labor to have it reformed. In that he was much grieved at it, both it was a good token that he was a good Magistrate: and yielded withal good hope of amendment. And yet it may not be denied, but that he might seem unto some, to be over-populer therein: yet not justly but only to such, as would rather allow much more than needeth unto the greater, than very needful unto the meaner. When he labored ro have it performed, first he dealeth with the parties whom it concerned: then he entereth into some special consideration of his own ways in such matters, belike to clear himself in his own conscience, that in this matter he did not lay a greater burden [ C] on others than himself did bear as well as they. Dealing with the parties whom it concerned, first he endevoreth to obtain their good will therein: then, after that once he had obtained, he laboreth to confirm them in it. When he laboreth to obtain their good will in it, it is not in vain, for that they very well did yield unto him. So first how he did deal with thē in it: then how far they yielded unto him. His dealing with them was at two several times, in either of them praeuayling some-what with them: first striking them mute, so that they held their peace; then obtaining what he desired. When he did but so charge them, that they had nothing to answer, he both reproved, even the chiefest and greatest of them for that they had done: and, the more to convince them, he both set before them, as it seemeth, a great number of those with whom they had dealt so hardly; & his own better example. An happy man, in the mean season, that could so do. When it so fell out in the end, that he obtained what he desired, again first he reproveth them, and commendeth an example of his unto them: and then requireth, but by entreaty, what he desired. At which time they yielded fully unto him: a rare example if we mark it, and seldom to be matched among us all; our private lucre, howsoever we get it▪ ever hath that interest in us. When now they have thus far yielded, then to confirm them in it, both he took oath of them, or at least of certain of them: and withal pronounced a solemn curse to so many of them as should refuse to do as themselves had promised now; with a great and general applause of all the company. Entering into the consideration of his own ways during the time he was Governor there, and to this ende, as it seemeth, that he might better clear his conscience towards God, in that which now he required of the chief men among them, first he meditateth of those his ways by himself: and then directeth his speech unto God. In that his Meditation by himself, first he considereth as it were but simply, that he had not been so chargeable unto them, as by the example of other Governors he might have been: then by comparison, that though his charges were greater than theirs, yet had had he not taken the benefit of that advantage. When he doth it but simply in it self, his reason is, for that he feared GOD. When he doth it by way of comparison, because of the greater charges that he was at, more than they, both in fortifying some part of the Wall himself, and in more chargeable House-keeping besides, his reason then is in commiseration of the people, as [ D] being brought over-low already. A notable pattern for all Governors of Provinces whatsoever: both in his whole course generally; and in certain particulars besides. In his whole course generally we find, that he was very careful for the good of the people: and that he would not be chargeable unto them. Whereas for the most part the good of the people is not by such much regarded: and yet themselves are very chargeable to them notwithstanding; as obtaining a people on whom they may prey at their own pleasure. Those particulars are, some of them such as do concern but either himself, or else his company: and one that doth concern them both. That which concerneth himself, is, that albeit the other Governors before him had given him example, or made him a ready way to large allowance: yet he, fearing GOD, could not follow their steppes therein. Many of ours think, that they can fear God well enough for their purpose: and yet be so far from remitting anything that was wont to be had; that they think they bestir themselves but ill, if they do not yet raise it higher. That which concerneth his company, is, that whereas the Seruaunts of other Governors did rule over the people, he suffered not his so to do: but brought them all to the work that then they had in hand. Notwithstanding which good example of his, it is a wonder to see, how imperious over the people, and how deeply exacting of them, not only the Brethren, Kinsfolke, and Friends, but even the basest of the Servants also, of many of our Governors and diverse other Officers can be: especially so oft as their Lord's and Maysters have not a good eye unto them for all such matters; or (which too too often is their case indeed) that those Maysters of theirs do not themselves maintain them in that service of theirs, but let them have their countenance only to prey upon others, and some-times sell them those rooms besides, yea even at an excessive and merciless rate. That one that did concern both him and his company, was, that none of them were any Purchasers, or bought any Land: a point that seemeth to be clean abandoned by most of ours (whether they be Governors or Officers themselves, or but their attendants) and to be left as a point of notable folly; all of them in a manner, choosing rather therein to be like to Gehazie, even to the obtaining of his Leprosy too, than to be so grossly over-seen, as in their judgment Nehemiah here was. Yet is it no rare thing, nevertheless right worthy the marking, to see, howe, if the Governor, or Officer himself, be a man of that bent, and in such sort leadeth before, then, all his retinue doth follow after: every follower [ E] heartily shaming in that course not to hang on; if nor to the foremost of all, yet at the least unto his immediate leader. Directing his speech unto God, he, desireth him to remember him in goodness, according as he had been sincerely careful on behalf of his people: both a good token, that he had done his part sincerely indeed, when as he so pleaded to God him-self; and a comfortable example to show, howe readily we may have recourse unto God, so many as have had any special care of his people here, and have dealt truly therein.

15 When the walls were now built, and the Gates not yet set up, the [ A] trouble that then was, was chiefly to Nehemiah himself: partly by his enemies; and partly by diverse of his own people. In the trouble that he had by his Enemies, he first relateth the same unto us: then he turneth his speech unto God. As he relateth the same unto us, we find the trouble that was intended against him, was first, by moe of his Enemies together: then, by one of them only. When it was by moe of them together, as by those three Captains before mentioned, and others with them, their devise was then, to entice him forth among them, and then, having him there, to do him some mischief: but Nehemiah did refuse to come at them, in respect of his business he had at home (as also it is both best and safest for us too, ever to stick fast to our business;) and so persisted immovable, though four several times they sent about it, very desirous to have had that Collop, if by any means they could have it. When it was but by one, which was Saballat, the ceefe man among them, he also sought to get him forth, and belike to the same ende that before, but now showing some cause why: but Nehemiah made no reckoning thereof, but counted them as vain & false allegations, and so refused to come unto him; and giveth his judgment of these their doings, that they were done to fray him and the rest, that so they might be discouraged to proceed in their building. When he turneth his speech unto God, it is, that God would strengthen him against all such discouragements whatsoever: the way that all the people of God have in all their necessities, and much more ready and sure, than any of the children of the world have of those that they best like of, and where-unto in their distress they fly. Of his own people [ B] we read of diverse that were bad members to such a purpose, and no doubt wrought no little trouble unto him in this his business: but yet have we this difference betwixt them, that of some of them we have relation what hurt they did; of the residue no more, but that they were such as might well be accounted dangerous members. Those of whom we have relation what hurt they did, were certain that were endued with the spirit of prophesy, or at least so professed: and of these we have some Story, before we have relation made howe the work was finished. So first of their Story: then of the finishing of that his business. The effect of their Story is, that he was so troubled by one of them, that he prayeth against those that did set him on work: and against the others much like unto him. That one by whom he was so troubled, was Shemaiah a Prophet, who would have put him in fear: but Nehemiah would not; and then perceived that Shemaiah was hyered by Samballat and Toby, so to work on him, thereby to bring some reproach unto him. Praying against those two Captains that would have brought that shame upon him, he then also together with them putteth Noadiah by name, a Prophetess also, and other Prophets too, all endeavoring to have put him in fear. As touching the finishing of that his business, he recordeth unto us, that notwithstanding those impediments it was in good time dispatched: and that all their enemies about them were now afraid, because they saw that it was of God, that the Jews had so good success in it. Those others of whom we have no other story, but only such as well may convince them to have been dangerous members, were as it seemeth for the most part of them that were of any note, but only of the Princes: but it is noted, that there were many of them; and then we may be sure, that there were some store of the others too, though we have none others named. But in the story of these also, we have one such matter noted withal, as might well be some trouble to Nehemiah, and may seem, though it be not certain, that it came by their means also. Of those Princes, and such others as were of that sort (if there were any moe, as it is most likely there were) it is noted, that they had much enter course with Tobiah aforesaid, or on his behalf, both by letters, and by word of mouth too. When it is noted, that it was by Letters, there are two Reasons thereof given: one, that many were sworn unto him; the other, that he was of affinity with certain of them. When it was but by word of mouth, there it is noted, [ C] that even in the presence of Nehemiah, they spake good of him: and reported to him again whatsoever Nehemiah by such occasion did at any time deliver of him. That other matter which we have noted withal, which might be some trouble to Nehemiah, and may seem to come by their means too, was that Tobiah likewise did seek to put him in fear, by certain Letters that he sent unto him. Out of which we also may learn (as in this land we have had experience, in these days of ours, in plentiful measure) that when Christian Princes endeavor to fortify their Jerusalem, there will be even Prophets, or such as are of some specyall account of wisdom, or of prudent fore-sight of dangers ensuing, that will cast perrils, and put in fear; such also as are sworn to the enemy, have intelligence with him, and speak good of him till he may come and spread his net over us: and that of all others, such as have affinity with the enemy (as many of ours have forever and a day wedded to that usurper of Rome) are in such case, and for such practices, most to be doubted.

16 The walls being now all repaired, and the gates in their places renewed [ A] and set up, his next care was, to have those gates orderly kept; and shortly after the City to be better peopled also: these wauls likewise and gates would he have, in some solemn and public manner, to be dedicated unto the Lord. Al which are so near of kin the one to the other, as that we might look, that in course of history they should follow immediately, and each one of them after another: but so they do not. That the Gates be orderly kept, he taketh care presently, soon after that they were erected: but then, advising himself next, of getting the Citty better peopled, the Story twineth, as it were, a-side to other matters first; and then afterward cometh both to the peopling of the Citty, and to the dedication of the walls now lately erected. For the orderlie keeping of the Gates, it followeth immediately after, that ste committed the opening of them in the morning, and the shutting up of them at night again, unto certain men of special trust: and appointed Warders besides throughout the Citty. When he next advised him-self of getting the Citty peopled, the Story continueth in this course but a while: but, like to a River that sometimes leaveth the wonted channel, and a good while holdeth that new course, before it return to the wonted channel again; so doth this Story now take unto it another course than wherein it first began, and yet aftet returneth unto it again. For hitherto it hath gone in the name of Nehemiah, him-self all this while speaking unto us in his own person; and [ B] so yet goeth it a little farther: but then altogether it leaveth that course, and although diverse times after it speaketh of him (thrice out of question in plain terms, and twice more, as it is the judgment of some of good reckoning) yet never is it but only in the third person until it come to the one and thirtith verse of the twelfth Chapter; which I do not yet find that others have noted. Yet true it is, that some there are that note five Chapters here to come in by anticipation or praeoccupation as it is commonly termed: nevertheless not noting unto us which they are; whereas indeed those that we speak of are all-most six, being the most of this seventh Chapter, and most of the twelfth, and those four that are betwixt. But if Ezra were the writer of this Book also, as it is by the learned resolved, and farther, if this were all one with the former among the Auncient Haebrewes, these two Books with them making but one, then the likeliest seemeth to be, that Ezra, in compyling this whole Story, took his light from Nehemiah himself for so much of it as most properly concerned him, and that desiring him-self to set it down as most privy thereto, and then he setting it down after his manner in his own person, but in such sort as notably testifieth an excellent Spirit, and great simplicity withal, Ezra then did so insert it, even in his own words, into his Story, in such places as him-self did find that most conveniently it might come in. So may we take most of this that cometh betwixt, as a kind of digression: and so are we first to consider of it; then of the residue, when the Story cometh to that his former course again. While it is yet for a time in the former course, as before I noted, Nehemiah first noteth that the Citty was large, and the people but few: then, casting how to amend it, he acknowledgeth that GOD did show him a good way unto it; and, for the residue of that Chapter, doth make recital of it. The effect whereof is (for although some there be that allot the four last Verses to the time of Nehemiah, that now we are in: yet seeing others are of other judgment therein, and Saint Jerome him-self noted to be so too, I thought it the safest, so to leave it; so much the rather, because our Bybles do so likewise) that getting a Catalogue of those that with Zorobabell came from Babylon, first, he conceived that by the help of it, seeing it sorted them into their several Families, he might be able to find, who might best be called upon, and urged too (if need were) to come to Jerusalem to inhabit there. But we do not afterward find, that which was done therein, to be done by the help of that catalogue, [ C] nor by Nehemiah neither, as, when we come to the place, we are then farther to see. But now, whereas the people yet were so few in Jerusalem, yea even when the Walls were built, and the Gates set up (for it was less marvel, if they made no hast theither before) when as notwithstanding the Temple (and so the only place of worshipping) was there, & the same (as we saw before) richly endowed, it plainly argueth one of these two: either, that the days were very doubtful yet, there to inhabit, notwithstanding all those grauntes they had before; or else, that the people were nothing religious, so generally planting themselves so far from the Temple. We also may have by our superiors, in some sort, very good countenance borne in Religion, when nevertheless in diverse things we find no security to be anything forward therein: as also on the other side, many of us regard but little to be anything forward in the sincerity of our profession, how plainly so ever we see, that we most safely do it.

17 In that digression that we speak of, first we have religious, and then civil matters intended. As touching religious, I see not whereon one of special [ A] reckoning should account, that now they solemnized the Feast of Trumpets, this that here is spoken of being the first day of the seventh month, and that being appointed to be on the tenth day of the same. True it is, that blowing or sounding of the Trumpets did, as a solemnity, fall for that day too, as it was the New-Moon, or first day of the month: but the other was it, as I take it, that properly was so called. But it is clear, that now the people were very religious: and that the special zeal where-with they were touched then, did soon after sort it self to special good effect too. That they were religiously given, it appeareth first in all the people generally: then in certain of them, and the residue again joining with them therein. In all the people generally it appeared the first day of the month, they all desiring Ezra to read the Law of God unto them, and to acquaint them with it: and, when they had heard it, being so effectually touched therewith as they were. For they did so weep and sorrow, belike in respect that their Elders and they had so much offended, that whereas at that time, as their case was then, they were in duty to rejoice and give thanks, that both Nehemiah and Ezra them-selves, and many others of the chief men besides, were fain to stay them, and to turn that their mourning, unto a public joy and rejoicing: and, it seemeth, had much a-do to obtain it of them. In certain [ B] of them, and in the residue again joining with them therein, it appeareth, in that the chief Fathers of all the people, together with the Priests and Levites, came the next day again to be farther instructed: and then understanding that the self-same month there was a special feast to be solemnized, both they and the rest of the people now did very well hold it; and only making their abode for the time in Bowers and Arbours (as the Nature of that feast required, being as it was the feast of Tabernacles) but in daily exercise of the word of GOD, wherein it varryed from other such feasts held before, and did much exceed them. How this good zeal of theirs did soon after sort it self to special good effect too, is likewise very plainly declared, in that within very few days of that solemnity already passed, they in such sort praesented themselves again, abandoning their unlawful marryages (so many of them, belike, as yet remained) and confessing all their other sins generally, so diligently exercising themselves like-wise in the word of God, that thereby perceiving, now better then before, that they had exceeding much on their part broken the Covenant, they now thought good, on their part to renew it again, in some actual and solemn manner: which also they did, accursing all that did not; and binding themselves, both by sealing and swearing unto it. In which it shall be good more specially to consider, first of that their excercise in the word of God: then, of the points of this their Covenant. Of that their exercise in the word of God, seeing it seemeth to be implied to have been daily for the time, whether three hours at once, or the fourth part of the day, as some do take it, may not as well stand by the propriety of that tongue: as four times a-day, which is for the most part conceived by others. For four times a-day, is without example; and as it seemeth double to that which God appointed, he not urging his people, by sacrificing, to any public worshipping of his, but only twice aday, morning and evening: hard also to be drawn into use, or to be followed by others, for that our bodily necessities are so many and great, as by strict necessity can hardly afford at any time lightly (for any space together) so much laisure to that kind of exercise. But the fourth part of the day, or three hours together, is so much the more likely, as it may be more conuenently had (especially, at some time of more urgent necessity) even for many days together, if need so require. One there is, that seemeth to conceive it to have been, not that all of them so came four times a day: but alternis v • cibus, one sort of them, as it seemeth his meaning is, after another, [ C] As with us also it is diverse times in our Cathedral Churches and Colleges, in some of our Parishes also, and in houses that are of greatest Families, especially for the morning, that there is, and to very good purpose, Divine Service celebrated twice: once, somewhat timely for Officers and servants; the other more lately, at the most convenient time of the morning, for all others generally. But this seemeth to have no sufficient warrant in the Text: and much less, that he, following belike another before, taketh in the night, to this reckoning also. Another there is, that now by himself (for he did not so, when he joined with his fore-man before) is of mind that they took out two fourth parts of the day to this exercise, one three hours in the time of the Morning-Sacrifice, till High-noon; the other, from thence to three of the clock in the after-noon, close to the time when the Eeuening-Sacrifice was to begin: allotting the former of them to the hearing of the word first, and the latter of them to their worshipping of God after; so disioyning the hearing of the word of God to one part of the day, and their worshipping to another. An opinion more odding from the judgment of others, than standing on warrant of the Text it self: or can well agree with the nature of those Sacrifices that were of thanks-giving, wherein, after the oblation, they were to dress for themselves, and therewith to Feast before the Lord. Those points of the Covenant, were, one of them more general: the others, more special. That which was more general, was, that thenceforward they would walk in the Law of God, and observe and do all such things as he appointed. Those that were more special, were concerning certain duties, whereunto, as their case then was, they need to have some special regard: some of them being but concerning their own private ways; others, the Public Service of God. Those that concerned their own private ways, were one of them to praeuent that they did not degenerate into a base or mongrel people; the others, of certain duties to them appertaining, as they stood clear the people of God. To praeuent that they did not degenerate, they now did covenant, that they would not thenceforward make any marriages with the people of the Land. Those other duties to them appertaining, as they stood clear the people of God, which now they make part of their covenant, were two: one concerning one special day; another concerning one special year. That special day, was the Sabbath: concerning which they now did covenant, that if the people of the Land should thenceforward bring any wares or victuals on the [ D] Sabbath day (as before they were wont) they would in no wise take any of them; a very good kind of check to such profaine Merchants, victualers and to all such as use to sell, if, when themselves will not be ruled, the people then would take nothing of them, but make them carry it home again. That special year was the Seauenth, wherein their land was to lie, and to be common to all: and yet even then also were they to forbear their debtors; and as some do take it quite to forgive them, at least, if they were poor, which in like sort they promised to observe from that time forward. But whether, either themselves promised, or the Law required, utterly or clean to forgive what was owing unto them, and they could not get up before, or but only for that year to spare them: that is a point that seemeth not perfectly yet to be cleared. For most of our Interpreters that yet I meet-with, seem to take it of clear acquitting and forgiving: but some of them there be, who interpret that only for the poorer sort, such as are unable to pay; and some of them seem to restrain it too, but for that year. Now it is plain, that that which they promise here is for all their debts indifferently; not excepting the rich more than the poor: and it seemeth they were in so good mind now, that indeed they yielded to that which the Law required of them. But by all likelihood there were many of them whose estate was not able to bear to forgive all, both one and other, even the great as well as the small: and so it was not their meaning, and yet that they meant so much as the Law required of him. In the Law also it self, though our translations seem to import, that such a kind remitting is meant, as that he to whom it was due, might never so much as afterward ask it: yet the Hebrew word is noted so to bind upon hard and straight dealing, that it seemeth there is no asking of it after forbidden, but such as hath hard dealing in it. So it seemeth rather to be the safer of the two, that we go no farther herein, than to conceive, that the Law did before require, and that they now did covenant, but only, that, as for that year they would not take benefit of their own Land to their own private use, but forbear it then; so, whatsoever debts were owing unto them, they would not that year urge them of any: but then, on the other side again, that as the Law did not forbid them, afterward to take use of their Land as before, neither did they mean to abandon their right to the use thereof farther than so; so neither did they take it, that the Law did require, neither did themselves mean, but afterward in good manner to look for such debts as were due unto them, where they might conveniently and [ D] orderly have them. And this so much the rather, for that there is another Law for relieving of those that were decayed or in need among them. Out of which notwithstanding it may be objected, that the respect of the seventh year is so mentioned there, as if it might seem that it should be the loss of it clean. It is so indeed: but yet may it as well signify no more, but only the drift of time, that so he should be put of a year longer, before he should see his own again; which with Money-men, is it self a matter irksome enough. Neither yet is it to be denied, but that, as in the fiftieth years institution, God would so moderate the desires of such as would buy Land out right, or take for years, as that they should not extend their desires therein but only unto that fiftieth year: so, it might please God to have it his mind for this also (as a rudiment, or point of discipline, wherein he would have his people to exercise their obedience unto him) that such debts as they could not well get up before, they should then clean remit; which if they could not well bear, then might they accordingly moderate their lending before. But in respect of that which already is said, it is not amiss to take heed to a marginal note that we have in some of our English Bibles, seeming to import, that of the richer sort even in the seventh year might men require their debts, and that such might be then also constrained to pay them: whereas if that note go no farther but only to the time ensuing, it may so very well stand; for that so there is no question of it. So likewise, that it is conceived, that such debts should be to the poorer sort clean remitted, to praeserue them from Idolatry, for that poor men being hardly urged, might easily take occasion thereby to flee the Land, and to seat themselves among Idolatrous people, and so become Idolatrous themselves: first there is no such thing set down in the Text; then also that consideration doth not infer, that men may not look for their own, but that they may not, to get it again, deal hardly with any. Of those that concerned the Public Service of God, there be two sorts: the former of them for the performance of the Service it self; the latter, for the maintenance of those that should do it. These matters are plain enough in the Text, and leave two good lessons unto us. One, that we do not truly repent, or turn unto God, but so far as we have care that his worship be well performed among us: the other, that we have no sufficient regard of it neither, but so far as we restore to the Ministry the maintenance that is due unto them.

18 Those that were civil, were chiefly two: one the peopling of Jerusalem; the other, about the dedication of the Walls lately built. Unto the peopling of [ A] Jerusalem we have some other things annexed, by occasion thereof, as it seemeth: so that first we are to consider of that matter it self; then, of those others, that by occasion here of seem to be thereunto annexed. As touching that matter it self, as it did of old appertain to the Tribes of Judah and Benjamin, the Citty it self standing part of it in the one Tribe, and part in the other: so it was for them to have a special regard unto the inhabiting of it, as their own proper possession. The Priests also and the Levites were to have the like regard thereunto, because the Temple was [ B] by God's appointment erected there, and because the service therein to be done, did by the same appointment of God belong unto them. So, what by natural inclination to our ancient right, that commonly reigneth in us: and by the duty that in such case, men of any reckoning do acknowldge they ow unto God, it is very strange, that Jerusalem the head Citty of all the Land, and so specially graced by the Temple there, should nevertheless have special care employed about it, to get so many people there to inhabit, as might be convenient to furnish the Citty. But such is the rage of enemies ofttimes against the people of God, and so dogged displeasures they ever cast to do unto them so oft as they may, that many good men are thereby driven, both to abandon their own right, and that which otherwise they could most comfortably of all other things enjoy: and withal to withdraw themselves from such duties in God's holy Temple among us erected, as otherwise neither in conscience they could, nor, if with any quietness they might be so employed, willingly would. Nevertheless diverse there were, both of the chief and principal Fathers of all sorts of them, and of the people that of their own accord willingly yielded there to inhabit: but yet was it a thing, though otherwise needful, so full of danger and trouble, that all the rest thanked them much, and counted themselves beholding unto them therein. But because these were nothing near enow, they were fain to take some farther order: and because to do it by lots, culling out the tenth of them all, was most indifferent, they so resolved, and did accordingly. At which time we find that by this mean there were taken-in of the people to dwell there, almost three thousand: of the Tribe of Judah, four hundred threescore and eight; of the Tribe of Benjamin (greater it seemeth now than the other) nine hundred twenty and eight; of the Priests (in three several companies) one thousand one hundred fourscore and twelve; and of the Levites (in two companies) four hundred and six. Elsewhere we have a reckoning of mo that there did now inhabit, of some of the other Tribes also (such belike as escaping the evils that fell on their brethren now in conscience and zeal assembled themselves thither:) and greater numbers of these also that now we have spoken of, for certain of them. But it seemeth, that not only such as were taken in by lot, are there named, but others also that voluntarily inhabited there. In which place we have note of six hundred fourscore and ten persons of the Tribe of Judah; nine hundred fifty and six, of the Tribe of Benjamin; one thousand seven hundred and threescore Priests; and of Porters (but one company of the Levites, the others [ C] not being numbered there) two hundred and twelve. Those other matters that are hereunto annexed, and, as it seemeth by this occasion, are two other recitals or Catalogues: one, of those that dwelt in the Country (when the Citty was thus far furnished) the other of those that were in the Priest-hoode among them for a certain season. That which is of those that dwelt in the Country, is, first of the Priests and Levites: then, of those two Tribes Judah, and Benjamin. In the former of which, towards the end, there is a relation of some things more particularly: one, the regard that the King had for the maintenance of Music in the Divine Service of God; the other, of special Authority, as it seemeth, committed to one Pethahiah of the Tribe of Judah. Music in Divine Service, is not by many thought to be so very needful, but that well enough it might be spared. But then, if this Heathen Prince could have that regard to the Service of God, that he would not only have such things as are absolutely needful, but even that also that in the judgment of many (and those not ill) might well be spared: how can it be, but that Christian Princes that profess the Gospel, and yet do not farther it with things most needful, and (sometimes without any urgent necessity) still with-hold that which in aequitye it ought to have, may find their zeal by this example of his shrewdly checked, if it be not even mated also? In that the said Pethahiah is noted to have had so great Authority from the King, if the meaning may be restrained as it is commonly taken, to the maintenance of those that were so to be employed in Divine Service, then is there no difficulty in it: the meaning then being plain, that the King had such care thereof, that he would have his Officer there ready at hand, still to give their pension unto them, that so there might be no default therein, for want of it in due season. Which belike was a more easy and readier course for those Pensioners or Stipendaries then (and a great deal less chargeable too, when the K. was so careful to have it so readily done) than such Pentioners & Stipendaries as in these days we have in the Ministry, do find by such kind of Officers now. But if as the words seem to import, he was for the King in all affairs toward the people, then is it somewhat hard, that there should be any other in the times of Ezra and Nehemiah, in so great authority there: unless it should be understood of some time that toucheth not their aforesaid government; or else be restrained as afore, which for this cause also it may seem so much the rather to be.

19 That which is of those that were of the Priest-hood is, as it seemeth, but [ A] only certain several notes of them, in this place recorded, that so the memory of them might the rather continue, & the same to very good purpose, as the case may diverse times be: some conceiving, that therefore they are recited here, for that the dedication of the walls which next after followeth, was to be performed especially by them, and that therefore they were to be recited first; others, and the more likely of the two, as I do take it, that it was by occasion of reciting those others before, that inhabited Jerusalem, and of those also that dwell in the Country. But it is the manner of the Scripture very often, while it is in other matter of Story, to break off for the time, and then to take in matter of Genealogy: and so less marvel, if we have it here, or anywhere else, not on present occasion offered there, but to serve the purpose some where else. But whereas here we have so special recital of the Priest-hood, thus much may we be bold together, that for that time, (& so likewise so oft as we have the like testimony for any time else) it pleased God to be gracious unto them in that he had his Ministry among them, and a continual succession of it. As we also may in like sort reckon of the favor or displeasure of God, as it pleaseth him to vouchsafe us that external mean of our good estate in him. For the order of these notes here, we may note thus much, that whereas those that appertained to the Priest-hood, were either Priests or Levites, we first have relation of both together; then of certain of them a-part by themselves: & that this order is observed twice. In the former of these our first note is, both of Priests and Levites, such as first came with Zerubbabel out of their Captivity from Babylon: first showing what the Priests were who then returned; then coming to the Levites also. Those others of whom we have note here apart by themselves, are only Priests: and first of the High-Priests only; then of others, such as were of special reckoning too. The note that is of the High-priests, is of so many of them as successively did reach the whole time frō their return out of Captivity to be beyond the time that yet we are in, even to the time of Alexander the great, a few years after the Story of Nehemiah: who in all that time were six, one after another by lineal descent. The note that we have of other Priests besides, who also were of good reckoning among them, is not of any such large compass of time, [ B] but of such as lived, in a manner, all together: and were in place, in the time of Joakim, the second of those six High-Priests that we spake of, the Son of Ieshua, who was the High Priest when they returned; that time being noted to be twenty and eyght years, Joakim himself being High Priest so long after the death of his Father, in whose absence he had occupied the place before. But in it we may note two things: one, as touching the estate or degree that they were of; the other, of the number of them. For the estate or degree that they were of, they are plainly said to be chief Fathers: and yet were all these under others, and such as were no High-Priests neither. There are if we mark, in the note of those that returned with Ieshuah (as we saw in the first note here placed) two and twenty several persons that were all Priests: and all said to be chief Priests or principal men in that function, and yet not the High-Priests neither, as there also is noted. And these others that now we speak of were all under them; every of them under one of those others: and all them in the self-same order, but for some varryance in some few of their Names; and in one of them it faileth clean. The names do varry most, in the fifth, seventh, eight, and ninth of the first note: and a little in two or three afterward following. That, wherein it faileth clean, is in the sixth of the first note also: all the others being s • ed, even in the same order after, wherein before they are set down. Which variety of their names, in two places so near together, and wherein the latter hath so special relation unto the former, may well be thought to give great probability, both that these are several notes, and that they were not put together by one and the self same person; yet both of GOD, sometime using one instrument in such service of his, and sometimes another: the variety of many of the Hebrew names, making no difference in the person; and that there should be moe doers herein th • n one, being also conceived before by others. But that these are said to have been under those others, it is not to be denied, but that it is not so taken of all. For some there be that so setteth them down, as coupling together indifferently, both those that came at the first with Ieshua, and those that now we speak of, as if they were all alike: others again, some that seem to make these the issue of those others; others, that do plainly set them down, as being theirs, belonging unto them, or being under them. So much the harder to be conceived, that one of special good reckoning for his learning, and labor in that book of [ C] Scripture, notwithstanding this variety in others, yet passeth over those ten verses of the Text, with only two lines of his Commentary: and plainly professeth that he seeth no difficulty in them. In that one wherein that course faileth clean, that otherwise is observed in them both throughout, is that note of the number of them: and it is no more but this. That whereas David ordained four and twenty courses for the better service of GOD, and that so it might be less troublesome to the parties themselves, in the former of these two notes that now I speak of, there be but two and twenty; and but twenty and one in the latter: the sixth in the former, having none under him in the latter, as all the residue of his fellows have. Whereby it may seem, that some of their courses were yet wanting, till they were supplied or renewed again: and a fair blessing of GOD it was, that in so troublesome and corrupt times as they were in, there was no greater decay than so. Yet on the other side, seeing they had one fewer in the days of Joakim the Son, than they had in the days of Ieshua his Father, and even then, when that Father of his came first from Babylon, when as notwithstanding himself was afterward High Priest (as it is noted) thirty and six years by himself, and eight and twenty years more, his place being for the first eight of these supplied by his Son, for the other twenty himself serving the place again alone, unless he took his Son in with him: hereby it seemeth, that they made no great hast to fill up those courses that then were wanting. But it may seem rather to be, that Religion and the worship of God was by those Princes so little advanced, when as it was so long before the Temple might be built: rather than by any slackenes in them; but that already they were enough and enough to that purpose there, yea and twenty times mo than were needful yet for any such business as was there to be done. As with us also, if learning be not so followed as it should, where most it ought, so to supply the rooms that want, the fault is not there where it seemeth to lie, but in those that give the occasion of it, discouraging much good proceeding in learning, by keeping away so much of the reward thereunto appertaining, and impairing the rest so fast as they do. A matrer so much the rather to be marked of those, that seek to the Author aforesaid that found no difficulty herein (and sure an Author right worthy to be sought unto, both for learning and godly wisdom, both in this Book and diverse others: but Homer himself slumbereth [ D] sometimes) for that in the same place also he professeth, he saw nothing worthy the marking for our instruction. In the latter of those, our first note is both of Priests and Levites together, as before; but now we have no recital of them here, as in the others, but only a remembrance that such a note there was taken of them; and therein the Levites (who were the inferiors, if they were no more than Levites; but many of them were) first named, before the Priests that were the superiors. In this note we may mark, first that whereas already we have note of such as were in the days of Ieshua and Joakim two of the first of those six High-Priests whose Genealogy or lineal descent we had before, now is this of all such as followed after in the days of the last four of them, Eliasib, Ioiada, Johanan, and Iaddua: and that, seeing this note was taken in the reign of Darius King of Persia, it referreth us to the last of that name whom Alexander overthrew, none other of that name reaching unto the time of Iaddua, one of those that here is named. Then that seeing it did not please God here to recite them; nor to reserve unto us that note where they were entered into record, it is not absolutely needful for the Church of God to have the Story of succession, in particularities to be still continued. Having promised that he will be with his even to the end, so we make vndonbted assurance of it, the matter is less if we do not ever distinctly know by whom he hath done it, or from time to time doth it yet. Of the Levites, a-part by themselves, we have two notes moe: one, much like to this other of the Levites & Priests together; the other, therein varrying from them. For the former of them is no more but only a remembrance here, that such a note is else-where taken; and that, of the chief and principal Fathers of the Levites: but this note here, both referreth us to the Book of the Chronicles; and telleth us, that there we have all, even to the time of the last but one, of those six High-Priests afore-said. What Book of Chronicles is it that here he meaneth, himself doth not show. But true it is, that in the Book of Chronicles which we have extant, there have we the principal Fathers of the Levites expressed, and their courses withal; by the rule and pattern where of such as followed were ever to repair their courses decayed: and so is it by diverse taken, that that is the meaning of the Text here. But seeing he doth so praecisely note by the person, a man well known, how far that Register should extend; and seeing those other notes are of the chief Fathers in particular: it seemeth rather, that he pointeth to some such Book of Chronicles as now we [ E] have not; and that God hath not thought good to reserve it unto us, as we know it hath pleased him to deal with many other Monuments besides. Another Testymony, that particular succession need not to be so known unto us. That which herein varryeth from both those last before, is the same that followeth next, and is the last of them all: it both noting the persons themselves, and their several functions (one sort of them to be employed in giving of thanks and such like, and the others to keep the gates;) and showing besides, in whose days they served, namely, in the days of Ioiakim the second of those High-Priests afore-said, and in the days of Nehemiah and Ezra that now we speak of.

20 About the dedication of the walls we have some-thing noted unto us (before [ A] the Story doth yet return unto his wonted course again) concerning diverse of those that should be special Agents therein: & first what was done, as touching them; then, what certain of them did. Those that should be special Agents in this business, were the Priests and Levites; and that which was done concerning them, rested in two principal points: one, that against this time, and against this business, they were from all places diligently gathered together unto Jerusalem; the other, that they were purified also. That they were so diligently gathered together, it seemeth to arise, not only of those that so did call them together: but also, of themselves that so readily came in thereupon. Those that called them together, seem to be all the Princes, Fathers, or Leaders of the people generally, or the whole Congregation of them: as yet having no mention (as soon after we have) of Nehemiah, as any doer in this matter. Being then the deed of the whole company generally, it is a very good example to all: in all our special & chief affairs, to ta • e our light and help and course of action of those, whom it hath pleased God to give us to such purpose, and whose labors we may best hope we will bless therein. David (they might remember) had been about such a work before: he and all the Nobles of Israel, and much of the people: but missed in this point; and so had his success according, till he had taken better advisement. Th • se having the like business in hand now, do take a better order therein: even seeking out the Priests and Levites, wheresoever they dwelt in the Country about them. There were many at Jerusalem already, as we heard before: but those will not serve (such [ B] is their zeal now;) they will have all. Yet was it but Thanks-giving and Prayer, that was the substance of this business: a matter that many think they can sufficiently perform, even by themselves; some conceyuing farther, that those services are of the kind, that they need not be so careful to perform them in best manner, God himself being ever ready, by the very Nature of them to take them, though our selves be not so careful to present the same unto him so well as we might. It may be likewise, that even David's company, at least many of them, made no great reckoning to have the Priests and Levites with them, in that first attempt of David. For the Text it self doth witness, that David at the first so ordered his speech to his Nobles and Captains about that matter, that it seemeth his plain meaning was (it seemeth I mean, by the Original, Uatablus, and our English Translation; and is plain by others) to have the Priests and Levites with the rest to have been assembled unto it: and yet in another place notwithstanding, that David chargeth the chief of the Priests and of the Levites, that they were not at that time with them. Being then so, that David would have had them, & yet that they were not there (and both these by very good warrant) that they were not there, it seemeth to lie betwixt the Priests and Levites themselves on the one side: and those Nobles and Captains of David, on the other. First for the Priests and Levites, it is not likely that the fault was in them: first because the honor & nature of the action and all probability besides, leadeth us to think, that if they had been sent for or called to that solemnity, they would not have failed but to have come; then also because David was no more offended with them, which by all likelihood he would have been, if they had so far disobeyed, especially the case falling out as it did, that by their absence the good action it self was defeated, and all that whole solemnity pitifully disgraced besides. But then as touching the Nobles and Captains, albeit we may well hope, that many of them also were very honourably minded herein: yet may it well like-wise be doubted, that many of them were yet irreligious; and such not unlikely some way or other to disapoynt the having of the Priests and Levites with them in that piece of business. That many of them were yet irreligious was likely enough to be, for that David was but new come to his kingdom: and that in the days of Saul few or none sought after the Lord. If many of them were irreligious, it may be, that some of them were otherwise notwithstanding in such favor with David, having so lately yielded their allegiance unto him, or for some other good parts in them, that they might ouertreat [ C] David therein, by arguments of the needlessness of their company, or some such like: or else so frame the Letters were sent, or so deal with the Messengers that went, that the Priests and Levites should be sure to have no warning. For such is the general corruption of us all, that we have a natural dislike of those that are on the behalf of God towards us; even as people that are under obedience to a foreign Prince against their wills, do hardly brook his Officers also: and when any earthly praeheminence, cometh in withal, as of blood, possessions, favor & such like, then do such things stir up that natural dislike that is in us to be the more vehement, & when occasion is offered, or we have fit matter, to work accordingly. If any of thē so defeated the Priests & Levites at that present to be partakers of that solemnity, both David himself and all the company were little beholding unto them for it, as the matter fell out in the end: and yet fell it out none otherwise, than such dealing had justly deserved. God indeed had made special choice of these to such purposes; and David had distributed them into certain courses, and assigned to everyone wherein more specially to employ them-selves: but yet all this to the use of Divine Service, publicly to be performed, first in the Tabernacle, then in the Temple after. This should be public too; yet but voluntary, and in nature inferior some-what unto the other, and so more freely left to the liberty of themselves: yet such as were appointed for the other, those thought they (and so let us conceive too) would be meetest for this also; and those would they have, even in the best plenty they could, to be their chief Leaders and dealers herein. As this ready assembling of them together, came of the Priests and Levites themselves (as we may probably think, because it was their own cause also, that partly it did) therein have they given all of that sort a good example in all such cases to be ready to put too their hand to all good actions (though none of those whereto they were chiefly ordained) and to help forward the same the best that they can: and that so much the rather, for that the good and orderly performing of such actions cannot be intended to proceed from any, more than from them. In that it is noted they were purified also, though the action or doing of it lay altogether on themselves: yet the manner of speech seemeth to import, that it was the desire and motion of others also. As also it doth very naturally arise, that when people are bent to any good action, and would have it performed so well as might be, then to call upon such as are to be the special actors, to address themselves unto it in the best [ D] manner that they are able, and to be earnest with them therein: and that the others being so stirred up by the whole company, as accounting themselves to be interested in it, and then considering their own duty strongly to urge it unto them besides, do thereupon more earnestly stir up themselves to set in hand with their business in the best manner they are able. A very good example to us, both for the whole company, and for all our principal agents, in all our actions, that are of moment, to be careful to perform them in the best manner we may, and each sort therein to put to our hands the best that we can. That which these did, when thus they were gathered together, and when thus they had purified or praepared themselves, was, that they did the same to certain others also, to whom in that case it appertained: praeparing them first, or making them ready unto the business they had in hand. Concerning which, the truth is, that by the Law of God both men themselves, besides the uncleanness they got by sin, might other-wise also be Legaly unclean before God: & so might other things about them besides, as their houses, garments, and vessels; as we do more fully show when we have those laws in hand. True it is also, that by such ceremonial or legal uncleanness, either in people themselves, or in things to them appertaining, if any such should be by their default, men might very grievously offend God, and pluck down on themselves some heavy judgment: not because such things (for many of them) were otherwise ill of themselves; but only that God had set that burn upon them & thereby would teach them, in all things to depend on his will and pleasure to them delivered, and ever to take notice of their uncleanness. Now therefore was it the part of these Priests and Levites, thus gathered together to this solemnity, so soon as first they had cleansed themselves, then to advise themselves of others also: and then, seeing the people especially, then also even the walls & the gates, might some way or other be in some pollution, they were likewise to have an eye unto them, and to see them all praepared in the best manner they could; least that otherwise, by the slip of someone, it might so fall out, that God might be offended with all. So first, beginning with the people, they were to put them in mind of all such things as might in such case defile them, and earnestly to labor them to put away all such things whatsoever: and then were they themselves also to cleanse them as was appointed. Then coming to the walls and gates, there were they to see, there were nothing that by Law might make them unclean, nor those that should be employed about them: [ E] then to cleanse them also Legally, as they did the people before. All which it is here said that they did. A good example for us too, in all our assemblies, and in all such actions to take good heed, that nothing be, so near as we can, offensive to God: but ever first beginning with our selves; and then after coming to others.

21 The Story now returning to his former course, bringing in Nehemiah, [ A] speaking unto us again in his own person, having a while used that course, it seemeth soon to turn from it again. So are we again to consider, what it is that in the person of Nehemiah it delivereth unto us: and what it giveth unto us besides, as in the person of some other. In the person of Nehemiah it delivereth unto us, how, when the praeparation was in such sort made as we heard before, then he dedicated the walls, and with them, not only the Gates, but even the whole Citty also unto the Lord, as committing the same to his protection, and desiring him to extend his favor towards it. But as touching the manner of doing it, though some things there be plain enough; yet others there are somewhat hard to be conceived: and in this case, as I do take it, it shall be good more specially to consider of both. First, as touching that which is plain, their purpose was, in some set and solemn manner to give thanks and praise unto God, for that which he had done for them already; and to solace themselves therein, even in the face of all their enemies round about them: and to make prayer withal, for the continuance of that his favor towards them and that Citty, and even to the Walls and Gates thereof which now in some sort they had repaired. This did Nehemiah conceive might best be done, for some part of it, by deviding themselves into several companies: and other some part, by uniting them together again. Seeing some part of it may best be done by dividing themselves into several companies, and Nehemiah did so accordingly, we are first to consider what he to that end did: then, what was done therein by them. He first divided them into such companies; and then sent them forward about their business, appointing to each of them the way they should take. The companyes were, first of the Priests and Levites: then of the residue of the people. The Priests and Levites he divided into two companies: the residue of the people likewise, at least the chief and principal of them to other two. Those two companies of the Priests and Levites were to go before, and in the name of all the company to give thanks and praise unto God, both with their voices & Instruments too: and those other two compaaies of the people were to follow after; one part of them following [ B] the former, Nehemiah himself and the residue following the latter. That which was done by these companies therein, is no more, but that they did as was appointed. That which was to be done, by uniting them together again, was, that both companies both of the Priests and Levites, and of the rest of the people, coming all to the Temple, there they worshipped in very good manner, and to the special rejoicing of all. These things are plain enough unto all: and these are the substance of all their doings. But now whereas the Text doth farther tell us, which were the ways that each of these companies took, and we have certain reports & descriptions of the form and manner of that Citty, some of them of more ancient time, others more late; whereas also diverse of the learned have commented or written hereon, both in former ages, & in these our days also: yet the way that these companies kept, is not only, not as yet described by any of them (that yet I have seen) but not so much as meddled withal neither, but slipped of all, as past their reach, and yet not so acknowledged neither. And there is no question of this, but that time is ever wont to make such alteration of Cities, either to the better, or to the worse, or some way or other transposing the particular estate of most part of them: as that it may well be, that this report that here we have of certain particular places of that Citty then, can in no wise agree to such descriptions thereof as have reached to us, for that when those descriptions were taken, it was not in those particulars such then, as it was at the time that now we speak of. It may be also conceived, that it is not material or needful, to have this direction that we have here, to be answered by such descriptions as we have of that City since: as indeed it is not, absolutely. But seeing it hath pleased God, that we should have these particular places so specially noted unto us, it is not unlikely, but that he would have us make use of them also: and, it may be, that as it was a figure of a better Citty above, ordained for us in Jesus Christ, so would I have the form thereof, so much the more carefully to that end praeserued, albeit, that now we otherwise have little use of it. And seeing there be diverse of the learned that have travailed to describe the same unto us, and it may be, that yet there are others that will bestow some labor therein: it is not amiss, in that respect also, out of this to note, what defects may be already in those that we have, and how some others might be therein amended. Of those descriptions that we have, although there be diverse commended unto us: yet is it not unlikely, but that that we have of Christianus Adrichomius, as it is of fair and [ C] seemly workmanship, and well furnished (for the most part of it) with the authority of the word of God; so is it also the best of those that yet are extant. Which if it be, then might those others and it also, by this be amended, as it seemeth, in diverse of the particulars of it that here are remembered. It may be also, that being in diverse things, in that description of his, more superstitious, than becometh a man professing learning in the light of these days of the Gospel, both that he, the more he hath heeded that, the less hath he heeded matters more needful: and that GOD hath the less prospered his labor in some part of it, the less that he hath set God before his eyes in some other. In it therefore if we examine how those particulars are answered that are noted unto us here, we shall soon find, as I take it, that as in diverse of them it doth well answer the Text; so seemeth it likewise much to varry in diverse others: & this to be, both in the way that was appointed for the former of these two companies; and especially in the way of the latter of them. Which that we may the better find, I think it the readiest way first to set down some little Model whereby such as have the Map it self may more easily go to such places therein as whereunto the Text will direct us; and such as have not, may yet somewhat perceive in what sort they are placed there: & then to consider of those two ways that now we speak of. The Model I speak of may well be this.

22 To find out those two ways that we speak of, first we know that the Rendyvous, [ A] or place of meeting again, was the temple or house of God, there to worship: and then if we can find, where they did first set forth, we may so much the more easily guess at the way, though we had no other direction unto it. Where they did set forth or began to enter into that solemnity, we have not by name or particularly set down unto us: but yet it seemeth, it may well be gathered. For Nehemiah plainly [ B] telleth us, that he brought the Princes of Judah (& the rest withal, as that which followeth of appointing his two companies there, doth imply) up, unto some part of the wall which stood high: and from whence, that one of the companies that he appointed to go towards the Dung-gate, should go on the right hand of the wall, as they held their way thither. To find out likewise what Coast should lie to their right hand, we must conceive how then they stood, which by all likely-hood was, their faces bent towards the Temple, whither now they were to take their way. So falleth it out, that now they were come together to the North end of the city, near to the wall there, thence to set forth in that their intended solemnity unto the temple. But whereas the most of our translations, and the very original it self, do so speak of the wall here, as if this company stood, and thence went forward, on the Wall it self: it is more significantly set down by others, that they were but brought up unto it, and not upon it. For neither could any such part of quantity of the Wall contain such a multitude of people, all to stand at once upon it: neither doth it agree with other words of the Text it self, setting them to go on the right hand of it; and then not upon the wall it self. The other company also, by that strict interpretation should go (and Nehemiah himself) upon many Gates and Towers that were in their way, before they came to their journeys end. But it standeth by good consent, that the North end of the Citty that now we speak of, was high; being one of the chief hills (those being four in all) that Jerusalem did stand on: and so that Nehemiah his bringing up of the people unto the wall, was not according to the strictness of the words themselves, upon the wall, but only up to the side of it. By which also we may see, that it was not the outside of the wall by which they went, because so the first company should have gone on the left hand of it: and the ditches being so broad as they were, would have kept them a good way from the wall, and have given opportunity to the enemy, both against themselves and their Citty. So are they yet at the North-end of the Citty, near to the walls, but yet within them. Again, seeing the former of these two companies must make their way by the Dung-gate, and the latter of them was to go by the Tower of the Furnaces, thereby are we led to conceive, that now they were betwixt both those, when as parting companies they were to take their way by them. Whereas therefore the Dung-gate is noted to be on the East-side of [ C] the Citty, and as it were somewhat better than at one quarter of the length of the Citty from the North to the South, and the Tower of the Furnaces in the north end of the Citty, and somewhat better than at one half of the length of the end from the West towards the East, so are we led to conceive, that now the whole company was, as at the North end of the Citty, so in that part of it which lay towards the East: and true it is that there was a special height of the Citty, where the Assyrians before, and the Romans afterward pitched their Tents, after that once they had gotten within one of the walls. Having so found whether they were assembled from thence to begin that their solemnity, now are we to consider of the w •• of either of these two companies. The first place that we have named to the former of them is that Dung-gate before mentioned, being in their way towards the Temple, ever keeping on the right hand of the wall by which they went; and the gate of the Fountain and the Water-gate, are the next: both which Adrichomius doth make but one, and placeth it on the East-side of the Citty; but, from whence they set forth, about half so far beyond the Temple, as they wanted of it when they were at the Dung-gate aforesaid. Which may seem to imply, that they were to hold on their way by the wall, farther than the Temple stood from them at their first setting forth. So likewise, as touching the stairs of the Citty of David, and those at the going up of the wall beyond the house of David, of such Adricomius maketh no mention in the outmost wall, which notwithstanding was beyond the house of David (from whence they set forth:) but it may seem and mean, as if they had for their part to go about the one half of the walls from whence they set forth; yet not full out the one half of the walls neither. But true it is, that if from the gate of the Fountain or waters, they twined then into the Citty and left the walls, then had they stairs just before them in two several places going up South-ward to the city of David. But that seemeth not to have been their course, for that so they should have left the walls, when they had gone but the quantity of one side only, and should leave all the rest unto the others. In the way that the other company was to hold, the particular places that therein are named are many mo than in the other: and for a while fitly answered by Adrichomius in this his description; but not so in any of [ D] the others. For the tower of the furnaces, and the gate of Ephraim that first are named, were both in their way (in the north end of the city) •• they twined down west ward: the old gate also, and the fish-gate which are mentioned next, both in the west-side of the city; one, as it were, at one quarter, and the other at three quarters of the length of that side, from the north to the south. But now the others that follow, as many in number as yet we have had of these, do nothing at all answer to the course that these were in: those being all in the east-side of the Citty, and not all so placed there neither, as here they are named. For the tower of Hananel is set to be, at scant the one half of the first quarter of the length of the East-side from the north to the South. So that by that course, when this second company had passed all their part to the North end, and three quarters of the West-side, then were they to come back, and to begin almost at the North-ende of the East-side, to take their way all along that side also, so far as the Temple it self did reach there: the Tower of Hananeel being, as I said, almost at the end of that side; the Tower of Meah (which out of the signification of the original, some do term as of an hundred, being indeed said to be an hundred cubits in height) almost at the midst of that side; The Sheep-gate being indeed next to this but behind it, and so, turning them so far back again, North-ward; and the Gate of the Ward, where it is said they stood, being near to the South-east corner of the Temple, and almost as far as the Water-Gate, other-wise also called the Gate of the Fountain, the utmost point that by this description, we find that the other company went, so long as they held their way by the Walls. By this reckoning also, the Walls of the residue of that East ende of the Citty, of all the South of it, and as it were of one quarter of the West-side also, should be by both companies omitted: even all the whole Citty of David, other-wise called Mount Zion, the principal part (but for the Temple) of all Jerusalem.

23 The manner of the dedication being thus delivered unto us by Nehemiah [ A] himself or in his person, the Story now delivereth the residue that of this part remaineth, as in the person of some other. And the matters that so we have delivered unto us, are two; both of them to the good commendation of the people: in the former of them, Nehemiah, towards the end of it, being spoken of (together with Zorobabell) but in the third person only; in the latter, nothing at [ B] all remembered. That wherein we have Nehemiah in such sort remembered, is altogether about the Ministry: and part of it appertaining to that present time: but part of it, unto other times besides. That which appertaineth to that present time; is likewise some part of it, of the people: and some part again, of certain of the Ministry. That which is of the people, is, that then they took order for the gathering in of all such maintenance as was due to the Priests and Levites: and the reason added withal, is, for that then the people rejoiced that the Priests and Levites were now occupied in their ministration. A good cause for much people of Christendom to rejoice likewise, that now the Ministry, in these days of the Gospel, we are also employed in the ministration to them appertaining: but whereas the Jews were careful thereupon to get in that which was due unto thē, so do not many of ours; yet many of them professors too, but still hold that which they have, and scamble for more; than the which they need no better proof, that as yet they truly joy not in their ministration. Those of the Ministry, of whom we have some Story too, are certain of the Levites such as were to attend about the Temple, and either to sound forth the praises of God with voice and Instrument; or as Porters to attend the doors, and to keep out all unclean whatsoever: as touching whom, both it is noted that they did well perform their duty; and that the use of Music in such case did stand, by the example of godly ancients before. Those other times besides, whereunto we have some part of this appertaining, are, first a time that was before when Zorobabell governed: then the residue of the time of Nehemiah's government among them. As touching both which it is recorded, that during their time, there was that regard to the worship of God, that even those Singers also were maintained: and that the Levites had their due so truly paid, that they also were able to give their due to the Sons of Aaron; and that accordingly so they did. A report, as it may seem, importing, that so oft as there be good Governors, the cause of Religion is so truly regarded, that even the matters of less importance, are not for sparing withheld from it; and that such as are of greater moment, are to the full, yielded unto it: and that they are never good Governors indeed, where that course is not observed. That wherein Nehemiah in nothing at all remembered, is, that the people (about that time) hearing (out of the Law of God read unto them) how far they were to estrange themselves from the Ammonites and Moabites, or to stand of from them, did thereupon make [ C] a separation from diverse that were mingled among them. In which it shall be good to consider, first of that point of the Law of God: then of that pliableness in the people. In that point of the Law of God we have noted unto us, how far God doth exclude them from his people: and what was the cause why so he did. He exculded them so far from his people, as that neither should they ever have any special place among them, not so much as to be any member of their society or body politically: and that the people of Israel were discharged, if never they did specially seek the good or welfare of any of them. Truly a strange and heavy judgment, that the people of God themselves, who are ever generally taught to be good unto all (and are not allowed to do those any hurt neither, nor to nourish in their hearts any malice against them) nevertheless are allowed to be so inexorable to these, that they never suffer them to get up among them, nor any way employ themselves, in any special manner, about the good of their earthly estate here: but that they bestow that care on others, to whom they are allowed to do it. The reasons are two: one, because they did not use them kindly as they passed by them when they came out of Egypt; the other, because they would have done them hurt by Balaam but that they were not able to do it. Many of us use little kindness to such of our brethren; and some of us would by the Romish Balaam's of our time, have done them hurt too, though one way or other we were not able: and then, so • biding, we may hardly hope that God will at any time vouchsafe us to be (though but so only we had offended) of the society of his people; or that anything that is in them, example, Doctrine, or such like, shall at any time be available to us, or sort it self to good effect in us. The pliableness of the people was notable herein, that so readily they made such separation, as the case did then require: which at this time seemeth to be but from such society with those people's as the Law of God required; though it may well be, that by occasion thereof they proceeded further to others also. Ezra we saw before, was much troubled about such a matter; and hardly with many sobs, sighs and tears, could he obtain it in the end: but these now readily do it; and without any special Leader that we do read of. We also are many times called upon in matters that concern us as much as this, and ofttimes too, even for having over great society with such among us, or for being too inward with them: but seldom we do so readily amend as these did here. In which pliableness of these, likewise we have a good experiment, how forcible [ D] even the Reading only of the word of God is to so many as duly regard it: a matter that of late was much called in question among us; and, that is more strange, even by some of those that professed the Gospel themselves; saving that themselves do sufficiently by their ways declare, that so far as they mislike such Readers, even themselves so far are no followers.

24 This being all the Story of his former being at Jerusalem, and now being [ A] to come to the latter, one thing there is, that is not set down unto us: others there be, that are plainly enough declared. That which is not set down unto us, is, what time he now returned, and how long he was in place of government among them. Which I rather note, because some of special account, notwithstanding the great variety of judgment as touching the certainty of the time whereunto these Stories do appertain (as not being certainly known that they do appertain to the days of those Kings to whom they are for the most part ascribed, but on the other side, that there is great likeli-hood that they do appertain to others) do nevertheless set down some compass of time, whereunto this Story must needs be referred as they do take it; and yet very diverse among themselves: insomuch that although they agree in the King (and that against a likelyer opinion too) yet therein also they varry, one ascribing four and forty years to the reign of that King, and about twelve years wherein this Story is to be seated; others giving but thirty and seven years to his reign, and five years for the seat of this Story. One of them since. I grant hath varied; and it, from us or one of ours, strongly confirmed therein: but th •• which ••• set down before, in this greater light of the Gospel, and by men of so special reckoning (for I speak not of others that had not the opportunity and means then, that are salve to others since) might easily breed some prejudice that were not privy • ow the ma ••• r hath been farther examined sin •• . It pleaseth God, that we have the story left unto us, and thereof may singular good use be made; though praecisely we know not the time whereunto it belonged: if any of us do as any time place it not so •• tly as we should, it derogateth nothing from the Story it self; and yet are we farther behoulding to God, when he showeth us, to what time we may much better refer it. Those that are plainly enough declared, are of certain disorders that in his absence were crept in among them, and how he at his return did reform them again. Wherein, if we mark, we may distinctly note, that first he dealt with one that concerned but some few several persons; but then soon after, that he dealt with another that concerned many, if not the whole people generally. Those few several persons whom that disorder most concerned, were Eliashib the High Priest, and Tobiah [ B] an Ammonite, and, as it seemeth, at that time also the Governor over them under the King: and the disorder was, that part of those rooms that belonged to the Temple for holy uses, were by the High Priest himself imparted to the said Tobiah upon some alliance that was betwixt them. Not much unlike to that which in many parts of Christendom, even in these days of the Gospel we have among us (but in much greater measure) that so many of our Church-livings, both the houses themselves, and the maintenance thereunto appertaining (whereas Tobiah, that we read of, had no more but house-room only) are so invested as they are to profane and Lay-uses, and still so strongly withheld thereunto: & that many of the chief Fathers of the Clergy, have had their hands deeply enough in that matter. But when Nehemiah returned, he was so grieved at it, that he could in no wise abide it: and so dispossessed that unnatural and unlawful occupier, and restored those rooms to their former use again. Such Nehemiah's are dainty Governors on earth among is. Tobiah indeed was an Heathen man, at least not known to be a convert to sound Religion: ours, by general profession are; but otherwise many of them either known to be corrupt therein, or at least not undoubtedly known to bear any friendly hearts unto it. Howbeit, that, we may see was not the matter: for that when he took it from him, he did not then place some of their Nobles or Gentle-men in it; but only restored it to the former use again. Tobiah likewise was a man of special reckoning: and he had, that which he had, by the authority of the High Priest himself. Being a man of such reckoning, and yet joining affinity with one of them, it might argue some good-will in him towards them: and so give them better hope, of the more quietness, the better they held friendship with him; and reasonable plain notice withal, that if they did not, they should breed themselves more trouble by it. In that he had it by the authority of the High Priest, it might seem to make a sufficient right; • t least to let that pass for this once, and to take better heed to others: especially, seeing he had but only the room; and most likely that they at this time had more, than yet they could occupy. But these things do nothing move him; he only considered, what equity and duty in that case required; that only should be the course he would hold. Those many were the whole people to speak of, who now in the absence of Nehemiah were so slack in bringing in their tithes and other duties, that such as were to serve in the Temple were fain to leave their duty there, and to take to some other [ C] labor whereby they might be able to live. This when he went about to reform, of that which he did therein, he did but some part at this present: then more a while after. He did but part at this present, belike because he espied other matters also that might not be slipped: and so, as it were, stepped aside to them also. In that which at this time he did, we find that he joined prayer thereto in the end. So first of that which he did; then, of his prayer also. That which he did, was of such force, that it wrought much with others; and so occasioned him thereupon to go somewhat f •• there. That which first he did of himself, was, that he reproved the Rulers, who had suffered the House of God to be so forsaken: and gathered in the Priests and Levites again to their wonted business. In that which farther he did on occasion, first the occasion was, that the people then did well bring in their Tithes: then that which he did thereupon, was, that he ordained such as were accounted faithful, to be as Treasurers and Officers, to take those things into their custody, and to distribute the same to their brethren. In his prayer, he desireth God so to accept of his service therein, that he remember him in mercy: so declaring withal, that he had sincerely dealt in that matter, when he could so appeal to God therein. We also have a Nehemiah, who one day will reprove such rulers as have so little cared to see his holy worship maintained; and, it may be, not forget them neither, one way or other, in the mean season: as also, though we may have, and have such Governors, as are doing something therein, and think besides, that they do well; yet can they never plead on sincerity, unless they have dealt according to their pattern given them. And while others are in effect but shadows, those are the kindly Officers of the Kingdom of God indeed, that gather together the Priests and Levites unto their places and duties: and see that they have their due maintenance also. Those other matters whereunto as it were he ••• ppeth a-side before he deal any farther in this, are two: one, of the Sabbath; the other, of marriage. That of the Sabbath, was, that in his absence, it grew to be much profained among them: in which likewise, first he showeth us what he did therein; and then falleth again to prayer. That which he did, was first about the abolishing of that present profanation: then, for the praeuenting of the like afterward. For the abolishing of that profanation which already was, he found the fault both with his own people: and with strangers. His own people he roundly reproved: and yet [ D] not only for greater profanations that he espied, even in Jerusalem; but also even for buying and selling of victuals. For that which he found in strangers, he first reproved but the Rulers for bearing with them therein, and caused the Gates to be shut against them: but then, when diverse of them were yet unruly, he threatened the next time to lay hold on them; and so got them at length to give over. For praeuenting of the like afterward he caused certain of the Levites to keep the Gates: and thereto also to sanctify themselves first, so to be more careful therein. His prayer now again was, that God would remember him in this, and padon him according to his great mercy. That other of marriage, was, that in his absence likewise diverse of them had taken strange wives again: and one man of special account among them. Concerning whom, first he noteth, what his dealing was with either of them: then what was the effect of his dealing with them all. Setting in hand to show what his dealing was with either of them, in those that had made this fault generally, first he noteth what mongrel-children they had thereby: then also he reproved and punnished certain of them, and took an Oath of them, that they should no more do it. That one of special reckoning among them, was one of the Sons of Ioiada, the son of Eliashib the High Priest; whom therefore he chaced away from him: and accounted that dealing, so great an indignity offered to that holy function, that he earnestly prayeth against all those that any way defile that holy calling. The effect of his dealing with them all, was, that he cleansed them from all the strangers that were among them. In that which farther he did about the Divine Service of God, first he showeth what it was: and then again falleth to prayer. That which he did, was, first he appointed the Wards or courses of the Priests and Levites, everyone in his office (which belike was now more deliberately done, and better established, than he could do on the sudden before: and that herein it varied from that other:) then, that he made provision for them besides. Wherein, because he doth so specially name those two particulars that there he nameth, belike those were such things as came hardliest in: the Country it self hardly yielding the former: and men's hearts as hardly yielding the latter. For as touching the former, Abraham many hundred years before this, coming to do sacrifice there, is [ E] noted to have taken wood from home with him (which by likelihood he would not have done, but that then also it was scant in those partes:) and we have Story of our time, in some of those hotter Countries, of seeing Wood thirty miles, and plucking up Juniper, and such like by the roots, and laying the same on Camels backs, for the scantness of it. And as for the other we may easily find our hearts so straight laced for such matters, that we may be expositors to our selves, wherefore Nehemiah took so special order about it. His prayer now is, much like as before, that God would remember him in goodness. We also, when we have done all that we can, and though we have done unto God special good service, in comparison of thousands of others: yet never do we anything at all, that is worth remembrance with God; or any other favor at his hands. Insomuch that even the best that is, needeth earnestly to entreat God to remember him, and those poor iobs of service that he hath done him; and none otherwise to deal with him, not with the service that he hath done him, but only in the depth of his mercy: Nehemiah, a notable pattern, having so plainly led us the way hereunto. For whosoever considereth of those services that this Story recordeth of him, shall quickly find (if his sight be anything good; and, in this last Chapter especially, it is by one very worthily noted) that he was a most excellent man, and a notable Mirror to all Princes and Governors, and that he did unto God very rare and singular service: and yet that himself findeth nothing worth memory with God, nothing of that quantity that may be discerned, nothing of that worth that may be regarded, unless it please God, in the depth of his mercy, to vouchsafe him that favor.

25 As touching those that came not down at all, neither yet tarried [ A] there for the good of the people, but rather in some other respects (at least, for the most part of them) we have, as it seemeth, two Stories of them: of one there is no question at all, that I do know of; but of the other there is. That whereof there is no question at all, is that Story of the people in the days of Ester: a special good Story in it self; and such as giveth us good occasion to consider of one other thing also. The Story it self is first, and for the most part, of a notable danger that all the whole company of the people of God were in [ B] that tarried behind; and how it pleased God to deliver them from it: but then, we have some farther Srory of that State, though much it be not. As touching that their danger and deliverance out of it again, because it pleased him to do it by one special mean, that he to that purpose ordained, therefore doth the Story show, first, how it pleased God to provide that mean: then, how it pleased him thereby to work their deliverance, when they were fallen in the danger we speak of. The mean was, that Ester being by her lynage or people, a Jew, or one of that peculiar people of God, other-wise (for anything we know) but a young Woman, of no special reckoning more than others, was nevertheless advanced to be Queen, the King Ahasuerus or Ahashoerosh, called also Darius, taking that liking of her, that he joined himself in marriage with her. He was married to another before: but as matters fell out, she was dyuorced, and Ester taken in, in her room. First then we are to see, how it fell out, that the other was divorced: then, how this was taken in, instead of that other. The other was divorced, for that on a time she did not obey the Kings commandment, which notwithstanding was not imposed on her, as she was his subject; but only as she was his wife. For on a time being purposed to show forth the power, and riches, and glory of his kingdom he thought good to do the same by honorable & magnificent feasting of his Princes and people: and one special point of his glory then to be, that they then also might see the Q. in her magnificence. In all which excessive roialty of his (which indeed was great, as there it is to us described) there was notwithstanding one good point of sobriety too. In that his royalty, it is good to learn to know, what is the uttermost pitch of all earthly pomp & glory: and so that there is no more nor greater matter, at the hands of the world to be expected. He was indeed a mighty Monarch, having an hundred and seven and twenty Provinces under him; many of those having been great Kingdoms, and so after became again, and yet could his great magnificence reach, but only to such trifles as those. An experiment of sufficient proof in it self, that the World in that respect is like to a great glorious Merchant in show, who is a very Banckrout and Beggar indeed. But if, when that earthly Prince was disposed, to show his magnificence, he could so gloriously furnish his Feast, as it is noted in this that he did; and so long continue it too: what then may we look for at the hands of GOD, when he shall be disposed to show his glory, to all his Saints, [ C] in that most glorious Kingdom of his? That one special point of sobriety that was there in that excessive feasting of his, was, that none should be compelled to drink, but only as themselves would: a great condemnation to many of us, that make such wast of the good blessings of GOD: so immeasurably load the weakness of others; take such pleasure to see them over-taken there-with; and yet profess Christian sobriety too. In that his Queen must come in too, in her magnificence, to help to set forth this pomp of his, we may note another use of marriage, than the Children of GOD do know, or than Christian sobriety teacheth: but yet such, as experience so bewrayeth in many of us, that our selves might well enough see (at least the wiser sort do) that our glory therein is no better than shame indeed; and that so much the more, as all men may see, how great good might redound to others, by the example of such moderation in such as are of chief rekoning among us. That the Queen refused to come, when the King had so sent for her, is not any way, I think, to be excused: and yet it may seem, that their sentence against her, was not altogether allowable neither. Her refusing, for anything we know, was in no wise to be excused, for that he was not only her Husband (which in most cases had been sufficient) but her Sovereign (which lightly allowed no exception at all) who then sent for her: and for that he did send for her by so known men as he did; every of them, as we term it being a sufficient warrant him-self. Theyr sentence against her was, to be divorced from the King; and the King to take his choice of some other to his own best liking; and this, first because her self had so disobeyed; then, because thereby she had given so dangerous an example, to all other married Women besides. Whereunto the King farther added, to have it proclaimed in all his Kingdoms, that in every man's House, the authority of commanding there, should ever rest with the man; an order, that it is marvel if it did seem strange unto any, when as not only the word of God, (wherewith it may be they were little or nothing acquainted) but even the Law of Nature it self, and all civility and good order too requireth the same. Yet are there diverse married women of so head-strong a Nature, especially if any way they excel their Husbands▪ as by possessions, birth, or wit, or but in their own conceit, that it is no great marvel though this King thought good to publish such a [ D] Law to his people. Yet in that their decree against Uashti, we do not find, that they first inquired any farther of the cause why she came not: & it may well be, that she had good cause to be loath to have gone, if it might please the King to spare her. If first they did not make any farther inquiry what reason she had why she came not, then marriage being so indissoluble a knot as it is, hardly could they excuse themselves, but that they were some-what too hasty. The cause that she might have, why she might be loath to come, if it might please the King to spare her, was in womanly modesty or shamefastness for her self; and some reasonable good regard of the other Ladies and Matrons that so should attend her. For it is noted not only of the Babylonians before, but also of the Persians who were come in their places now, and are the people that now we speak of, that in their feastinges they were too too lascivious ofttimes, even in open praesence, with such Women as feasted with them; as certain of their Ambassadors on a time bought it deer in Greece, in the days of Amyntas, even with the loss of their lives: and the Text it self noteth, that then the King him-self, when he so sent for her, was merry with Wine. But whether the sentence were either too hasty or to hard, it proceedeth against her, and so is she thereby dyuorced, and deposed from that her dignity. Howe Ester was taken in, in her room, is likewise set down at large: but in such sort withal, as that by the Story it appeareth, there was there great liberty given to the flesh by most part of them: and some infirmity much to be doubted in the better sort also. Great liberty was given to the flesh by the most part of them, and some infirmity much to be doubted in the better sort too, first in that they made no reckoning of getting such a number together to such a purpose: then in proceeding to take unto them the use of them too. Of getting such a number together, it is plain, that the most part made no reckoning: first, those that gave that advise; then the King that liked thereof, and did accordingly. The better sort that had to do herein, were Mordecai and Ester: Mordecai an ancient man, taken to Babylon with Iaconiah, and out-living all the Captivity; and Ester his Cozin-Germane, yet at this time but a young Woman. The infirmity that may be doubted in them, was, that he, it seemeth, consented that she might be one of that company; and that she agreed unto it. For that company was such, as out of question were all likely to be abused (at least till the King should light on some such, as whom he [ E] could be content to marry:) but to come to the estate of marriage with him as uncertain as might be; and such as could light but on one of them neither. In that course that was held to have the use of them, when so they were gotten together, they again gave great liberty unto the Flesh, both in that they took the use of their bodies: and in that there must be so nice and daynty praeparing of them unto it so long before. In which also it seemeth the consent of both these was in some measure present too: and yet a matter, that by the Nature of it should have been more grievous unto them, than for the one so to have been pent up unto death, and every moment to have been under the danger of it; and for the other, being so ancient a man as he was, and such a Father to her (his near Kins-Woman also, as could be) as he had been, rather to have followed her an hundred times to her Grave, than in such case so to attend the Court as he did to understand of her estate therein. But loe here-withal, the unsearchable depth of the inaestimable goodness of God. They have thus far yielded, and yet, no doubt, but only their infirmity) to foul pullution: she, that should have kept her body, in holiness and honor; and he, that should have been her Shield and Buckler, yea even her Knight or Champion in such a quarrel, even unto death. And yet it pleaseth GOD, both in the mean season to give her special favor in the sight of the Eunuch that had the charge of her and the rest; and in her self that good moderation, that she held her self contented with that favor and beauty that God had given her, and so did not seek such other helps as others, to commend their persons so much the better unto the King: and in the end to reward that abuse of her body first, with Matrimony immediately after, and that in so rich and honorable manner as then he did, and to the praeseruation of so many thousands as not long after followed thereon.

26 The mean being thus before hand provided, the Story of their danger [ A] and deliverance therein, doth follow next after: but first of one man only; then of all the whole company of them. That one man only that was first in danger, was Mardochaeus or Mordecai: for whom like-wise it pleased GOD first to lay a Ground-work of his favor: and then thereby to set him safe when he was in danger. The Ground-work of that his favor was, that whereas two of the Kings Servants thought to have killed the King, Mordecai getting understanding of it, so discharged his duty therein, [ B] by the mediation of Ester, that the King was praeserued: and a note was entered into record, of Mordecai's good service therein. In the danger he was in, we first have delivered unto us the occasion of it: then, what the danger it self was. The occasion of it was, that Mordecai offended Haman, a man of greatest reckoning with the King, in that first of himself he did not that reverence unto him that others did: then much more, when he understood that others did put him in mind thereof, and yet then also he would not do it. As touching which reverence, if it were so excessive, as (for Mordecai's sake, belike) it is conceived to be (otherwise praesupposing, that Mordecai would never have denied to have done that which duty required) then is Mordecai to be therein excused: but if it were but ordinary duty, and yet Mordecai had so big an heart (for men are men, even the best of us all) that, because he was of the race of the Amalekites, ancient enemies to the people of GOD, he could not find in his heart to do it, then by omitting that point of duty, himself was occasion of that his danger, though it pleased God of his goodness to help him therein. The danger that thereby he was in, was no less then death: and not only of himself, but of others withal; even many thousands of his brethren the people of God. But it shall be good for us to distinguish them yet: and, for a time, but to consider of his own peril only. And this his death did Haman so eagerly go about (but as I said, of many others withal) that first he did cast for an happy day to set in hand with his great and cruel design: but then, when he had found out a day to his liking, yet he could not tarry so long for Mordecai, but must needs be doing with him before; and so came in a morning betime to the Court, to beg that he might make him away, and made no doubt but to obtain it. The danger that others were in with all, was, that for his sake he would destroy all the Jews in those parts besides: and to that end first did cast for a lucky day (as before is said) and took time largely unto it; and then, having sped thereof, sent out Commissions into all quarters, to have the other people in a readiness against a day, everywhere to set on the Jews, and to make a clean riddance of them, having first gotten the Kings consent also unto it. But if it were so publicly and openly done, as by the Text it may seem it was, it is then a good pattern how God did infatuate the ring-leader in this mischievous purpose and all his company, that they had not the wit to go no more warily about it, but accounted themselves so sure of accomplishing their whole desire, that although the Jews should thereby see, many days before, their fearful and utter destruction coming upon [ C] them, yet should they no way be able to scape it. This being the danger that they were in (Mordecai more specially, and all the rest generally) now are we to see how it pleased God to work their deliverance: and first, how he gave them grace to seek unto him for it; then, how he did accordingly help them. That he gave them grace to seek unto him, we have but only a probability of it, if it should be strictly taken: but otherwise it is most likely that so they did, for that so they employed themselves, as can no way else so well be taken. Yet with this diversity notwithstanding, that in all places else that which they did was of their own accord, for anything that we find to the contrary; but, in Shushan the chief Citty, by order appointed. That which in all places (where the Jews dwelt) was done of their own accord, was, that they rent their clothes and did put on sack-cloth and ashes, sorrowed, fasted, and wept (at least many of them) as their manner in such case was, when they saw how heavy a sentence was come forth against them, and in what danger they were thereby: and this is noted to have been done, both by Mordecai himself in Shushan; and by the rest of the Jews anywhere yet remaining in those parts. In that which was done in Shushan it self by order appointed, we first have noted the occasion of it: then, the thing it self. The occasion of it was, that Mordecai did so show himself to Ester (yet but a far of, for that in such mourning sort he might not come into the Court: and then are the people of God, having cause to mourn so oft as they have, barred thereby of much help that otherwise they might hope to obtain at the hands of their Princes, if they might have access unto them) and by messengers both acquainted her with the case as it stood, and required her help, first but after the usual manner, then more roundly. The thing it self was, that thereupon Ester, vntertaking to assay what she could do, required first a public fast of all the Jews in that Citty for three days together; her self promising that she and her company would join with them therein, and then go to the King about it: which fast was held as she required; yet, as it seemeth, but only such in effect, as of their own accord many of them had done before, saving that it may be they did not so praecisely limit it to a special time. In all which we do not read in plain terms, that they sought unto God, or called [ D] on him: but it cannot be otherwise better understood but that they did, the chief ende of all their sorrowing being to entreat his favor and help. Neither do we find that they acknowledged that fault of theirs, for which it seemeth that GOD did thus shake the rod at them: as being so worldly or careless of the worship of GOD, as that thereupon they stayed in those parts and went not down into Jury with Zorobbabell to build the Temple. And though afterward Ezra came down with some company with him: yet considering what a favorable Commission he had to help forward their business, his company was but small to such a purpose, in respect of those that this story showeth to have been there still; neither do we find, that those that came with him, did the rather for this join themselves with him. Nehemiah likewise came into the Country a few years after, an Officer in Court, and in great favor with his Prince on behalf of the Common-wealth or estate of the Jews: himself also being a notable man, and very thoroughly and faithfully employing himself in that piece of service. And yet we read of none, but his own retinue that came down with him. Certainly a rare and wonderful thing, that when they were so roundly put in mind of that profane carelessness of theirs before, and so quickened up to a better regard now, yet doth it work so little with them, and still they abide so senseless therein. So by that which followed after it, may reasonable probably be gathered, that as we do not find, for all their sorrowing, that they acknowledged their fault herein: so indeed they had no remorse thereof; but rather that their sorrowing was, that they saw so fearful a judgment coming upon them so fast, and so strongly as it did. GOD again, as he is a most gracious GOD, and exceedeth therein, far above that which any heart created is able to conceive, doth not stay, or delay his help towards them, till they yield to humble themselves unto him therein, for the which he laid his hand upon them: but holdeth himself contented with this, that they are somewhat daunted, and that in some measure they humble themselves, when thus he knitteth the brows unto them. Neither do we now plainly find, even in these the better sort of them, that Mordecai did direct this Kins-woman of his, whom himself also had brought up before, to seek first unto GOD, but only would have her help to the King: nor in either of them, that they find any defect in themselves, that they had not been more careful to advance the glory and worship of OOD at home in their own Country, and to the farther comfort [ E] of that his peculiar people; and themselves to worship there with them. So that on all hands that matter may seem to be far from them: and that if GOD will show them any favor, it must be of his own goodness only, neither the whole people generally, nor any of the better sort of them that we do read of, acknowledging to have offended therein for which now he seemeth to lay his hand upon them; and yet that sin being so plain in it self, that a blind man might easily find it, and such as were of any remorse could not choose but sorrow for it. Howe nevertheless it pleased GOD to help them, being now to be seen, we may the better perceive it, if we have any reasonable eye to these two: first how weakly it may seem to be set in hand withal by them; yet how strongly (by the goodness of God) it did proceed. It may seem to be but weakly set in hand-with (by Ester I mean) first for that she was so unwilling, at all to meddle with it: then also, when she had undertaken to assay what she could do. When she was so unwilling at all to meddle with it, it is good to note, whereupon it was: and how she was informed therein. It was for that it lay upon the peril of her life, by the reason of an order the Kings of Persia had, that none should come unto them unless they were sent for, except that it pleased him to pardon them when so they were come. The praetense whereof (no doubt) was for the safety of the Kings person: but the secret or chief meaning of it might be, that his seven Counsellers, and such as were nearest about him, might without interruption do what themselves would; yea and readily cut of such as they list, if they should repair to the King to inform him of anything against them. For, but saying his arrant (as we term it) before, in such sort as they on their credit might, even that only might be enough to cut off any when he should come, though he were as saklesse as might be. When she stuck upon that danger, he sendeth her such word again, as might better inform her what she had to do therein, first urging her by strict necessity: then using some other reasons that were of force likewise to persuade, but yet not so forcibly urging, as gently leading her thereunto. For first, he putteth her out of doubt, that it is her own case as well as others: so that she could not escape, if it proceeded against them, and were not stayed. Then also making no doubt, [ F] but that God would send them help one way or other, that if she would not assay to do it, some other should have the honor of it: but that it might be, that purposely God had brought her to that place, that she should do it. A good and needful consideration for all those that are in place of special opportunity to do any good: such place it self witnessing unto them, that therefore God hath given it unto them, that they out of it should yield to the people of God, what such place will at any time afford. When now being hereby resolved to take it in hand, she set in hand with it, it seemeth she went but weakly about it, in that she had (as it might seem) special good opportunity unto it twice: and yet each of those times she did differ it to some time ensuing. It is taken by others, as having some special policy in it, or as assured that God would afterward give some better opportunity: but considering how timorous naturally we are, when we are to deal with personages of so special account, and so much the more if the cause be weighty, it seemeth to me, that timerousnesse was more likely to be the cause of that her delay, than anything else; save only for the former of them. For when at the first she found her self so welcome unto the King, that she had promise to have granted unto her whatsoever she would ask, even to the one half of his Kingdom, but that Haman was now away, whom it seemeth she thought good to have in a readiness when the matter should come in question, so to make the readier dispatch of the business, this might seem to be as fit a time as she could have wished: but seeing at this time he was not there that we read of, nor as it seemeth, therefore to such purpose, and in the course that she intended, she might at this time very well think, that it was not so fit opportunity as she hoped ere long to have. But the latter of those two times, when she had Haman at hand, altogether as ready and as fit to her purpose as she could have wished (for anything that appeareth to the contrary) and the King likewise now renewed his former offer unto her, to grant her request, even unto the half of his Kingdom: that now she put it of again till the next day, when as delay is in all reason, and experience too, so very dangerous in all such attempts, as hang on tickell and rare opportunities, it cannot by any circumstance of Text, or by the best approved judgments for the sounder course in such kind of dealing, be so fitly ascribed to anything else [ G] (as I do take it) as to the common timerousnesse we have in all such cases, or as we term it, that as yet her heart did not serve her. For that she had any purpose, so to make Haman more odious to the other Nobles, in that he was twice by her entreated to attend the King banqueting with her, and none but he; or that it was any deep point of wisdom in her, and withal a notable moderation of her affections that could yet put of that, which full fain she would have had: I for my part cannot conceive, that either of them is so like as the other; as also, that she was given to understand from above, that within that time that she had now set down, she should have opportunity fit for her purpose, hath no warrant at all (that I can see) in the Text it self. True it is, that next day she had (as things fell out in the mean season) a fitter opportunity then before, or yet she had: at least the opportunity as fit as now (for such was the favor of the King towards her still, and in the self same terms delivered unto her) and much greater encouragement, by the honor that was done unto Mordecai the same morning. But this was more than she could know of, unless it were extraordinarily imparted unto her: but that we find not; and then is it not for us so to determine. It seemeth rather, that God would thereby show us, how weak we are, and how readily our heart doth fail us, to take such opportunities as God doth give us; especially, in such things as are good services to him, though those also do much import our selves: and yet, that he doth not reject us in this our weakness, but only leaveth us so far to our selves, as is sufficient to show it unto us; and then himself worketh after his manner, to his own glory, and to our comfort withal, and very admirably in both.

27 Now therefore to see how strongly by the goodness of God it did proceed, [ A] notwithstanding that great weakness of hers, as the danger they were in did first concern Mordecai more specially; then also, all the Jews or people of God generally: so the course or manner of God's working for their good, was such, as first respected Mordecai more specially; then, all the rest of the people generally. For first as touching Mordecai, he will not only save his life; but also bring him to great honor: and both these, in rare and special manner. His life he praeserueth [ B] with the destruction of him that sought it; and he bringeth him to the self same place of honor which his enemy had, but yet not all at once, but as it were by some degrees: first giving him but some little taste of it; then, putting him in full possession thereof. When he gave him but some little taste of it, yet was it such (all things considered) as was a great and special benefit: being at such time bestowed on him, when his enemies had thought to have swallowed him up. Which that we may the better perceive, first we have set down unto us, how they were devising against him his utter ruin: then, how God notwithstanding did even then begin to advance him. In their devising against him, we have delivered unto us, how among them the matter was first debated: then, concluded. In the debating of it, himself doth first propound it unto such company as there he had: and then do they give him such advise as they thought meetest. That he did now propound it to his friends there, it arose upon a new discontentment that then he took. That new discontentment of his was, that coming from the Feast a glad man, that the Queen had vouchsafed him that honor, to be her only guest with the King, again he espied that Mordecai did him not that honor that others then did: whereat again he was much grieved, but yet bridled his affections for the time. But coming home, and calling his wife and other friends unto him, there he disgorged all unto them: namely, that whatsoever earthly things he yet had (which himself recounted unto them, and acknowledged the same to be great) yet they all did give him no such contentment, but that the discontentment he had by that stifnesse of Mordecai, still persisting in doing no such reverence unto him as others did, was more irksome unto him, than that he could take any comfort in any of those things he had besides, or in all together. A very good pattern, both how a man may be enraged on the behalf of his own glory, when it is touched, though never so lightly (for so was this case of his, being but one man among many thousands, that did not give that honor unto him; nor he of any special reckoning yet; nor doing any farther disgrace unto him, but only that he did him not that honor:) and how little contentment there is in any earthly external goods, against a small perturbation [ C] of the mind among men; and then is there much less in them, against the clamorousnesse of a guilty conscience towards God. The matter being thus by him propounded, his company then were not long before they gave in their verdit thereon: and it was, that he should first rid himself of that his grief: and then might he more merrily go with the King to the banquet. To rid himself of his grief first, their advise was, to get a Gibbet set up (to be in a readiness) and, the same of great height (according to the desire of the revenge that was in him, so the better to satisfy the ranc or of it:) then, that he should go the next morning betime to the King, and beg Mordecai to be hanged thereon; a matter that they (belike) did take to be most easy by the favor the King did bear him, little acquainted (as it seemeth) with that higher over-ruling power in Heaven, or if they knew it, yet in this case making no reckoning of it. This was no sooner moved by them, but that it was liked by him: and so on all hands concluded among them. Woorke-men are presently set on work to make the Gibbet: they were now to wait but the next morning; and that night (no doubt) was long, yet short enough if they knew all. They having now gone almost as far ar they can, and so we being to see, how God even now began to advance him, the King that night, not being able to sleep, and by that occasion causing some of his Chamber to read unto him, they light on the place where it was recorded how Mordecai had saved the Kings life, by detecting a conspiracy that two of his servants had against him: whereupon the King demanding, howe that Mordecai had been rewarded, and finding that nothing had been done unto him as yet, he demanded of Haman (who now was come to beg Mordecai, to be graced with that high Gibet of his, the person of Haman now groaning for it) if in case he were disposed to grace any man with special favor, in what sort, by his advise, he best might do it. Haman then, conceauing it must needs be himself that the King did mean of, as if all the world were fully disposed still to go with him, he made the stake so fair as he could, making no doubt but he should get it. The King well liked of his devise, and bad him do so to Mordecai; and not to fail in anything that he had spoken: and he on the other side (but no doubt with an heavy heart, if he might have done otherwise) was fain to do it; but when he had done, he liked so ill of his game then, that he cast up his cards, and got him away as fast as he could, a sorrowful man. A special good pattern, howe the providence of God [ D] worketh here on earth among us: and that he faileth not those that are his. For as touching his providence, when it still followeth the course of secondary causes, it is so over-shadowed with thē, that we do not lightly perceive it: whereas here, though all things be done by men, yet see we nothing in all these maters but such as showeth it self to be the peculiar work of God; all things do so concur together, and so fitly answer each other without any help (as it were) of any. That he faileth not those that are his, though it be also in his dealing towards all his people there then; yet we note it but only in that which is towards Mordecai now: and that especially to be a mean to stay us from all inordinate aspiring to help our selves, when as that which God doth mean us, himself doth so readily bring in when himself thinketh good, that our selves do not at any time need to slip any service to God to go about it. God had saved the life of the king by Mordecai's means; yet do we not find, that he took any occasion thereby (as using the means which God had given him: for that is the thing, under which we shroud our greedy scamblings) to make suit for any recompense for that his service. When God again did now, unwitting to him, put the king in mind of that his service, and framed his heart to show himself thankful for it, so that he had special honor done unto him, and that by his mortal enemy, so that in it he might plainly see the hand of God extended to his preferment; yet, when he had all that honor done unto him, he did not follow on that vain to work farther on it (so to prosecute his good fortune, as men do term it) nor bear himself the higher for it; but returned to the kings gate again, not any place of credit or charge as it seemeth, though some have made such reckoning of it (for besides that we read of no such matter yet bestowed on him, we afterward find, that when the king asked his servants whether he had any recompense yet, they plainly answered, that then he had none) but the wonted place of his attendance, such as before was noted. But when he did no better follow on it, then did it so follow on him, that even that day, it seemeth, it presented it self fully unto him. When Haman was so gotten home, he recounted to his Wife and friends howe sorrowful an accident had that morning befallen him: and they on the other side were now so far from giving him any comfort in that discomfortable case of his that now they plainly acknowledged they had no hope but he would fall more and more, if that [ E] Mordecai were a Jew before whom he had begun to stumble already. A good sentence to be marked in these days also: that they made such a reckoning of the favor of God to that his people, that though God did afflict them some-times; yet when he began to vouchsafe them his favor again, and for their sakes to call their enemies to account of their doings, then must the Enemy daily more and more be humbled, and his people more and more advanced. For the Gospel in these days hath an Haman in Rome, who long hath endeavored to abolish it clean (so far as they have thought good to stand against it) and to extinguish the memory of it. But in these days it pleaseth God to set in hand with the advancement of the Gospel again; and that Haman hath stumbled already. And his wiser Friends no doubt do see, and have told him too, that the Gospel being of the Seed whereof it is, it is impossible for him to stand against it, and may look for none other, but daily more and more to fall before it: While they were thus casting their losses at home, the time of the second days banquet approached, which Haman so little attended now (it seemeth, he liked his game but ill) that the King was fain to send for him to come away: indeed a dismal banquet to him (though yet he saw nothing near to the bottom of it, nor any others as yet: neither the King whom the Issue of it was to pass, nor so much as Mordecai nor Ester neither, who were to reap much benefit by it) but a joyful banket to others: and that very time, when God would now give to Mordecai the full possession or fruition of that, whereof he gave him but a taste before. For at the banket, when the King again would know what was the suit that Ester had, promising now also as great favor therein as before he had done, and Ester thereupon told him, it was but the assurance of her own life, and of her people that she desired, showing him withal in how present danger they were by Haman there present: the King then was so thoroughly moved against Haman, who had so much abused him therein, that presently he took his Signet from him, and so put him out of authority, and office thereby, and soon after gave sentence of death on him, and to be hanged (at his own doors) on that very Gibet, that himself had provided to hang Mordecai on. The Enemy being thus taken away, then the [ F] King both gave unto Ester Haman's house: &, when she acquainted the King how near Mordecai was unto her, he then committed his Signet to him, and put him in the place that Haman had.

28 Thus far did the course of God's working respect Mordecai chiefly: and [ A] now are we to consider of it, as it respected the rest of the people generally. Concerning which deliverance of theirs, the Story doth so deliver it unto us, as occasioneth us to consider, not only what it was in it self; but also what it was unto them, or as they esteemed of it. As it was in it self, it resteth in two principal points: one, as it was granted of the King; another, as it was wrought forth by by them. As it was granted by the King, it was not the revoking of that heavy sentence that by Haman's means had passed against them before (the King himself acknowledging that he might not so do, that being a thing that was altogether against their Laws or manner of government) but an authorizing of them also to stand their own defense against those that by the virtue of the former decree should go about to suppress them; and not only to defend themselves against them, but also to be avenged on them, giving them liberty therein both to destroy their persons, and to make spoil of their goods. As it was wrought forth by them, it is noted first, that it was great comfort and joy unto them that Mordecai one of themselves was so greatly advanced, and that they had that liberty given them against their Enemies: then also, that according to the liberty given them, they everywhere assembled themselves to be avenged on those that meant evil against them. As touching which matter we have it more specially set down what was done, first in all other places besides, throughout all the Dominions and Provinces to him appertaining: then, in the Citty of Shusan it self, the royal Citty or seat of the Kingdom. In all the other Provinces it is noted, that even the Rulers and Governors themselves were favorable to the Jews in this business, for that they understood of the greatness of Mordecai, and so were afraid to come in any suspicion with him: and that the Jews destroyed of those that would have destroyed them, to the number of threescore and fifteen thousand, but that they never [ B] meddled with the spoil, though they were unto it authorized also (though many of ours without authority do fall to the spoil where least they should) and that this they did, all on a day, on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, the self same day that their enemies had gotten by the former decree, on which to have destroyed them. In Shushan that which they did, may seem to be the stranger, unless there be some reason conceived. For there when they had taken their pleasure, as it were, on the day appointed, and therein destroyed five hundred persons, and the ten sons of Haman besides (but here also not meddling with the spoil) by Queen Ester they craved, that they might have liberty, the next day also to do the like: and having that granted unto them they then destroyed three hundred mo; and hanged up (for example and terror) those ten Sons of Haman that were slain the day before. The reason why they desired another day there, and had it granted, is not set down: but it seemeth to be implied, that their enemies there, were not yet quieted or set down, by the first days work; and therefore that another was thought to be needful. And very likely it is, that the Jews being strangers there, and but captives but a little before, were not suffered much to inhabit there, that being the chief Citty and the seat of the Kingdom then: and so that the Jews being but few there in comparison, and their enemies many, another days execution there was needful for them, to have rest from those enemies that the former decree had set up against them, which being obtained, then qucikly they got them rest from them all. What this deliverance was unto them, or how they esteemed of it, it is a matter plain enough in it self: and yet is it good that we do more specially consider, in what sort themselves did testify, how they were affected at it. For if we mark, we may note, that in such sort they did it, as both might witness what comfort and joy it was unto them; and withal might scorn the folly of others. What comfort and joy it was unto them, they shown, first for that present: then also for the time to come. For that present they shown it, in that they kept the next days ensuing, the fourteenth and fifteenth of that month with so great festiuity or rejoicing as they did: the fourteenth, for that rest they got from all their enemies generalry, on the thirteenth day before; & the fifteenth, for that farther assurance therein, that they got in the chief Citty of all, the fourteenth day of that month also. For the time to come they did it, in that their Superiors ordained, and themselves agreed, that thence-forward they would keep those two days with joy and gladness: Mordecai first at that present writing to all the Jews in all the Provinces so to do; and then, both the Queen [ C] and he again the second time, setting down a plain decree for the due observing of them, to all their posterity ensuing. Those others whose folly therein they would scorn, were those their enemies, and especially Haman, the very ring-leader unto them all: and that which they would scorn in them, was that their busy cyphering or casting of lots for a lucky day, wherein to do this their intended feat, running over almost a twelve-month therein, that so they might light on a lucky day wherein to dispatch it. So they called these two feastiuall days, Purim, or the days of Lots, in scorn to those that had light on such days, as whereon their own devise turned to be so bloody, and reproachful unto themselves. A good example to us, both to be careful to commend the special favors of God towards us, to all out posterity ensuing: and what account to make of that heathenish superstition, that some days are such as afford no good success unto such business as we have to do, and therefore to cast for some lucky day when we have any special thing to do.

29 That farther Story that we have of that state (indeed, not much) is partly [ A] of the King himself; and partly of this great Officer of his now, Mardochaeus, or Mordecai. Of the King himself there be two things reported: one, that he laid a tribute on all the main Land, and on the Islands of the Sea that were any part of his Dominions; the other that his power and greatness, were in the Chronicles of the Medes and Persians, recorded. Like lips, like Lettuce again. If there be no worthier matter in him, but readily to lay upon his people the burden of such payments, as Princes are wont sometimes to do (more than they need, but to keep their people low, that so themselves may so much the easilier impose the yoke of some kind of servitude on them) even those Chronicles of the Medes and Persians, are sufficient records of all his greatness: Chronicles, that are not extant now, nor have been these many ages already past; and if they were, yet of small credit, and in no great request, even in the world. And whereas the judgment of those days was, that in comparison of those two other Kings of Persia that went immediately before him, Cyrus the one, Cambyses the other, allowing Cyrus to have ruled as a Father, and Cambyses as a Lord, they did set down this Darius to be, as it were, an Huckster, or one that made Money of all: it may be, that the Spirit of God did now note that in him, as a principal part of his government among them, to see that none of his Dominions [ B] escaped those payments that he meant to impose upon them. Men, indeed, are wont to be discontented with such payments as are justly required; and so their censure may ofttimes in such case be of no great reckoning, to touch the conscience of any: but if the Spirit of God do concur withal, improving the course that of any is taken therein, then is there no question, but that that censure is indeed to be feared. Much better had it been (so far as he had no need to urge them) rather as a Father, to have been so giving unto them, than taking of them, that his goodness might rather have been recorded in the hearts of his people, than his greatness in the Chronicles of the Medes and Persians. Of Mordecai who was but his servant, nevertheless there be more honorable things reported: and first what he was with the King; then what he was with his own people. With the King he was in so special favor, that he did so greatly advance him, that it also was entered into those Chronicles together with the greatness of the King himself: an argument of great probability, albeit we had no farther knowledge of him, that he was a man of special great worth, whom so mighty a Prince as he, should so greatly advance as to make him next to himself, being still a stranger unto him, and, a little before, a captive too. With his own people the Jews he was not only great, but acceptable too, or of great price with them: and no marvel, because it is noted of him, that he procured the wealth of his people, and used to speak peaceably unto them. A very good token, that such of our great men are good, as are in special Authority under their Prince, when they are of great price with the people also. But that can they not be, if they seek above measure to gird them in daily more and more: or, if but in speech they deal roughly with them. We are all their own people and brethren now: but though we be (so far) all in one case: yet ever there are some, more specially to that reckoing appertaining (as the Ministry often, and the poor Commons ever) of whom there is more special regard to be had therein, & in whose estate it is (lightly) undoubtedly seen, whether those that are in special place under their Prince, be good or not. Which the more that at any time we find, the better may we see, that God then doth draw us unto him by love; and we are so much the more to thank him: and the less again that we do at any time find it, the more plain it is unto us, that God is then offended with us; and therefore, that in such case, we are the more to examine wherein we are wrong, and then, amending the same so [ C] far as we can, so to seek unto God for his farther favor.

30 That one other thing, of which this Story of Ester doth give us good occasion [ A] likewise to consider, is not appropriate to this Story only: but something appertaining to diverse other Stories of Scripture besides, as the people of God have had some special dealing with Forraigne people's. But because it is very praegnant here, and the last of that sort (that are of any special moment) as I do take it, therefore thought I it meetest here to be remembered. It is no more but this, that whereas there be diverse Heathen writers, that do purposely write of the Persian Story, and of this Darius that now we speak of: yet is it noted, that none of them all do make any mention of this Mardoch ••• ; and so, not of any such place given unto him. But so is it for diverse others besides, in the times both of the Kings of Babylon before, and of the Kings of the Medes and Persians after. In all which it seemeth, first that there was some fault in those writers: then also, that God may have other meaning therein. The fault that may seem to be in those writers, was, either of negligence, or else of malice. Of negligence it may be, that they being ignorant of God, and that the Jews were his peculiar people, they did not regard to cast their eyes to any such matters: so that God might do many great things among them, and yet little or nothing regarded by them. Of malice it may be, that, because the Jews were, for the most part, very odious to all other people's, for that they were so divided from all others in religious rites and ceremonies, and were in such sort to destroy the Canaanites as they were commanded, and might not have any special society with diverse other people's besides: therefore, whatsoever might tend to their commendation, or credit with others, that would they pass by and see not, and of the two rather choose to suppress it, than to commend it to the knowledge of others. GOD also might do it of special purpose, both to show us the defect of all such writers, that we should not over-much trust unto them, when they are so defective, as the omitting of such matrers doth show they are: and that he would make trial of us, whether we can trust that which it pleaseth him to deliver unto us, though there be nobody else to avow it besides.

31 That other Story that we have of those that tarried behind, of which [ B] notwithstanding there is some question, appertaineth to the time when the Temple was built, and is concerning that question moved of those two fasting days that the Jews had taken upon them to observe during the time of their captivity, but now made question thereof themselves, whether they were bound to observe them still or not. Concerning which matter, the question is not, whether there were any such thing or not; but only by whom the question was moved: whether by those that yet tarried behind in Babylon, and in other places of those Countries: or by the Jews that were already returned to their own Land, but did not dwell at Jerusalem (near to the Temple) but only in other places of the Country farther of. Now those themselves that move the question do grant, that all others generally are of opinion, that they were those that yet tarried behind, who sent about this matter: and yet themselves do peremptorily over-rule it, to be those that were returned already. They profess likewise, that the occasion and argument of that demand do lead them to be of that opinion: and yet bring no other matter for the occasion or argument of it that they conceive, than the same whereon the others also do build; saving, that they account the nature of this demand to be such, as that in open sight it doth no less, but much more appertain, to those that were already returned, than unto those that tarried behind. This they say; but bring no farther proof of their opinion: and so is it so much the stranger, that they do so easily sunder themselves from the judgment of all others besides. Concerning which, it seemeth to me, that for sufficient resolution herein (that it should rather be the question of those that tarried behind) we need go no farther, but only to mark the question it self: and in what manner it was demanded. The question it self, may seem rather to respect those that tarried behind, than those that were come home, because the doubtfulness of the question doth not noely stand upon the knowledge of the estate of those that were returned: but much more on want of the knowledge of it. For if it were known, that the Temple was built, and the common-wealth set up again (though but in some meaner measure) the doubtfulness of the question were then no more, but only on this: whether, seeing they took up those two fasting-days, one of them for the ruin of the Temple, [ C] the other for the slaughter of Gedaliah (by whose unseasonable taking away their whole estate then fell flat to the ground) i • 〈…〉 that yet they 〈◊〉 observe them, or might not rather give them up no • , when the Temple was built, and the common-wealth in some measure reared again. But thus much of the question concerned both sortes of them, as well those that were returned, as those that were not, and both alike. But now, if we go farther, to consider whether of these two sortes were more likely to know the 〈…〉 y, whether the Temple were yet built, or any reasonable form of a Common-Wealth obtained: there is no question, but that those that were returned, were the likeliest to know best in what case those things were among them, and so needed they least to inquire for that matter. So falleth it out, that though in the former of th • se respects, it stand indifferent to either of them; yet in the latter it leaneth altogether to the one sort of them: nothing at all fitting those that are at home, to move any question that should depend upon the not knowing of their estate there; but fitting the others marvelous well for that they were many hundred miles of, and might well be doubtful in what estate they were there, if they were not (for many of them) altogether ignorant of it. If we go to the manner of demanding that question, that beareth witness much more clearly, that it was the question of those that yet were behind; and not of those that were already returned: even only because they sent to the House of GOD in Jerusalem about it. For first there is no question at all, but that this question came from the whole body (as it were) of them: either of those that were returned; or of those that yet tarried behind. It could not so come from the body (or in common) of those that were returned, because many of them, and the chief part of them (for so many) did dwell in Jerusalem it self: and as for the residue of them, they also dwelt in such sort round about Jerusalem (everyone in their own Cities at home) that if they would confer of any matter in common, there were no place so fit for them all to meet in, to confer thereof, as Jerusalem it self. For since the time that Salmanassar placed those other people's in the Cittyes of Israel, we need not to doubt, but that they still kept their hold in those. So that when [ D] these returned, they had (to speak of) but their wonted Cittyes to dwell in, those that belonged to Judah and Benjamin: and those, it is known, compassed Jerusalem on every side; and had their combyning or coupling together, as they were all but one body, nowhere so much as in Jerusalem it self. And when, a little after this, we have it more specially set down, where the Jews that returned did now inhabit, even those that are of opinion, that this question was moved by those that returned, do nevertheless mark, that the Cittyes there named, did all appertain either to Judah, or to Simeon who mingled with them: as on the other side for Benjamin, the Text it self doth witness, that their Cittyes did lie betwixt Judah and Joseph, (as indeed Ephraim lay on the North-side of them, even as Judah did on the South) closing up Jerusalem as it were in the bosom or midst of them both. But these Cittyes of Benjamin that now we speak of, were I grant those that were their portion before: which nevertheless doth not altar the case, for that we have no reason to conceive they got any others now; but rather might be glad if they had all those, or so many of them as now they needed. Then also, seeing it plain, that they sent, even that very sending doth not so well square to those that returned, and in person so often repaired thither them-selves as unto those that yet were behind: all those being at Jerusalem already, as touching the body of them all, and none being distant thence but only as they were particulars, and yet so very often repairing thither too; and these only, both in particulars, and in the whole body or community of them all, being absent from it, and the nearest of them far distant also. Being then resolved who they were that sent to Jerusalem about this matter, and so having the readier way now to come to the matter it self, we are first to consider of the question moved by them: then of the answer that was given them from God. In the question moved by them, we are first to begin with the occasion of it: and so to come to the question it self. The occasion of it was, that they had taken up certain fa •• ing days before, which every year of their own accord they would observe: themselves moving the question but of one; but the Lord himself directing his Prophet to remember them of others also, presently of one moe, and a little after of two other besides. Which Fasting-days of theirs are by the help [ E] of Jeremiah noted to be, one of them towards the ende of one year: the others, all in the next year ensuing. That which was towards the end of the year, was in the tenth month thereof, what time the King of Babylon did first begin to besiedge Jerusalem. The others that were all in the next year following, were some of them by occasion of farther grief for that which after befell to Jerusalem: and one of them for the pitiful slaughter of a worthy personage among them. That which befell to Jerusalem after, were two special calamities: one, to the Citty; another to the Temple. That which befell unto the Citty, was in the fourth month of the new year following: and it was, that then the enemies brake into the Citty and got it, it being greatly distressed by Famine before. That which befell unto the Temple, was in the next month following; and it was no less than the utter ruin or destruction of it by Fire: the enemies putting fire unto it; and it burning four days long, before it was consumed with it. That worthy personage that was slaughtered so pittyfully, was Gedaliah, whom the King of Babylon had left to be Governor to the people that remained: who accordingly governed them so well, that as then they stood a people yet; so there was good hope that under him that they might have done so long, and have been in reasonable good case too. But then certain loose Gallants came treacherously and slue him, as being too much for the Babylonians: whereupon soon after the Land was clean rid of all the rest of them; and, so were they there, not only no Common-wealth, but also no people at all. Which calamity befell in the seventh month next ensuing. So their four Fasting-days, that now for many years they had every year kept, were on those days, it seemeth, on which those calamities befell them: the siege begun; the Citty gotten; the Temple burnt; and Gedaliah slain. As touching the question it self, whereas they had four Fasting-days in all, and yet move the question but of one of them only, it shall be good to consider, whereupon they may seem to do it: then, what it is they move concerning it. They may seem to make choice of that their first months fast, as most concerning God, because it was on behalf of his house then consumed with Fire. For such is the nature of Hypocriticall, that is, of all our common or ordinary devotion, to plead most on such things whereby it may most seem, that we have made God [ F] beholding unto us. That which they move concerning it, is, whether they were still to continue that wonted fasting of theirs, or whether now (as the world was mended with them) they might not leave it; implying thereby, both that themselves made no doubt of it, but that so long as the House of God lay wast, or was buried in the ruins and rubble of it, so long as they had to observe such a general set and solemn sorrowing for it; but that now the cause of that their sorrowing being taken away, that in their judgments they were tied unto it still, but yet that they thought it to be their duty, first to acquaint him with it, and therein to do as he would have them. Wherein we have a plain example, first that we may in time so entangle our selves in such voluntary observations, as that in the end, though they were but voluntary first, yet we account them necessary after: and that then we readily obtrude them to God, as for his sake being done; and that, so if it please him, we are ready to continue them also. The answer that hereunto was given them of God, consisted of two principal points: one, concerning this that they speak of; the other, as touching some other things, nothing at all here remembered by them. Concerning the matter that now they spake of, the effect of his answer is, that he never willed them so to do, & so will have no dealing at all with it now: but that it was their own doing before, and that (for him) they should now determine of it as they thought good; himself would in no wise medle with it. As touching those other things nothing at all remembered now by them, they are in effect, that they should have had special regard to the word of God sent unto thē by his Prophets before, & have behaved themselves well one towards another; and that so they had pleased him indeed: but that they could never like to do therein as he would have had them; & therefore that he careth as little, for this their voluntary service in these. A notable place to teach us two very good and needful pointes: how careless we are of those things that concern true godliness indeed, and nevertheless not without devotion in such ways as our selves do like of; and how little God regardeth those ways of ours, and ever turneth us unto those others that he requireth. And yet were it hard to find any one work of our voluntary worshipping whatsoever, that in our own judgment were likely to be more acceptable to God, than these fasting-days of theirs in such sort as they did take them up at the first, [ G] and afterward use them. For they took them up at the first upon several great and pregnant tokens of the great displeasure of God against them for their sins: their head Citty besieged; soon after taken; their Temple burnt; and the land dispeopled. In all which and in every of them, they had good cause to stir up themselves yearly to some special sorrow for so heavy an hand of God, so many ways then laid upon them. Their manner of doing it was to separate or with-draw themselves for the time, from their delights and pleasures, and from their usual affairs besides; and to give themselves to some set sorrowing and lamentation; and many of them even in sack-clothe and ashes, putting on such homely and base apparel, and so deforming themselves besides, as unworthy any better reckoning with any. In all which their fasts, forbearing of meat for the time was an appendant, as the forbearing of their lawful liberty in other things also for that present: but neither it, nor any of the others being so for the time forborne were of the substance of their fasting, no, not in their own judgment) but only their weeping and sorrowing, as their own very words do reasonable plainly witness unto us. For they do not plead upon their abstinence from meat, or on the forbearing of those other things that otherwise they might lawfully have employed themselves about, as but resting therein: but on that they wept and sorrowed, and that they separated themselves from all other things, not as resting therein, but the better to help them forward in that other action which at such times they chiefly intended. Whereas on the other side our fastings, though the glory or flower of all the devotion that many of us have, do not consist of the substance of fasting: but only in some appendant of it; and for the most part, but in sleight or easy manner. But if God did look so strangely on these fastings of theirs, and would have nothing to do with them: both the usual fastings, and many other voluntary worshippings, which were used in the power of darkness, may go whistle, as they say, for any favor they are like to find at the hands of God, for anything they find in this pattern that now we are in.

CHAP. 21.

1 HItherto we have the Story set down, both in the [ A] word of God, and by the way of History, so far forth at the least, or in such particulars, as it pleased God to deliver unto us: but hence-forward we have it not set down in the word of GOD but only by the way of Prophecy; and the same very briefly too. The effect whereof is, that they should never be but in hard estate, until the coming of their Messias: and that some-times they should be very much afflicted; and yet then be holpen, but with some little help neither. As touching which hard estate of theirs, to the end that we may the better perceive it, it shall be good, that first we consider some-thing of it generally: and that then we come to the more special consideration of it. That which we are to consider thereof generally, is first within what bounds our matter lieth: then what is the matter it self. The bounds of our matter are, partly in the time, and partly in the parties thereunto appertaining. The compass of time that now we speak of, is some part of it while those yet stood under whom as yet they were: the rest, under others. Those under whom as yet they were, were the Persians, whose state is noted to have stood somewhat better than two hundred years in all: but, about one hundred thirty and five of those being now spent already since their return, it remaineth, that we have no moe of that state of theirs but only about threescore and twelve. All which though Nehemiah be thought to have out-lived, or very near thereunto: yet those stories that we had of him before do all appertain to the former time of the Persian state, and not unto this that now we are entering into. Those others under whom they afterward were, were the Grecians first: and the Romans after. Under the Grecians they were soon after that that state got up: and it stood about two hundred threescore and seven years. Under the Romans they were likewise soon after that they came to their height; and much longer than that part of their story that now we are in, doeth reach unto: but after that these got up, it was about threescore years, before that the story of Christ beginneth. So may we note, that the compass of time that this our story lieth in, is almost four hundred years. The parties hereunto appertaining are the people of God: and those that were so grievous unto them. As touching the people of God, we are to note, that now they all go under the name of Jews, though of the other tribes besides there were diverse mingled with them; and not unlikely, but that some of the Canaanites did so likewise: but, of whatsoever people or Nation any of them were, it seemeth they were all of one profession, and so were accounted all one people. Wherein it is not amiss to note, that whereas in Solomon's time [ B] when the Temple was to be built (and that being the time, when that state of theirs was at the highest) there were found to be in the Land one hundred fifty and three thousand strangers (which seem to be all, or the most part of them, Canaanites, the ancient inhabitants of the Land) and now we have no mention of any of them; but that the peculiar people of God were now the inhabitants of that land: yet nevertheless, as the people of God together with those Canaanites before, had according to the Prophecy and curse of Noah been servants to the posterity of Sem; so the people of God only now, inhabiting that land, were under that part of the curse to others of the posterity of Sem at this present, and afterward again to two other states of Iaphets progeny. And seeing they offended so much as they did, less marvel it is, that they inhabiting that Land now, have part of the curse that was given forth against their predecessors before: as also it may seem, by that which followeth after, that that part of the curse was so far laid on the Land it self (for the others were in no such subjection yet to any of the posterity of Japheth) as that it might be of force against those inhabitants also. Those that were so grievous unto them, were, first the latter of these two states or Monarchies, that were in the East part of the world, of the posterity of Sem: then these other two that were in this North-west part of the world (which we inhabit) both of them being of the posterity of Japheth; the other part of the known world, being peopled most by the posterity of Cham, having none of those four Monarchies in it, but so far partaking (in effect) with that curse aforesaid, though by name it were laid on Canaan only, no ancestors of theirs, but only having one and the self same auncestor common to them both. The latter of those two States or Monarchies that were in the East-part of the world, and of the posterity of Sem, was that of the Persians, under which they were yet: and the estate of the people of God under these is no more in effect (some few particulars only excepted) but that so long as these did yet stand (which we heard, was but about threescore and twelve years more) they were in subjection unto them; but yet both had a Governor of their own people, and were allowed the freedom of their own profession. The particulars we speak of, are but two; and both of them such as much respected the whole estate of the people: one of them, of a tax or fine imposed on them; the other, of a great stumbling block in Religion reared up among them. That [ C] tax or fine that was imposed on them, was by occasion of a foul murder committed by John the High Priest himself, on JESUS his own brother, and that even in the Temple too: the occasion being for that he which was slain, did set but light of his Brother the High Priest, on an hope that he had to get that office from his brother unto himself by the favor of Bag • ses a Persian Governor; and so in contentious altercation provoked him much to his own death. That Governor therefore both polluted their Temple, and imposed a fine upon them for seven years together. That stumbling block in cause of Religion that was reared up among them, was near upon the end of the Persian State: done also by a brother of the High Priest that then was, a bad man; and the very same, it seemeth, that Nehemiah for his profane marriage chased away from him. The matter was, that Manasseh being Priest also himself, and having before administered the Office and dignity of Priest-hood with Iaddus his brother, but afterward being in great disgrace at Jerusalem for that his bad marriage, by the help of Sanballet his Father in law the Lord of Samaria, he erected another Temple in Mount Garizin near to Samaria, like to that which was at Jerusalem, and himself was High Priest there: many of the Priests such as had polluted themselves with such unlawful marriages, & others of the people such as either had so married, or otherwise for some bad parts of theirs were called to reckoning at Jerusalem, and finding ready entertainment there, leaving Jerusalem and the true worship of God behind them, and joining themselves to this up-start profanation, arising out of the proud heart of that grand sectarie the High-Priests brother.

2 Of those two others that were of the posterity of Japheth, the former of them [ A] was that of the Grecians: the other, that of the Romaines that followed. That of the Grecians, for a while, was one entire State: but soon after, much divided among themselves. It was one entire state but only for the time of Alexander himself, who reigned in all but about twelve years: part thereof, but in Macedonia and Greece whence he came; the residue in Asia, where he over-threw the Persian State, and set up his own. In whose story, or in the compass of whose time we have no more to consider, that doth properly appertain to our present purpose, but only in what estate the people of GOD were under him: but seeing he was at the first so notable a Prince, and for his conquests was set on by God himself, [ B] it shall not be amiss, first to consider of some few other stories of him going before; and then of the estate of the Jews under him. Those other stories that now I speak of, are two: one, while yet he was in Macedonie; the other, so soon as he was ariued in Asia. While yet he was in Macedonie, being then purposed to go to warfare in Asia, he either took short, while he was there, or took away with him when he went thence, all such as he doubted to be aspiring, and might hazard him of his kingdom at home, while he was abroad: a good example for all the servants of GOD, the Soldiers of Christ, first to take short all their inordinate affections of flesh and blood, or to keep a strong hand on them, when we go forth to the warfare of a Christian life. In Asia as soon as he ariued, and considered on the goodness and largeness of that part of the world, making no doubt but to win it and make it his own; he thereupon then parted and freely gave Macedonie his former kingdom to his Captains and friends, as having enough and enough in Asia for him: another fair example for the Childeren of GOD, after that by the knowledge of Christ, they understand how good things are laid up for them in the world to come, more easily to part with these earthly things here, to go and gain others unto that other fellowship with them; at least to take heed, that in the love of these earthly felicities they do not moow-up or bury themselves. The estate of the Jews under him was good, for that although he came towards them with great displeasure, for that (on allegiance to their former Lord's) they sent him no aide to the winning of Tyre, as he had required them to do: yet after perceiving it was the God whom they professed, who had set him a-work, and had prospered him so far therein, he was very gracious unto them, and bestowed great immunities on them.

3. When the Graecian State was divided (Alexanders Captains, after his death, [ A] he having no issue, parting the same among themselves) though they were moe at the first, and afterward the chief of them, four: yet were they but two (themselves, and their successors) who had such dealing with the Jews, as that we need to repair to their story, to find out in what estate the Jews then were. And those two were, such as had, one sort of them, Egypt on the South; the other, Syria on the North of the people of God: not, that either of them had no moe Countries besides under their government; but that those were the chief to either of them, besides such others as they had withal, sometimes moe, sometimes fewer. Of these two (whom the Angel in Daniel calleth, the one, the King of the South; the other, the King of the North) it was the King of the South, or that Southern part of [ B] the Graecian Monarchy that had dealing with the Jews first; but that other Northern part soon after: and so I hold it best that we consider of either of them severally. So beginning first with that part of the Graecian Monarchy which lay towards the South, there may we note, that sometimes the Princes thereof did make head against the Jews to do them some hurt: and that once the Jews themselves did so provoke them, as that they were in great danger thereby. Those Princes made head against the people of God to their hurt, twice: the hurt that both times they made, being requited, as it were, with some special favor towards them soon after. The former of those hurts was, that Ptolomaus Lagi, the first of those Princes that enjoyed that State, coming to Jerusalem as in peaceable manner, to offer Sacrifice, and on a Saboth day, surprised the Citty, and both dealt hardly with them there, and took away many of them captives also: a matter that was by Agatharchides another Author of those days reproachfully laid to the charge of the Jews, as though they had of superstitious cleaving to their own ease that day, suffered him so to possess himself of their Citty; and so had dearly bought that little ease of theirs then, by taking upon their shoulders so uneasy and heavy a Lord, as he was afterward like to prove unto them. The favor wherewith this was, as it were soon after requited unto them, was partly by himself: but more by him that next succeeded. Himself conceauing by the answer they gave to Alexander before, (when he sent unto them to come into his aid, they refusing so to do, on the oath they had made to their former Princes) that they had good regard to their oaths, put many of them in so special trust with his holds, and did so much enfranchize them besides in the head Citty of all his kingdom, that many others of the Jews besides, on this good dealing of his with their brethren, of their own accord, came and yielded themselves to dwell under his allegiance. The favor they found in him that next succeeded Ptolomaus Pliladelphus, was such, as that I can hardly think that any in these days of the Gospel that wisheth well to the advancement thereof, can read it, without a sound and special shame of these our days. Being a Prince that was given to the love of learning, and having then already gotten two hundred thousand Books to his Library, and being in the way soon after to get five hundred thousand moe unto them, or at least to make them up so many in all; and yet not so content, but farther desiring to get unto him besides all the books of the Law of God by the help of the Jews, and to have them translated into the tongue that was then most common to all: to obtain his desire therein (of which notwithstanding as yet he had but heard by report of others, nothing answerable [ C] to the worth of the things themselves) it may stand for one of the chief miracles of the world, to see how that heathen Prince behaved himself therein, how graciously and liberally he first dealt with those Jews that then were in bondage in those his dominions, redeeming out of his own treasure above an hundred and twenty thousands of them; howe great and rich gifts he sent first likewise to the Temple at Jerusalem: what Interpreters, and how many he sought to have thence; in how good manner he sought to have them; how welcome they were unto him when they were come; how honourably and howe carefully to that purpose, they were entertained when they where there; how liberally they were rewarded; and how graciously dismissed when they had done. We have better knowledge in these days of ours (or more shame for us) of the Gospel of Christ; we need not open our own treasuries, of that which is (by undoubted right) clearly our own; we need but restore that which (no doubt) many of us do, in our own consciences unjustly with-hold; they are no foreign people to us, but our our own brethren, that need to be by us redeemed; their bondage is incomparably much greater, and more to be pitied, than was that of those others: and yet how untoward we are herein; how little desire we have of any such help; and how little we esteem of those by whom we might have it, and by whom we have whatsoever of that kind it is that we have, no man can be of mind to deliver, but that presently he findeth himself over-whelmed with it. The latter of those hurts was about an hundred years after the former, or somewhat better; this latter of them, by the course of the story being at it were confined to about the fourth year of the reign of Antiochus the great, King of Syria (for this Story it self is without any so special date) which fourth year of his is noted to be, the year of the world, three thousand seven hundred fory and five; the former of them being set so near to the beginning of his reign that first began this Egyptian state, that it falleth not to be about the year of the world three thousand six hundred forty and two. The thing it self was, that this King Ptolomaus Philopater coming peaceably to Jerusalem, and orderly offering his sacrifices there, seeing the Temple so beautiful a building as it was, and thereupon offering to go into it, and even into the inmost place it self, because he was first but disuaded by those that were present, but then forcibly stayed by the strong and strange hand of God himself, he grew so greatly discontented thereby, & so deeply displeased with the Jews, as that thence-forward she resolved utterly to destroy them all, within his dominions, and that with a cruel and a strange kind of death. Which being twice attempted, was as often in easy manner by the providence [ D] of God defeated: first the king himself over-sleeping his own appointed time; then, by a strong and strange oblivion, of that which he had before determined. When the third time notwithstanding he would yet set in hand with it again, and more eagerly than before, he was then not only by outward forcible means defeated: but inwardly in his former purpose, altered clean. The favor that after this did follow upon them, was, not only that he remitted and utterly abandoned all that his displeasure against them: but also vouchsafed them diverse special favors. When the Jews themselves did so provoke them, as that they were in great danger thereby, it was in the days of this king also: Onias the High Priest, the Jews chief governor then under him, being so strongly given to his own private, that very much he had wronged the public cause; had not another in his room stood up in the gap (Josephus a Nephew of his, of special good parts) against that danger.

4. Comming to that Northern part of this Graecian Monarky, which, soon after [ A] the other began, had likewise dealing with these, & afterward much more than the other, we do not find to the contrary, but that the Jews were in reasonable good case under these also for a time: but that afterward these were very grievous • nto them. What time they were in reasonable case under them, it is notwithstanding noted, both that the Samaritans (a people of those parts, and near to the Jews) were very troublesome unto them; and that when these two states warred the one on the other, the Jews were then much afflicted by them, even as a ship tossed betwixt mighty and contrary waves, and especially by the Samaritans at that time also: but then it is noted withal, that two special Princes of that state were very favorable unto them; one of them the same, that first after the division began that State, the other, who governed it a good while after. He that first after the division began that State, Selencus Nican • r building certain Cities in his Territories, is noted to have allowed the Jews their liberty and privileges there; even in the Head-Citty it self: and that so he did, for their good and faithful service done unto him. He that a good while after succeeded Antioc ••• the great, was a Prince of special note, and having variable success at the first, notwithstanding in the end he much prevailed against Ptol 〈…〉 s Epiph •• es, his opposite Southerne Prince, in the clearing of those Territories that to him of former time appertained, bet since had been by the other surprised. At which time the Jews, fiding themselves more specially to him, were vouchsafed special favors (and those by good record) both at home and abroad. When afterward the Princes or Governors of this Northern State were grievous unto them, first it was, but, as it were, a push for the time: but afterward it sat nearer unto them. While it was but a [ B] storm of small continuance, and soon after blown over again, it was no more but that one Simon, a treacherous person from among themselves, was, by Apollonius, the occasion, that a special attempt was made by Heliodorus, sent frō Selercus Soter, and so even by the higher power itself to have made a spoil of the Temples treasure: which notwithstanding is noted to be so very strongly and strangely resisted, not by the people themselves, but by a strange extaordinary protection, that such as came for it, went away without it, and were glad too they had so escaped. When it sat nearer unto them, and had longer continuance among them, their dealing then grew to be so grievous and so intolerable, that it made an alteration of the State it self: and so are we therein to consider, first of that dealing of theirs against them; then, what alteration in the State it was, that came in thereby. Their dealing against them, though exceeding bad in it self; yet may it seem to be justly occasioned: and so are we first to note how it was occasioned; then, what it self was. Justly occasioned we may account it to be, for that in those days mingling with the Heathen, many of them now gave up their former profession of the Law of God, and betook themselves to the ways of the Heathen: and that mnny of the Priests themselves did now make no reckoning of the Temple, nor of the service of God that was there to be used; and were besides foully given to much disorder. What the dealing it self was, whereof they had experience now, that we may in few words the better see, we are to know, first that it was whatsoever mighty and grievous enemies are in such case wont to do: then, that there was much more evil inflicted on them, than such dealing of the Enemies doth (for the most part) reach unto. That which was but such as in such case grievous enemies are wont to do, was, that they did exceedingly spoil, even the Temple it self, both of the treasure and ornaments of it: and that they did put both the Citty and the people to Fire and Sword in very cruel and barbarous manner. That which was more, was, that both they forced them from the Law of God; and destroyed, both so many of the Books thereof as they could get, and so many of the people (without respect of age or sex) as would not yield: and both advanced most detestable Idolatry; and strongly urged (nay, violently rather) the people unto it.

5 The alteration in the States that came thereby, was great: and such as [ A] much respected, not only these their enemies; but also, even the Jews themselves withal. As it respected the Syrians their enemies, first it was, as the Jews did now oppose thenselves against them: then, as they decayed even by themselves. As the Jews did now oppose themselves against them, they were so roundly and roughly dealt with, first by Mattathi •• , an old Priest him-self for a while, then by some others of his line, that, after these took them in hand they were able then to praeuaile no farther: but were daily beaten back more and more, from that course that before they were in. The old Priest (a man of good reckoning among [ B] his own people) seeing so great wrong, yea and indignity offered to the Law and people of God, and being farther provoked besides, by • loud part of 〈…〉 , by one of the Jews, and at that present before his eyes, so inflamed with ••• l 〈◊〉 he could not abide it, suddenly stepped up, slew that vile Apos •••• , and those that from the King were there employed in that business, and th •• by open Proclamation offered himself to join with all such of the people, •• in that case, against those their enemies, on the behalf of the Law of God, and of their own •• st defense, would now resolve to stand on their guard: and as th •• he made the • that offer, so did he after perform it unto them; and many did repair unto him, to take part with him therein. Of those that were of his line (who also before his death were stirred up and encouraged by him) Judas one of his Sons, commonly called Maccabaus, by his appointment did first begin: and then was followed by others of them. He so beginning, did notably for a time praeuaile against them: but a few years after he was overthrown. He did so notably praeuaile against them while he trusted only on God; and for that time he very strangely and wonderfully prevailed: and that so far, that he put down their Idolatry, and restored true Religion again; and afterward stood to the defense of the same, against all the force of his enemies. Ouerthrowne he was, soon after that he sought to have the Romans confe • derate with him: leaning some-what then, as it may seem, to an Arm of Flesh. Those others that followed him, were some of them collateral to him, two of his Brethren, the one of them succeeding the other in those affairs; one other descending, who was the Son of that his Brother who last succeeded: all which went forward in that course, and maintained that cause so long as they continued, and in many things did very well stand to the maintenance of it; but the two former of them were in the ende treacherously slain. As the enemies decayed even of themselves, it is noted unto us, that after they so opposed themselves against the Law of God, making the people to abandon the same, and to betake themselves to Heathenish vanity, they went backward ever after more and more: he that first began it, and most did urge it, Antiochus Epiphanes, coming to a miserable end; & his successors after, much warring among themselves, and slaughtering one another, till the Romans at length came and overthrew their State, and made that Country a Province of theirs.

As it most respected the Jews, it was, first as touching certain Sectes [ A] that were among them: then as touching their civil estate from this time forward. The chief Sects that were among them are noted to be three; all growing up among [ B] them while thus they mingled with the Heathen; and afterward having mention of two sorts of them, but not of the third. Those two whereof afterward we have mention, are the Pharasees and the Sadducees, both which were troublesome to Christ and his Apostles: both of them being accounted of the most careful sort of men among them▪ in all their ways generally, and Teachers of the Law of God to the people; but the former of them strictly observing certain traditions of their own withal, the latter erring in certain special pointes of doctrine. The third sort of them, of whom we have no mention after, were the Esseis, who lived more privately a-part from others; as of purpose shunning contentions abroad, so the better to give them-selves to the exercise of godliness at home: and one special part of their profession was a single life. A matter the rather to be marked, for that as Satan had then provided these sects, & had gotten them into great credit with the world, for opinion of learning and holiness, a little before the coming of Christ; so to fore-stall the people before, and to make them hang off farther from him, when he should come and labor to win them: so we have found the much like sects of our late Cloysterers, stolen in among us, and gotten to credit, before this more plentiful light of the Gospel was sent unto us that now we enjoy; and these (no doubt) to the hindrance of many, who other-wise we may hope would have believed long ere this. Their civil estate from this time forward, so long as the race of the Maccabees stood, was hard and troublesome: and it stood till the Romans, occasioned by their contentions and disorder, did step in among them, and appointed other Governors unto them. So that although some of that stock had done much good to the people before; or that God (at least) had used them as a scourge to the proud and insolent enemy: yet, stepping up as they did, only because of the great outrageous dealing of the enemy, and not being otherwise called unto it (the Scepter for that people being before given to the Tribe of Judah, these being all of the Tribe of Leuie) it is less marvel, that now at length they were a burden rather unto the people than any benefit (insomuch that now even the people themselves were likewise weary of them) and that by these, the Romaines were first brought to be somewhat towards them, and now to over-master them so much as they did.

7 As touching that other Monarchy or State of the Romaines that followed [ A] immediately after that of the Grecians, it also prevailed against the people of God, and had them in subjection, about three score years before the birth of Jesus Christ: not, but that, long after that, they had them in subjection besides, even so long as [ B] they were a people; but that then our Story must leave them and go on Christ, and on those that belonged to him. How for that time they came to be in subjection to the Romaines that we may the better perceive, we are first to consider of that which may seem to be the occasion: then of their subjection it self. That which may seem to be the occasion, was, that they were so disorderly among themselves, that thereby themselves did open the passage to Forraigne power to step in among them: of which Forraigne power there was no other in those days that in those parts bare any sway (to speak of) but only that of the State of Rome. The disorder that we speak of, we find in two of the sons of the last of those Maccabees that we spoke of before; and in one other that descended of the latter of them: some part of that disorder being common to them all; some other more proper to every of them a-part by themselves. Common to all it is, that henceforward they took upon them the name and dignity of Kings: that kind of dignity being of such nature as none should take upon them without some special calling thereunto of God, which they could not have there, God having already bestowed the Scepter on that Tribe of Judah, all these being but only of Leuie. When we are to consider of such disorder as was more proper to every of them apart by themselves, we are first to begin with those two brethren: then to come to the other that descended of the latter of them. Of those two brethren, the former of them. Aristobulus, reigning but one year, yet in that short time both did imprison his Mother, so to exclude her from meddling in the government of the Land (which authority and honor his Father notwithstanding had appointed unto her) and there did famish her in prison: and without any just cause, only upon a bare and false suspicion, slew his own brother, a man of great worth, whom himself also before so tenderly loved that he made him partaker with him in his Kingdom. The latter likewise, Alexander Ianneus, first began with the slaughter of another brother of his: and though he were by the just judgment of God reasonably well requited with blood again (leezing a field, and thirty thousand of his Army at once, to one of his neighbor Princes besides him) yet afterward also did he so exceedingly rage in shedding the blood of others, even of his own people too, and by those his doings he grew into so extreme hatred with them, as that on a time, as willing to content them for whatsoever he had offended them before, with one consent they plainly told him, that there was no way whereby to please them, but only to make an end of himself. But he did so little regard, that he was fallen into so extreme hatred with them, that shortly after getting the advantage of a great number of the better sort of them, he purposely chose an higher place wherein himself and his Concubines might banquet together; taking [ C] order before, that in the time of their banqueting, eight hundred of those should have their execution in the sight of him and his Concubines: their execution then also being, first to have their wives and children slain before their faces; then afterward themselves to be hanged. He that descended of the latter of these called Aristobulus also, was so like to the stock whereof he came, that whereas he was but the younger Son to his Father, and that his Mother, by the Kings Testament succeeding him in the Kingdom, had appointed the High-Priesthood (the Kingdom then being annexed unto it) to her elder Son H • rcan •• , he presently warred upon him about the same: & by the treachery of his Elder Brothers people praeuayling, would needs be the King, and that his elder Brother must live a private life under him. But yet the contention between these and their partakers was so great about this matter, that it occasioned the Romans (always ready to such opportunities) to step in, and to take up the matter among them, nothing at all to the advantage of any of them, to speak of: Jerusalem it self being by this occasion forcibly taken, and this usurper had away Prisoner to Rome; the elder Brother only getting the High Priest-hood again, but afterward, about the same, leezing his ears, and shutting up his old age with a bloody death besides.

8 The Romans having now by this occasion gotten that people in subjection [ A] to them, for a while deal more easily with them: but soon after, much more roughly. They dealt more easily with them, when, notwithstanding they got the City by force, yet did make it but tributary unto them: leaving unto them the liberty of their Religion and Laws; and restoring the High-Priesthood (and so the chief Government of the whole in effect, under them) to Hyrcanus, one of their own that had it before, and to whom they all generally did wish it again. And though soon after there was some farther order taken for the readier determining of their matters, yet was that in very good manner also for them. Of their rougher dealing with them, some part thereof is not to be laid to the charge of the whole State of them but only to one of their principal Governors: but some part again is to be laid to the charge of the whole. That which was but the fault of one of their Governors, who at that time was Crassus, is, that he coming into those partes, and going to warfare against another people, himself being General then of those forces of the Romans, understanding great treasure to be in the Temple at Jerusalem, and coming to get it into his hands, notwithstanding Eleazar he who had the charge of the Treasury, dealt so liberally with him, as that thereby he got him to swear, that he would rest himself contented with that which he should bestow upon him, and might well so have done, for that it was a beam of Golde of very great value, which the Treasurer so did, that he might thereby redeem the other Ornamentes and Treasure of the Temple: yet he, contrary [ B] to all sense of Religion, and contrary to his own Oath too, took not only it but the residue also. But seeing therein he was, and needs would be, so great a Church-Robber, it was not amiss, that he and his Army did so miscarry as they did: so to teach, not only Church-Robbers howe much they offend; but others also, how they deal with them, or commit any charge of State unto them. That hard dealing of theirs, that is to be laid to the charge of the whole, is, when (for some service that they had done) they appointed Forrainers (Antipater, and his Issue) to be their Governors: and of such a people too (the Edomites) as were ancient Enemies to the people of God. Which act of theirs was so much the more grievous to that people of God, for that Herod, one of them, to establish the Kingdom to his own line, and to root out those that had better right than he unto it, did many grievous and execrable things among them. A fair warning, if it can be taken, to reward such as have deserved well, but only with such things as are meet for them: and not with any place at all in the Church of God, if themselves be but profane or careless of that, which of such as have charge of it, is chiefly required.

CHAP. 22.

1 THose special doubts that may hence arise unto us, are two: and in either of [ A] them it shall be good to note, first what is the doubt it self; then, how we may best resolve as touching the same. In the former of these, the doubt it self is, that in diverse places of the Prophets there are such speeches given forth to the people, as may seem to import, that after their return from Babylon, or in the compass that now we are in, they should have another manner of estate than yet we have heard of: and such may we find, both while Jerusalem and the Temple yet stood, before the Captivity; and when the people were delivered thence, and returned home again. While Jerusalem and the Temple yet stood, one place only may be sufficient in steed of the rest, appertaining to the compass of time, wherein Jotham, Ahaz and Hezekia, Kings of Judah, reigned: the two former of whom (especially the latter of them) were such, as committed such things, as for which the judgments of God came upon them; but the last of them taking a much better course. For Jotham was the last of the three that did show the State to be declining, they being so given to their private, that it is no marvel though the greater sort following their example, became so grievous in that kind unto the meaner sort of the people, as diverse others, and this our Prophet doth much complain: the other was both Idolatrous, and bloody too. The place it self is, that charging them first to have much offended, and for the same denouncing great desolation to their chief Citty and [ B] Temple it self (by which he afterward showeth himself to mean, that self-same desolation, which a while after from the Babylonians did befall them) immediately after he telleth them of a marvelous happy & comfortable estate that they should be in: and so the one following so close on the other as it doth, even that very order may seem to direct their expectation of it to be, when they should have their return from Babylon again. When the people were delivered thence, and returned home, Haggay or Aggaeus the Prophet, encouraging the Elders of the people that then were, & the people themselves, cheerfully to build the Temple that then they had in hand, assureth them of a strange beauty whereunto that Temple should shortly attain; and of a State they should have above all the Kingdoms of the earth: and for the latter of these, they are by another likewise assured, that it should be such a State, as both should give place unto others (and then must it needs be superior unto them) and be of so large limits it self, as that it should be from Sea to Sea, and from the River to the end of the Land. Divers such other places there are: in all which our resolution must be to sequester our expectation from all earthly and momentane things, which are but shadows; and to fasten it on those that are glorious indeed, & those eternal (according to the nature of him that made the promise of them:) a full accomplishment whereof we have in Jesus Christ.

2 The latter of them is of a principal part of that blessing, that Jacob, in the [ A] spirit of Prophecy, gave unto Judah his fourth Son: namely, that the Scepter (or Tribe) should not depart from Judah, nor a Law-giver from between his feet, till Shiloh should come, and that the people should be gathered unto him. The doubt that hence may arise unto us, is out of the common understanding of it: and the Story thereunto laid. For the common understanding of it is, that the meaning of it is to signify, what time the promised Savior should come into the world: and that the time should be, when the authority or government should be taken away from the Tribe of Judah, which it had from David's time, either more or less, till a little before the coming of Christ; but that being clean taken away then, it was a token, that Christ was at hand. And true it is indeed, by good warrant of Scripture, that David was of that Tribe; and that he or some of his line reigned over some of the people of God, until the Captivity, and that he who was their Governor (under the Persians) when they returned, was likewise of that Tribe, and of David's line: and that our best Authors for those matters do show, that afterwards also, till the Maccabees stepped up, those that were their chief Leaders under the Persians and Grecians, were of that Tribe and line too; and that, while the Maccabees were in place, that their Bench of those threescore and ten Elders, were of the House of David likewise, [ B] and that they stood till towards the very end of Herod's reign. But now if we lay the Story to this sense of the place, we do not find, by undoubted warrant, that which may so fully clear it: and so are we therein, first to consider how far the Story attributeth the government to others; then, how this place that we speak of may safeliest be taken. The Story we may note to attribute the Government of the people, as by the appointment of God, but only once before David's time to the Tribe of Judah: we knowing none that was any Governor of them so long as they were in Egypt after the death of Jacob (who is out of the compass) but only of Joseph for his time, then Moses and Aaron after, who were all three of other Tribes. When they were come out of Egypt, for a time they were a free people: but afterward, so many of them as remained, under foreign powers. A free people they were, first in the Wilderness: afterward in the Land of promise. In the Wilderness, for most part of the time, we have but Moses and Aaron again as chief (and of them for civil government, in a manner, but only Moses) but of others of an Inferior sort, first those Officers over thousands, hundreds, fifties, and ten's, afterward those threescore and ten Elders as assistants to Moses, indifferently chosen out of all their Tribes: but towards the end of their being there, we have Joshua after the death of Moses, who also was not of the Tribe of Judah. In the land of promise for this matter their estate was diverse: first, under Judges; then, under Kings. Under Judges, first for Joshua's time: then, for the rest. For Joshua's time, he only was the chief, and all that we read of: saving, that by likely-hood those other inferior Magistrates then also stood, even both sortes of them. But for the time of all the rest the case is altered: great odds being betwixt him who next succeeded; and those that followed. As touching him that next succeeded, both the people asked of the Lord who should be their Leader then; and the Lord according to the Oracle of Jacob before, appointed Judah thereunto, & told them how he would prosper him therein: and yet Judah neither meddled with the whole (that we read of) and took not upon him alone, but took in his Brother Simeon with him; and seemed to lean much to their own private. As touching those that followed, neither did the people (that we read of) anymore ask of the Lord who should govern them: and God himself appointed from time to time such as should govern them, not of any one Tribe, but some-times of one, some-times of another. Under their Kings we find, that for a time they were all one people: but afterward divided. While yet they were but one people, the case is plain, that GOD gave them a King of another Tribe. Divided they were, first but of themselves: then, of the ordenance of GOD concurring. When they were divided but of themselves, they came soon together again: and [ G] for the time of their division, the greater part of them had their King of that other Tribe, and but the lesser of the Tribe of Iadah; but when they came together again, then were they all under that King of the Tribe of Judah, and under another of that line, even he that next succeeded. When they were divided again, not only of themselves, but of the ordenance of God concurring, the greater part of them had their Kings again of other Tribes; and but the lesser only, of the Tribe of Judah: which succession (even in it too) was likewise interrupted or broken off, for a:+bout six years, by a bad Woman, and a mere stranger unto them. Under foreign powers were that lesser part of the people (who were all that now remained) first out of their own Land: then also, at home. Out of their own land, while they were in captivity, that estate of theirs is not like to afford, that they had any of their own Nation governors over them: their King himself for most of that time being in prison. At home, it is plain, that still they were under foreign powers: and then is it not much more material, that for part of that time they had under-governors of their own; than that afterward they had none but others, first but of another Tribe, then mere strangers unto them. How we may best resolve as touching this also, to the end that we may the better find, it seemeth to me, that the best and the readiest way is, first to go to the original it self: then to make what sense it is, whereunto it most inclineth. In the original it self most of the matter hangeth on one word only, which may be taken, either for a Rod, Staff or Scepter; or else for a distinct Tribe, stock or Family: and so is it accordingly interpreted, or taken diversely. If we take it for a Scepter (the chief and principal of those rods or staves, which also it may signify) then we plainly see, that the Story discovereth, that since that Oracle was uttered, both the Tribe of Judah hath often been without it; and that it was bestowed on diverse others: then may we in like sort note, that the words which next do follow of the Law-giver that should ever be among them, do import, in a manner, the self same thing; and therefore that those may seem to discharge that former of that conceived sense, and to allot it to that other, if so it may be conveniently taken. But on the other side, if we take it for a Tribe, as if those words did note, that howsoever it should be with them after, yet should they be a distinct Tribe till the promised Savior should come, both it hath a sufficient difference from that which followeth next after: and everywhere doth the Story accord therewith, throughout the whole.

3 Howbeit, whethersoeuer of these two readings we take, there is no question, [ A] but that it may very well stand, and be strong against the Jews, to show that their promised Savior is come already, whether we take that word to mean a Scepter; [ B] or, whether we take it to mean a Tribe: and so it shall be good in either of these to consider, first, how that sense it self will arise; then, of what force it may be unto others. In the former of those that sense will well arise, if we can take it, that by that Scepter and Law-giver, he would have them to know, that God would so order the mater, or have so careful an eye towards them, as that howsoever it went with the other Tribes besides; yet should they have a tolerable estate, even unto the coming of Christ: and that doth the Story thoroughly witness. The force of this sense towards others, is such, as that it giueh good instruction, first to them all in the mean season: then specially, to so many of them as remain, after the desolation of that common estate of them all, that long they enjoyed. The instruction that it giveth to them all in the mean season, is, that seeing that Tribe should be in so good, or at least in tolerable estate until the coming of Christ: therefore neither should they refuse to take upon them the over-sight or government of the rest, when it should orderly come unto them, nor divide themselves from their brethren, least that so they deprived them of such benefits as by their society or union with them, they might enjoy; neither should any of the others especially, withdraw themselves from them, for that so they should deprive themselves of that good (or tolerable estate, even at the worst) that with them they might have enjoyed. Whereby if we examine certain passages of theirs, or some of those matters that already were passed among them before, we may find, first that it may seem, the Tribe of Judah, or at least the chief Fathers or Princes thereof were at one time much to blame: and that others of them very plainly offended. The chief Fathers of Judah were much to blame, when soon after the death of Joshua, inquiring of the Lord who should be their Leader against their enemies, and the Lord answering that it should be Judah, nevertheless (so far as we read) they did not take upon them over the whole, or on behalf of them all: but only after a more private manner, making head or addressing themselves against their own private enemies, such of the Canaanites as yet remained within their Borders; to that end both desiring the help of the Simeonites against those (whereas now they were put in such place, as by virtue whereof they might have commanded over all) and promising the like against those those that yet were within the Simeonites Borders. Whereunto if we lay, how troublesome and pitiful estate the people had all the time following (in a manner) till it pleased God again to set the Tribe of Judah in place to such purpose, their over-sight herein may appear so much the greater: especially, if they could call to mind withal, how Jacob had behight them such a praerogatiue so long before. Those others of them that plainly offended, were, partly Abner, the General of Saul (who was the occasion) [ C] and all the other Tribes besides yielding thereunto, in that they divided themselves then from the Tribe of Judah; especially, when as now they plainly saw, that God had set up one of the Tribe of Judah to be their King, and that the same was a man of great worth, and of great Atchieuments already: but most of all, ten of those Tribes again, immediately after the reign of Solomon, making such another division again, after that now they had united themselves, and had stood therein above threescore and twelve years; and now, from that line of Royal succession besides, whereunto they (no doubt) knew, that there were very gracious (and those very great) promises made. The instruction it giveth to those that remain, after that now their former State is long since so clean overthrown, is an irrefragable conviction unto them, that there Messias is come already: themselves not being able to deny, first, but as God hereby did promise them some reasonable good estate, till their Messias should come among them, so they had it till Christ in his own person had been with them, and till by his Apostles and Disciples he had farther acquainted himself with them, and drawn in many of the Gentiles unto him; then also, that soon after that time, all the good estate they had, went back-ward daily more and more, till it fell down clean to the ground, and so hath ever since remained. In the latter of them, the sense likewise doth well arise, not only, because the oryginall it self giveth that sense also as well as the other, and is so likewise interpreted by diverse of very good note: but also, because that people had diverse ways good cause to have special respect to the distinction of their Tribes; and to the Tribe that now we speak of, most of all others. Which sense also is of like force, as the other before, to show that Christ (whom yet they expect) is long since come against them already: the word of God being plain, that they should not fail to be a Tribe till then; and themselves knowing, that for that time they were so indeed, both in that relation they had to others of their Brethren, and in themselves too, but that so they are not now in respect of either. Insomuch that the Jews themselves (as one of their own company hath noted) are not able now to discern, who are of that Tribe, and who are not: themselves, and the remnants of those other Tribes that were left, so intermingling marriage together, as that neither can they distinguish their Tribes now, neither have themselves any care so to do.

To the Reader.

AS touching all such faults as have escaped, either literal, or otherwise, they are therefore the more fauourablie to be censured, for that the Printer was by diverse so discouraged, after he had taken it in hand, that in that doubtfulness, many such escapes might the easier be let pass. And again, whereas the Reader shall meet with sundry places which wanteth the Hebrew Characters, the reason thereof is, that we had not one so little, furnished with the points: wherefore, the Learned Reader, may easily make that supply with his Pen, either by writing them in the Hebrew Character, or turning them into Latin letters, as thus: Tomim, Tabagh, Tabaath, &c.