Of the Head Cornerstone

began his reign (for he reigned but sixteen, and as yet there was no mention made of Ahaz that followed next, that the reckoning might be from him deryued) in another, that he began his reign in the twelfth year of Ahaz, eyght years after the other: albeit there be diverse interpretations thereof, yet seeing we see the Text it self doth lead us to conceive, that he submitted himself to Shalmaneser the King of Assyria, it seemeth to be the likeliest, that the former place speaketh of his own stepping unto the Kingdom, before he became the Vassall of Shalmaneser; and the latter of his confirmation by him therein, now also by likely-hood holding his kingdom of him: and then, that the ninth or last year of his reign afterward spoken of, was not to be taken from his first entery into his Kingdom, on the death of Pekah: but from the time when he was by Shalmaneser confirmed in it; and that, as the Text saith, that Shalmaneser found Treason in him, so thereupon we may gather, that before he had become, (as we do term it) a Vassall unto him. So was he, for one part of his reign, as it were, a King, and yet none; and, in another, a kind of King indeed, but in subjection, and besides, where least he would: and yet notwithstanding, a Kingdom, both for freedom and glory good enough for those that make their way by such intrusion; and the end of it too, albeit more miserable than any would wish it, yet suitable enough to the beginning. That which concerneth [ H] his kingdom, is first of those that then were: then, of others that did succeed them. As touching those that then were, we have delivered unto us, not only the punishment that God cast on them; but one special note of the time besides. In their punishment we have likewise delivered unto us, what was done with them: and wherefore. That which was done with them, was, that so many of them as in the war escaped the Sword, were taken away Captiue, and scattered in other Countries: and other people's brought in in their rooms to inhabit there. The reason wherefore they were so dealt with, was for, that by the means of Jeroboam they did so fall from the Lord then: and afterward would never be reclaimed to him again. That one special note of the time besides, is, that this their utter and final ruin falling upon them in the days of Hezekiah King of Judah, as he had taken special pains with them, to reclaim to the Lord again: so they also, for many of them came in, in very good manner, joining with Judah in the true service of God. Out of which we may gather, that the Justice of God on our impenetency long before, may in time grow so resolute against us, that albeit we do in some things seek unto him again; yet will it be too late then to reverse again, that which he before determined: and yet, that the Idolatrous may deceive themselves, if, because the ruin of the Kingdom of Israel did then come upon them, when many of them had sought the Lord a little before, they should thereon conceive, that leaving those Calves and seeking the Lord, was the cause of that their ruin. As touching those that did succeed, although they are no part of this people, but mere strangers unto them, and at this time might rather be held to be of the number of their enemies also: yet because hereafter they go ofttimes under the name of Israelites, and not unlikely, but that diverse of the Israelites (such as shog'd aside for the time, to avoid the danger of the enemies Sword, and afterward came dropping in again) did afterward come in and dwell among them, at least because these do now hence-forward inhabit that Land where the Israelites dwelt before, therefore it shall be good to see the Story of them. And their Story is no more but to show, how far forth by their coming thither they also were won to be professors of the God of Israel, whereas before they were altogether ignorant of him, and here also worshipped the Idols of their own Countries, whereunto before they were invred: and first, whereupon it was, that they came to yield so far to be worshippers of the God of Israel, then, how far they yielded unto it. That anything at all they yielded thereunto, is more than in such case may be expected, not only for that it is not the manner of the common [ I] sort of men, easily to make any change of their wonted Religion; but also because these were so much the more unlikely in this case to do it, for that this ancient people of his were now brought so low as they were: and howsoever it was, the matter is plain, that for a time, at their first coming thither, they did not acknowledge the God of Israel. But then the Lord sending in Lions among them, and destroying many of them, it was conceived after their manner, but more truly than they were aware of, that it was because they did not worship the God of that Country: they conceiving no farther, but that, as they supposed, there were several God's of every Country, so was it in this case also; but yet making him no better therein, than the rest of his fellows, fellows I mean, as they supposed. And according as themselves did in such sort take it, so did they cast to provide some remedy: namely, to get some to instruct them, how to worship the God of that Land. But as the motion was made but for one; so we read but of one sent: a sufficient token, that on all hands they made no great reckoning of it (nothing so much as they ought to have done) when as there was no farther care but of one for so many people, inhabiting so many cities, and so great a circuit as it. A meet pattern of the care that is in many of us for those matters: but ours though some-what exceeding theirs, yet much more reprouable▪ not only for the greater light that God hath given us; but also, for that we, for our own private luker, withdraw that, which others had laid forth to y ^t purpose. How far they yielded unto it, we have very plainly set down unto us: first more at large; then, more briefly comprised together. While it is done more largely, first we have declared unto us, what was done by the people themselves at the first: then, what was done by their Issue or posterity ensuing. That which was done by themselves at the first, rested in two points: one, that still they held to their wonted Idols (which also are, for many of them, named there;) the other, that neuethelesse they served (in some sort, or after their manner) the Lord too. Whereunto when once they had yielded, although this were nothing to that which they should, yet now it seemeth, that those Lions came no more at them, but were thereon restrained, because we here no more of them after. A reasonable good Testimony, that the Lord is ofttimes content to take what we do but meanly yield: and a good warning withal, that we having done somewhat, do not think we have then yielded full contentment unto him, if he thereupon withdraw his hand from us; when as we [ K] see, that here he did the like, and yet that the people had nothing near yielded that which they should. That which was done by their Issue or posterity, unto that time when these things were recorded of them, was in effect the same and none other, that was done by those their elders before. But here have we more distinctly set down, as I do take it, two things: the former of them, not so cleared in the judgment of others; but the latter of them, out of question withal. The former of them it is, as I do take it, that so dividing betwixt both, the Text doth charge them, that they did neither, but, as the Prophet Elias termed the like, halted betwixt them. For the words are, that they neither feared God, nor did after their Ordinances, nor after their Customs, nor after the Law, not after the Commandment which the Lord commanded the children of Jacob, &c. So it seemeth the meaning is, that they did neither: first setting down that they feared not God; then, that they did not after their own Ordinances nor Customs neither. But then, because it was hardest for them to conceive, that they did not fear GOD, when now they had betaken themselves to be worshippers of him, and when that plague of the Lions was ceased (as it seemeth that now it was, because we here no more of them since) therefore is that point more fully explained unto them: first in the residue of this verse that now we are in; then, in all the rest that followeth. In the residue of this verse that now we are in, it is added, that they did not worship or fear him after the Law, nor after the Commandment which the Lord commanded the children of Jacob. But now the truth is, that whereas I have enterpreted the former part of this verse, where there is mention made of ordinances and Customs, that they were their own Ordinances and Customs that there were meant: others there be, who attribute the same also to God. But seeing it is spoken in the plural number, it seemeth rather to be referred to them, than to God: and that so much the rather, for that diverse of those that so interpret, have changed the number, putting in the singular in steed of the plural, and to that ende it seemeth, no other sufficient cause appearing. But here it is not to be denied, but that some of those that do retain the plural number, nevertheless do not refer the same to those new Inhabitants placed here now, but to those of the ten-Tribes dwelling there before: but I see so little warrant for their so doing, that I rather think it to be as before I have noted; and the rather, for that in the former of those [ L] words which so I interpreted, there is another of good judgment concurring. The same is more fully explained in that which followeth, for that therein is more specially declared, how God made that covenant with those Israelites before, and much called on them about it: notwithstanding that they did little regard it, and still followed their own ways. The later of those two things, which here I said we had more distinctly see down, and which was out of question with all men, is, that it is no fearing or worshipping of God, when other things are joined with those that he by his word hath appointed: but that whosoever would have the Testimony of a good conscience, that he worshippeth God, he must sequester himself from all such worshipping of him, as is not taught by his holy word, and keep himself praecisely only to it. When the matter is more briefly comprised together, nevertheless it is plainly said, both of those that then were there placed first, and of all their posterity following, that ever they kept so long as they stood, their mingle-mangle in Religion: after a sort fearing God; and yet serving their Images also. A fit pattern of the Religion that in these days they have in this late Church of Rome: and for which so toughly they strive; yet therein a great deal more for their own Traditions, against their brethren, than they do for the truth of God against the Infidels bordering on them.

CHAP. 17.

1 AS touching the kingdom of Judah that stood the longest, whereas [ A] the estate of it was also variable (first for a time being in their wonted freedom, and a kingdom themselves; but afterward being in subjection to others) it shall be good for us, in such sort to consider of them: first so long as themselves were a kingdom; then, when they were in subjection to others. As they were a kingdom themselves, it shall be good, first to consider of it also, but generally, as we did of the kingdom of Israel before: then to come to a more special consideration of it. The general consideration of it, or such as doth appertain to the whole, resteth in two principal points: one, what time it stood; the other, in what manner it was, or what was their estate therein. The time that they stood, or were in their wonted freedom, and a kingdom by themselves, was, from the division aforesaid, about three hundred fourscore and six years (some diversity of reckoning being conceived by diverse, for a few years;) or, as some account (four years more) [ B] three hundred and ninety: and so, longer than the kingdom of Israel, by one hundred thirty and three years. The estate wherein these stood, we may easily conceive, even at the first, was much more tolerable, than that wherein the Israelites were, of which we have heard: first because of the promises made to the Tribe of Judah, and line of David; then, for that all this while they had no mo Kings that reigned over them, than had the other, and (one only Usurper for a while excepted) all but of one line neither. More specially seeing we find, that this kingdom stood much longer than the other, it shall not be amiss, that we consider of it in what estate it stood, first, so long as the other continued with it: then, when the other was taken from it. In that compass of time wherein the other continued with it, we find, that once it pleased God to touch the line of David, and the scepter of Judah withal, by the usurpation of an ungodly and bloody woman, who neither was of the house of David, nor of any of the Tribes of all the people, but a mere stranger unto them: but then soon after to make a riddance of her, and to bring in the Scepter of Judah, and the Line of David again. So it shall not be amiss, first to consider of the estate of this kingdom, until the time that God gave such a snub to the Scepter of Judah, and line of David: and then of the time when they were both restored again. Before that snub was given unto them, we find likewise, that for a time the Kings of Judah stood clear from all enter-course or doings with the Kings of Israel: but afterward they grew into friendship with them. They stood clear of them for three of their first Kings: of which the two former were offensive to God by their Idolatry; the other took a better course for that matter. The two former were Roboam, or Rehoboam, and Abiam his son. Roboam the Son of Solomon, under whom the kingdom, as we heard before, was divided, reigned seauenteene years: three of them reasonably well; but the residue, ill. While he reigned reasonably well, we have delivered unto us, first how he employed him-self: then, how it pleased God to bless him. His employments were, first about that part of his kingdom which was then revolted from him: then, about that which still abode with him. About that part of his kingdom which revolted from him, his employment was, to recover it again if he might. But it is good, more carefully to keep such blessings as it pleaseth God to give us, and better to see to them while we have them: hard it is, when once (by our own default) they are gone, to get them again, in such sort as we had them before. Esau might be a sufficient example to all ages ensuing: but vnthrifts and fools will ever be doing notwithstanding. He sought to recover it again, first, [ C] as it seemeth, by making as though he did not yet take it, that they were so mutimously disposed, as in their grief they seemed to be: and so did but send his Officer among them to gather up his due; and the same, as it is thought, an ancient Officer of his Fathers before. But they then shown, that they were in good-earnest and did not dally, being yet in such heat upon the answer the King had given them, that they killed his Officer, and put the King himself in such fear, that he sped himself away so fast as he could unto Jerusalem. When this way would not serve, then he thought to do it by force: but therein also he was disappointed; and yet in that disappointing of his, he yielded an example of good obedience. To the end that by force he might do it, being come to Jerusalem, he gathered together an hundred and fourscore thousand able men, of the Tribes of Judah and Benjamin (Benjamin now, one Tribe mo than before, joining it self to the line of David) so to go against Jeroboam to recover his Kingdom again: but he was forbidden (he and all his people) to proceed therein, the Lord sending Shemaiah the Prophet in his name to forbid them, and to let them understand, that it was of him, that so the Kingdom was now divided. The obedience that he and the residue yielded thereunto, was, that they all accordingly ceased to proceed any farther therein, and so departed: giving therein so much the better example of obedience unto the Prophet, in that the matter was altogether civil; and for no less, than for a Kingdom. About that part of his Kingdom that still abode with him, his employments were, all (to speak of) about fortifications: but yet one other thing there is besides, wherein he bestowed himself but ill; although notwithstanding it may be his meaning was, thereby also to make his state so much the stronger. For his fortifications he is noted to have built and repaired many Cities in Judah and Benjamin: and to have furnished them, both with Victuals and Armor. That other thing wherein he bestowed himself but ill, and yet might have a meaning therein to make his state so much the stronger, was, that he gave himself so much to the use of women: having eighteen Wives, and threescore Concubines; and begetting on them eight and twenty Sons, and threescore Daughters, whom he dispersed into the chief Cities, but making most reckoning of Abiah, called also Abiam who next succeeded him in the Kingdom. But whereas afterward we hear that foully he fell, in this we may see, that it was no otherwise likely, being so loose a man in his Wedlocke, and so impotently given to the lusts of the flesh as he was. It pleased God notwithstanding so to bless him, that his Kingdom was soon after much increased: and in such manner, as that out of the same we may [ D] probably con •••• e another special matter besides. His Kingdom was soon after much increased, first by the Priests and Levites, that were within the coasts or bounds of Israel: then also, by many others of the people withal. The Priests and Levites, being cast out by Jeroboam & his Sons, from ministering in the Priests Office unto the Lord, came generally from their habitations and joined themselves to the Kingdom of Judah. After them likewise came many of the people out of all the Tribes of Israel, such as set their hearts to seek the Lord: so joining themselves to the Kingdom of Judah, that they much increased the strength and power of that estate. That other special matter besides, that out of it may be conceived, is, that these the better sort of the people of Israel so gathering themselves to the Kingdom of Judah (the Priests and Levites generally all, and many of the others besides) it may probably seem, as in such cases men are wont to judge, that they did so withdraw themselves, not only in dislike of that departing that then was made from the Law of God, and from the promises made to the Tribe of Judah and line of David: but also on some special fear, that ere long there would be some notable judgment cast upon them, even to the utter destruction of them; and yet notwithstanding that State did stand better then two hundred years after. So that in such case we are not only to consider, what such had dealing of man deserveth: but how much it standeth with God's glory, to show his patience and long suffering, when himself is most deeply provoked. When he governed ill, we have likewise described unto us, what that ill government of his was: and how they were punnished for it. That ill government of his was, that he abode unto the Lord but three years only, and then turned to Idolatry, he and all his people with him: and himself having let loose the bridle to the lusts of the flesh so much as he did, now was he accordingly rewarded with most beastly lusts by others of his people committed, even clean contrary to nature it self. The punishment that was inflicted on them for the same, is most of it restrained to one special time: but some part of it seemeth to be extended through all the most part of his government. That part of it that was restrained to one special time, seemeth to yield a close example of so special dealing of God, as deserveth well, of us to be noted; [ E] and so are we to consider, what part of punishment it was that to one special time was so restrained; & what was the special dealing of God, that deserveth so much of us to be noted. That part of his punishment which to one special time was so restrained, came so strongly and so fearfully upon them, that there-upon they sought unto the Lord: and yet notwithstanding they could not obtain a full deliverance from it. For now in the fifth year of Rehoboams reign, Sisak the King of Egypt, came in upon them with a mighty army (one thousand and two hundred Chariot • , threescore thousand horse, and foot-men inumerable) gathered not only of his own people of Egypt, but of diverse other people of Afric besides adjoining unto him: and so mightily prevailed against them, that they took the strong Cities of Judah; and made head against Jerusalem it self. Whereuppon the Princes of Judah came to Jerusalem, belike there, together with the King, to humble themselves unto the Lord, in this their distress to obtain his favor: when as notwithstanding the Lord at the first did send them word by the Prophet Shemaiah, that they had forsaken the Lord, and therefore the Lord had thus given them to the hands of Sisak. But then, when they did acknowledge, that they had justly deserved what the Lord had done unto them, the Lord then told the Prophet that he would shortly help them: but that in the mean season they should be in subjection to Sisak, to let them see, what odds there was betwixt his service, and to serve the Princes of the world. So their enemies came-on against them, & prevailing, took away with them all the Treasure of the House of the Lord and of the Kings palace, together with those three hundred shields of beaten Golde, which Solomon had made, three hundred siccles of gold going to every of them, and the Siccle of the Sanctuary being about our Ounce. But whereas there were two hundred Targets besides (of double weight to these) of those we read nothing here: but it is not unlikely, but that these went with their fellows, being so rich a prey as they were, and the others now set on the spoil. That special dealing of God which now we speak of, doth part of it respect the Egyptians: and part, the Israelites. That which respecteth the Egyptians, is, that whereas the Children of [ F] Israel, had by the appointment and by the working of God himself, the spoil of Egypt at their departure thence, better than hue hundred years before this; now it pleaseth God, as it seemeth, to make them some amends for it again, giving unto them the first spoil of one good part of the Israelites, after that once they were come to any special wealth, which was not at any time so much as in the days of Solomon now immediately past a little before. For in the wilderness, where they were forty years next after they came out of Egypt, they had no means to get any wealth then. When they came into the land, though they had the spoil of it, yet we read not of any special wealth they got thereby: and such as they got, being so often over-run as they were in the time of the Judges, by the old inhabitants of the Land and the people about them, we may easily conceive that among them they lost it all, and almost whatsoever they had besides: But now by the many and great victoryes of DAVID, and the most glorious reign of Solomon for the first part of it, they were come to special great wealth, insomuch that Silver was little set-by in the days of Solomon▪ and now hath the King of Egypt the first spoil of all this their great abundance. So gracious is God even unto the Heathen also, that if at some time he have dealt, as occasion was offered, somewhat strictly with them, yet lightly doth he take some time or other to requite it again. That which respecteth the Israelites, is, that when God had now given them a special taste of the great glory of the estate or Kingdom of their promised Savior, that all might thirst after the same, and make no reckoning of the greatest excellencies in all the world in comparison of it; then did he immediately after (as it were of purpose) dash all in pieces, to the end that none should anything at all rest in that earthly felicity or glory, but altogether turn up their affections unto the other, and ever be in expectation of it: a reasonable plain token, not only that he would not have that greater glory to be darkened to them with the less; but withal, that he (in his wisdom) doth not think the felicity of earthly things to be meet for his children long to enjoy here, but that he rather useth them, to give them some little taste sometimes (when himself thinketh good) of those better things that he doth mean them. That part of his punishment that seemeth to be extended throughout the most part of his reign, is, that all his time, to speak of, there was such warring betwixt him and Jeroboam: which seemeth to [ G] be about the right of either of them in diverse particulars, although God had before stayed the War that was towards, for the recovery of the whole. Whereby it seemeth that Jeroboam was most in fault, who having the greatest part of the Kingdom given him, did nevertheless still encroach upon the other: and so gave occasion of the war; and was so much the meeter to punnish Rehoboams Idolatry, when as he that had already bereft him of the most part of his Kingdom by far, nevertheless could not yet let him be quiet with that which remained. For seeing Rehoboam did so readily yield to leave of war for the whole, it is not so likely that he would enter into it for any particular which he did not account to be his. And we see by experience among our selves, that such as get into the possession of others, though by such means as they have used, they have gotten the most part already: yet, so long as any part thereof remaineth, they give the former owner but little sparing till they get all.

2 Abiam or Abiah his Son (for by both those names he is called) succeeding [ A] him in the Kingdom, reigned but three years; and in his Story we have but two things only that are memorable: one, as touching his estate towards God; the other, a great overthrow that he gave to the Kingdom of Israel. As touching his estate towards God, it is noted first but generally, that he walked in all the sins of his Father, not naming any, but meaning chiefly the Idolatrey that he committed; and yet notwithstanding, that for David's sake God was favorable unto him: but then more specially, that he also was much given to the lusts of the flesh, so that he married fourteen Wives, and begat two and twenty Sons, and sixteen Daughters. But whereas it appeareth that Rehoboam had two Wives before he had the Mother of Abiam, and that he had Sons▪ by them also, and yet made more of him than of the others, and in his life time purposed to make him King: it appeareth thereby, both that Rehoboam made no great reckoning either of his Sons Religion towards God that was to succeed him in the Kingdom, or of doing that right to the Son of the former wife, that the Law of God requireth; and that Abiam himself made no conscience to step to the Kingdom before those his elder brethren. [ B] A kind of dealing that among us also is sometimes found in those meaner matters that we are to deal with: the Father then making no conscience, to make his choice where he list himself to his own best liking; and the brother regarding as little, to take the advantage when it is offered, against the Brother. The overthrow that he gave the kingdom of Israel was in the field, both parties there being gathered together to try their right by the sword: at which time whereas there was some dealing betwixt them before the battles joined, we are first given to understand what dealing it was that first passed betwixt them; then, what was the issue of the encounter when once the battles joined together. The dealing that first passed betwixt them, was diverse: one kind of dealing by Abiam; and another, by Jeroboam. Abiam labored, by debating the matter to reduce both him and the people to better advisement: first making a way to a disuasion he used unto them; then, coming to the disuasion it self. Making a way thereunto, first he frameth his speech but only of the Israelites: but then he speaketh both of those and the Jews together. Framing his speech but only of the Israelites, first he showeth them what was meet for thē to have known: then, how contrary a course it is whereunto they have since betaken themselves. He telleth them they ought to have known, that God had given that Kingdom to David, and to his line forever. The course whereunto they had betaken themselves since, he showeth to be contrary thereunto, first in that they did before: then in that which they conceived now. That which they did before, was, first but severally of Jeroboam only, that he being but only the Servant of Solomon before, had now risen up in rebellion against his son for the kingdom; and of his company or followers, that lose and bad men had gathered unto him: then of them both together, that by occasion of Rehoboams simplicity, they grew so strong that he could not resist them. In that which they conceived now, he noteth not only what it was that now they conceived: but withal (howbeit, in scorn, as it seemeth, at least, for one part of it) whereupon they so conceived. That which they conceived, he noteth to be, that they thought themselves able to maintain their cause against the Kingdom of David: and that they did it in confidence of their strength, for that [ C] they were the greater party; and for that they had on their side the golden Calves which Jeroboam had made them for God's. Speaking of these and themselves together, the Israelites first he chargeth, that they had chaced away the lawful and true Priesthood, and had taken in a very base one instead thereof; such notwithstanding as was good enough for those that were no God's: but then coming to themselves, he pleadeth first for the time past to that present, that they had kept unto the Lord, & that by his Priesthood his service was done among them; then, for that present, that the same God now took their partes against them, and that those his Priests whom they had abandoned, were there in a readiness to sound their Trumpets against them too. The disuasion it self that he used unto them, was, that they would not fight against the Lord God of their Fathers: and his reason was, that, if so they did, they should not prosper. Jeroboam, while Abiam was thus occupied with them, was devising how to entrap him and his people: and to that end sent an Ambush of men to get beyond them, so to get them in betwixt them to their own best advantage. So the Hoast of Judah espying, that they had their enemies both before and behind, cried unto the Lord: which being done, the Priests blew the Trumpets, and the host of Judah gave a shout as hastening now to encounter their enemies; at which time the Lord so smote Jeroboam and the host of Israel, that presently they fled before the host of Judah, and lost in the field the greatest part of that their great army, even five hundred thousand of them, together with diverse of their Cities, and never after were able to recover themselves again in the days of Abiah.

3 The third of those Kings before spoken of, who was not so offensive to God by Idolatry, but took a better course for that matter, was Asa, the Son of Abiam: of [ A] whom we have Story, not only of his life: but something as touching his death too. As touching his life, he was a man, in whom the grace of God did notably appear; and yet not without his infirmities neither. He reigned one and forty years: but it was the first part of his reign wherein that grace of God did most appear in him; & his infirmity in the latter. In that first part of his reign he yielded himself to be led by the grace of God two several times: first by himself, without any other external [ B] motion that we do read of; then again after, being stirred up by one of the Prophets. When he did it by himself, he lost not by it, but was bountifully rewarded: and so are we first to consider of that his service of God; then, how he was rewarded for it. His service we have setdown unto us first but generally: but then more specially. Generally it is said, that he did right in the eyes of the Lord his God: even as David his Father. More specially he is noted, both to have purged the Land of much corruption that was therein: and to have done good things besides. The corruption that was therein, was some part of it such, as did but indifferently touch them all; but some other part of it such, as touched even himself some-what near. That part of it which touched but all indifferently, is partly a foul uncleanness of their bodies that was grown up among them: but most of it their Idolatrous ways. That soul uncleanness of their bodies that was grown up among them, was that sin against Nature, which he abolished throughout his whole land. Their Idolatrous ways, it seemeth were many, according to the Idols of the Nations about them, or (if any of them yet remained) that dwelt among them: but of whatsoever kind they were, he both destroyed those Idols themselves; & the high places and Groues where they worshipped. But whereas, as touching the latter member of these, it is in one place said, that he did not put down the high places, and in another, that he took away all the high places out of the Cities of Judah: these two places laid together do show us, that though he took away many of them, especially in Judah: yet did many of thē remain, especially in those parts of Israel where-withal nevertheless he had some dealing. That part of it which touched himself somewhat near, was of idolatry also: certain Idols that his Father had made before; & certain Idols of his Grandmother (there called his mother) which she maintained and worshipped yet. Those Idols that his Father had made before, he now destroyed: and not only destroyed those Idols of his said Grand-mother, but for one of them which she had set up in a grove (belike, one of the chief or principal of them) he deposed her from her estate or regency, brake that Idol it self in pieces, and made an utter destruction of it in the best manner he could. The good things that he did besides, were either about religion: or about the state itself. That which he did about religion, was for the better advancement of it. Of that kind we have two things noted unto us: one of them no more, but only his direction unto the people; the other having some farther matter to it appertaining. That [ C] which was but his direction unto the people, was, that he commanded them to seek the Lord God of their Fathers: and to do according to his praescript unto them. That which hath some other matters to it appertaining, is, that he brought in the holy vessels of his Father, & the things that he had dedicated to the house of the Lord, treasure and plate. Those other matters hereunto appertaining are two: one, that he did not take out or withdraw such things from the house of the Lord as his Father or himself had given before; as many of us in these days do: the other, that whereas his father was no good worshipper of God before, as we saw when we treated of him; it may probably be conceived, that towards his death, either by the great success that he had against the Israelites a little before, or by the means or good persuasion of this his son who was so well given himself, he was brought to some better bent than wherein he lived before. And then have we an example here (if it were by the latter of these two before conceived) of some good wrought by a gracious son, towards the conversion of his Idolatrous Father: a matter that would be in many of our cases, by us also assayed. That which he did about the estate it self was, that he built certain strong Cities in Judah: and exhorted the people likewise to employ themselves in fortifications, now that the Lord had given them so convenient a time to the purpose. His reward for this his service was such, as that part of it arose unto him in the time of this his service: and part of it immediately after. In the time of this his service it arose unto him, first generally, that his estate was prosperous: then more specially, that on all hands he enjoyed peace for ten years together; and that in that compass of time his people so increased, that he had an army of five hundred and fourscore thousand able and valiant men. That part of his reward which arose unto him immediately after, was that great and glorious victory which God did give him against the Ethiopians: wherein it shall be good not only to note what reward Asa had therein; but another thing also, that in this Story seemeth to be offered unto us. The reward that Asa had therein, was, that when the Ethiopians came in upon him with a thousand-thousand men, besides their Chariots, he nevertheless with his smaller company, seeking to the Lord, prevailed against them: and had not only the glory of the field, but an exceeding great spoil withal. That which in this Story seemeth to be offered unto us, is, that seeing the Egyptians sped so well a little before, in the days of Rehoboam, [ D] it may be that these, being nere to the Egyptians, and confining upon them, but being a little farther off from Jury, towards the heart of their Country Affrike (who for many of them, at that time also came in with the Egyptians) did now the rather come in upon them again, because they sped so well before. B •• the people of God had transgressed before; and for that cause they were so strengthened against them: now had they departed from their Idolatry, and sought the Lord; and so were not these in reason to look for the like success against them. Such folly notwithstanding do the Children of the World, enemies to the Gospel, ever now and then renew. yet in these days also: because sometimes they have had a fair hand against the better prosessors, for some provocation that hath been found in them against the Lord, thereon conceiving, that so they should praeuaile still and hardly yet can learn any other, though often-times (God be thanked for it) it hath been reasonably well beaten into them, or at least laid upon them. When he was stirred up by one of the Prophets, we are to consider, first, in what sort he was so stirred up: then, what service it was that thereupon he farther did unto the Lord. The Prophet, whom it pleased the Lord in this service to use, was Azariah or Obed (for by both those names he is called) who, being specially endued with the Spirit of God, came unto Asa, and to all the people of Judah and Benjamin (even then, as it seemeth by the Text it self, when they returned to Jerusalem from the slaughter and spoil of the Ethiopians: for as it doth immediately follow, so the limitation of the time there noted, seemeth to have reference thereunto) and notably dealt with them to that purpose: first craving but audience of them; then coming to the matter it self. He craveth audience both of the King himself, and of the people: it may be, to infinuate unto them, that both sortes of them were diligently to employ themselves in this duty; and that neither of them could well do it without the other. Comming to the matter it self, for the most part of it he is occupied in teaching: but in the end he falleth to exhortation. His doctrine consisteth of two principal branches: one, for that time present; the other, for the time ensuing. For that time present he gave them to understand, that the Lord was with them, now that they were with the Lord. For the time ensuing, he divideth that likewise into two several branches: first propounding them both; then farther confirming the latter of them. Those two branches themselves were, that if they would seek the Lord; the LORD would be found of them: but that, if they should forsake him; [ E] he also would then forsake them. He farther confirmeth the latter of them, by the example of their Brethren the kingdom of Israel. In whom likewise he noteth two things: first the estate of them all, by that their defection which they had made: then, that some of them nevertheless had sped better. The former of these first he recyteth: then, when he hath set down the other also, he treateth of it some-what farther. When he doth at the first but recite it, he telleth them, that they had then for a long time been, without the true GOD, above: and beneath, both without Priest to teach, and without the Law. Setting down the other also, he nevertheless addeth, that so many of them as returned in that their affliction to the Lord God of Israel, and sought him (as the Story hath shown us already, that many of them did) he was found of them. Comming then to treat some-what farther of the former of these, he showeth them farther, that they had no peace, but great trouble in all their ways: for that one sort of them destroyed another; and GOD himself was disposed to trouble them with much adversity. Falling in the ende to exhortation, he willeth them therefore to be strong, and not to suffer their hands to be weak: assuring them, that their work should have a reward. The service that thereupon he farther did unto the Lord, was first to bring things to some better order than yet he had don: then, to leave them so too, as might yield best hope so to stand for the time ensuing. To bring things to some better order than yet he had done, being now farther encouraged by the Prophet, first he took away all the abominations that yet remained, not only out of all the Land of Judah and Benjamin; but also out of the Cities that he had taken of Mount Ephraim: and then renewed the the Altar of the Lord, in the place to it appertaining. To leave them so, as might yield best hope so to stand for the time ensuing, therein it is noted that both he and the people joined together: and so are we first, to consider of their assembling; then, what they did when they were 〈…〉 ssembled. In their assembling we have noted unto us, in what sort they came together: and the time and place of that their assembly. To find in what sort they came together, that is first to be conceived, which in the Text is last rehearsed; namely, that there fell many to him out of Israel, when they saw that the Lord his God was with him: then is it to be taken in withal, that Asa [ F] seeing them so to draw unto him, gathered together, first all Judah and Benjamin, and then such others of Ephraim, Manasseh, and Simeon, as came unto him. The time and place of that their assembly, was, the fifteenth year of the reign of Asa: and at Jerusalem, the only place for that purpose, for which now they so assembled together. That which they did when they were there, was first well or in commendable manner performed by them: and then in good manner likewise rewarded by God. It was well and commendably performed by them, both in respect of that which they did: and in respect of the affection wherewith they did it. That which they did, was first about oblations and sacrifices which then they offered: then, about a covenant that then they made. For their offerings it is said, that they offered then unto the Lord of the spoil of their enemies the Ethiopians, both Bullockes and sheeepe, of the Bullockes seven hundred, and of the sheep seven thousand. The covenant that then they made, they first did make or agree upon: then, ratified it likewise so well as they could. That which they agreed upon, was, first for all themselves generally, that they would seek the Lord the God of their Fathers, with all their heart, and with all their soul: then for others that would not, that they should be put to death, whether they were small or great, man or woman. The latter of which, so far as their example might justly be example to others, would be strong against such recusancy, as among us we find to be lodged with many. The ratifying of it that then they used, was by Oath: solemnly and earnestly swearing, that they would truly perform that, whereon they had in this sort agreed. The affection wherewith they did it was great: themselves testifying the same by the great joy they made withal, and the Text bearing them witness, that they did it with all their heart. Their reward for this was, that the Lord gave them rest round about: a matter that experience teacheth is seldom gotten, by the deepest worldly wisdom that is; and yet here in great measure obtained, by unfeigned turning unto the Lord. What his infirmities were, and how it pleased God to deal with him about them, might easily be seen, but that the matter is not cleared, unto what time they may best be referred: a matter nevertheless that were not greatly material, but that the Text it self is not yet found to be so clear therein, but that the learned are of sundry opinions for that matter. So that in this part of his Story we are not only to consider of those his infirmities, the greatest part of his Story now remaining: but withal, of that circumstance of time besides, to know to what part of his reign we may best refer it. Comming to [ G] his infirmities, there are we to consider what they were: and how it pleased God then to deal with him, in that latter part of his reign. Of his infirmities one there is, that as it appertaineth to the former part of his reign, so have we by other occasion, and in other manner, noted it before: the others do all appertain to the time ensuing. That which belongeth to the former part of his reign, which by other occasion we have noted before, is, that he suffered some of those High places still to remain, of which notwithstanding he destroyed many: as also it is there reported, that nevertheless his heart was upright with the Lord all his days. And true it is, that many good Princes, such I mean as have many good things in them, and unfeignedly are given to perform their partes in very good and honorable manner, nevertheless have not that care to fetch their direction and light from whence they should, nor in such measure as to such purpose were to be wished: and that thereupon it is, not only among the Turkish and Heathen, but even among Christians also (especially such as are entangled with the errors of the Church of Rome) that divers good Princes ofttimes there are, who nevertheless come far short of doing that good that themselves in some sort did aim at. Those others that do all appertain to the time ensuing, are varrying in this: that one of them hath a propper chastisement thereto annexed; and none of the others so besides. That which hath a proper chastisement thereto annexed, giveth us occasion to consider, first of his fault, then of the chastisement that followed thereon. His fault was, that when Baasa the King of Israel came in strongly upon him, and would so have fortified against him as he did not like of, and yet thought himself to weak to withstand him, he sought unto Benhadad the King of Syria for his help therein, and to that end sent him such praesents withal, so to obtain his help the rather, as plainly declared that he stood in very great fear of him: sending unto him, even all the treasure of the House of the Lord, and all his own treasure besides. His chastisement for this was, part of it plainly set down: part of it as it were implied. That which is plainly set down, is, that by a Prophet of the Lord he was plainly reproved for it, and some-thing threatened withal. Reprooued he was for that therein he sought for his help of the King of Syria, and not of the Lord, which he plainly told him was foolishly done: especially when the Lord a little before had given him so plain experience howe ready and able he was to help him against that [ H] great power of the Ethiopians, when he sought unto him. Threatned he was, that thence-forth he should have wars. That which was, but as it were implied, was, that the Army of the Syrians which came to his help, were, as most of the Interpreters do commonly read, escaped his hands; as if, had he sought unto the Lord, whereas the Syrians were confederate with the Israelites, and so were like to have taken their part in that action, he might so have praeuayled against them both: others, with-drawn themselves from him, as not meaning to help him anymore, though now they had served his turn in this. Seeing therefore it is alleged as part of his chastisement, it doth sufficiently imply, that either he should have prevailed against them too, if he had sought unto the Lord, but should not now: or else, at least, that he should have had farther help of them. But so do ours also lightly speed, so oft as they seek for help to such Straungers as those. Those others besides are such, as after a sort have some reference to this, that we have spoken of last: but one there is of another kind. Those that we may account to have some reference to this that last we spake of, are two: one of them very plainly thereunto appertaining; the other standing indifferent in the Text, but yet so taken also by some. That which appertaineth plainly unto it, is that Asa was so angry with the Prophet, that he cast him in prison for it. And indeed it is not there said, that the Lord did then send him about that matter; neither doth the Prophet then tell him, that he came unto him in the name of the Lord, as also it may be, that being a Prophet, and not only seeing the offense, but fore-seeing also what hurt would come of it, he thought it his part so far to discharge his duty therein; but (that we read of) had none other special calling unto it. And then may we see in this, that men ofttimes, though otherwise good, and of special commendation therein, yet can hardly abide to be reproved in their own special ways, even by the best men that are, whom themselves will grant to be the undoubted Servants of God. Could the Prophet have said unto him, thus saith the Lord, or as Samuel said to Saul, let me tell thee what the Lord hath said unto me, or any such like, there is good hope, Asa being so well given as he was, that he would have had more reverence, and have used more patience, though the message had been much harder: but▪ as this case was, it was, left at liberty for Asa to conceive, that as men are men, even the best that are, so might this man, though [ I] indeed a Seer or Prophet, yet therein mingle some part of human perturbation with that his message; especially, if telling him it was foolishly done, that word sounded anything so hardly, or but so vnciuily with them, as it doth with us. Out of which we may also learn, not only such as are of the Ministry, but others also that are to reprove, that we ever make sure that we take the word of God with us, both for the matter, and for the manner of delivery too: otherwise, that we may justly offend, even the best that are, and leese the benefit of our reproof. Asa notwithstanding can no way (as I take it) be excused therein, the reproof being so just as it was, though the Lord had not then sent him by any special or extraordinary manner, being known as he was to be a Seer; and though being a man, subject to infirmity as others are, he mingled some strain of his own perturbation therewith: saving only unless the King, duly reverencing both the message it self, and the function and person of the Prophet, espying some inordinate dealing in it, did lay his chastycing hand only thereon, and that in good and orderly manner. For in such case there is no question, but that Kings may, yea and of duty ought to punish or chastise, even the greatest Prophets that at any time are, unless there be some other cause for which to spare them; as, least so they should lead their people not to have that due regard to their doctrine, and them that ought to have: in all which cases, the lesser evil is rather to be quietly passed over, than a greater to be admitted or letten in. But in this case that now we are in, there is another matter in such sort, or so closely joined to this, that thereby they should seem to be both of one nature: and sure we are, that that other was hard dealing indeed; and so boadeth this to be too, one way or other. That which standeth indifferent in the Text, but yet is so taken by some, is, that other hard dealing that last we spake of, as joining very closely to this: namely, that Asa then also put to death (for so do some read) or at least oppressed diverse of the people, or dealt hardly with them one way or other; & those are by some taken to be, such as misliked that his dealing with the Prophet. And indeed that is a case, which experience oft reneweth, that whensoever the just are by the mightier sort ouerlaid, then must all others either utterly forsake their needful and just defense: or if any cannot find in their harts so to do, they must then determine with themselves to suffer with them. That which was of another kind, was, [ K] that towards his old age, or towards the ende of his reign, being much diseased in his feet (which also is taken to have been the Gout, but it might be some other disease besides) though his disease were extreme upon him, yer he sought not to the Lord for his help therein, but to the Physicians: which being in him so plainly reproved, doth as plainly teach us, that such as are of special commendation in godliness may nevertheless sometime be greatly distressed, and yet not remember to seek unto God; and though secondary causes are not to be neglected, and may be used, yet are we in all such cases, first to seek unto God, and then to come to those other secondary helps, that he hath vouchsafed (for the relief of our necessities) to give unto us. How it pleased God to deal with him in this latter part of his reign, when these infirmities brake forth in him, we are so much the rather to consider, that so we may take the instruction thereof to our selves likewise. And so if we mark, we may find, that God most of all touched or laid his hand on the whole state: and partly, on his own person withal. On the whole State first it seemeth, he laid, that it should not come to that greatness, that otherwise it should have done: then it is certain, that he made it to be troublesome unto them. It seemeth he laid upon it, that it should not come to that greatness that otherwise it should have done▪ in that the Hoast of the Syrians was now escaped out of his hands: implying as it seemeth, as we saw before, that otherwise he should have prevailed against them also. Which had been a great augmentation to their State, if then they could prosecute the same accordingly; as had been a likely matter for them to do, when once they had prevailed against their Army or forces of them: especially, when as it was no more than God had promised before unto them, nor than David also and Solomon had; nor all that neither. Certain it is, that he made the State to be troublesome unto them, in that there was so long war betwixt the Kingdom of Israel and them, even all the time that Baasa and Asa lived together. That wherewithal his own person was touched, was, that disease that in his old age he had in his feet, which as it seemeth, began with him about two years before his death, and did hold him very extremely, till at length it took him away. And true it is, even with us also, such States I mean as profess the Gospel, that, by likelihood, some of them might have come'd ere this to have been much greater than otherwise they have attained unto, if in such sort they had sought the Lord as they ought to have done: whereas [ L] for the want thereof, they have not only missed of that increase, but withal have found more war than otherwise they were like to have done; and have been shapely touched in their own persons besides. A warning sufficient to those that follow.

4 To what part of his reign these infirmities of his might best be referred being [ A] now to consider, there is no question but that they all appertain to the latter time of his reign: but where that latter part of his reign should begin, that is the thing that is hardest to be decided. The difficulty is this. First, it is said, that Baasa began his reign over Israel, in the third year of Asa, and that he reigned four and twenty years: then also, that there was war between Asa and Baasa all their days, or so long as they both lived together. It seemeth likewise that the Text it self doth note, that the beginning of this war was, that Baasha the King of Israel began to fortify in Ramah, to hinder the passage of his people to the kingdom of Judah. For, when first it is said, that there was war betwixt them all their days; then it followeth immediately after, that Baasha did so fortify in Ramah: and unless the wars had begun with the reign of Baasa, there could not have been wars betwixt them all the time while they both reigned together. So by this reckoning, the wars betwixt them should have begun in the third year of Asa, and not have ended till the death of Baasha, which a little after is noted to be, by the coming in of Elah his Son upon the death of his Father, in the six and twentieth year of the reign of Asa. Whereby it appeareth, that the reign of Baasha, and the wars betwixt them, began with the beginning of the third year of Asa, and ended with the expiration or ending of the 26. year of Asa his reign. Whereupon it must follow, that that infirmity of Asa, in seeking to the King of Syria for help against the King of Israel, was about the very beginning of the third year of Asa his reign. But then else-where it is said, that Asa coming to the crown, the Land was quiet ten years, and that he took that opportunity to set in hand with that reformation, & with those buildings that we heard of: and a while after, that the assembly that came unto him about that farther reformation, when the Prophet stirred up both the King & the people, upon the overthrow of the Ethiopian Army, was in the fifteenth year of [ B] his reign. And as all this while we have no mention of the war of Baasa the King of Israel against Judah: so when soon after there is made some mention of it, it is allotted to the six and thirtith year of the reign of Asa. But now if the six and thirtith year should be taken according to the common account, and Baasa his reign should begin in the third of the same, though it were in the very beginning of it, yet should Baasha be dead many years before the six and thirtith year aforesaid: a matter that seemeth to be of so doubfull understanding, that some have altogether omitted to speak of it; and others that speak of it, are of diverse opinions therein. As for those that omit to speak of it, even in that also their judgment is to be reverenced, as not being satisfied belike with that which others before them had conceived: and so choosing rather to say nothing, than to side themselves to that, wherein as yet they were not resolved. Of those that are of diverse opinions therein, there be two sorts: some that follow the most usual reckoning; others, that take another course. The most usual reckoning is, to take the years of the Kings (those that do concern their reign) from the time that first they entered into their Kingdoms, and so do diverse of good reckoning, accounting the years that are attrybuted to Asa his reign, to begin at the death of Abiam his Father; and, by that reckoning, that Baasa the King of Israel came to his Kingdom likewise in that third year of Asaes reign, which was the third from the death of Abiam. But this opinion or reckoning of these is called in question by according two places of the Text together: and by two others that stand alone by themselves. Those two that being accorded together seem to be strong against that opinion, are, one, that the first ten years of the reign of Asa the Lande was quiet and without War: the other, that there was War betwixt Asa King of Judah, and Baasa King of Israel, all their days. If therefore Baasa began in the third year after that Asa himself began to reign, and warred on Asa so soon as he was come to the Kingdom, and so continued, where are then the ten first years of the reign of Asa, that were quiet and without War? as on the other side, if Baasa did not war on Asa till after those ten years, then how was there war betwixt them all their days? Those two places that stand by themselves, and do seem either of them to be strong against that opinion, are, one of them, that after the overthrow given to the Ethiopians, the King and the people were in such sort occupied as they were till the fifteenth year of his reign: the other, that the warfare which Baasa began on Asa, is in plain terms allotted to another year. The former of these witnessing that they were occupied, [ C] both the King and the people, in very peaceable affairs, going on forward with reformation, and then offering sacrifices unto the Lord, and making a set covenant with him, is very great probability, that at that time they were not troubled in matters of warfare; which notwithstanding was even in the center or heart of that time, which they conceive to have been Baasaes reign: the latter of them, allotting the warfare of Baasa on the Kingdom of Judah, to another year, namely, unto the six and thirtieth, such an one, as in no construction can accord to many of those that they do so attribute unto him, doth likewise yield great probability, that there opinion here must needs be defective, one way or other. Those that take another course, are of two sorts also: some that reckon from the overthrow of the Ethiopians; others from the division of the Kingdom, since the time that Judah first began to be a distinct Kingdom from the Kingdom of Israel. Of those that reckon from the overthrow of the Ethiopians there be (in a manner) two sorts also: one, that in plain terms acknowledgeth that reckoning; others, who though they reckon thence too in effect, yet do they give it another title. He that in plain terms reckoneth from the overthrow of the Ethiopians, conceiveth that overthrow to have been immediately after the ten years rest before remembered: and so, that the third year after, was that third year of Asa, wherein Baasa began to reign and war upon Judah. To this end he noteth, that as for the most part the reign of Princes in the Scriptures is reckoned from the time that first they come to their Kingdoms: so is it sometimes also reckoned, from some special accident therein; as he conceiveth that overthrow of the Ethiopians to be, and that in this the account was thence taken. And whereas else-where he setteth down diverse ways, how to reconcile such places of reckoning as seem to vary: although they be not such as directly concern this; yet in most cases they may yield good help unto us. But by this reckoning Baasa should not come to his Kingdom till the thirteenth year of Asa: that is, till he had reigned ten years in peace without war, and was now in the third year after. Which third year seemeth, as we saw before, to have been in a more peaceable time, than he was like to have any, after that Baasa came to the Kingdom, which by this reckoning he should now begin. Those that reckon in effect from hence too, and yet give it another title, do term their reckoning, from the time that war began to be betwixt those two Kingdoms: and then conceiving, [ D] that immediately after the first ten years of peace, and that victory against the Ethiopians, Asa warred upon Nadab King of Israel about two years; and then, that Baasa rose up the third year, and warred on him. But it seemeth, as is already noted, that these five years, next and immediately following the tenth of Asaes reign, were otherwise occupied, and altogether peaceable, but only for that invasion of the Ethiopians, and not for anything that yet passed betwixt those two kingdoms of Judah and Israel: neither do I see what other meaning that place can have, where it is said, that there was no war unto the five and thirtieth year of Asaes reign. In which place the vulgar translation is to be taken heed-of, for that it reckoneth but thirty years; as by Lyranus and Vatablus it appeareth: saving that since, in Hentenius his Bible, they have put in the other five in the Margent; and yet there also they will not be acknowne of any moe Copies, but one, where so they found it, whereas the Original, they know well enough, is very plain thirty and five. Those that reckon from the division of the kingdom, do interpret these two places, the one of the five and thirtith, the other of the six and thirtith of Asaes reign, to be reckoned thence: accounting that in these places the meaning is not from the beginning of Asaes reign, but from the beginning of that kingdom which Asa now had. And thereupon do some of them note, that whereas it is commonly read in the former of those places, that there was no war unto the five and thirtieth year of Asaes kingdom, it may as well stand with the Original to read, that there was no war unto the kingdom of Asa, until the five and thirtieth year, meaning from the division aforesaid. And although the latter of these (who came about half a score years after the two others) be very precise in his reckoning, yet doth he grant, that he seeth now he might otherwise take it. By this reckoning therefore, it falleth out, that after that Asa had reigned first those ten of his first years, altogether without war, and then five years more (in which he gave the Aethyopians that overthrow; and after that, being stirred up by the Prophet, wrought farther reformation, and made the Covenant) then in the sixteenth year of his reign, came Baasha to fortify Ramah against the kingdom of Judah: and that this was the six and thirtieth year from the division of the kingdom of both people's, or since the beginning of that kingdom which Asa now had; Rehoboam his Grand-father reigning seauenteene, Abiam his Father three, and this being the sixteenth of his, which plainly do make the six and thirtieth. [ E] But then those four and twenty years that are given unto Baasha the K. of Israel, would reach to the fortieth year of Asa: a reckoning that no way (I am persuaded) can be accorded with other places hereunto appertaining, before and after. For before it is said twice, that Baasha began his reign in the third year of Asa King of Judah: and, after that Baasha had finished his course, we have the reign of three Kings of Israel next succeeding, wholly comprehended within the residue of Asaes reign; and the reign of a fourth begun besides. Those three, were Elah, the Son of Baasa; and Zimri, and Omri, but Captains only: and the fourth was Ahab the Son of Omri. Al which have, the first three of them, both the beginning and ending of their several reigns encluded within the reign of Asa, Elah, two years, beginning in the six and twentieth year of Asa; Zimri, seven days, beginning in the seven and twentieth; and Omri twelve, beginning in that year also: the last of them but only the beginning of his reign, but the same allotted to the eight and thirteenth year of Asa. With four Kings of Israel were all excluded from these their proper places, and driven to take them we wote not where else, if the reign of Baasha should thus be placed: and those Scriptures that have so noted, be driven to have their Interpretation to be drawn from some places that we know not. Neither can the like be avoided, though not for all, yet for certain of them, if the reckoning of those were received, who set the beginning of Basaaes reign on the 13. year of Asa: for that so they should remove the beginning of the reign of Elah, Zimri, and Omri (for of Tibni we make no mention, for that although he also reigned with Omri about four years, yet the Text maketh no mention of his entrance thereunto) out of those places by the Text is attributed unto them. For those twelve years whereby they drive him farther, would take up, not only the whole reign of Elah and Zimri: but also, all that part of the reign of Omri wherein Tibni stood out against him, which was about four years (which while Beroaldus doth make a vacancy, he is fain to set the reign of Ahab, so much within the reign of his Father: whereas notwithstanding the Text is plain, that all Israel then in the field, and he being their General, did make him King the same day, hearing that Zimri had slain Elah; and then was [ F] there no vacancy here) and about seven years more of that whereby he reigned by himself. So that neither of these two reckonings do stand so clear, but that diverse places of Scripture do seem much to cross them: and yet seemeth very strange unto me, that such as have so conceived, did not first consider what cohearance they had with those other places before themselves would so resolve, & thereon delivered them forth unto us. But if we mark, although we have in this Book of Chronicles diverse notable things in particular, appertaining to the Story of Asa: yet out of this Book chiefly it is, that these doubts may seem to arise, and that by the years that it praesupposeth. Whereas therefore this Book is originally but a supply of diverse things omitted, or not so fully set down in Books of the Kings before, and whose Author in not known unless it were Ezra, and after the Captivity gathered by him: albeit that Ezra was a very good man and carefully given to the advancement of God's glory; yet may it be, that something is yet omitted, or not remembered by him, that should help to open this matter unto us. And seeing that these also are one degree lower with the Hebrews, than either to be of the Law or the Prophets (whereas notwithstanding the Books of the Kings are allowed to be of the Prophets) therefore, in the mean time, till it shall please God to bring these things to farther light, it shall not be amiss, if we take these years as they are set in the Books of the Kings, and suspend our judgment for the other till we shall see farther therein: this being one of those difficulties, and the first of the three; that one of good reckoning in this kind (though he be since called in question for some of his reckonings) accounteth to be harder than without some farther help from God may well be expounded. As touching his death we have nothing properly to his death it self appertaining, but as may be gathered by that which before is said, that having reigned one and fourety years, and being two years before diseased of his feet, he then died, and, as it seemeth, of that disease. But that which now we are to note as touching his death, is of the manner of his burial, which as it seemeth, now declined from the wonted manner and moderation used among them, unto the manner of the Gentiles, and to immoderate pomp withal: some part of it nevertheless being in question; and some other part being reasonable clear. In question it is, whether the corps it self were burned, or not. And the opinion of most is, that [ G] it was not the body it self that was burned, but only the spices and sweet odors which were to that end provided: and therefore diverse of them do not read, that that they burnt him, or the bed or herse whereon he was laid; but that they burnt over him, or over that bed or herse of his. But the original seemeth not to admit that word over, or as some do read for him: but rather (at least as it is interpreted by one of special reckoning in that kind) that they burnt either him, the corps it self, or (which is, in that case it seemeth all one) the bed or herse whereon he was laid. And being as it was the manner of many of the Gentiles, it might now likewise be of them received. That which is reasonable clear, is, that it was over pompously done, as the words themselves do impott: especially as some do read. As touching which matter, although it be not to be denied, but that there may be care had, for such convenient funeral decency, as to every ones degree appertaineth: yet must all men ever take heed of exceeding therein; neither hath godliness any good and sound hold there, where vanity is so praedominant too. One also there is, that out of this gathereth, that the fire of Purgatory was not belike kindled then, for that King Asa, who was so ready to be at that charges for his body, as to provide such place before for it, and such abundance of sweet spices to be then consumed, would no doubt have had some care for his soul likewise, if the people of GOD had then known, that there had been any such need. But it is a strange, and a pitiful thing indeed, that when we have so plain summons for our departure hence, we should then employ our selves so busily, as we commonly do, in needless matters, and so much omit many much better, which then especially above all others were to be thought on.

5 Of those Kings of Judah that afterward grew into friendship with the Kings [ A] of Israel, Jehoshaphat was the first; and there were two others besides: but Jehoshaphat was one that feared God; & the two others were offensive unto him. As touching Jehoshaphat, he was a very good one; and yet in some things faulty too: and the Story it self doth lead us, first to consider of that which was good and commendable in him; then, of that other wherein he was not so well advised. In that which was good and commendable in him we have likewise noted unto us, not only what he did of that kind: but also how it pleased God to bless him for it. That [ B] which he did of that kind, was first, as it were, of himself: then, being stirred-up by a Prophet. That which he did, as it were, of himself, was (all in a manner) when first he came to the kingdom: but one thing he did which was commendable also, many years after. Those that he did when first he came to his kinghom (what time as Asa his Father, having reigned one and forty years, was now deceased, and himself was set on his Fathers throne, which also he held five & twenty years) are of two sorts: some, that seem to have appertained to all his life; and one thing besides, restrained to one special time. Those that seem to have appertained to all his whole life, were, that he sought not to Idolles, nor did after the ways of the Israelites: but sought the Lord, even lifting up his heart unto the ways of the Lord, and walked in his commandments, after the manner of his father Asa, and the first ways of David; taking away the high places and Groues, (yet not so but that he left some remaining) and clean putting away the Sodomites out of the land, which remained in the days of Asa his father. That one thing besides, which was restrained to one special time, was, that in the third year of his raigue he sent five of his Nobles or Princes, and with them eleauen Priests and Levites, with the Book of the law of the Lord, to teach throughout all the Cities of Judah: which they also accordingly did. It pleased God to bless him for it, at home: and abroad. How it pleased God to bless him at home, is sometime set down but generally: but then sometime again, more specially. Generally it is said, that the Lord was with him; and that the Lord established the kingdom in his hand: as also, that (thereby) he prospered and grew up on high. More specially we have some things set down but briefly: but some others somewhat more largely. Briefly it is said, that he had riches and honor in abundance; & some good part of his Riches or Treasure is noted to come by the good will of his own people bringing presents unto him. That which we have set down some-what more largely, is as touching his provision against the enemy, which we have delivered unto us, first for the strength of his Cities; then, in the greatness of his army. For the strength of his Cities, it is said, that he had great works in them, and that he did put Garrisons in all the strong Cities of Judah, and in Jerusalem: and that he set bands in the Land of Judah, and in those Cities of Ephraim, which Asa his Father had taken. For the strength of his Army, it is noted likewise, that he [ C] had great forces in a readynesse under the leading of diverse several Captains: some of Judah; otherr of Benjamin. Ouer the forces of Judah he had three Captains: two of them of no special note (but that no doubt they were valiant and worthy men;) but one, of special note besides. Under the former of those that were of no special note, he had three hundred thousand valiant men: and under the latter, two hundred and fourscore thousand. He that was of special note, had specially given himself to the Lord, one way or other (and most likely, according to the order of the Nazarite, of which we have spoken before; a Token of special devotion in him) and he had under him likewise two hundred thousand: and so had he least of the three, a matter worth note, the King himself being now so Religious; and yet was it very well, that so rare a man as this, of that sort, was of so good reckoning with him. Ouer his forces that were of Benjamin, he had a couple: of which the former of them had under him, two hundred thousand; and the latter, one hundred and fourscore thousand. All which, besides those that were placed in Cities▪ were, one thousand thousand, and one hundred and threescore thousand: a very fair & a comfortable fruit of a religious seeking to God. How it pleased God to bless him abroad, we have set down, first for certain, who were nearer unto them: then, for others that were but strangers. Nearer unto them were the Israelites their brethren: and the Edomites. Of the Israelites their brethren (and yet their most grievous enemies now) it is said but generally, that he prevailed against them: delivering unto us no Story thereof in particular. But this must needs be a special blessing, that he now by his own forces prevailed against them, when as Asa his Father accounted himself so unable to withstand them, that he gave all his own treasure, and the treasure of the house of the Lord too, to the Syrians to help him against them, as already we have seen. The Edomites were near to them also, not so much for that they came of Esau the Son of Jacob; but much rather for that from David's time they were subject to this Kingdom: and of those it is said, that as yet there was no King among them, but that the Deputy was as King; so to note, that as yet they also were subject unto Jehoshaphat. Comming to those others that were mere strangers unto them, the Story speaketh, first of all generally: then, of certain of them more specially. Of all generally it saith, that the fear of the Lord fell upon all the Kingdoms of the Lands that were round about Judah: and that they meddled with no hostility against Jehoshaphat. Of certain of them more specially it is said, that certain of the Philistines brought him [ D] gifts, and tribute of Silver: and that the Arabians (whether in the way of tribute, or of good-will, it is not declared; but conceived by some to be of good-will) brought him in great store of Rammes and he-Goats, of either sort, seven thousand and seven hundred of them. That one thing that he did commendably also many years after, was towards the end of Ahab's reign, & about the seventeenth year of his own: at such time as he joined with Ahab in battle against the Syrians. For at that time, when Ahab would have set forward in that expedition without inquiring of the Lord, he first moved him to take the Lord's advise with them first: and again when he saw that the King of Israel sought no farther but only to his own Prophets, he both got a Prophet of the Lord to be sent for, and when he saw his Lord was offended with him, he sought to pacify him, and to have better opinion of him. By which also he did not leese. For though he was indeed in great danger (the enemies making very forcibly towards him) and the King of Israel himself was slain in the field: yet was God so merciful to him, that he escaped and returned safe to Jerusalem. Stirred-up he was by the Prophet, after that he was returned safe to Jerusalem from the field that Ahab lost to the Syrians: wherein again we are to consider, not only what good service it was that then he did; but withal, that soon after we have mention made of so great favor on him bestowed, as that it may seem, it was to reward that service of his. His service was, that again he set in hand with bettering his State, both to the advancement of Religion, and good of the people, first himself reducing his people to some good order: then using good means to keep them therein. Himself reduced them to some good order, using as it were, a Regal Visitation, for the general reformation of all the Land: going throughout all the land even from Beersheba to Mount Ephraim, and bringing back the people again unto the Lord God of their Fathers. The means that he used to keep them therein, was, to establish good government among them: and that he did, first for every Citty by it self; then, by appointing another over the whole. For every Citty by it self, he ordained special Judges: & gave them great charge, diligently to see to their Office, and to perform it in the best manner that they were able. That other that he appointed over the whole, was at Jerusalem, the head Citty of the Kingdom; and it was an higher Court above the others, for such matters as could not be decided, by the other Judges at home: such a Court as God himself before appointed unto his people, to take final order for all such cases whensoever they should arise; and ordained death for those that would not be ruled thereby. That great favor whereof we have mention so soon after, that it may seem it was to reward that service of his, was a notable and strange deliverance from a great power of enemies that came in against him. The enemies were three several Nations, the Moabites, Ammonites, and Edomites; and, by likelihood, the Syrians also, because it is plain that these came thence: saving that the Edomites, it may well be, did not join themselves unto them till they were come into the Land; as also they dwelt towards another Coast, and are not named at the beginning, but afterward by Jehoshaphat him-self put in with the rest. What quarrel they had, or what was the cause of their coming in, we have not mentioned: as also Josephus who writeth of this Story, and reckoneth the Arabians as part of the enemies, nevertheless, doth not show whereupon they made this invasion now. But whatsoever the occasion was, they came in so strong, that Jehoshaphat was afraid, and both he and the people together sought to the Lord, and had a notable day against them. In which it shall be good, that we do more specially mark, something on the behalf of the Enemy: and something again of the goodness of God towards those his people then. In the Enemy we may note, that although Jehoshaphat were a very good one; and of great forces withal: yet being so well occupied as he was, in reformation and advancing Religion, he could not be quiet, but was thus far maligned of many of the Nations about him. The goodness of God notwithstanding towards his people was such, that first putting into their hearts to seek unto him, he then gave them great and honorable success against them, their Enemies falling at such varyance among themselves, and so slaughtering one another, that Jehoshaphat and his company needed not to strike one stroke; and were no farther troubled there-with, but only in sounding their praysings to God, and (when the Enemies had done among themselves) in gathering in their spoil to Jerusalem, which also was so much, that it cost them three days labor. A • errot [ F] to all people's about them then: and so, the meeter to give warning to all States and Potentates whatsoever, to take heed how they band themselves against such of their Neighbors, as reform their ways (so near as they can) according to the praescript of God's holy word. Those things wherein he was not so well advised, but in which he was faulty, are of two sorts: one of them, a defect in that reformation he made among the people; others, all appertaining to a slip that himself did make in his own ways. That defect that we find in the reformation he made among the people, is the same that we something noted before: namely, that he took not away all the high places, but, as it seemeth, in Judah; and else-where left many of them yet remaining. In those others that are all appertaining to a slip that himself did make in his own ways, we are first to consider of that slip it self: then of other things depending thereon. That slip it self was such a thing, as wherein he followed very plainly the course of the World, or the direction of flesh and blood: namely, that the Israelites being so far fallen from the true worship of God as they were, and King Ahab being given (by the means of Jezebel his Wife) to much Idolatry besides, nevertheless he married his eldest Son Jehoram, who was to succeed him in the kingdom, unto Athaliah the Daughter of Ahab; and made peace with the King himself. And this by likelihood he did, so to join kingdom to kingdom, and to have those Neighbors more quiet: and not for any fear of their greatness now (wherein he might have been the rather excused, as urged by necessity so to do) because he had prevailed against them already. A very great over-sight in him that so professed Religion himself: so to sow the Seeds with his own hands of so manifest danger of so soul reuoulting from God as that might boad, even in the next generation of all. But so easily may the best men of all forget themselves: & the cause of religion is on all hands so slenderly regarded; even by the rarest patrons that lighly it hath. Those other things depending hereon, were all but a bitter fruit; and yet but the fruit of his own ways: but yet so arising or growing, as that all came not to the Sickle in his time; but much of it came dropping in after. That which came to the Sickle in his time, or the fruit that himself did eat of, was partly in the days of Ahab himself, with whom he made this unadvised affinity: and partly, in the days of one of his Sons. That which was in the days of Ahab himself, was towards the end of Ahab's reign: and it was some part of it, but (as it may seem) a bruise or gall to his conscience; but another part again, a special danger unto his person. That which [ G] was but a bruise or gall to his conscience (at least as it may seem) was, that being come in good will to visit his Brother in law, Ahab, the King of Israel, and being entreated by him to go to war with him against the Syrians, although he then heard that voyage plainly misliked by the Prophet of the Lord (though it were iustyfied by others) and such an event threatened unto it, as could not be but very danger our unto himself: yet made he so much of that his new affinity, that he would not hereon deny to join with him in it, but held on his course, though very likely it were, that his conscience was now against it. Else had he done but like an Hypocrite, so to inquire for some Prophet of the Lord: and then, not to regard his word when he heard it. But so many good men be entangled by wordly frienshippe; themselves seeing they are led to that which they should not; and yet, having no heart to withstand it. That which was a special danger unto his person, was, that still holding on his purpose to go with him, when once the battles were joined, not only the King of Israel himself was slain, but he also was in such danger, that he cried out and fled, and so was dishonourably beaten out of the field: and besides all this, being come home, he was roundly reproved by the Prophet Jehu for it, and given to understand, that the Lord was so offended with him, for helping the wicked, that he needed not think it strange that he was so foiled, and that he was more likely clean to have perished, but that diverse good things being found in him, the Lord dealt mercifully with him therein. That Son of Ahab in whose days he tasted more of the bitter fruits of his own ways herein, was Ahaziah, who next succeeded: with whom because he joined in a nauigation that he intended for Gold, his Navy was so shattered and bruised by tempest, that it was not able to go that voyage; Eliezer, a Prophet, telling him, that that was the cause of the loss of that his Navy. But some there be that here conceive, first that they be two nauigations that in these two places are spoken of; and that in the former Jehoshaphat admitted Ahaziah his partner, but would not in the latter when once he was reproved for it, and had sustained such hurt thereby (which, as I take it, may well stand with the Text:) then, that there was another cause besides why God would not prosper that voyage of his for Gold, because he had no such need as Solomon before had [ H] when God prospered him; and because God would not have this good King any was grow worse thereby, which also agreeth with the Law that God himself to Kings prescribed. That which came in dropping after, was partly by Jehoram his Son: and partly by Athaliah, that his Daughter in Law, for whom and by whom this affinity was. That which came in by Jehoram, his own Son, was, that so soon as he was established in his Kingdom, he, even he, and not a stranger, slew all his Brethren, being six, the Sons of Jehoshaphat as well as himself: whom Jehoshaphat had tendered much, and placed well. But so belike it was meet in the justice of God; that seeing he regarded so little to match his Son in so naughty a stock; his own issue should so readily find the inconvenience of it. That which came in by that Daughter in Law of his, for whom and by whom this affinity was, hath two main branches of mischief: one, that on a small occasion she destroyed all the blood royal, the Children of Jehoram her Husband and hers, and so many as yet remained of the Linage of Jehoshaphat (one only excepted which escaped her hands;) and then invaded the Kingdom her self, and so held it from the line of Jehoshaphat the right heir, by that tyrannical intrusion six years together. Now if God so avenged this inconsiderate match, on the Progenie of so good a King, on his own Issue that otherwise he had, and on his own Nephews from her descended; and that by the hands of her that so undeservedly was taken in to that honorable estate, and by the virtue thereof should have been a comfort and protection unto them, and indeed was no farther off, but the Sister in Law to the one sort of them (for it may well be doubted, by that which followed, that she had her hand in the slaughter of those also) and the very natural Mother (but more unnatural a great deal) to all the rest: how may any others whatsoever, conceive any hope of good success of any such marriage, when God himself hath left unto us, in this one, so good a Seruaunt of his, so pregnant a warning to all ages ensuing?

6 As touching those two others that were offensive to God, the former of them [ A] reigned some reasonable time: the latter was very soon cut off. He that reigned some reasonable time, was Jehoram, the Son of Jehoshaphat: a very bad one; and yet reigning eight years. That he was so bad, though he were therein very unlike to his [ B] Father: yet may his Father justly be accounted to be in fault for much of his naughtiness, for marrying him into so naughty a stock as he did. His Story doth fitly devide it self into two principal partes: first, how he offended; then, how he was punished or chasticed for it. His offense was most part of it in corruption of Religion: but some part of it in tyranny also. That part of it that was in corruption of religion, was, first (but generally) that he did evil in the sight of the Lord, not therein showing any particular wherein he did so ill: but then more specially he is noted, that having Ahab's Daughter to Wife, he walked in the ways of the Kings of Israel, even as did the house of Ahab; and, not so content, made high-places in the Mountains of Judah, and compelled the Inhabitants of Jerusalem and all Judah there to worship. That other part which was in tyranny, was, that whereas he had many brethren besides, the Sons of Jehoshaphat as well as himself, which also were better than he; whom his Father while yet he lived, had honorably and richly placed in certain strong Cities of Judah, but giving the kingdom only to him as being his eldest: after that he had made himself strong, or established himself in his kingdom, then did he destroy both those his brethren, and many of the Princes of Judah besides. His punishment or chastisement that ensued thereon, was not great in comparison, and mingled much with gracious lenity. For though he had now justly deserved to be cut off also, yet seeing he had slain all his Brethren, so that himself only was left of that line, and God had promised long before, that he would not utterly destroy the House of David: therefore God would not now destroy him also, but spared him because of the covenant that he had made with David before. Yet both at this present he laid some chastisement on him: and did likewise threaten him more. The chastisement that now he laid upon him, was yet but in such as were in subjection unto him: and those were, the Edomites yet; and his own people besides. The chastisement that he had in the Edomites, was, that now they rebelled: and yet it pleased God to give him a good revenge on them; though thereby he did not bring them back to their allegiance again. In his own people the chastisement that God did lay on him, was, first by one Citty, Libnah, in the borders of his kingdom, which now also rebelled against him: then, by all the people generally, that they had no liking of him, and so no desire to enjoy him. That which he threatened farther unto him, was afterward likewise performed. Threatened or denounced it was unto him, in so rare and strange manner, that some force hath been offered to the Text it self, to [ C] make the matter to accord to the time. For he was thus threatened, or had those judgments denounced unto him from the Lord himself, by the ministry of Elias, by a writing or letter that came from him to Jehoram the King: and yet notwithstanding, Elias was taken up a good while before. Hereupon some have conceived, that Elias wrote it after his taking up: others, that the name is mistaken, Elias put in for Eliseus, or that such should be the meaning of it. A third opinion there is, which in my judgment is much the likelier, & noted by diverse: but it seemeth strange, that it should be but thought on only & not commended, or noted as the likeliest of them; but so to be lest at large as they are. For there is no question, but that Elias, by the Spirit that was in him, might fore-see that, as well as he did many other things besides: and to great purpose it was (to make it so much the plainer to all, that his Ministry was of God) that he should set it down while he was on earth among them, to be delivered unto the King, what time he should have done those things that the Prophet had there fore-shown that he should do; so, by fore-showing those his base employments, the more to assure him of those judgment also. And seeing the Scriptures do not use to teach us, to depend (for farther instruction) on Saints departed (but Lyranus indeed, might in those days be so far distempered in that persuasion, that it may be no marvel if he contented him-self there-with) nor simply to term one Ptophet by the Name of another, unless there be some farther reach (as in terming John the Baptist, Elias;) but one the other side, are ever careful to leave unto us the Ministry of the true servants of God, in good credit, or well confirmed unto us: hence may we probably gather, first that none other way can we make so good use thereof, as so to take it; then also, that neither of the other stand so warranted or consonant to other Scripture, as this that we speak off. That which is denounced unto him in the name of the Lord, by that Epistle or writing that from Elias was delivered unto him, was, that because himself did so corruptly profess, and had corrupted others so much thereby; and because of those detestable Murthers by him committed: he also must be roundly punnished for it, both in such as belonged unto him, and in his own person too. Performed it was, first in such as belonged unto him: then, in his own person also: Of such as belonged unto him, first the Land, it self and his treasure is mentioned: then certain persons near unto him. Of the Land it is said, that the Philistines, and certain of the Arabians (stirred up also by God himself) brake into the Land (and then were they like to deal accordingly with it) & of this treasure, that they took away with them all the Kings substance or treasure (and then were they not [ D] likely to spare others:) of those that were near unto him (his Sons and Wives) likewise that they took away and slew all, saving that they left him one only son, and the same the youngest. Of his person it is said likewise, that the Lord smote him with an incurable disease in his bowels, so that after two years his very Guts fell out by the reason of that his disease, and so he died by that, it seemeth, and other sore diseases joined therewith: and was sunk withal into so deep dislike with his people, that whereas now they had takē up a custom to be at the charges of much spices to be consumed, and burnt at the funeral of their Kings, now did they no such matter for him. An example not to be lightly regarded, that even Kings can have no good-will nor honor in the hearts of their subjects, but in the Lord: and that, even they also, notwithstanding their good auncesters before, and their own greatness after, if needs they will any way make themselves public offenses to others, they may not think much if they be made examples to others also of some fearful and public revenge.

7 He that was very soon cut off, was Ahaziah his Son, called also Jehoahaz, [ A] and Azariah; and he reigned but one year: saving that the Book of the Chronicles doth here again in such sort set down his age when he came to the Crown, that out of it (to reconcile that place to another) some have supposed, though not in such sense as is spoken off here, yet in some sort that he reigned mo. In which two places, aptly to reconcile them together, is another of his difficulties that we spake of before: and yet, both before and after, reconciled by others. But as touching the substance of his Story, it is no more in effect but that he also did ill in the eyes of the Lord; and was accordingly punnished for it. The evil that he did in the eyes of the Lord, was, that he walked in the ways of the house of Ahab; and there be two reasons given why so he did: one, that his Mother (being ill disposed her self) did counsel him to do wickedly; the other, that they of the house of Ahab were his Counsellers, and that he was ruled by them. One thing there is so noted of him, as seemeth to import, that he was ruled by them in that likewise: which was, that he also associated himself to his Uncle Jehoram the King of Israel, in his warfare against the Syrians; the like fault that his Grand-Father Jehoshaphat [ B] had made before, though he at that time escaped better than his Grand-Father did. The punishment he had, is first set down but generally: but then more specially also. Generally it is noted to be his destruction: a just end for such as follow so bad Counsellers; and not very unmeet neither, for such as go no farther than to have such about them, though they think to take heed of following of them. More specially it is noted, how he came to that destruction of his: and first as it came unto him from above; then, as it came unto him from beneath. As it came unto him from above, it is plainly noted, that it came of God: a good warning to those that do ill, that God casteth, in his good time, how to meet with them; & good comfort to such as are annoyed by them (as the better sort were now by his bad government) that he will not fail, in time to remove such annoyance from them. As it came to him from beneath, by the secondary causes which God had ordained, whereby to accomplish his judgments on him, it is noted, that he came just in the way of Jehu, and at such time as he was come to do execution on the house of Ahab (of which he was one) both himself and many others of his nearest kindred besides: they having then none other purpose, but, in the way of duty & friendship, to visit the King and his Children, on occasion that the King was now diseased by the wounds the Syrians had a little before given him; but so falling into the hands of Jehu, and he accordingly giving none of them all any sparing. Nevertheless, because Ahaziah the King himself was descended of Jehoshaphat, it was thought good that he should be buried, and so he was; godliness and true sincerity, being of that force, that such as otherwise are mortal enemies, do nevertheless yield not a little unto it.

8 Now the time being come, that God would give a snub to the Scepter of Judah [ A] and line of David, or lay his hand somewhat hard on them both, so to teach the people, not to praesume in those his promises, unless they better kept that part of the Covenant which appertained to them to keep, Athaliah, the Queen-Mother, understanding her Son, Ahaziah, the late King, to be slain, thereupon destroyed the residue that were left of the race of Jehoshaphat, and hir-self invaded and usurped the Crown of Judah, and so for the space of six years reigned as Queen: and yet, as God would have it, there was one little Child of the right issue remaining, praeserued from that slaughter, and secretly kept, till it pleased God to send a fit time [ B] to obtain the right to him appertaining. But as this woman was but an usurper, and came not unto it but by blood: so she did not enjoy it long, and made some part of satisfaction to the blood of others, by her own blood also. And being an usurper as she was, we have no Story of her government (belike because she was an usurper, as not vouchsafing to attribute any government unto her, seeing she had no right to the place) but only of some doing of others to her appertaining: and how she was deposed again. But though we have no Story of her government, yet notwithstanding, if our selves do but a little consider what it was that now she did, we may soon perceive that she did very ill: first interrupting a special ordinance of God hefore; then, that so she behaved her self as she did, to attain to her own desire therein. She interrupted a special ordinance of God before, in that she usurped to reign there, where God before had given the Scepter to the Tribe of Judah; and afterward also, of all that Tribe, peculiarly to the line of David: her self being a mere stranger to them both. To attain to her own desire therein, she likewise did very ill, in that she so strived to come to that place, whereunto she had no calling at all: utterly destroying, so nere as she could, all that were of the royal blood; herself having had a Father in law, an husband, & some issuing thereof. In those others to her appertaining we are, not only to consider, what it was that they did: but withal, who it may seem they were that there are spoken of. That which they did, was, that they brake up the house of God: & all the things that were dedicated for the house of the Lord, they did bestow upon Baalim, their Idols. God be thanked we have not such kind of Idols among us now: but such we had when time was; and some we have, of another kind, in place of them yet. When we had such Idols among us, we also, for many of us, after a sort brake up the house of God, and employed those Church-livings that were given to the maintenance of the Gospel, to the use and maintenance of Popish Idolatry: and now that we have no such Idols, we apply many of them to profane uses, to the maintenance of our selves and ours. Who they were, that herein are spoken of, we had need to consider, first on behalf of Athaliah: then on behalf of those her Children. On behalf of Athaliah we had need to do it, for that it seemeth the Text doth attribute no more unto her, but only that she was a bad woman: & not that she was [ C] one of those had their hands in that sacrilege; but that it was her children only. And yet most of our translations do join her & her children in that action together, as indeed it is (by her disposition) a thing likely enough: but others there be, that do rather ascribe it only to her Children. On the behalf of her Children it is needful to be considered, so to give the Story thereof his due place as touching the time. For this is related, as appertaining to the time of her usurped reign over Judah: but at that time she had no Children, those being slain a little before by Jehu; or (which is not so likely) by her own self, immediately after that slaughter that Jehu made, and before her self began her usurped reign. And if she had others by a former Husband (but then had she not been so meet for the marriage of a King) or if she had others by abuse of her self in Wedlocke (as indeed she was a bad Woman in Idolatry, and experience teacheth us, that our Idolaters of the Church of Rome, are, of all others among us, the most loose in that kind of vice:) yet the word of God being so plain as it is, that he would utterly root out the posterity of Ahab, and we having no Story of any slaughter of this part of them (in the Kings of Judah, I mean) but only those two, till we come to the the slaughter of Athaliah herself; hereby it seemeth, that although the Story of this sacrilege be here remembered, yet that it belonged to a former time, as to the days of Jehoram or Ahaziah. But whensoever it was done, and whether her self stood clear of it or not, the Text is plain that done it was, and that her Children had their hands in it. As touching her deposing again, we are first to consider the occasion of it: then, in what manner it was performed. The occasion was, that whereas she was a wrongful usurper, there was one yet remaining, to whom the Crown did by right appertain: wherein first we are to consider of the Story it self, how that one was praeserued; then of another thing thereof arising. That one was praeserued by the High-Priests Wife, being the Daughter of Jehoram the late King, who being moved by compassion to see so many of her near Kinsfolke slaughtered, and belike being by her Parentage so friended among them, that she had good means to do it, conveyed away one little Child that should have been slain with the rest, together with his Nurse, and kept them secret six years together. That other thing that ariseth hereof, is as touching that marriage of the High Priest: this being a plain testimony, not only that the High Priest was then a married man (as also they were all in a [ D] manner;) but withal, that then the Priest-hood it seemeth was in that reverence and honor, that they were accounted sufficient matches for the best sort of them. The performance of it was, that the High Priest, in the seventh year after, so acquainted certain of the Nobles of Judah therewith, made such provision, and took such order, that on the sudden Joash that Child, called also Jehoash, the rightful heir, was proclaimed King, and Athaliah the usurper there-withal slain, as before she had deserved in the slaughter of others: and having so done, they altogether accomplish such things as did appertain to the establishing of the King in his Kingdom, to the rejoicing of all the people; and both the people on the one side destroyed the House of Baal, together with the Priest and other things thereunto appertaining, and the High Priest took present order for the Temple and service of God to have the same from that time forward orderly done.

9 The usurper being thus removed, and her Pageant being in this sort playde, [ A] God also himself having thus far laid his admonishing hand, both upon the Scepter of Judah, and Line of David, we are now to consider of the rest of their time, so long as the kingdom of Israel stood, when God of his goodness now restored both the Scepter of Judah, and the Line of David to the Crown among them again. But though now he eased them of this kind of chastisement, it was not long, before they much forgot themselves again: and so occasioned him to give unto them that sharper warning that before we spake of, the casting off (forever) of their Brethren the Children of Israel. In which compass of time it is plain, that once God did set them up again, and as it were gave them good footing, that so they might stand better if they would: and when they nevertheless in their infirmity did fall, then did he recover them also yet once more. So are we first to consider, how ill they kept their standing when now they were set up: then, how they were notwithstanding again recovered. How ill they kept their standing now, when they were again set up, that we may the better find, we are first to consider of this their setting up: and afterward, of their standing therein. Set up they were, by him that now succeeded next, in the first part of his reign, so long as Jehoiada the High Priest lived: which how long it was, or how many years of his reign were spent therein, we have not specified unto us. But considering that he came to the kingdom, as we heard before, but a very Child, when he was but seven year old, and for a time [ B] was under the government of Iehorada the High Priest, some part of that good which in his time was done, and unto him is commonly attributed, is chiefly to be ascribed (under God) to those that were his governors then: and yet the education that then he had, wrought so well with him, that himself also was well occupied after, and so of right must have part of the good that in his time was done, to himself ascribed. In that which is chiefly to be ascribed to his governors then (next, and immedialy under God) it shall not be amiss, first to see what the same was: then, how to apply it to our selves. It was, that in all his reign of forty years, we find not any part of his better government that is to be ascribed unto Jehoiada, but only so much as was done at the first, when first the King was brought to his Kingdom: and that which afterward is only in general terms delivered unto us. In that which was done at the first, we have noted unto us, not only what the thing it self was: but some effects withal that followed thereon. The thing it self was, if we mark, first, to bring all again unto God: then, to settle some good order among themselves. To bring all again unto God, it was, that the former covenant was made betwixt the Lord on the one party, and the King and the people on the other party: which was, that they should thence-forward be the Lord's people. To settle good order among themselves, first they began with Sovereign power, which was to join altogether in one: and then came to Divine Service, or to the public worship of God. As touching Sovereign power, it was, that the second covenant was made, that which was betwixt the King and the people (that the King should well and orderly govern: and that the people should dutifully obey:) and then, that accordingly they did place him, in public and solemn manner, in the Throne of the Kingdom. As touching Divine Service, or the public worship of God, Jehoiada took order likewise, that things should be done according to the Law of God and ordinance of David: and appoinred Warders and Porters to the House of the Lord, for the better accomplishment of diverse services there to be done. These effects that we have noted withal that followed thereon, were, that the Land was quiet now, when that usurpation was thus abolished: and, that all the people greatly rejoiced. That which is afterward only in general terms delivered unto us, is, that all the days of Jehoiada, or so long as the King took his direction from him, both the King did that which was good in the sight of the Lord: [ C] and the public Service of GOD was duly observed. How we may apply this Story unto our selves, is, for some part of it, reasonable plain; but some other thing there is again, that it may be, would not be so easily espied. That which is reasonable plain, is, that Princes and all other Superiors do then govern best, when they take their direction from those that are best exercised in the word of GOD, being withal judicious and zealous on the behalf of God's glory: and on the other side, the less that they regard to take their dyrection thence, the moe errors do they commit, and the more they bring themselves in danger of the righteous judgments of God. That, which it may be, would not so easily be espied, is, that the like hath been done of late among us, that was then done among them. For as it was the High Priest and his Wife then (the marriage of that order being then so tendered, that he was vouchsafed to marry in great blood) by whom it pleased God then to praeserue the royal Seed; and, when convenient time was come, to bring him forth, to the utter ruin of that wrongful usurpation which was gotten into the place then: so in these days also it hath pleased God, by the Ministry, to praeserue that most royal Seed of God, the Lord of Lord's, and King of Kings, the Scepter of Judah and Line of David, to whom only under the Father, the right of all Kingdoms do originally appertain, & in the time that the wisdom of God had to that end appointed, to bring him forth to the utter ruin of that Strumpet of Babylon, our late Athaliah, having then gotten the place, and tyra •• zing over us at her pleasure; especially among those, where the marriage of that sort had been vouchsafed that regard that is due unto it. That which arose of Joash himself, & out of the education that before he had, but yet notwithstanding may justly be to him ascribed, was (that we read of) only about repairing & getting in a readiness the house of the Lord to such use as whereunto it was before ordained; and about this we find him to be occupied twice: first, giving charge thereof to the Priests & Levites; then after himself also dealing with it. What time he gave charge thereof to the Priests & Levites, we have not noted; but by the order of the Texte it seemeth, that it was long, before he did it; for that he had married two wives before: but sure it is, that some time or other he did it; and therein it is plain, that he had a care of the Howse of God, though, it seemeth to me, nothing so great as he ought to have had, nor as some persuade themselves of him. For at this time (for ought that we read) he laid the burden hereof only upon the Priests and Levites: and the charges to be raised out of the purses of the people. It appertained indeed to the Priests and [ D] Levites, to have special care about that business, and it may be there was some honor given them therein, at least, that so they would seem to do: but, after so great decay going before, in the days of Jehoram, Ahaziah, and Athaliah, and after so long a pause in this King now, to lay it only on the purses of the people, and to make the Priests and Levites to be the gatherers of it, when it might be so plainly intended, that it was their own business withal, was no such course, as I do take it, as a sound and ready zeal would then have used. And seeing it is plainly said, that afterward it came into Joash his mind, to repair the house of the Lord, we need go no farther to gather, that there was a time, and the same a longer time to than was meet, before that he, though not Idolatrous, but in his measure well given, did occupy his head with that business. Whereby also it may well be, that whereas it is noted, that the Levites made no hast therein (the Priests also being some part of them) they were not altogether so much in fault, as some do account them; but because it was such a kind of business, as wherein they could prevail but little: as in all ages we see by experience, that where Sovereign power doth not interpose it self withal, and that in good measure, there do not any other Inferiors to any purpose prevail, though much more gracious with the people, than for the most part are such as were these. When himself would have some dealing in it, the time is noted to be the three and twentieth year of this King: not plainly set down, whether it were of his age or reign, and so left at large by the most, but by some plainly set down to be of his reign. If it were of his age, there was nothing done for fifteen years and better; if it were of his reign, then was it seven years longer: the shorter of them both being a great deal to long, for so needs full a work as it, on all hands to be so slipped. The course that he took when now himself did set in hand with it, was in effect but the same that he prescribed to them before: but in his hands it proceeded much better, than it did or could do in theirs. It was in effect but the same, because it was still to come out of the Purses of the people. But it seemeth, that now there was special and extraordinary cause so to do: and therefore that Joash being more willing than able to take that work in hand, leaned now to that help that God directed Moses unto, when the Tabernacle was to be erected. Wherein notwithstanding it may well be, the King had [ E] prevailed but little neither, but that by the advise of Jehoiada it seemeth (and Josephus is plain therein) he yielded the oblation to be but voluntary: which also may well be the cause, why both the King would not now have the Priests and Levites to be the gatherers of it, as he had appointed before; and not, as some have conceived, for that he took them to be faulty therein, but rather that the king himself did now perceive, that he had not taken so good a course therein before. To which end also it seemeth to be so specially noted, that the Priests consented to receive no more money of the people towards the work of the Temple: as having made assay before, but finding the people so unwilling thereto, that now with good will they would have been delivered of it. It proceeded much better now than it did before, for that being now made but a voluntary contribution, it is plainly noted, that both all the Princes or Heads-men of the people, and all the people themselves, did now come-in with very good-will, and gave so well, that they were fain ofttimes to empty the Chest: and had thereby not only to repair the building, but to furnish it again with needful implements, yea even with Plate of Silver and Gold. And yet the Text doth in one thing give them good Testimony withal, that in it they did much better, than we in such cases, by our wonted usage, were like to do: namely, that they did not in this their need meddle with those things that did properly belong to the Priests, but left them untouched unto them. The work-men also did now go so willingly about their business, that not only those that set them a-work, trusted them with the Money that was brought in; they saw that they dealt so faithfully therein: but even the workmen themselves, according to the trust reposed in them, having much Money left when they had finished all the building, brought it into the King and High Priest; and they likewise, of it, did make the furniture and Plate aforesaid. So it seemeth, that so long as the Priests and Levites had it imposed on them, to gather-up those former impositions, as to be paid of right now also, neither would the people pay them, neither were the Priests and Levites willing to urge them: but when now that course was, after a sort, waiued or given-over, and made but arbitrary to the givers themseles (for though there was Proclaimation made throughout the Land, to bring unto the Lord, the tax that Moses in the Wilderness had laid upon them; as indeed being the King, he was not to seem to take repulse, but was rather to require it still: yet none was now appointed to gather it of them, and so to mark whether they did it truly or not, but had the matter now referred unto themselves in a manner, in that themselves were to bring it in) it found a ready [ F] and present dispatch, and the contributors themselves very well pleased. A good example to show how unwilling the people are, that such impositions, as by occasion sometimes have been laid upon them, should afterward, when the cause hath ceased, be nevertheless urged unto them again: and yet this was a Prince as welcome unto them, as lightly none more, as also but to the use of the Temple; and in such a time as themselves might conceive did much require it, because of the spoil which the enemies made towards the end of Jehoram's reign, and Athaliah in her usurpation.

10 The estate of this people being thus far raised or set up again, and being [ A] now to see how ill they held their standing therein, we are first to begin with him in whose Story yet we are: then, to come unto others suc •• eding. Beginning with him in whose Story yet we are, first we find one ill toke 〈…〉 it, or such as boaded that they would keep their standing but ill: then have we proof of the thing it self. The ill token that we have of it, is that the King did not take away the High-places (when he was at the best) but suffered the people to offer and burn incense there. Comming to the proof of the thing it self, we find that he kept his standing very ill: but that God did accordingly remember him for it. We find that he kept his standing ill, he and all the people with him, immediately after the death of Jehoiada: and yet not so very soon after, but that for a while it seemeth they stood reasonable well; but then, that not long after they foully fell. It seemeth that a while after they stood reasonable well, because that when Jehoiada was dead, they afforded to bury him so honourably as they did, in the Citty of David with the Kings: as having justly deserved the same, for the good that he had done among them. Where again we have another probability, that there was not such fault in him, as some of our Interpreters do conceive, out of the speech of the King to him and others of his fellows, about the not gathering of the Money aforesaid. That nevertheless not long after they foully fell, is very plainly delivered unto us: and first by what means it was wrought; then, how foully it was that they fell. The means whereby it was wrought, was by such dealing as the Princes had with the King, which what it was, is not so plainly set down, but that diverse do diversely take it: some, that they attributed Divine honor unto him, and so puffed him up thereby, that he quickly forgot himself so far as he did; but most men inclining rather, that they wrought him no farther, but that he need not be so religious, but might well live as [ B] he list, and take his pleasure in all things as should best like himself. But neither of these seem unto me to go rightly and fully unto it; for that either of those had dissuaded him from all Religion: whereas the Text it self showeth immediately after, that he and the people were religious in some kind; but indeed in another kind than before, and the same stark naught. So it seemeth rather, that these Princes were mere polititians, and accounted it to make much for the quiet and peace of the State, and for better friendship of all their neighbors, not to be so clean contrary to all others in matters of Religion, as they were in the course that then they were in: but rather that somewhat they yielded unto them, to be neighbor-like with them; and that the nearer they could come to be like to the rest, the better must it be for them all, in all such matters as wherein they were to have any dealing with others. It is plainly set down that the King yielded therein to be advised by them: and it followeth immediately after, that they left their own Religion or manner of worshipping, & betook themselves to such Religion or manner of worshipping, as their neighbors about them used. So, the latter, expoundeth the former: or, that which thereupon they did, doth show what advise it was that was given. How foully they fell herein appeareth first, in that whereunto they had now betaken themselves: then, in that they clave unto it so fast as they did. That whereunto they had now betaken themselves, was, clean to forsake true Religion; and, in effect, GOD himself, the only Lord: and to betake themselves to most foolish and gross Idolatry; saving only that it went for currant with all their neighbors, because of the ignorance that was in them. When we are to consider how fast they clave to these their ways now, it shall not be amiss, that some of us especially do mark another thing thereunto appertaining: but first, how fast they clave to those ways of theirs; then, of that other matter hereunto appertaining. They clave so fast to those ways of theirs, that though the Lord sent Prophets among them, who did earnestly call upon them, and protested heavy judgments against them unless they repented; and, that one of those Prophets was Zachariah, the son of Jehoiadah, who had deserved so well of the King, and of the people, and was near Kinsman unto the King: yet would they in no wise be ruled by those their Prophets; but farther than so, even conspired against the said Zachariah, and at the commandment of the King stoned him to death, even in the in most and chiefest coutt of the Temple, between the Temple and the Altar even as it were in the praesence of God and before his face. As notable an insolen 〈…〉 s lightly hath been hard of by any. That other thing hereunto appertaining 〈…〉 collection that one of the blind guides of this age of ours hath gathered to mak • much against those that profess the Gospel, whom, to the furtherance [ C] of his purpose there, he calleth Protestants: and he gathereth it but of one part of the Text, wherein we have this Story aforesaid. The man that I speak off, is one of their learned writers, one of our own Country-men, of the time and crew of D. Harding, Stapleton, Dorman and others: and that Book of his, wherein this is, is of a chief and principal matter of their profession, the Real praesence of the body and blood of Christ in their Sacrament of the Altar, as it pleaseth them to term it. There he telleth us, that there be two sorts of Protestants: one, but simple: the other, malicious. The malicious are they, against whom he bendeth that redoubted force of his: and telleth us withal, that the Prophets of old were troubled with those malicious Protestants; and therein referring us to one verse of this Text aforesaid. On which his interpretation is, that when God sent his Prophets among them, those malicious Protestants would in no wise hear them. Whereas the truth is, that they were the Prophets themselves, and not any of the people, that were the Protestants there: and so he did them great wrong to term them malicious. Especially when their own Bible so plainly readeth, Mittebat{que} eis prophetas, vt reuerterentur ad Dominum: quos Protestants, illi audire nolebant. that is, And [God] sent them Prophets: whom protesting, they would not hear. But his dexterity thought good, to join Protestants and illi together: an then telleth us, that they were Protestants illi, those malicious Protestants, that were so contrary to the Prophets then. Now whether this place do prove any such malicious Protestants, or not, leaving that to his farther Consideration: sure we are, we need go no farther, than to this his Collection only, to gather, that so far as the rest are like to himself, the Papists have but ignorant Leaders. How it pleased God to remember them for this, both the King himself and those his Princes that did pervert him, and in some sort the whole lande besides, we have set down, first as touching them altogether: then, as touching the King by himself. As touching them altogether, we have that set down in two several places; first, in the second Book of the Kings, then in the second Book of the Chronicles: but so withal, that although in something they agree; yet in some other they are (not anything contrary, but) so diverse, that there is some diversity among the learned about it. They agree in this, that the Syrians soon after came into the lande, and made war upon them: but then, are they diverse in this again, that by the one place it seemeth, the enemy was pacified with money, and so sent home without doing [ D] them any hurt; by the other, that a battle was fought betwixt them, and that the enemies prevailed, and took their own pleasure on them. So cometh it to pass, that most men make no scruple at it, but take them both as one Story, as it seemeth, as if when the Syrians had prevailed against them, then Joash gave him, the Treasure that there is mentioned to with-draw his forces from him; and one of them there is, who in plain terms doth so expound it: but two others there be, that (with greater probability, it seemeth) conceive two several invasions to be noted in those two places, one of them going no farther, but that so it may be conceived; the other, being more tesolute in it. And the former of those two innasions was, when Joash gave all that Treasure, and those consecrated things unto the King of Syria to depart from him, and for that time obtained his desire therein: Joash belike, as yet making no greater reckoning of that his revolting from God, nor of shedding that innocent blood where-unto himself was so deeply beholding, but that putting himself to this loss in these, it might be a full satisfaction, himself and his people abiding still notwithstanding, in those corrupt ways whereunto they had betaken themselves now. But God would not put it up so: but would have it farther punnished. So the Syrians coming again the next year after, though they were but few to speak of in comparison of the forces of Judah that went against them; yet the Lord so ordered the matter, for the sin of his people, that they prevailed: at which time prosecuting the course of their good success, they destroyed all the Princes from amongst the people, and sent all the spoil of them to Damascus; and the King him-self did they entreat very dishonourably, one way or other (for it is not declared how) and then departed, leaving the King in great diseases. A just reward for gross Idolatry, so back as it was by so bloody ingratitude, as they were now entered into: and a meet recompense for those profane polliticians, the Authors of it. As touching that punishment that the king had by himself, both he was much diseased in his body; and treacherously slain by his own servants: even by his own, as the Text doth lead us to gather, though one there be of special account (but I wonder whereupon) that doth ascribe the same to the servants of Hazael.

11. Those others that succeeded, are four: the first three being nothing [ A] so ill as was Joash in these his latter days, but much better, and yet indeed boading a declining estate; and the fourth of them in full measure exhibiting the same [ B] unto us. Those three that boaded a declining estate, were (as it were) of the midsort, neither altogether so good, not so ill as diverse others: two of the former declining from better to worse; the third ever keeping much like to himself. Those two that declined from better to worse, were Amaziah, and Azariah, who in like sort was called Uzziah. Amazias succeeded his Father Joash; and reigned nine and twenty years in Jerusalem: first reasonably well; but afterward to the offense and displeasure of God. While he reigned reasonably well, we are to consider, first, what was the manner of his Gouernement: then, howe it pleased GOD to bless him therein. In his manner of government, first we have something noted unto us that concerneth the whole generally: then, certain particulars besides. Concerning his whole government generally (for the time that he stood) he hath this commendation given him, that he did uprightly in the sight of the Lord: but then it is added withal, that his doings were not with a perfect heart, like unto David, but like unto Joash his Father; and that the High-places were not taken away, but that the people did sacrifice & burnt incense in them. The particulars which are commendable in him are two: one, a good moderation of his own affections; the other, a good branch of obedience to God. That good moderation of his own affections, was in the execution of those that slew his Father: first, in that he was not so hasty to do it, or to make enquiry of them, till the Kingdom was established unto him; then, that he executed but the offenders themselves, and not their children withal, as it was the manner of diverse then in their heat to do, though plainly forbidden by the Law of God. That good branch of obedience to God, that is recorded of him, is, that when on a time he was purposed to War upon the Edomites, and to that ende had waged out of Israel one hundred thousand men, and had already given them their pay, one hundred Talents of Silver; being then admonished by some Prophet or man of God, not to use them in that his service but to send them away again: he readily yielded to do as the Prophet did advise him, and so discharged them of that piece of service, and dismissed them clean out of his Army. A special good example of obedience in him; and the more we mark it, the better it may appear unto us: first, if we mark how far he had proceeded in it before; then, if we thereunto lay, in what sort he was dissuaded from it now. He had proceeded therein so far before, that then he must clean leese those hundred Talants of Silver, and the hope of that their service [ C] which by likelihood might have been to good use unto him: and so dismissing them when now they were come, might easily breed much heart-burning in them, and so turn to his hurt, as in the end indeed it did: He was not dissuaded from it by any of his Counsel, or of his Captains, nor by any States-men besides; yet this being a matter of warfare and State: but only by a Prophet or man of God, as by some Divine, Minister, or Preacher with us, of undoubted and known integrity and judgment; and the same Prophet or man of God dissuading him from it, not, in plain terms, in the name of the Lord, but, as it were, himself so advising him, & threatening the loss of the field if he did not obey. Out of which it may seem that we ought to gather, that even in such matters also we ought to make special good reckoning of the advise of such of the Ministry as are known to be of God indeed; though they do not acquaint us with, nor our selves see, what word of God it is whereon they ground their advise unto us: then also, that seeing God by his servant reproved that his taking-in of those Israelites to his aid, and though being admonished he did amend it; neither should we lean to any such aid, neither should we think it strange to be chasticed for it, if at any time we have so done, though afterward we did forethinke it. It pleased God so to bless him whilst thus he stood towards God, that notwithstanding those invasions, and destruction of the people that were since the days of Jehoshaphat, in the days of Jehoram, Ahaziah, Athaliah and Joash, he had an Army of his own people now, of three hundred thousand chosen men for the wars: and, going against the Edomites, he so prevailed against them, that he destroyed twenty thousand of themselves, and took a strong hold from them besides. When his reign and doings were to the offense and displeasure of God, we are then in like sort to consider, first what those his ways were: then, how God did punnish him for them. His ways were now clean contrary to his better ways before, advancing one kind of gross Idolatry now: and not abiding the Prophet to reprove it neither. His Idolatry was, that having overcome the Edomites, he brought home their God's with him, and made them his (a wise part of him) worshipping them, and burning incense unto them. When thereupon God sent a Prophet to reprove him for it, he was so offended with him, that he commanded him to silence, and urged him to advise himself whether he were any of the Kings Priuy Counsel; so insinuating, it seemeth, that there was some high point of policy in it: but the Prophet told him, [ D] notwithstanding all his policy, that he did well know, that it should be his utter ruin, and that from the Lord, that now he made so little reckoning of this reproof that he had given him. His punishment for this is his falling away, was of such nature, as that it seemeth God was disposed to raise it only from thence, from whence the same his revolting came, even from himself: first by the Israelites his neighbors adjoining; then, by his own people at home. The Israelites, his neighbors adjoining, himself (and by the advise of his Counsel too; such belike as had led him unto that high point of policy before) provoked to the field, and would not rest till the battle were agreed upon: but when it came to trial, he received (and well deserved) great dishonor, and loss thereby; and lived to enjoy it many years after. As touching his own people, he had now made himself so odious to them (after that he was so turned from the Lord) by his bad government, and by the dishonor and hurt they had gained thereby, that they did not only determine to dispatch him: but (when, belike perceiving it, he thought to save himself by flight) pursued after him, and so overtook him, and slew him; though nevertheless they brought him to Jerusalem, and buried him there, belike for the place that he had been in, or for the good things were in him before.

12 Azarias his Son, otherwise called Ozias or Uzziah also, was made King [ A] in steed of his Father, and reigned fifty and two years. Concerning whom, first we are to consider of that part of his government, which was (that we read of) without offense to GOD: then, of that part wherein he offended. Of that part of his government that was (for anything that we read to the contrary) without offense to GOD, we have something noted again, first to show what the thing it self was: then, howe God did bless him therein. To find what it self was, we must note again, that both we have somewhat set down concerning the whole: and some particulars likewise besides. That which doeth concern the whole, is, that he did uprightly in the sight of the Lord: saving that it was but as Amaziah his Father had done before; and so, that he also did not put down the High-places, but that the people still Sacrificed and burnt incense there in his time also. So that the uprightness of his doing that is spoken of here, is none other to speak of, than as in his father before, and his son after, that he turned not to Idolatry as many others had done, but professed the Lord, and the true worship of him. Those particulars that are noted of him besides, are of two sorts: one of them, of his regard towards God; others, of inferior affairs beneath. [ B] His regard to God is noted to be such, as that in the days of one Zecharias, a Prophet in his time (a man noted to be well seen in the knowleege and fear of God, and sincerely, it seemeth, teaching the same) he then more specially sought the Lord. And so it seemeth the fault is ofttimes in the Prophets & Ministers themselves, that many do not better seek the Lord: as seldom having any good provocation thereto, in those that occupy those rooms among them. Those others that were of inferior affairs beneath, were of two sortes also: some, about the whole estate; others about his own private. About the whole estate were those his buildings, fortifications, and provisions against the time of War that we read of: and it seemeth, that therein he much excelled most of those that had been before him. About his own private it is noted likewise, that he was very much employed: and that he was (as we term it) a great Husband: he himself having a special inclination or love unto it. While in this sort he governed, GOD did so prosper him, and his blessing was so plentifully on him (especially then, when in some better measure he sought the Lord) that he was very prosperous at home and abroad. At home he had, for the defense of the whole, an army of three hundred and seven thousand, and five hundred valiant men; and two thousand and six hundred Leaders or Captains for them: and of his own private, great possessions in grounds and Cattle. Abroad, it is generally said, for all the people's round about him, that his name was great, or that it did spread far: and, for certain of them, more specially, that he did most valiantly against his Enemies, and mightily prevailed both against the Philistines and Arabians; and of the Ammonites, that he was much honored and praesented with gifts by them. When he offended, we are likewise to consider, first of his offense: then, of his punishment. His offense was not Idolatry as his Fathers was, nor so much as offering unto GOD any such worship as God himself did not require: but only that himself would needs do a worship to God, which God had appointed to be done by others; namely, to burn Incense or sweet Perfume, on the Altar that was thereunto appointed. Of which his sin there were two principal branches: one, that himself did first offer to do it; the other, that he would be so little said by the Priests therein, that they were fain to oppose themselves against him in some forcible manner. That himself did first offer to do it, it argueth in him, either great ignorance in the Law of God (and that was a great fault in him:) or else, that he was very head-strong and stubborn, and so not disposed to be ruled [ C] thereby; which was the greater fault of the two. Now because it is so plainly noted, that when he was strong, or that God had made him great, his heart began to be lifted up, that seemeth to cast it unto the latter: as, that it was not of ignorance, but of willfulness rather. But that relation or report of the highness of his mind therein, may have respect unto that his stubbornness, when he had himself ignorantly attempted it first, and then would not afterward be ruled by the Priests therein, till it pleased God himself to lay his hand upon him. So his fault was great in eyher of them: but much greater in the latter part of it, when he would not be aduysed by the Priests, those peculiar Servants of God in those affairs, and so many of them gathered together. His punishment for this was, some part of it, but only as it were of men: but the rest, plainly by God. That part of it which we may account to be of men, was, that so he was resisted or with-stood, he being so mighty and renowned a Prince, of a few of his own seely poor subjects: but indeed we our selves do stir up others against us, whensoever we go against the word of God; and may not think it strange then, if we be roundly with-stood, and mightily crossed, even by the simplest Creatures that are. That which was of God, was a present punishment in it self: and carried another with it besides. It was in it self a present punishment for that he was, even at that time, so strangely stricken with so ill and so foul a disease, as the Leprosy was reputed and known to be. That other that it carried with it besides, was, that thereby he was separated from among men (and so from the managing of his Kingdom likewise, and of his own private affairs withal, for a great part of them and fain to dwell alone all the days of his life after: and that when he died, he was not vouchsafed so honorable burial neither, as otherwise his place had required. A good example to be a warning to all to take heed, of diverse special matters: some reasonable plain unto all; others, that would not be soon perceived. Those that are reasonable plain unto all, are, first that none meddle with the office of Priest-hoode (and so not with the Mynistery now) but such as are orderly called unto it; and therein are Lay-folk to take heed how they meddle with private Baptism: the other, that we be not so resolute in our own ways, when we are reproved by such, as God hath to that end appointed. Those that would not be so soon perceived, are other two: one, that whereas that Priest-hood was a figure of Christ by whom only we are to come with our worship to God, neither may we come by our selves, nor by any other [ D] but only by him; the other, that whereas the Priests did not show him the place of the Law where it was forbidden, but only told him that he might not do it, and yet God struck him for that he would not be ruled by them, neither may we look to stand excused in any such disobedience of ours, to any the like Servants of God, though they do not ever acquaint us with the places whereon they ground the reproof that they give us.

13 He that ever kept much like to himself was Jotham, the Son of this [ A] Uzziah or Azariah: who also reigned sixteen years. In whom we have some things of that nature, that they do reasonable plainly show themselves what they are: others, that do not. Those that do reasonable plainly show themselves what they are, are some of them commendable: others, reprooueable. In those that are commendable, it shall be good for us to consider, first what they were: then, how in those ways God did prosper him. Commendable it was, that he did uprightly in the sight of the Lord (though that also were but in comparison of diverse others:) and built both the highest gate of the house of the Lord; and a good part of the Wall West of the Temple. In those ways of his God did so prosper him, that he prevailed against the Ammonites, and had them tributaries three years: and generally, that he grew mighty, because he directed his way before the Lord his God. A place nevertheless that more commendeth the goodness of God, that could so graciously accept of that his service: than it cleereth that service to be so worthy to be accepted; as may appear by that which followeth. In those that were reprooueable we are likewise to consider, first what they were: then, how we may conceive that they also were punished. What they were might soon be seen, but that, as some of them are out of question: so there is one, of which there is question made by diverse. Those that are out of question, are two: one, that he did not seek the Lord, but as his Father had done before: the other, that he left the High-places standing, and suffered the people to worship there. That one point of his ways, whereof there is question made by diverse, is, that he entered not into the Temple: which as diverse do take it, is noted as a thing commendable in him; whereas, by the placing of it, it may seem to be reprooueable, and so do I think it may rather be taken. Such as account it commendable in him, do take the sense to be, that although in profession, or in his ways before the Lord, he was such as his Father was: yet whereas his Father did (against the Law of God) enter into the Temple, there to burn Incense before the Lord, his Son did never offend in that. And out of this, the sense being so, it is [ B] well gathered, that therein he is a good pattern to us, so to follow the good ways of our Elders, that nevertheless we do not withal follow their ill. The placing of it that I speak of, which may rather lead us to conceive, that it noteth some-thing reproueable in him, is because it is placed with such aqualification before: and after again, so matched or coupled, as there it is. The qualification where-with it is placed before, is the manner of his Fathers profession: wherein the sense may be, that he also was none of those that turned a-side to any Idols, but professed the Lord the only true God, and did worship none other but him; but yet did not make use of the Temple, or frequent the same, in any such sort as he ought to have done, and as his Father (besides that his transgression) before had done. And in this we may well conceive, that this exception, of not entering into the Temple, may rather have relation unto the usual course of all the better sort generally, and of his own Father too in that which was commendable in him, than to that one particular action, never heard of in any of the Kings but only in him, and that but once neither. In such matching or coupling of it as after we find, it is very plain and out of question, that it is coupled with that which is ill: namely, that the people were yet far out of order. And then, seeing things of like nature are so commonly coupled together, that by the one we may soon perceive what the other is like to be; it seemeth the sense doth most naturally fall out to note, that there were defects both in the King, and in the people: in the King, that even in his best things he was but like unto his Father in those things that were commendable in him, and had one defect more that his Father had not; and that the people were wrong besides. What his not entering into the Temple may be, me-think we may well conceive, by that which followed on that fearful judgment that was cast on Ananias and Sapphira his wife, for that want of integrity and sincere dealing, that was found in them: namely, that it struck such a fear in others, that there were many that magnyfied those that were of the Congregation, or that holy company, who nevertheless durst not join themselves unto them. For so it may be, that Jotham was so terrified by that judgment cast on his Father, that though he also magnified God, yea and justified his judgments therein: yet himself durst not thenceforward draw so near, least that some way or other he also might slip, and so pull down some kind of heavy judgment [ C] upon him. Our own experience doth often teach us, even in those that detest Idolatry, and are specially given to the Gospel, that nevertheless diverse of them do long sometimes absent themselves from the holy Communion, even for the very awe of God that they stand in, least they offend in not coming so well prepared as they ought to do: and then may we more easily conceive, that such a judgment cast on his Father, and when he had no other meaning that we are able to charge him withal, but only that he meant devoutly to worship, might not a little terrify the Son in this that we speak off; and yet leave unto him withal, that so far as it went, he had a special regard of God, in some such measure as both his Father and Grand-Father had, and came not short of them but in this point only. And one there is, who by occasion of this Jotham, though he do not plainly charge him, not to have worshipped at Jerusalem, but in some other of the High-places in those parts: yet he plainly setteth down, that it was a common negligence in all their Kings, to worship, not only at Jerusalem, but everywhere in the High-places too; yet there to worship none other but only the Lord. And then, if it were so common with others even good Kings too, elsewhere to worship: it may be less marvel, if this (much more) refused the Temple it self, & elsewhere did it; and yet have that commendation too, never worshipping but only the Lord, and doing it with some special zeal. How these defects in him were punished, is likewise drawn into question: so that here also it shall be needful not only to set down what may seem to be the truth it self; but to clear it of the doubt thereon conceived. That which we may take to be the truth it self, is, that the end of his reign was troublesome, because it is said, that in those days the Lord began to send in against Judah both the King of Syria, and the King of Israel. Of whom though we have no particular Story, what hurt they did or what trouble they wrought to the King or his Land: yet may we justly conceive, that the Lord sending them in, and sending them against Judah, or as enemies thereunto, they did them some hurt or wrought, them some trouble one way or other; though nothing so much, as after they did, in the days of him that next succeeded. The doubt that is thereon conceived, is not plainly set down, but only implied: namely, that no such trouble came unto himself or his Land, in all his time. And it seemeth that so they conceive, first by one place of Scripture [ D] soon after ensuing: then, by a conceived opinion of others. The place of Scripture soon after ensuing, is, that they both came into Jerusalem, and besieged it; but yet that they could not praeuaile against it: nevertheless, that then they recovered Elah again, which Uzziah had gotten from them a little before. Out of this place they gather, that seeing this is the first entrance of the Syrians & Israelites that now we read of in particular: therefore is that other place before to be understood of this that is spoken off now; and so, nothing appertaining to the time of Jotham, but only to the time of Ahaz his Son. But the Text doth plainly, in the time and Story of Jotham, say, that in those days the Lord began to send those in: and, in the days of Ahaz next following, that they came up to Jerusalem, and besieged it. A difference so plain in it self, that it may be sufficient to note two several invasions; though we have not the particular Story of the former of them: and so is it taken by others also. That conceived opinion of others is, that this Jotham that now we speak off, was so good a King, and altogether (as it were) without such faults as others had: an opinion much conceived by Josephus, and plainly held by most of the Hebrews; and yet without any sufficient ground-work for so weighty a building as it. But that being once conceived, then is it so much the harder measure to conceive any such special defects in him: and so it may very well be, that thereupon they rather framed this aforesaid interpretation of theirs. Those things that do not so plainly show themselves what they are, were those his buildings in the Mountains, and in the Forrests: which it may be, were to public use, either fortifications, or for habitation; as also it may be, seeing his ways are so plainly referred unto his Fathers, that they were, many of them at the least, to his own private use. Which also we may the rather conceive, for that Isaiah beginning his prophecy first in the days of these two Kings, Uzziah the Father, and Jotham his Son, doth so plainly cry out against laying house to house, and land to land: a kind of civil disease that most of all reigneth in any State, when the Princes and other Heads-men thereof are therewith smited themselves, and so can neither agree to any good laws to the contrary, nor reprove others therein; nor in any wise avoid, but by their example to lead others amaine unto it.

14 He that did in full measure bring in that same corrupt estate that was so long [ A] declining before, only tottering then, but falling down now, was Ahaz, the Son of Jotham: who succeeding his Father in the kingdom, sixteen years also he reigned therein, like to his Father in nothing else but only in that. For though his Father was none of the best (though I deny not, but that others there be, that make special reckoning of him for that matter: and my-self desire not to impair any part of his glory; but yet must still say, that I see no cause to varry) nor Uzziah the Father of Jotham, nor Amaziah his Grand-father neither: yet this on the other side was so very ill, that it seemeth he inhaerited no part of the good that any of them had, but that all their evil (and much more) was descended unto him, and that he was (as it were) their heir only in that. So that in his Story it seemeth to me, it is not sufficient, to consider only of himself; but to have some reference to those others his ancesters besides: and that, both in the evil ways that he held; and in those punishments which befell him from the same. As touching those ill ways that he held, we have the same delivered unto us, by one kind of speech that is (as it seemeth to me) some-what strange: but the others are usual, and plain enough in themselves. That which seemeth to me somewhat strange, is notwithstanding (I readily grant) to good purpose used, and of special good instruction as it may be taken: and yet notwithstanding either clean omitted by others; or not sufficiently considered upon, as I do take it. The speech is, that whereas this Ahaz was a very bad one (if not the worst of all the Kings of Judah that were before him) yet, at the first the Text doth seem but to mince at the matter (as me do term it) and nothing near to note, that which was in him indeed. For at the first he telleth us no more, but that he did not uprightly in the sight of the Lord, like David his Father: and in both places the self-same speech is praecisely used. Which kind of speech, we might think, were not properly to be used, but only of such as have done reasonably well, and yet not like to David before. So the strangnes is, that whereas indeed Ahaz was a very bad one, & so described by and by after: yet at the first the Text seemeth to stand so far of from him, as though it meant not to touch him anything near, to speak of; or, that with anything almost he were to be justly touched. Of Amaziah it granteth before, that he did not like to David his Father; and else-where in the same sense, that that which he did, he did not with a perfect heart: but it notwithstanding commend him, that he did uprightly in the sight of the Lord. Of both the others that next succeeded it so speaketh likewise, as plainly chargeth them with such defect, referring them (in such sort as it doth) unto their Parents: but yet it seemeth well to their commendation withal. [ B] Now in this place, coming to speak of a very bad one, yet notwithstanding, it saith no more of him (in effect) at the first, than it spake before (thrice together) of those others whom it commendeth. This is clean omitted by the most that yet I have seen: as not espying or at least not noting, whereupon it may seem to be, that this speech is here again used in so unlike a case to the former. But some there be that do note it: one, that doth but only note it, but that he doth in both places of it; and one other, that doth not only note it, but withal considereth upon it. For him that doth but only note it, it seemeth he thought that there was some special matter in it, though belike he did distrust, that he did not conceive it: but that might give occasion to others to think farther of it; especially seeing so praecisely he doth it, in both places of it. That which the other gathereth thereon, is, that thereby is generally noted, that he did nothing right before God; as if whereas it is said, that he did not uprightly in the fight of the Lord, this difference of speech (to be said of him, that he did not uprightly; of other ill Kings, that they did ill) should have this meaning, that whereas they were not charged but to have done diverse things ill, this hereby is charged that he did nothing well. This do I take to be some-thing forced: though otherwise he be a very learned and diligent Interpreter, and right worthy to follow him that he doth, to finish that, which the other, praeuented with death, was not able to reach unto. Another sense there is, which, I grant, is (as it were) some-what far fetched: and yet so agreeable to other Scriptures, as that it is not amiss to think of it also. Some-what far fetched we may account it to be, for that taking it so, the meaning should be, that even in this place, where it may seem that the spirit of God meaneth no more, but to set down the Story of Ahaz: yet would he give unto us, in his example, a general rule of a special good point of doctrine for all, & for all ages ensuing: namely, that whosoever they are that go but negligently to work, and do not endeavor to be with the best: those by the just judgments of God, may very well be, even of the worst; and so ever are, but so far as it pleaseth God to stay them, that things be not among us too too far out of order. And so the meaning to be, that seeing Ahaz did not regard to walk uprightly before the Lord, as David before had done, therefore may no man think it strange, nor impertinent to the course wherein he was, if then he should quickly become the worst man living: and so, this to be noted (as it were) the Fountain, out of which the other [ C] (even all that naughtiness of his whatsoever) did proceed, and so might rightly and kindly do, though it had been a thousand times more than it was. For the words if we mark them, deliver unto us two principal pointes: one, in plain terms; the other likewise, if not necessarily, yet very probably implied. In plain terms it telleth us, what ways he held: such as wherein he did not uprightly in the eyes of the Lord, as his Father David before had done. It implieth, even here, not going any farther, very probably, that he had no care neither, so to do: and whatsoever wanteth of the certainty of it here, that is fully supplied by that which followeth, because he employed himself so ill. For a man might have a will to do well; and yet by infirmity fail very much in doing of it: but to be altogether occupied in so bad and base works, as the Text immediately after declareth he was, doth necessarily import, that he had no due regard unto the other; namely, to do uprightly in the fight of the Lord, as did his Father David before. Those other Scriptures whereunto it agreeth, are many: but some may serve to make demonstration of it. To the breach of the Sabbath it is known well enough, that the Lord appointed death, even when he required that free-will offering towards the building of the Tabernacle; and when the Work-men were to set in hand with their working on it, (Church-work as plain, as possibly may be:) as also that once he caused execution to be done on one who gathered sticks thereon. In which whosoever can mark, that the breach of the Sabbath cometh of ungodliness, and that wheresoever ungodliness lodgeth, there is all ungodliness besides, but so far as it pleaseth God specially to stay, he can easily see good Co-haerence in that judgment of God therein, and can more readily yield his heart unto the full justifying of it: as a judgment but very easy for all such parties, as in whom it is certain, that there is lodged so great iniquity. In the first Psalm likewise the Prophet setting down certain degrees in finning, doth immediately after the ungodly person set down the Sinner: to give us to understand, that no man can be ungodly or godless, but one way or other, he must be some detestable Sinner withal. The Apostle in his Epistle to the Hebrews, willeth us to leave now the principles of Religion, which he calleth the doctrine of the beginning of Christ, and to be led to farther perfection; and his reason is, that if we fall away, then are we in pitiful & hard estate: so teaching us to gather, [ D] that if we do not still endeavor our selves to go on to farther perfection, then are we in present danger to fall away also. The like unto which he hath else-where besides soon after following, either to draw near with assurance of Faith in the time of grace, or else to be in special great danger, of giving over the whole profession, and to return to our vomit again. Saint Jude likewise, exhorting the people of his time, earnestly to labor for the maintenance of the Faith once given unto the Saints, useth such fearful examples to move them thereto, as appertain not but unto such as fall away from it again, either in the profession it self, or joining a reprobate life unto it. So God telling us in the Story of Ahaz, that he had no regard of doing uprightly in the fight of GOD, as David his Father before had done (as his own doings sufficiently declared) may very well mean, to teach us thereby to gather, that thence it proceeded, that he became so bad as he was. On the Land if we journey, we may stay and rest a • our selves think good; and leese thereby no part of the way that before we have gone: but on the Water, where we have either Wind or Tide, or stream against us, if in such case we do not labor to go forward, then it is certain that we go back-ward. Such is the case that now we speak of: ever having mighty force against us, in all good proceedings whatsoever (the sway or usual course of the World, and the temptation of Satan without; the corruption also of our own Nature within:) so that if we do not earnestly labor, in the best manner we can, to go forward; then fall we back-ward still more and more, but so far as it pleaseth God to stay us. Those other speeches, whereby the ill ways of Ahaz are delivered unto us, and which speeches are usual and plain, do note unto us diverse sortes of ill ways in him: some, that seem to be referred to all his reign generally; others, that arose but at some time only, and upon some special occasion. Those that seem to be referred to all his reign generally, do witness indeed, that he was exceeding wrong: and leave us thus much withal, that nevertheless he was very devout and zealous in his kind. Exceeding wrong he was both in the ways of Israel, and in Heathenish Idolatry besides. The ways of Israel were, the service of those golden Calves: ascribed especially to the Kings of Israel, for that they were the deuisers and maintainers of them, as the only upholders of that Kingdom of theirs. And because the use of those Calves was to maintain that state of theirs in their Apostasy or falling away from the Tribe of Judah and Line of David: therefore was Ahaz the King of [ E] Judah so much the more to blame for worshipping them, not only because that also was abhominable Idolatry; but withal, because they were so directly contrary to his own State, and so strongly withheld the greatest part of his Kingdom and people from him. In his Heathenish Idolatry he both passed all others that were before him: and yet would have the use of theirs also. He passed all others that were before him, in that he spared not his own Children, but did such worship to Idols by them, as Heathenish Idolaters used some-times to do. That Hearthenish Idolatry that some of his Fathers had used before, and whereof himself would have the use now, was the worshipping of Baalim: and that he offered sacrifice and burnt Incense in the High-places, on the hills, and under every green Tree. That he was very devout and zealous in his kind, there can be at all no question of it; these things do so plainly and fully witness the same: but it is good that we do mark it, that so we may the better perceive, that in the most corrupt Religion that is, there may be a very devout and earnest zeal; and therefore that nobody rest in his zeal, unless he know the same to be right. Those other bad ways of his that arose but at some time only, and upon some special occasion, were certain offenses or slips that he made: one of them, when trouble began to grow against him; others, when he had safely passed a good part of that danger. The slip that he made when trouble began to grow against him, was in a bad refusing of special good savor offered unto him: and a base betaking himself unto an earthly fuccour rather. In which his refusing of that favor offered, we are first to consider what it was: then, whereupon it may seem, that it was so offered unto him. It was, that when Ahaz understood that the Kings of Syria and Israel had joined together to come against him and his people, he and his people being in great perplexity and sear thereupon, the Lord by his Servant the Prophet Isaiah bad him be of good comfort, assuring him that they should not in such sort praeuaile against him: and, for his farther assurance therein, willed him not to spare but ask a sign of the Lord, whatsoever he would, either in the depth beneath, or in the height above. But Ahaz being so bad a man as he was, it seemeth strange, that GOD should have such dealing with him by his servant the Prophet: and not rather to reprove him sharply for that his great Idolatry; and for it to denounce heavy judgments against him. Neither is it unlikely, but that the Prophet had such dealing with him also. But those two Kings were purposed, to depose Ahaz, or clean to [ F] destroy him, and to set up another in his room: a purpose directly against the ordinance of God, having before given that Kingdom to the line or posterity of David. So it seemeth, that God in that respect, would defend him against them: and thereupon use this gracious dealing towards him, by fair means the rather to win him unto some better ways. Howbeit Ahaz had brought himself so far in bondage to his own bad nature, that he would look for no such goodness at the hands of God, and so withal utterly refused that gracious offer. That earthly succor whereunto he did rather betake himself, and that basely enough too, was to seek help of the King of Assyria, now growing up to some special greatness: and, to speed the better at his hands, he both abased himself so far, as to term himself to be his servant, and his Son; an I withal sent him such a present, so hardly gotten together, as bewrayed himself to be too too fearful of them, even in servile and abject manner. He safely passed a good part of that danger, when the King of Assyria accordingly came, took Damascus, the head-Citty of Syria, and slew the King: for by this, the King was delivered from one great part of his fear. At which time again we find, that he foully slipped: first but only in the fashion of an Altar; but then otherwise, a great deal more grossly. When it was but in the fashion of an Altar, yet even that also was gross enough, both in being so new-fangled, that he must have such an one in the house of the Lord at Jerusalem, as he had seen at Damascus an Idolatrous Citty: and in placing it so as he did when once he had gotten it ready; wherein also it is not amiss to note, that the High Priest then, was as ready to provide it, as he to require it. Like lips, like Lettuce. When otherwise he offended more grossly, we have it noted unto us, first in respect of the time when so he did: then, in respect of that which he did therein. The time is noted to be, when he was in tribulation: so hardly are we anything mended thereby, unless it please God to vouchsafe us that mercy. That which then he did, was first concerning some in particular: then, certain others at large. Those that his doing concerned in particular were the God's of Damascus: and the Lord himself. The God's of Damascus, those foolish and absurd Idols, nevertheless found such favor with him, that now he became a worshipper of them; yea notwithstanding that they (as he took it) had plagued him: and his reason was, for that they (as he would needs be persuaded of them) had so well holpen that people against him (not considering that it was the Lord, who for his Idolatry sent them in upon him, and gave them power against him) they would no doubt help him likewise, if he were a worshipper of them. But as for the Lord, he found so little favor with him, that diverse things that appertained to the House of the Lord, and to his worship there, he did alter and [ G] deface at his pleasure: in one special thing, having the High Priest aforesaid concurring with him; doing the others but himself alone. He had the High Priest concurring with him, both in taking-in this new Altar, for the use of it, into the place of the former: and, in abasing the other. Into the place of the former this new Altar was taken for that the King commanded all those things to be done thereon, which God had before appointed to be done on the other: and Uriah the Priest did according to all that he commanded. The other was abased, not only in that the new was taken in nearer to the Sanctuary it self, and was withal bereaved of those services which God allotted unto it: but also in that it must be reserved, for the King (forsooth) for him thereby to inquire of God, wherein he would be sure but little to trouble it. Those others that he did but by himself, were, first that he did but deface, and used at his pleasure diverse things in the House of the Lord: and then, in the end, shut it up clean. So careful was he to reserve that Altar only to himself, thereby to inquire of the Lord: much like to our late Ahazes of Rome, who were so long fingering the holy Scriptures, to alter and change the ordinances thereof at their pleasure, that at the length when they could not make them sufficiently to square to their purpose, then did they take them (in a manner) clean away from us all, locking them up in a strange tongue, and making bloody Laws against the reading of them; and though they bare us in hand, that them selves would inquire of them, yet have they made it plain enough to the world, that they have little inquired of the Lord by them. The referrence that in these matters it is good that we have to those other Ancestors of his (such I mean as went immediately next before him) is no more but this, that seeing they declined still so much as they did, not regarding to serve the Lord, but (as it were) in a secondary manner, therefore to them might it be in some measure imputed, that now they have such a Successor following, as doth not so mince at the matter as they did, but overthroweth all at once, and maketh at all no Conscience of it: as also there is no better to be expected of the great estates of this age also, but that if themselves have but a secondary care in the advancement of the kingdom of Christ, while they are in place to do it, they will quickly so breed others ensuing, that will make at all no reckoning of it. The punishment that befell him for this, was most of it in his life: but some part of it also in his burial when he was dead. That which was cast upon him in his life, was to be over-run with his enemies: which for the most part we have set down but generally; but some part of it, more specially also. That which [ H] is set down but generally, not delivering any special story thereof unto us, is most of those to whom he made no means (that we read of) for any favor: but part of it also, of such as he had well waged to stand friendly to him. As touching those to whom he made no means that we read of for any favor, though we have no Story in what sort they came in upon him, and prevailed against him; yet have we Story of some hurt that they did him: the Syrians both getting a Citty from him, and many ptisoners too; the Edomites and Philistines getting away also, the former certain captives, the latter, certain Cities. Those that he had well waged to stand friendly unto him (which was against the Syrians) are noted also, nothing at all to hane holpen him, but to have troubled him: but it is not declared how. But meet it was, that he that was the professed servant of God, and yet had broken with him so foully now, should not find such good dealing with men when he did need it. That which is set down more specially, is, how the Israelites prevailed against him: in whom notwithstanding we have a notable example of obedience unto the word of the Lord delivered unto them by one of his Prophets. In that the Israelites so prevailed against him, it is good first to note, how it may seem that the encounter began betwixt them: then, what success it was that the Israelites had therein. The encounter may seem to begin betwixt them, not til the King of Assyria had eased Ahaz the King of Judah of one of his enemies the King of Syria: and that then, seeing the Israelites were come in against him, he would needs give them battle, whereas now it may be, that they could have been content, quyetly to have departed home again, seeing they were disappointed so much as they were, of their confederates. It may so seem, because this battle was on both sides foughten so sore as it was: the Jews standing to it, to so great a slaughter of them; and the Israelites making such havoc of them, and taking away so many Prisoners with them besides. A thing that was likely enough not to have been, if the Israelites could quietly have departed again, as not being so able now to deal with their enemies: and yet notwithstanding, that their enemies, accounting they had the advantage of them, would not suffer them so to do, but needs would take that advantage of them. The success that the Israelites had against the Jews herein, was very great: slaying down- • ight in the field, one hundred and twenty thousand (the reason being added, because they had forsaken the Lord God of their Fathers) and among them diverse of special account; and besides, took away prisoners with them, two hundred thousand, and a great spoil [ I] besides. The example of their obedience unto a Prophet of the Lord's was such, that although the Prophet did not tell them, that he came that message unto them • n the name of the Lord, but spake unto them, as it were of himself, and although he required of them that which would be to their loss and hindrance now, and though the matter it self was in a manner but civil: yet the admonition of the Prophet so wrought with certain of the principal Fathers, and with the whole Army, that they did not only dismiss them freely without any ransom; but withal both bestowed much of the spoil on them in very good manner, & carried them home to their own borders besides. That which befell him in his burial when he was dead, was, that he was not of his own people vouchsafed that honor, as to be buried among the Kings: a right judgment in it self; but so much the rather to be regarded, as at this time it might well proceed sincerely from them, without any private respect at all. For there is no reason, that such as so little regarded the glory of God, should afterward have that honor with men, which otherwise by their place had been due unto them: but rather, that all such should hold themselves fully contented, that while they lived, their people for fear did yield it unto them; and withdrew it again so soon as they hoped that without any danger they might. The reference that in these his punnishments we are to have to those ancesters of his, is no more but this, that whosoever they are that do wish well to their line, or to their children or Issue ensuing, it were good for them, not to hold themselves contented with a secondary care of Religion or advancing the glory of God, but to employ themselves about those things even in the best manner they can: otherwise, that they are to make no question, but that themselves do breed such a race, as, if they do not pluck on them some heavy judgment, it is the special favor of God that exempteth them from it, or otherwise reserveth them to endless torments against that great and fearful day.

15. Recouered they were again by Hezekiah who next succeeded to Ahaz [ A] his Father, now gone before; and reigned twenty and nine years: the last of all the Kings of Judah, while the Kingdom of Israel stood. Concerning whom, it is to be known, that he was a good one, and one of the best of them all: and yet that he was not without his infirmities neither. Considering of him as he was so good, we find that he was (at the hands of God) accordingly blessed: and so are we, first to consider of that his good service of God; then, how it pleased God to bless [ B] him for it. His good service to God we have first set down but generally: but then, more specially. Generally it is said, that he did uprightly in the sight of the Lord, according to all that David his Father had done: his trust being such in the Lord, that neither after him nor before, there was any such among the Kings of Judah; and cleaving so inseparably unto him, that he observed those his Commandments, which he by Moses before had given. When the Story cometh to set down the same more specially, it doth it in such sort, that as the Text a little before doth give him commendation, that after him none was like him among all the Kings of Judah, neither that there were any such before him: so indeed may we see, that there was a marvelous excellent zeal in him, and such as was hardly out-matched by any. But for that kind of speech, because it is attributed to others also, as not only to Solomon for his wisdom, and for the glory of his Kingdom, but also to Josiah for an excellent zeal that was in him likewise: it may seem that it was among them used, as noting such as excelled in their kind, and not so strictly as the very words themselves do otherwise import; or that therein they had respect but only to such, as within some usual or reasonable compass of time (such as came within their memory or near unto it) either were in place before, or after succeeded the Kings that they speak off. It may be also, that as it is agreed of all, that in Solomon it pleased God, in diverse of his excellencies, to give them a figure of their Messias that was to come: so, in those good Kings that followed, he would now and then renew it unto them again, so to keep them still in some comfortable expectation of him, and not to suffer that so needful an hope to be quenched among them. If so we may take it, then in these also may we not look only to themselves, but unto him whose figures they were, for the full accomplishment of those things that are there of them reported. And so is it marvelous true, even in the uttermost reach of the words themselves, that ever none is like unto him, before or after, nor any way comparable unto the most absolute of all. And this do I think so much the more needful to be marked here, for that most of our interpreters that yet I have seen, do clean omit it, and do not show us in what sense it is to be taken; and those that deal in it, in some of those places that give occasion to speak of it, do, as it were take up over soon, or take, as we term it, that which cometh next to their hand: especially, in that which is said of Solomon, and of Josiah; and go to certain odd particulars in this as the breaking of that brazen Serpent, and that great and strange slaughter of the Assyrians: But if we mark what sincerity [ C] and zeal do very plainly show forth themselves in the reformation that Hezekiah now wrought, we may well afford him, that special commendation be given unto him: and if in him also we raise up our consideration to their Messiah then to come, Jesus Christ, it is a thing not only manifest in it self, and clean beyond all exception, that none of those that were before him were like unto him, nor of those that followed him neither. How needful it was, that these close speeches, should be so plainly set in the text (ever to send out expectation further, than to those very parties themselves of whom then it spake) we may sufficiently perceive, first in the Jews for resting on some that were before, as Moses and the Prophets,, much more than on Jesus the Son of Mary, that followed after, notwithstanding the great works that he did among them: then in the Sarazens, Turks; Persians, and the Church of Rome too, for resting so much on others that followed after, Mahomet, the blessed Virgin, Angels and Saints. To all which purposes •• was good and needful, that ever (now and then) in the next, in the Stories of such as were the meetest to represent the person of Christ unto us, there should be such speeches inserted, as might witness that sufficiency and fullness in Christ, as that, in comparison of him, all others might give place unto him. How notably therefore Hezekiah now did his service to God, or how he abolished corruption, and advanced the true worship of God again, may sufficiently appear, if we consider, first what he did for the time present: then, for the time after ensuing. For that time present he was notably employed, first for his own kingdom only: then, for his own and Israel together. That which he did for his own kingdom only, was a notable reformation, to set up again the true worship of God; in the Story whereof we have most of it allotted to one special time: but one thing there is, that hath not the time allotted unto it; & it seemeth to have followed after the other. In that which is allotted to one special time, we are directed, first to note the time when he did set in hand therewith; then, what it was that so he did. The time is noted to be the first Moneth of the year in that account: and it seemeth, that his own reign did likewise concur, with the beginning of that first month; himself then being of the age of five and twenty years. So falleth it out, that so soon as ever he came to his kingdom, and in the flower of his yongth, he gave himself to that service of God which after ensueth: a very rare example, and so much the rather to be regarded, as that experience doth commonly teach, that we all generally at those years, especially such as are of greatest estate among us, are more youthfully given, and little regard such matters as those. That which so he did, was that he opened the doors of the house of the Lord, which his Father [ D] Achaz had shut up before, called the Priests and Levites together, and gave charge of sanctifying themselves and cleansing the place: and all this so effectually, that the Priests and Levites did presently set in hand therewith, and in sixeteen days performed the business. Which being done, then Hezekiah got up betime, and together with his Princes and Nobles presently offered sacrifice unto the Lord, and set up that his service again, in very good manner, to the great comfort and joy of Hezekiah himself, and of all the assembly besides. In which his Story one particular there is, of which, it seemeth to me, there need to be some warning given: and it is as touching the cleansing of the house of GOD, that here we read of. Which is by diverse accounted to be, that it was but from Idols, and from such things as to those Idols, and to their worshipping appertained. But seeing Ahaz did in the end shut up the House of the Lord, as we saw before, and yet was a great worshipper of Idols still, even to his death, it is not like, that he would so far have abandoned that house and the use thereof, if he had had any of his Idols there, of which he made any special reckoning. And yet not unlikely, but that, as there he praeferred that new Altar of his (the fashion whereof he sent from Damascus) unto the Altar that Solomon by God's appointment had made, and caused the sacrifices to be offered thereon: so might he have some of his Idols there too for a time, and some of his Idolatrous service there also used. But seeing it is plain that some time before his death he did quite shut-up that House, and so it remained until the reign of this Hezekiah; and seeing that by the speech of this King unto the Priests and Levites, it seemeth that the King and the people before had altogether abandoned the use of that House, together with the worship that was there to be done: it seemeth most likely, that neither had they any of their Idols here now, not so much as used now to sacrifice on that new brazen Altar neither; but that some other way they had defiled it, either by putting it to profane uses (as we diverse times do use such buildings or rooms, as we do not like of) or else that of purpose they had carried in much baggage and homely matter into it, so to wreak their bad hearts upon it. Otherwaies the Idols are not like to have been so many, nor their appurtenances so weighty, but that such a company as it seemeth Hezekiah got together at this time, would have removed in much less time than they did the uncleanness that now they dealt-with. But that this House of God [ E] might fall into so deep disgrace with them, as that in such sort they would abandon it, yea and vily profane it too, as before is noted, we may easily conceive to be likely enough by the experience we have of those that are Image-worshippers with us, so greatly loathing the Church and true Service of God as they do: and some of them, when they were on a gog, and had it in their hands to do as they list, so vily abusing the Communion-table, the Book of Common-prayer, yea and the holy Bible it self, as they did. That which he did for his own Kingdom, and for the Kingdom of Israel withal, hath a certain appendant to it appertaining: and so are we, first to consider of the thing it self that so he did; then, of that appendant thereunto appertaining. The thing it self was, that he did so well gather them altogether, to the holding of Passe-over unto the Lord, when the time was so far spent as now it was. For it was to be celebrated the fourteenth day of the first month, at Eeuen, whereas these had now already spent sixteen days of this first month in cleansing the House, and were themselves legaly so far polluted thereby, that they might not offer the Passe-over unto the Lord: but in such case were to rest until the fourteenth day of the second month, to be ready then to do it, and not to fail; as God by occasion had taken order long before. Now therefore the King, according to the liberty that God had given therein, determining to keep that Feast unto the Lord, & desirous to gather thereunto not only the people of his own Kingdom, but all the Israelites besides, sent special Messengers abroad to that purpose throughout all their quarters: wherein although he got but a mock for his labor of many of them; yet were there diverse of them that came in marvelous well, and putting-too their hands to destroy certain Idolatry first, did in good manner perform the business they had in hand. Not but that many of them did it not altogether in so good manner as they ought to have done, being so disaccustomed thereunto as they were; but that they did it with good hearts, and so well as their skill did then serve them: and that the King, perceiving that all was not so perfectly on all hands done as it ought to have been, besought God for them, and obtained such favor as that he did not lay those defects unto the charge of any of them. But otherwise the whole assembly were so zealously bent now, & both the King and the Princes were so liberal towards them, that needs they would holdon this solemnity seven days more of their own accord, worshipping the Lord, [ F] and rejoicing together in him, so as never since Solomon's time they had done before; and then were they by the Priests and Levites accordingly dismissed in very good manner: but not so content, before they would return home again, they went altogether throughout Judah, Benjamin, Ephraim and Manasseh, and destroyed both the Idols yet remaining, and the High-places and Groues withal, and then returned. The appendant hereunto appertaining, is of the Israelites only, and it is no more but this, that notwithstanding that now they did come in so well unto the Lord as they did; yet shortly after, even in the days of this Hezekiah, and in the fourth year of his reign began that heavy judgment of God to seize upon them, even in the beginning of it, and before the sixth year of his reign was ended, did fully possess it self of them: namely, that the Assyrians came in so strongly upon them, that they destroyed most of them, took away the rest captive, & placed others in their rooms there; so that now they ceased, from this time forward, to be anymore a people. A good pattern to show, that when we are even at the best, yet then are we odious enough unto GOD: and that the plague which Fathers have before deserved, may justly also fall on their Children, without any impeachment to the justice of God. Yet is it a good warning withal, to all the Idolatrous sort whatsoever, that they do not rashly judge of the hand of GOD upon his people: as here it may be they would happily take it, as if that hand of God had been so upon them, for that now they had so turned to GOD, and put down those idols, together with those High-places and groves, where the people did so corruptly worship. For the time ensuing, he likewise took order, both that the Priests and Levites should do their duty; and that the people should bring them in their due, in such sort as God before had appointed: and this latter the people so readily did, that the parties themselves confessed they had great plenty. Whereuppon the King took farther order, that those rooms should be repaired which were to keep that kind of provision for the continual maintenance of them, and that there all such things should be laid up, so to be in a readiness for them. And what state or people soever they are, that would have a Ministry to serve, they also must accordingly provide for their due maintenance too: the better Ministry they will have, the nearer to come to that allowance that GOD appointed; and the farther they will stand of from it, or the more they will take it short when once it hath been laid forth unto them, the more must they want the blessing that otherwise GOD would have bestowed on them thereby. As also it is good, [ G] here to mark, that when now that wonted allowance which God had before prescribed unto thē, was discontinued, they did not cast by that occasion to abridge it or take it in, much less to withdraw it, and to set them downsome pention for it, or to leave it to every man's judgment to allow them that which the givers should think a competent stay: but cast their eyes to the original, marking what God himself had ordained, and framing out their allowance now by the pattern of it. That which hath not the time allotted unto it, and seemeth to have followed after the other, is, how he dealt with that brazen Serpent which Moses by the appointment of God had set up in the wilderness long before: namely, that it also he brake in pieces, because he understood that before those days the people had taken up a dustom to b • r • incense unto it; and (belike when some did not seem to conceive well that so he did) said that it was but a piece of brasle. That it seemeth he did this after the other, doth probably arise, both out of the Text it self, and out of the nature of that abused creature. In the text it followeth after the other: first, but briefly, reciting or but going to the head of that, which elsewhere we have more fully described; and then more specially delivering this. In the nature of the creature abused, we may note, that those idols which he destroyed were but the fictions of men; and those very absurd & foolish: but that this brazen Serpent was first erected by God himself; & that by it, when time was, God did miraculously give present recovery to his people, such as were deadly stung with serpents when they did but look on it, so the better to lead us to him whose figure it was Most likely therefore it is, that he, minding reformation, woudl first begin with those gross idols: and then come to this also in the end. But what time so ever he did it, though some things there be that may seem to make some question in it, whether he did well therein or not: yet is it, being better considered, a fact that is worthy of special regard. True it is, that it was first set up by God, that by it, it pleased him to give recovery to the people, and that therein it was an Image of Christ, and both an honorable and a lively repraesentation of him: and true again, that •• plain terms the Text doth not commend him for it, but may seem to leave it in suspense whether he did well therein or not. But then it is plain again, that it is in the Text it self recited among his good works: and that his sincerity and zeal is there commended [ H] above many others who nevertheless are commendable too, for that he destroyed the High-places and Groues, which those others suffered to stand. And as for the learned that followed, there is not any question with any that yet I have seen, (neither might there justly be) but that it is there set down to his commendation. So may we account this fact of his very commendable even by the Text it self, though it be not in plain terms commended: and so doth leave us a good lesson, both for those that are in authority, and for the people: namely, that neither those that are in authority do suffer such among their people, nor the people repine to have such things abolished, as whose first & right use is now extinct or determined, or at least but needless, and whereon since there is grown any such abuse as is dangerous to others: and herein not to regard, though the first institution of it were to special good purpose, and very honourably (as it were) descended withal; as the use of this was once very great, and no meaner than God himself the Author of it?

16 How it pleased God to bless him for this and all other his good service to [ A] him, is so much the rather to be marked, for that we shall find, that as he was indeed specially blessed: so was he notwithstanding held in special exercise too. He was specially blessed, for that it is plainly recorded, first but generally, that the Lord was with him, and that he prospered, even in all things that he took in hand: then more specially, both that he prevailed much against the Philistines; and was very great and mighty at home in honor and works that were suitable thereunto, and in great abundance of treasure and riches. That notwithstanding he was held in special exercise too, it is so much the rather to be marked, for that as yet we do not find that any special way he offended: unless it were in with-drawing himself and his people from that subjection wherein they were by his Father Ahaz before, which also we do not find to be reproved in him. For as touching that where-with he is charged, that he was not so thankful to God, as he ought to have been, that was not yet, but afterward only, as by the course of the Story it is delivered unto us: namely, after that first he had been sick, and was now again delivered from that his sickness. Which that we may the better perceive, we are to note, that for the first thirteen years of his reign, it seemeth he was quiet (saving that in that time the Israelites were taken away, as we read before) and occupied, as we heard, in abolishing Idolatry, and in planting true Religion and the right worship of God again. But now in the fourteenth year of his reign, he had, as it seemeth, all the exercise [ B] that now we speak of: both the invasion of the Assyrians; and his sickness. The Assyrian, it might seem, invaded the Land twice: first, till he was pacified by Hezekiah, and that which he sent him; then, when he besieged Jerusalem it self, and departed not till he lost in one night the most part of his Army. When he was pacified by Hezekiah, and the present that he did send him, it is plainly set down, that it was in the fourteenth year of his reign. When he besieged Jerusalem it self, and departed not but when he had that loss of his Army, is likewise set down to be in the same fourteenth year of his reign. So it appeareth hereby, that both these invasions were but one, or atleast came very nigh together, and had not certain years betwixt, as a Marginall note of diverse learned would have us to conceive: but that when Hezekiah assayed to pacify Sennacherib, by his submission and praesents he sent him, the Assyrian took what was sent, but yet held on his purpose still. As also the circumstance of the place doth insinuate the same: Lachis being the very place, whether Hezekiah sent to obtain that favor; and it being the place too, from whence Sennacherib sent those his Captains and Hoast against Jerusalem, in that his supposed second invasion. That the sickness of Hezekiah was this year also, appeareth by the number of years that after his recovery were added unto him: they being fifteen; which together with his fourteen before, do make up his full reign of twenty and nine. Most likely also it is that this his sickness was, before Sennacherib, and the host of the Assyrians were retired, because the Lord doth by the Prophet Isaiah, promise deliverance, not only from that his sickness, but also himself and the Citty Jerusalem from the hands of the Assyrians: though I know it be expounded by some, as if this his sickness were after that the Army of the Assyrians was gone, and then that he would deliver him from them, though they came again to revenge their former losses. So when Hezekiah had yet no way offended, but had done special good service to God, and had set himself in hand therewith even at his first entering into his Kingdom, and that very zealously too, nevertheless it pleased GOD to exercise him with some kind of tribulation withal, and into that sweet cup of prosperity that he gave him to drink, to put in some bitter ingredients besides to mingle with it. Those were, first, by certain of his enemies: then, by his own bodily infirmity. Those enemies of his were the Assyrians, now growing up a-pace to a mighty state, to whom Ahaz his Father before had submitted himself and his Kingdom, to be holpen by them against the Syrians then joining with Israel against him: and [ C] to whom it seemeth that Hezekiah also had yielded some tribute (such as his Father had done before him) for some parte of his reign (how long, we know not;) but that after, when he grew more mighty, he denied to be so far in subjection, and leaned rather to the Egyptians. For as touching the Assyrians, the Text doth plainly say, both that he rebelled against the King of Assyria and served him not, or acknowledged now no allegiance unto him; and that afterward Hezekiah himself confessed, that he had offended, and now would yield what should be imposed on him: and as touching the Egyptians, Rabsakeh doth plainly charge him (whether truly or not, we cannot say) that he leaned unto them. Now it may well be, that Hezekiah conceived, that seeing he had so truly done his service to God, he might now safely withdraw his allegiance from the Assyrians; and that God would second him in it: but, if so he conceived, he did but deceive himself therein. For now the Assyrians came in so strongly upon him, that he was fain to yield to very hard conditions to be rid of them again; even to yield himsefe to bear whatsoever they should lay upon him: which also went so hard with him (for he laid upon him three hundred Talents of silver, and thirty Talents of Gold: able to wage an Army of six hundred thousand men, by the proportion we heard of hiering the Israelites before; the Golde in this being in value aequiualent unto the Silver) that he was fain to empty all the Coffers both of the Lord's House & of his own; and because that would not serve, to riue or rent off those Plates of Gold that himself before had dedicated (an hard shift) to the House of the Lord. So that seeking to deliver himself from that his chastisement, he now made it much harder unto him: and so it pleaseth GOD to deal some-times even with the best Servants he hath, both to hold them under correction: and if they do not quietly bear that, then to enlarge it farther unto them. Neither was this all, as it seemeth, that came in upon this, for that, as we noted before, it seemeth that this was all one voyage, when now he came to Jerusalem also: and then, that though he took what was sent (and that, belike now, but as part of his own, and meaning to be his own caruer for more) yet would he not so rest, but held on his course in hostility still. In which second part of his voyage, it shall be good for us to mark, first what is done by the parties themselves, or what it is that passeth betwixt them: then, how God in the end taketh up the matter himself. The parties are, on the one side, Sennacherib the King of the Assyrians, and certain of his Captains with part of his Army: on the other, Hezekiah the King of Judah, and certain others besides with him. And these parties have enter-course or matters passing betwixt them [ D] twice: first, while the King of the Assyrians lay against Lachis, a strong City of Judah, near unto the Western Sea (and so was he already run thorough the heart of the Coun • rey:) then also, when he removed thence to Libnah, another city near unto it. While as yet he lay at Lachis, he sent certain Captains of his with a good part of his Army, to Jerusalem, to make a proof whether they could get King Hezekiah willingly to yield: and, to that end, to terrify him and bring him in mind, that in no wise he was able to stand against him; and, among other terrible mists they should cast before him, that even his God in whom he trusted, could not deliver him out of his hands. His Captains did according to his direction; and were so far from slipping any part of that which was enjoined, as that they added more, and were therein more wicked than he: leading their A •• y against Jerusalem, and in the parly they had with three of the Nobles of Hezekiah, whom at their demand he sent forth (to the walls) unto them, upbraiding them with great weakness in most insolent manner; and turning their speech to the people besides that were on the Walls, they labored to terrify them all that they could, and to allure them unto them. When those Commissioners of Hezekiah returned from that their parly, and certified the King of the manner of it, he was much troubled thereat: and thereupon both he sent certain of the chief about him, in Sacke-cloth, unto the Prophet Isaiah to pray for them; and himself in Sacke-cloth likewise (after their penitential manner) went up to the House of the Lord, there to seek for favor of him. To this the Prophet Isaiah answered comfortably, that Hezekiah needed not to sear: that his enemy should do no hurt there, but return and perish at home. When Sennacherib removed from Lachis and went to Libnah (which was, as it seemeth, upon a fear that he conceived, that the Ethiopians were coming to join with Hezekiah against him; and, it may be, as to a more convenient place, to stop their passage, or to be better secured himself) then sent he other Messengers, and a letter with them, to the same end as before, but now to hasten him unto it, for fear that he might not tarry about it. Which his letter when Hezekiah had received, and read, he again went up to the House of the Lord (he having all his refuge in him) and spread the letter before him, as acquainting him with the insolency and blasphemy of it, and defiring him to take notice of it: and, in that his distress, to help him. We do not read that now at this time he sent to the Prophet again; but went himself directly to God by prayer: but God doth now by the Prophet send him a more comfortable message than before, being first more largely made, and confirmed by a sign; [ E] then, for his farther confirmation repeated again, and more expressly therein delivered unto him. These things being passed betwixt the parties, and being now to see, how God in the end took up the matter himself, we find that he made a quick and a ready dispatch of it there, in one night (and even the same after which the Prophet had sent him this second message; and so the Lord made no long tarrying therein) destroying of the most valiant men of his Army, one hundred fourscore and five thousand, so that he was fain to hast home with shame; and himself likewise at home, in the Temple of his own Idol, even as he was worshipping it, and by such as came of his own bowels also. Which so effectually wrought in the hearts of others, that many brought offerings unto Jerusalem, there to offer them unto the Lord; and praesents likewise unto the King: so that now he was, from this time forward, had in much more honor than before. That which was be his bodily infirmity, was a grievous sickness which that year also he had: as touching which his sickness, first we have the Story of that his sickness it self set down unto us; then, of one other thing thereunto appertaining. In the Story of his sickness it self, we find for a time, that his life was despaired: but that soon after there was good hope of recovery again. His life was a time despaired, first by the extremity of the sickness it self: then much more, by a message the Prophet brought him. The extremity of the sickness it self was such, that it is said he was sick unto death, or so dead sick, as we term it, that there was no hope of recovery in him. The message that the Prophet brought him, consisted of two principal partes; and both of the Lord: one, to put his house in order; the other, the reason why so he should do, namely, that he should not live, but dy. A good order to be observed of all, and so much the rather, seeing the direction is from God himself, that we should set things in order when we see that God is about to • ut us off here: and, because that time is ever uncertain, therefore ever to be in a readiness for that point also. In that hope of recovery that soon after arose unto him, we have noted unto us, first whereupon it arose unto him: then, what was the thing it self. It arose unto him (as out of a secondary cause) out of his great sorrow thereon, and prayer to God, that it would please him to deal more favorably with him. The thing it self was, that first he had assurance given: and accordingly did recover indeed. His assurance was, first by the word of the Prophet; then, by a sign: and both of GOD. The word was, that before the Prophet was yet gone out of the house, the Lord willed him to return again, and to tell the King, that on those his tears and prayer he had [ F] taken compassion on him: and both would give him fifteen years longer; and deliver him besides from those his enemies the Assyrians. The sign that was given him, was given upon the Kings demand; and wherein himself had some choice too: and it was, that the shadow in a Sun-dial there, should go back ten such spaces or portions as in that Dial were noted. But of what quantity of time those spaces were, whether full hours, or more or less; as also, whether but only the shadow went back so far (which was sufficient for that purpose, being miraculous enough in it self) or whether the Sun it self went so far back too: as the Text it self doth not declare it, so neither are the learned agreed on it. According to which promise before, and confirmation after by the sign that was given, the King taking a Medicine that the Prophet prescribed, he did recover. That one other thing hereunto appertaining, is, that writing of Hezekiah which he made upon this his sickness and recovery again: wherein he seemeth to have it a principal part of his meaning, to confess against himself the great infirmity of his mind therein, taking it so discomfortably, yea and so vnquietly as he did, that having been so careful as he was to serve God, nevertheless he must then be so soon cut off in the flower of his years, when he was not yet forty years old, and had not reigned full fourteen yet; but in the end he acknowledgeth the goodness of God therein, and promiseth to be thankful for it. Wherein it seemeth, that we may very well note (as indeed it is true, that all men have there wants, even the best that are) two special defectes in this good King; one, that he had no better comfort in that his way-gate; the other, that he did no highlier extol that so special favor of God in his recovery. For as touching that Way-gate of his, or that his departure that was threatened unto him, God be thanked there are so fair promises made, & so great good things assured unto us, in the estate next after ensuing, that although the flesh may well be allowed by course of Nature, to abhor and repine at our dissolution, especially if we have some good estate here, as he, it may be, accounted he had: yet may the faithful be very willing, if so it please God, to leave and abandon whatsoever they have here, to attain unto that which is provided for them there; and not only willing, but even glad and joyful, whensoever they see the time approaching, that they may be allowed that happy passage. So likewise, that he could not so rest in the word of the Prophet for his recovery, and yet could so easily do it for his departure before, but that now he must needs have a sign, when nevertheless that Prophet was now of very special reckoning, and long had been a [ G] known man among them, and known that God was wont to deal by him (for he had prophesied all the time of Ahaz his Father, Jotham his Grand-Father, and part of the reign of Uzziah his great Grand-Father also, all Kings of Judah) when as God now not only bare with that his great infirmity, but yielded unto him and gave him a sign, and that a very rare one too; and not only gave him a speedy and a full recovery but added fifteen years more to his life (a savor that he never heard to be vouchsafed to any before, nor we since:) howe likely a thing is it, that any man (lightly) would in such case be so affected with so strange and admyrable favor, that he could not tell, either how to begin, or how to take up in extolling of it; especially such an one, as was so troubled to hear of his departure before.

17 Nevertheless these are none of those infirmities that we spake of before: [ A] these latter being but only defects; and that other (his fear of death) so incident unto the nature of Man, that it is to be easily censured in any. But those infirmities that we spake of then, and of which we are to consider now, are but only those, where-with he is afterward charged: and in those we are to mark, not only what those his infirmities were; but withal, how the Lord did remember him for them. Such as they were, they are, some of them only noted generally: but one of them, more specially. Those that are noted generally, are two: one, unthankfulness; the other, as the Fountain whence it proceeded, loftiness of mind. Wherein he was unthankful we have not noted unto us, nor plaiuely to whom: but in that it is said, that he did not render according to the reward or favor that on him was bestowed, and we read not of any such special favor bestowed on him but only by God, and part of it by the Ministry of Isaiah the Prophet; out of this it may seem that it may be probably gathered, that one way or other he was not so dutiful to God as be ought to have been, or not so regardful to Isaiah. And true it is, that experience teacheth, that good Princes can hardly brook sometimes, to be in anything crossed by a Prophet, as we saw in Asa and Amaziah before: and this Story that now we are in, doth plainly show, that shortly after this Prophet we speak of came to Hezekiah, as sent from the Lord, and reproved one special thing he had done. So likewise, wherein his heart was so lifted up, or wherein he had that loftiness of mind, we have not set down unto us: but an usual thing it is, and very incident unto the Nature of Man, either in prosperity, or upon any special endowment (yea and upon a vain conceit of our own too, that some such matter is in us [ B] that is not) in all such cases to take upon us, not only before men, but over-often, even before God too. For these it pleased God so to remember him and his people too, that wrath came both upon him, and upon Judah and Jerusalem withal; notwithstanding, that they humbled themselves when they had so done: but not in the days of Hezekiah; neither is it declared what that wrath was that here is spoken of. But seeing that much wrath did afterward indeed fall upon them, in the days of all the Kings that followed, even in the days of Josiah, the best of them all (in the end of his reign) but then especially when the people and their Cities were for the most part destroyed, and such of the people as remained, carried away captive to Babylon: hence may we learn, that even the best men we have, may by their slidings be some part of the cause, of those heavy judgments that others more wicked do pluck upon them. That one infirmity of his, which is more specially noted unto us, is, that he was so open unto the Ambassadors of the King and Princes of Babel, who came to congratulate his recovery unto him, and to inquire of that wonder that was a little before done in the Lande (that, it seemeth, which was given him for a sign that he should recover) acquainting them very unadvisedly with his whole estate, even with his very treasure too: but noted withal, that the Lord left him therein to himself; and so may teach us, how vndiscreetely the best of us all may carry our selves, when we are not specially assisted by God. The punishment that he had for this, was, that the Prophet denounced unto him from the Lord, that a time would come, when all those goodly rich things of his, and all that his Progenitors had to that day gathered together, should go as a prey to Babylon; and that his Seed should be brought into subjection and service there: nevertheless, that this should not be till after his time; and the King was glad that it pleased God to vouchsafe him that favor. A fair warning for all others much rather, not to rouse our selves in those earthly things that God doth give us; but to be so much the more careful to serve the giver of them, and our selves to fear, or in humility of mind to bear a low sails in them: as also, that whereas we get so immoderately such things together to make our Children great, if our selves glory in them in the mean season, we may thereby overthrow all that provision unto our Children, and bring them to [ C] slavery too. Nevertheless, Hezekiah for his time had such peace, and did so shut up the course of his life, in so good account with his people, that in his burial they did him the most honor they could.

CHAP. 18.

1 THE Kingdom of Judah being thus recovered again by the government [ A] of this good King, and this recovery being begun while yet the Kingdom of Israel stood, and continuing many years after: now are we to see, in what case they stood, after that they had so fair a warning in their Brethren (and so strong, they being now cast off forever;) and when God, after that rejection of their Brethren, had given themselves about one hundred thirty & three years to settle them in, and to take better hold. But herein we shall see, that neither this sharp warning that now God had given them, neither this good time that after it they had to settle themselves unto better, did much avail them; but that still they were afterward such as they were before: first, for the time that immediately followed; then, for all the rest of their time that after ensued. In the time that immediately followed, was the reign of Manasseh, succeeding his Father Hezekiah in the Kingdom. In whose time, by the reason of their King that so did lead them, they did notably fall away again; and were for the same accordingly punished: but how long that reuoulting of theirs continued, we have nowhere declared. It is plainly set down, that the King himself did lead them unto it: and that he did reign very long, longer than any of his Progenitors before, even five and fifty years; and, that he was but twelve years old when he began. But then we have it delivered withal, that afterward he repented him of his Idolatry and looser ways, and restored the true worship of God again: but neither is it plainly set down, neither may it (so far as I see yet) by circumstance be gathered about what time of his reign it was that so he repented. The