Acts and Monuments Volume 1

King Edward the 5.

T His king Edward left behind him by his wife Elizabeth 2. sons, Edward, & Richard & 2. daughters, Elizabeth and Cicilie. Which 2. sons Edward & Richard, for so much as they were under age and not ripe to govern, a consultation was called among y ^e pieres, to debate whether y ^e foresaid young prince & king, should be under the government of his mother, or else y ^t Rich. Duke of Gloucester brother to K. Edward the 4. & uncle to the child, should be governor of the K. and protector of the realm, there hath been and is an old adage, the words whereof rather then the true meaning, is wrasted out of Solomon: Vae regno cuius Rex est pure. &. 1. Woe to y ^e kingdom, the king whereof is a child. &c. But if I may find leave herein to thrust in a gloss, I would this add and say: Vae illi puero, qui fui regni Rex non est. 1. Woe to that child, which is a king in a kingdom unruly and ambitious. There was the same season among other noble peers of y ^e realm, the Duke of Buckingham, a man of great authority, who had married King Edwards wifes sister. Because the duke being so near alliaunt to the K. had been vnkindely (as he thought) of the king entreated, having by him no anauncement nor any great friendship shown, according to his expectation, took part therefore w ^t Richard Duke of Gloucester, both against the Queen & her children, to make the foresaid Duke, the chief governor and protector. The which thing being broughe to pass, by the aid, assistance, and working of the Duke of Buckingham, the Queen took sanctuarye with her yōger son: the elder brother, which was y ^e king remained in the custody of the Duke of Gloucester his uncle. Who being now in a good towardness to obtain that which he long looked for, sought all the means, & soon compassed the matter, by false color of dissembled words, by perjury, and labor of friends, namely of the Duke of Buckingham, and the Cardinal Archbishop of Caunterburye, that the other brother also should be committed to his credit. Thus the ambitious protector and unnatural uncle, having the possession of his two nephews, and and innocent babes, thought himself almost up the whele where he would clime • : Although he could not walk in such mists and clouds, but his devised purposes began to be espied: which caused him more covertly to go about to remove from him all suspicion and to blind the people's eyes. But before, he could accomplish his execrable enterprise, some there were, whom he thought first must be rid out of his way, as namely the Lord Hastinges, and the Lord Stanley, who as they were sitting together in counsel within the tower, the protector (the matter being so appointed before) sodaynly rushed in among them, and after a few words there commoned, he suddenly hasted out again: his mind belike, being full of mischief and fury was not quiet. Who within the space of an hour, returned again into y ^e chamber with a stern countenance and a frowning look, and so there set him down in his place. When the Lord's were in great meruell and muse at the meaning hereof: then he out of a cankered heart, thus begā to bray, asking them what are they worthy to have, which go about to imagine the destruction of him being so near to y ^e kings blood, and protector of the Realm? At the which question, as the other Lord's sat musing, the Lord Hastinges, because he had been more familiare with him, thus answered, that they were worthy of punishment, whatsoever they were. Which when the other Lord's also had affirmed: that is (quoth the protector) yonder sorceresse, my brothers wife, meaning the Queen and other with her, adding moreover, and saying: that sorcere •• & other of her counsel, as Shores wife, with her affinity, have by their witchcraft, thus wasted my body: and therewith shown forth his left arm a wearish withered thing as it was never otherwise, as was well known.

This Shores wife had been before a Concubine to K. Edward, & afterward was kept by the same Lord Hastinges. Moreover here is to be noted, that by the consent of the said Lord Hastinges, the cruel protector had devised about the same time, the kindred of the Queen, innocently to be headed at Pomfret, of mere despite and hatred. Wherefore, this punishment not undeservedly, by the just hand of God, fell upon the said Lord Hastinges.

It followeth then more in the story, that when the L. Hastinges had heard these false accusations of the tyrant which he knew to be untrue: certainly (my Lord) said he, if they have so done, they be worthy of heinous punishment. Why quoth the protector, doest thou serve me with if and with and? I tell thee, they have so done, and that I will make good on thy body traitor: and therewith giving a great rap on the board (for a token or watchword) one cried treason without, and forthwith the chamber was full of harneysed men, The protector then approchyng to the L. Hastinges, arrested him as a traitor. An other let fly at the Lord Standley: who to avoid the blow shrunk under y ^e table, or else his head had been cleft a sonder: notwithstanding he received such a wound, that the blood ran about his ears. There were in that counsel y ^e same time the Archbishop of York, and Doctor Morton Bishop of Eli (by whose procurement afterward king Henry the vii. was sent for into England, and he made archbishop after that of Canterbury) these with the Lord Standley diversely were bestowed in diverse chambers. The Lord Hastinges was commanded to speed and shriue him a pace, for before dinner the protector sware by S. Paul, y ^t he should die: and so incontinently, without farther judgment, his head was stricken of, by whose counsel the Queens kindred were at the same time and day, beheaded at Pomfret.

After this tyrannous murder accomplished, the mischienous protector aspiring still to the crown, to set his devises forward, first through gifts and fair promises, did subordinate Doctor Shaw a famous preacher then in London, at Paul's Cross to insinuate to the people, that neither king Edward with his sons, nor the Duke of Clarence were lawfully begotten, nor the very children of the Duke of York, but begotten unlawfully by other persons in adultery on y ^• Duches their mother, and y ^t he alone was y ^e true and only lawful heir of the Duke of York: Moreover to declare and to signify to the audience, that K. Edward was never lawfully married to the Queen, but his wife before was dame Elizabeth Lucy, and so the 2. childrē of king Edward to be base and bastards, and therefore the title of y ^e crown most rightly to pertain to y ^e Lord protector. That this false flatterer, and loud lying preacher, to serve y ^e protectors humor, shamed not most impudently to abuse that holy place, that reverent auditorye, the sacred word of God, taking for his theme: Adulterae plantationes nō dabūt radices altas &c which he most impiously did apply against the innocent children & right heirs of this realm. Whereupon such grudge and disdain of the people with worldly wonder followed him, that for shame of the people crying out of him, in few days after he pyned way.

When this sermon would take no effect with the people the protector unmercifully drowned in ambitiō, rested not thus, but w ^t in few days after, excited y ^e Duke of Buckingham, first to break the matter in covert talk, to the Mayor and certain of the heads of the City, picked out for the purpose: that done, to come to y ^e Guildhall, to move the people by all flattering and lying persuasions to the same which shameless Shaw before had preached before at Paul's Cross. Which the Duke with all diligence and helps of eloquence, being a man both learned and well spoken, endeavored to accomplish, making to the people a long and artificial Oration, supposing no less, but that y ^e people allured by his crafty iusinuations would cry, king Rich. K. Ric. But there was no king Rich, in their mouths less in their hearts. Wherupon the Duke looking to the Lord Mayor, and asking what the silence meant, contrary to the promise of the one, & the expectation of y ^t other It was then answered of the Mayor, that the people peradventure well understood him not: wherefor the Duke reiterating his narration in other words, declared again y ^t he had done before. Likewise the third time he repeated his Oration again and again. Then the commons which be fore stood mute, being now in a mase, seeing this importunity, began to mutter softly among themselves, but yet no king Richard could sound in their lips, save only that in the nether end of the Hall, certain of the Dukes servants with one Nashfield, and other belonging to the protector, thrusting into the Hall among the press, began sodaynly at men's backs to cry king Richard k. Rich, throwing up their cappes, whereat the cittizens turning back their heads, marveled not a little, but said nothing.

The Duke and the Lord Mayor with that side, taking this for sufficient testimony, incontinent came blowing for hast to the protector, then lying at Baynardes Castle. Where the matter being made before, was now so contrived, that forsooth, humble petition was made in the name of the whole commons, and that with 3 sundry suits, to y ^e humble and simpel protector, that he, although it was utterly against his will to take it: yet would of his humilitye stoop so low, as to receane the heavy kingdom of England upon his shoulders. At this their tender request and suit of the Lord's and commons made (ye must know how) y ^e mild Duke seeing no other remedy, was contented at length to yield, although fore against his will (ye must so imagine) and to submit himself so low, as of a protector to be made king: not much herein unlike to our prelates in y ^t Popish church, who when they have before well compounded for the popes Bulls, yet must they for manner sake make curtesy, and thrice deny that for which they so long before have gaped, and so sweetly have paid for.

King Richard the third usurper.

A Nd thus Richard Duke of Gloucester took upon to be made & proclaimed king of England, the year aforesaid. an. 1483. in the mōth of June. Who then coming to the Tower by water, first made his son a child of x. year old, prince of Wales, & John Haward (a man of great industry & service) he advanced to be Duke of Norfolk, & Sir Tho. Haward his son, he ordained Earl of Surry. Also William Lord Barckeley was appointed Earl of Nottingham. Frances L. Louell, was made Uicunt Louell. L. Stanley for fear of his son, was delivered out of the Tower, and made Steward of the kings household. Likewise the Archbishop of York was set free: but Morton Bishop of Eli was committed to the Duke of Buckingham, by whom was wrought the first devise to bring in Henry Earl of Richmond into England, and to cōioin marriage between Elizabeth king Edward's daughter, and him, whereby the two houses of York and Lancaster were united together.

After the kingdom of England was thus allotted to king Rich. the usurper, as in manner above remembered, he tarried not long for his coronation, which was solemnised the month next ensuing, the 6. day of July.

The triumph and solemnity of this usurped coronation, being finished, & all things to the same appertaining, this unquiet tyrant yet could not think himself safe, so long as young Edward the right king & his brother, were alive: Wherefore the next enterprise which he did set upon was this, how to rid these innocent babes out of the way, that he might reign king alone.

In the mean time while all this ruffling was in hand what bread & sorrow the tender harts of these fatherless and friendles children were in, what little joy of them selves what small joy of life they had, it is not so hard as dolorous for tender harts to understand. As the younger brother lingered in thought and heaviness, so the prince which was a 11. year old, was so out of heart and so fraught with fear that he never tied his points, nor joyed good day, till the traiterous impictie of their cruel uncle had delivered thē of their wretchedness, which was not long in dispatching For after king Richard their uncle, first attempting to cōpass his devilish devise by Robert Brakenbury Constable of the tower, and could not win him to such a cruel fact (to die therefore) then he got one James Tyrell, joining with him John Dighton, and Miles Forest, to perpetrate this heinous murder. Which Dyghton and Forest about midnight entering into their chamber, so be wrapped and entangled them amongst the clothes, keeping down the fetherbed and pilowes hard unto their mourns, that within a while: they smothered and stifled them pitiously in their bed.

And thus ended these two young princes their lives, thorough the wretched cruelty of these forenamed tormentors who for their detestable and bloody murder committed, escaped not long unpunished by the just hand of God. For first Miles Forest, at S. Martines le grand, by peecemeale miserably rotted away, John Dighton lived at Calais long after so disdained and hated, that he was pointed at of all men, and there died in great misery. Sir James Tyrell was beheaded at Tower hill for treason. Also King Richard himself within a year and a half after, was stain in the field hacked and hewed of his enemies hands, torn and tugged like a cur dog.

Furthermore, the said justice of gods hand left not the Duke of Buckingham escape free: Which was a great maintainer and setter up of this butcherly usurper: for les then within a year after so God wrought, that he was himself beheaded for treason by the said king, whom he so unjustly before had advanced and set up.

In the same catologue and order of these wicked doers afore recited, we have also to comprehend two other, as well worthy of memorial, as the best or rather as y ^t worst. The name of the one was doctor Shawe, above rehearsed: The other doctor Pinkie, provincial of the Agustine Friers: both famous preachers, and both Doctors in divinity both of more learning then virtue (saith the story) of more same thē learning, & yet of more learning thē truth. Shaw made a Sermon in the praise of the Protector, before his coronation. Pinkie preached after this coronation. Both were so full of tedious flatterye, that no good cares could abide them. Pinkie in his sermon so lost his voice, that he was sayne to leave of & came down in in the midst. Doctor Shaw by his sermon lost his honenesty, and soon after, his life for very shame of the world, so that he never durst after that, show his face again. But as for the Friar, he was so far past shame, that the loss thereof did little touch him.

Mention was made a little before, of Doctor Morton Bishop at Eli, by whose means the devise was first broached, for the conioyning the two houses of York & Lancaster together. This devise was first broken to the Duke of Buckingham, which soon after cost him his life. But y ^t bishop more crafty to save himself, incontinent fled into Britain. Notwithstanding, the devise once being broached was so plausible, and took such effect, that message was sent over the sea to Henry Earl of Richmond, by his mother and by the Queen, mother to the Lady Elizabeth, that if he would make his return, and promise to marry with the said Lady Elizabeth King Edwards daughter, he should be received. To make a longer discourse of this matter, which is sufficiently set forth by S. Tho. More so ornately, it needeth not.

Briefly (to contract that in a small compass of words, which was not so small a thing in doing) after that the Earl Henry, with such other banished mē, as fled out of England at the taking of the Duke of Buckingham, had perfect intelligence by his mother and by the Queen and other friends moe out of England, how the case of y ^t realm stood, and how it was here purposed by his friends, that is, that he should with all convenient speed, hast his return over into England, promising to mary with Lady Elizabeth: he with all diligence as time and preparation would serve, advanced forward his journey, being well helped and furnished by Francis Duke of Britain, and so shipped his mē. Albeit his first voyage sped not, for that the winds turning contrary: by force of weather his ships were disparcled, and he repulsed back into France again. His second viage was more prosperous. Who taking the seas at Harslet, in the month of August. an. 1485. accompanied only with two thousand men, and a small number of ships, aryued at Milford Haven in Wales, and first came to Dale, then to Harford West, where he was joyfully received, and also by the coming in of Arnolde Butler and the Pēbroke men, was in power increased. Frō thence he removed by Cardigan to Shrewsbery, & then to Newport, and so to Stafford, from thence to Liechfield, his army still more and more augmented. Lyke as a great flood by coming in of many small rivers, gathereth more abundance of water: so to this Earl diverse noble Captains and men of power adjoined themselves as Richard Griffith, John Morgan. Rice ap Thomas, thē sir Georg Talbot, with the young Earl of Shrewesbery his ward, Sir William Stanley, Sir Tho. Burchier, and Sir Walter Hungerford, knights. At last the said Earl hearing of the kings coming, conducted his whole army to Tam worth.

King Richard first hearing of the arriuall of the Earl Henry in the partes of Wales after such a slender sort, did give little or no regard unto it. But after, understanding that he was come to Lichfield, without resistance or incombraunce, he was sore moved, and exceedingly took on cursing and crying out against them which had so deceived him, & in all post speed, sent for John Duke of Norfolk, Hen. Earl of Northumberland. Tho. Earl of Surrey with other his friends of special trust. Robert Brakenbury also liesetenaunt of the tower was sent for, with Sir Tho. Burchier, and Sir Walter Hungerforde, with certain other knights and Esquiers, of whom he partly misdoubted, or had some suspicious gelousy. Thus K. Richard, after most forceable manner well fortified and accompanied, leaving nothing undone y ^t diligence could require set forward toward his enemies. The Earl by this time was come to Tamworth, to whō secretly in the Euening resorted sir John Sauage, sir Bryan Sanford, sir Simon Digby, and many other, forsaking the part of K. Richard, whom all good men hated, as he no otherwise deserved. The king having perfect knowledge the Earl to be encamped at Tamworth, embatled himself in a place near to a village called Bosworth, not far from Leicester, appointing there to encounter with his adversaries. Here y ^t matter lay in great doubt and suspense concerning y ^t Lord Stanley (which was y ^e Erles father in law & had married his mother) to what part he would incline. For although his heart went (no doubt) with the Earl, & had secret conference with him the night before, yet because of his son and heir George Lord Straunge, being then in the hands of king Richard, least the king should attempt any prejudicial thing against him, durst not be seen openly to go that way, where in heart he favored, and therefore closely kept himself between both, till the push came that his help might serve at a pinch.

The number of the Erles part exceeded not to the one half of the side of king Richard. When the time and the place was appointed, where the two battles should encounter and join together, fore stripes and great blows were given on both sides, and many slain. If number & multitude might govern the success of battle, king Richard had double to the erle. But God is he, not man, that giveth victory, by what means it seemeth to his divine providence best. In what order and by what occasion this field was won and lost, the certain intelligence we have not certainly expressed, but only by the history of Polydore Vergile, whom sir Thomas More doth follow word for word. In the which history it doth appear, y ^t as these 2. armies were coupling together, king Richard understanding by his espials where the earle of Richmond was, and how he was but slenderly accompanied, and seeing him to approach more near unto him, he rather carried with courage, then ruled with reason, set spurs to the horse and raunging out of the compass of his ranckes, pressed toward the Earl, setting upon him so sharply, that first he killed sir William Brandon, the Erles standard bearer, father to y ^e Lord Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk, thē after overthrew sir John Cheny, thinking likewise to oppress the Earl. But as the Lord by his secret providence disposeth the event of all things, as the earle with his mē about him being overmatched, began to despair of victory, sodeinly & oportunely came syr William Stanley with 3. thousand well appointed able men, whereby king Richardes men were driven back & he himself cruelly fighting in the thick of his enemies, was there slave, & brought to his confusion and death, which he worthily deserved.

In the mean time the Earl of Oxford, who had the guiding of the forewarde, discomfited the forefrunt of king Richards host, and put them to flight, in which chase many were slain, of noble men especially above other, John Duke of Norfolk, Lord Ferrers, sir Richard Radcliffe and Robert Brakenbury Lieutenaunt of the Tower. &c. Lord Thomas Haward Earl of Surrey, there submitted himself, and although he was not received at first to grace, but long remained in the Tower, yet at length for his fidelity, was delivered and advanced to his recovered honor and dignity again.

This king Richard had but one son, who shortly after the cruel murder of king Edward's sons, was taken with sickness and died. The wife of the said king Richard (whether by poison or by sickness) died also a little before the field of Bosworth: After whose decease, the story of Polydore & of sir Tho. More affirmeth: that he intended himself to mary the Lady Elizabeth his own brothers daughter, and so to prevent the Earl of Richmond.

Moreover as touching the Lord Stanley, thus reporteth the story, that king Richard being in Bosworth field, sent for the Lord Stanley by a purseuaunt, to auaunce forward with his company, and come to his presence: otherwise he sware by Christ's passion, that he would strike off his sons head before dinner. The L. Stanley sent word again, that if he did, he had more sons alive. Wherupō the king immediately commanded the Lord Strange to be beheaded: which was the very time whē both y ^• armies were within fight, & were ready to join together. Wherefore the kings counsailers pondering the time and y ^e case persuaded the king, that it was now time to sight, & not to do execution, advising him to delay the matter till the battle were ended. And so (as God would) king Richard breaking his oath, or rather keeping his oath, for he himself was slain before dyner, the Lord Straunge was committed to be kept prisoner within the kings tente: who then after the victory gotten, was sought out and brought to his joyful father. And thus have ye the tragical life and end of this wretched king Richard.

Henry the Earl of Richmond, after hearty thanks given to almighty God, for his glorious victory obtained, proceeded to the town of Leicester, where was brought to him by the Lord Straunge, the Crown and put on the Earls head.

In the mean time the dead corpse of king Richard was shamefully carried to the town of Leicester, being naked and despoyled to the skin, & being trussed behind a purseuaunt of arms, was carried like a hog or a dog, having his head & arms hanging on the one side of y ^t horse, and the legs on the other side, all sprincled with mire & blood. And thus ended the usurped reign of king Richard who reigned two years, and two months. Ex Polydo. & Thom. Moro.

King Henry the vii.

W Hen king Henry, by the providence of God had obtained this triumphant victory, & Diademe of the realm, first sending for Edward Plantaginet Earl of Warwick, son to George Duke of Clarence, & committing him to safe custody w ^e in the tower, frō Leicester removed to London, & not long after, according to his oth & promise made before, espoused to him the young Lady Elizabeth, heir of y ^e house of York: whereby both the houses of York and Lancaster were conjoined together, to the no little rejoicing of all English hearts, & no less quiet unto the realm which was. an. 1485. This king reigned 23. years, and 8. months, and being a Prince of great policy, justice and temperance, kept his realm in good tolerable rule & order. And here interrupting a little the course of our English matters, we will now (the Lord willing) enter the story above promised, of Maximilian the Emperor, & matters of the Empire, especially such as pertaineth to y ^t Church.

Maximilian Emperor.

IN the year of our Lord. 1486. Fridericus waxing aged and partly also mistrusting the hearts of the Germayns who had complained before of their grievances, and could not be heard, and therefore misdoubting that his house after his decease, should have the less favor among them, for that cause in his life time did associate his son Maximilian to be joined Emperor with him: with whom he reigned the space of 7. years till the death of the said Fridericke his father, who departed. an. 1494. after he had reigned over the Empire. 53. years, lacking only but iii years of the reign of Augustus Caesar, under whom was the birth of our Lord and Savior Christ.

This Maximilian, as he was a valiant Emperor, prudent and singularly learned: so was his reign entangled in many unquiet and difficile wars: first in the lower Countries of Flaunders and Brabant, where the said Maximilian was taken captive, but shortly after, reschued & delivered again by his father. 1487. It was signified before how this Maximilian by the advise of y ^t Burgundians, had to wife Mary y ^e only daughter of Charles Duke of Burgundy afore mentioned, by whom he had 2. children, Phillip and Margarete. an. 1477. Which Mary not long after, about the year of our Lord. 1481. by a fall from her horse, fell into an agew, and departed. Other wars many mo, the same Maximilian also achieued, both in France, in Italy, in Hungary and diverse besides.

So happy was y ^t education of this Emperor in good letters: so expert he was in tongues and sciences, but especially such was his dexterity and Promptnes in the latin style, that he imitating the example of Julius Caesar, did write and comprehend in Latin histories, his own acts and seats done, and that in such sort, that when he had given a certain taste of his history, to one Pircamerus a learned man, asking his judgment how his warlike style of Latin did like him, the said Pyrcamerus did affirm and report of him to John Caron (the witness and writer of this story) that he did never see nor read any Germane story, a thing more exactly (and that in such hast) done as this was of Maimilian. Moreover, as he was learned himself, so was he a singular patron and aduauncer of learned students, as may well appear by the erecting and setting up the university of Wittenburg. By this Emperor many in those days were excited to the embrasing as well of other liberal arts, as also namely to the searching out of old antiquities of histories, whereby diverse were then by him first occasioned in Germany, to set their minds & to exercise their diligence, in collecting & explicating matters pertaining to the knowledge of history, as well of ancient as also of latter times, as namely Cuspinianus, Nauclerus, Conradus Peutingerus, Manlius, and other.

Here now it began right well to appear, what great benefit was broached to the world, by the Art and faculty of Printing, as is before mentioned. Through the means of which printing, the church and common wealth of christ began now to be replenished with learned men, as both may appear by this Emperor being so induced himself with such excellent knowledge of good letters, and also by diverse others famous and worthy wits, which began now in this age exceedingly to increase and multiplye, as Baptista Mantuanus, Ang. Politianus, Hermolaus Barbarus, Picus Mirandula, and Franciscus his cousin, Rodol. Agricola, Pōtanus, Philippus, Bero aldus, Marsilius Ficinus, Volateranus, Georgius Valla, with infinite other.

Among whom is also to be numbered Weselus Groningensis, otherwise named Basilius, who was not longe after John de Wesalia above recited, both much about one time, and both great friends together. This Weselus died the year of our Lord. 1490. After that Johannes Doctor De Wesalia aforesaid was condemned this Weselus being familiar with him, thought that the Inquisitor would come and examine him also, as he himself in a certain Epistle doth write. He was so notable and worthy a man that of the people he was called Lux Mundi. That is: The light of the world.

Concerning his doctrine, first he reprehended the opinion of the papists, as touching repentance, which they divided in three partes, of the which three partes, satisfaction and confession he did disallow. Likewise Purgatorye and supererogation of works & pardons he did disprove, both at Rome and at Paris. He spake against the popes indulgences, by the occasion whereof diverse of the Popes court, persuaded by him, began to speak more freely against the same matter, then he himself had done.

The abuses of Masses and praying for the dead he disallowed: and likewise the supremacy of the Pope, he vtterterly rejected (as appeareth in a book of his De Sacramento poenitentiae ) denying utterly that any supreme head or governor ought to be in the world over all other: affirming also & saying many times, y ^t the pope had no authority to do any thingby commandment but by truth: that is, so far as truth goeth with him, so far his sentence to stand: neither y ^t he ought to prevail by commanding but only by teaching, so as every true Christian Bish. may prevail over another. Also in some place in his writings he denieth not, but that popes and their spiritual Prelates, proceeding against Christ's doctrine, be plain Antichrists: such as were infirm and not able to perform the bond of chastity taken upon them, he said they might well break their vow.

Also the said Weselus witnesseth, that the forefathers which were before Albert and Thomas, did resist and w ^e stand the popes indulgences, calling them in their writings plain Idolatry, mere fraud and error: adding moreover that unless the severity of some good Divines, had not withstand these pardons and indulgences of the Pope: innumerable errors had overflown the church.

Amongest these works of Weselus, there is a certain Epistle of one written to him, • in which the author of the Epistle confesseth, that in his time there was a certain learned man at Paris called master Thomas de Curselis a Dean: who being in the council of Basel, whereas diverse began to advance the power of the pope to far, declared and affirmed, to be said to him of Christ: Quicquid ligaueris super terram erit ligatum & in coelo: &c. Et non, quicquid dixeris esse ligatum. That is. What soever thou shalt bind upon earth shall be bound in heaven, but not, whatsoever thou sayst to be bound. As who should say the pope cannot nor doth not bind therefore, because he so saith, except truth and righteousness go also with him: then he doth so bind in deed. There is a certain book of this man amongst diverse others, which he intiruleth, De subditis & superioribus, in y ^t which he disputeth greatly against y ^t pope & his Prelates: affirming that the pope unless his faith & doctrine be found, ought not to be obeyed. He affirmeth also that the pope may err, and when he erreth, men ought by all manner of means to resist him. Item, that great & superfluous riches in the clergy do not profit, but hurt y ^t church. That the pope doth wickedly distribute the rentes of the Church, and the Church it self, to unworthy Ministers by Simony for his own profit and gain, whereby it may appear that he neither careth for GOD, nor the health of the Church. Item, that the precepts and commandments of the pope and prelates be no otherwise but as the Councils and precepts of Physicians, binding no further then they are found to be wholesome and standing with the truth of the word. Item, that the Pope can command no man under pain of deadly sin, except God command him before. He saith that the keys of the Pope and of the prelates be not such, wherewith they open the kingdom of heaven, but rather shut it, as the Pharisees did. Concerning vows, he disputeth that such as be foolish and impossible, ought to be brokē: that the hearers ought to discern and judge of the doctrine of their Prelates, and not to receive everything that they say, without due examination.

He showeth moreover that the sentence or excommunication is of more force, proceeding from a true godly honest, simple and learned men, then from the Pope, as in y ^e Council of Constance, Bernard was more esteemed then Eugenius. Also if the pope with his prelates, govern and rule naughtely, that the inferiors, be they never so base, ought to resist him.

Writing moreover of two Popes, Pius the second and Sixtus the fourth, he saith, that Pius the second did usurp unto himself all the kingdoms of the whole world & that Sixtus the pope did dispense with all manner of oaths in causes temporal, not only with such oaths, as have been already, but also with all such, as shall be made hereafter: which was nothing else but to give liberty and license for men to forswear themselves and deceive one another.

This Weselus being a Phrisian borne, and now aged in years, upon a certain time, when a young man called master Johannes Oftendorpius, came to him, said these words: Well my child, thou shalt live to that day, when thou shalt see the doctrine of these new and contentious divines, as Thomas and Bonaventure, with others of the same sort, shall be utterly rejected and exploded from all true Christian deuines: And this which Oftendorpius then being young, heard Weselus to speak, he reported himself to Nouiomagus, which wrote this story. an. 1520. & heard it of the mouth of the said Weselus, an. 1490. Martij. 18.

Philippus Melanchthon writing of the life, of Rodolphus Agricola, saith: that Iosquinus Groningonsis, an ancient and a godly man, reported that when as he was young, he was oftentimes present at the Sermons of Rodolphus and Weselus, wherein they many times lamented the darkness of the church, and reprehended the abuses of the Mass: and of the single life of priests. Item, that they disputed oftentimes of the righteousness of saith, why S. Paul so oftentimes did inculcate, that men be justified by faith and not by works, the same Iosquine also reported, that they did openly reject and disprove the opinion of monks, which say that men be justified by their works. Item, concerning men's traditions their opinion was, that all such were deceived, whatsoever attribued unto those traditions any opinion of God's worship, or y ^t they could not be broken. And thus much for the story of doctor Wesellianus and Wesilus.

By this it may be seen and noted, how by the grace of God and gift of printing, first came forth learning: by learning came light to judge and discern the errors of y ^e pope from the truth of God's word, as partly by these abovesaid may appear partly by other that follow after by y ^e grace of Christ) shall better be seen.

About the very same time and season, when as y ^e Gospel began thus to branch & spring in Germany: the host of Christ's church began also to muster & to multiply likewise here in England, as by these histories here consequent may appear. For not long after the death of this Weselus in the year of our Lord 1494. and in the 9. year of the reign of K. Henry 7. the 28. of April, was burned a very old woman named Joan Boughton widow, and mother to the Lady Young, which Lady was also suspected to be of that opinion which her mother was. Her mother was of four score years of age or more, & held 8. of Wickleffes opinions (which opinions my author doth not show) for the which she was burnt in Smithfield the day abovesaid. My author saith, she was a Disciple of Wycliffe, whom she accounted for a Saint, and held so fast and firmly viii. of his x. opinions, that all the Doctors of London could not turn her from one of them, and when it was told her that she should be brent for her obstinacy & false belief, she set nothing by their manacing words, but defied them, for the said she was so beloved of God, and his holy angels, that she passed not for the fire, & in the midst thereof she cried to God to take her soul into his holy hands. The night following that she was burnt, the most parte of her ashes were had away of such as had a love unto the doctrine that she died for.

Shortly after the martyrdom of this godly aged mother in the year of our Lord, 1497. and the 17. of January, being Sunday, two men, the one called Richard Milderale, and the other James Sturdy, bare Fagots before the procession of Paul's, and after stood before the preacher in the time of his Sermon. And upon the Sunday following, stood other two men at Paul's cross all the sermon time: the one garnished with painted & written papers, the other having a Fagot on his neck. After that in Lent season upon Passion Sunday, one Hugh Glover bare a Fagot before the procession of Paul's, & after with the Fagot stood before the preacher all the sermon while at Paul's cross. And on the Sunday next following four men stood, and did there open penance at Paul's as is aforesaid, in the sermon time many of their books were burnt before them at the Cross.

FUrthermore the next year following, which was the year of our Lord. 1498. in the beginning of Maye, the king then being at Canterbury, was a priest burnt, which was so strong in his opinion that all the clerks & doctors then there being, could not remove him from his saith: whereof the king being informed, caused the said priest to be brought before his presence, who by his persuasions caused him to revoke, and so he was burnt immediately.

IN the same year above mentioned, which was the yere of our Lord. 1499. after the beheading of Edward Plantagenet Earl of Warwick, and son to the Duke of Clarence, the king and Queen being removed to Calys, a

ABout which yere likewise or in the yere next following y ^t xx. day of July, was an old mā burnt in Smithfield

IN the same year also, which was of the Lord. 1499. fell the martyrdom and burning of Hieronimus Sauonarola, a man no less godly in heart, then constant in his profession. Who being a Monk in Italy, & singularly well learned, preached fore against the evil life & living of the spiritualty and specially of his own order, compsayning fore vpō thē, as the springes and authors of all mischieues & wickedness. Wherupō by y ^e help of certain learned men he begā to seek reformatiō in his own order. Which thing the pope perceiving, and fearing that the said Jerome, which was now in great reputation amongst all men, should diminish or overthrow his authority, he ordained his vicar or provincial to see reformatiō of these matters: which vicar w ^t great superstition began to reform things, but the said Jerome did always withstand him, whereupon he was complained of to the Pope, and because that contrary unto y ^e popes commandment, he did w ^t stand his vicar, he was accursed. But for all that Hieronimus left not of preaching, but threatened Italy with y ^e wrath and in dignation of God, and prophesied before unto them, that the land should be overthrown for the pride and wickedness of y ^e people, and for the untruth, hypocrisy and falsehood of y ^t clergy, which God would not leave vncenēged, as ofterward it came to pass, when as king Charles came into Italy and to Rome, and so straitly beset the pope Alexander, y ^t he was forced to make composition with the king.

Now for so much as the said Jerome would not leave of preaching, he was commanded to appear before the pope, to give accompt of his new learning, (for so thē they called the truth of the Gospel,) but by means of the manifold perilles, he made his excuse that he could not come. Then was he again forbidden by the pope to preach, and his learning pronounced and condemned as pernicious, false and seditious.

This Hieronimus, as a man worldly wise, foreseeing the great perils and dangers that might come unto him, for fear, left of preaching. But when as the people, which fore hungered and longed for God's word, were instant upon him that he would preach again, he began again to preach in the year of our Lord. 1496. in the City of Florence, and albeit y ^t many counseled him that he should not so do without the Popes commandment, yet did he not regard it, but went forward freely of his own good will. When as the Pope and his shauelinges heard news of this, they were grievously incensed and inflamed against him, and now again cursed him, as an obstinate and stiffnecked heretic. But for all that, Hieronimus proceeded in teaching and instructing the people, saying that men ought not to regard such curses, which are against y ^e true doctrine and the common profit, whereby the people should be learned and amended, Christ kingdom enlarged, and the kingdom of the devil utterly overthrown.

In all his preaching he desired to teach no other thing then the only pure and simple word of God, making often protestation that all men should certify him if they had heard him teach or preach any thing contrary thereunto, for upon his own conscience he knew not y ^t he had taught any thing but the pure word of God. What his doctrine was all mē may easily judge by his books y ^t he had writ̄.

After this, in the year of our Lord. 1498. he was takē and brought out of S. Markes cloister, & two other Friars with him, named Dominic and Sylvester, which favored his learning, and was carried into prison, whereas he wrote a godly meditation upon that most comfortable 31. psalm In te Domine speraui non confundar in aeternūsed in iusticia tua libera me. Wherein he doth excellently describe and set forth, the continual strife between the flesh and the spirit.

After this the Popes Legates came to Florence, & called forth these three good men, threatening thē marvelously but they continued still constant. Then came the chief coūsailers of the city, with the popes commissioners, which had gathered out certain Articles against these men, whereupon they were condemned to death: the tenor of which Articles hereafter ensue.

• 1. The first article was as touching our free justification through faith in Christ.
• 2. That y ^e communion ought to be ministered under both kinds.
• 3. That the indulgences and pardons of the pope, were of no effect.
• 4. For preaching against the filthy and wicked living of the Cardinals and spiritualty.
• 5. For denying the popes supremacy.
• 6. Also that he had affirmed, that the keys were not given unto Peter alone, but unto the universal Church.
• 7. Also, that the pope did neither follow the life nor doctrine of Christ, for that he did attribute more to his own pardons and traditions, then to Christ's merits, and therefore he was Antichrist.
• 8. Also, that the popes excommunications are not to be feared, and that he which doth fear or fly them, is excommunicate of God.
• 9. Item, that auriculer confession, is not necessary.
• 10. Item, that he had moved the Citizens to uproar and sedition.
• 11. Item, that he had neglected and contemned the popes Citation.
• 12. Item, that he had shamefully spoken against, & slandered the pope.
• 13. Itē, that he had taken Christ to witness of his naughtiness and heresy.
• 14. Also, y ^t Italy must be cleansed through God's scourge, for the manifold wickedness of the princes and clergy.

These & such other like Articles, were laid unto them & read before them. Then they demanded of the said Jerome and his companions, whether they would recant & give over their opinions. Whereunto they answered, that through God's help, they would steadfastly continue in the manifest truth, and not depart from the same. Then were they disgraded one after another, by the bishop of Uasion and so delivered over to the secular rulers of Florence, w ^t straight commandment, to carry them forth, and handle them as obstinate and stiffnecked heretics,

Thus, was the worthy witness of Christ, with the other two aforesaid, first hanged up openly in the market place, and afterward burnt to ashes, and the ashes gathered up, & cast into the River of Arum, the 24. day of May in the year of our Lord 1499. Ex Catal. testium. Illyrici.

This man foreshowed many things to come, as the destruction of Florence and Rome, and the renewing of the Church: which three things, have happened in these times within our remembrance. Also he foreshowed that the Turks and Mores in the latter days, should be converted unto Christ. He also declared that one should pass the Alps into Italy, like unto Cirus, which should subvert and destroy all Italy. Whereupon Johannes Franciscus Picus, Earl of Mirandula, called him a holy prophet, and defended him by his writings against the pope. Many other learned men also, defend the innocence of the said Sauonarola. Marsilius Ficinus also in a certain Epistle doth attribute unto him the spirit of prophecy, greatly commending and praising him. In the like manner Philippus Comineas a French historiographer, which had conference with him witnesseth that he was a holy man, and full of y ^e spirit of prophecy, for so much as he had foreshowed unto him so many things, which in event had proved true.

There were besides these, many other, not to be passed over or forgotten: as Phillip Norice an Irishman, professor at Oxford, who albeit he was not burned (yet as it is said) he was long time vexed and troubled by the religious route. But would to God, that such as have occupied themselves in writing of histories, and have so diligently committed unto memory all other things done in foreign common wealths, had bestowed the like diligence & labor, in noting and writing those things, which pertain unto the affairs of the Church: whereby the posterity might have had fuller and more perfect understanding & knowledge of them.

This Sauonarola above mentioned, suffered under pope Alexander the 6. of which pope, more leisure & opportunity shall serve hereafter (Christ willing) to entreat, after that we shall first make a little digression to entreat of certain cases and complaints of the Germaynrs, incidēt in the mean time, which as they are not to be overpast in silence, so can they have no place nor time more convenient to be inferred. What complaints of the Germans were made and moved unto the Emperor Frederick against the popes suppressions and exactions, mention was made before pag. 724. where also was declared, howe the said Germans at that time, were twice put back and forsakē of the Emperor: whereby they continued in y ^e same yoke and bondage, until the time of Luther. Wherefore it cometh now to hand, and we think it also good, here briefly to declare, how the said Germaynes, in the time of Maximilian the Emperor: renewing their complaints again, delivered unto the Emperor, x. principal grievances. whereby the Germaynes have been long time oppressed: showing also the remedies against the same, with certain aduisements unto the Emperors majesty, how he might withstand and resist the popes subtleties and crafts: The order and tenor whereof here ensueth.

Hereafter ensueth the copy of a certain letter of y ^e Emperor Maximiliā, given out in manner of a decree or commandment, against certain abuses of the Clergy. Wherunto we have also annexed the answer of Jacobus Selestadiensis, unto the Emperors letters, wherein he seemeth also to have sought advise for the remedy of the like abuses▪ which we thought good here not to be omitted.

Here ensueth the copy of a letter written unto the Emperor Maximilian,

To return now to the order of Popes where we left before speaking of Innocentius the eight, after the said Innocentius, next succeeded Pope Alexander the 6. In which Alexander, among other horrible things, this is one to be noted, that when Gemes (Peucerus named him Demes) brother to Balazetes the great Turk, was committed by the Rhodians, to the sat custody, first of Pope Innocent, then of Alexander the 6. for whose keeping the Pope received every year 40000. crowns: yet notwithstanding, whē pope Alexander afterward was cōpelied to send the said Gemes to Charles the eight the French king for a pledge: because the French king should not procure the great Turks favor, by sending his brother Gemes to him to be slain, he being hired by the Turk, caused the said Gemes to be poisoned, who in his journey going toward the French king, died at Terracina. Ex Hieronymo Mario.

Moreover in the said Dicronymus Marius it appeareth, that this Alexander taking displeasure with the foresaid Charles the French king, about the winning of Naples, sent to Baiazetes the Turk, to fight against the foresaid Clarles. Ex eodem.

Munsterus lib. 4. Cosmog Declaring the foresaid history of Gemes, something otherwise, first calleth him Zizymus, and saith, that he was first committed by the Rhodians to the french king. And when as Johannes Hunyadi afore mentioned, did labor to the French king to have him, thinking by that means to obtain a noble victory against the Turk, as it was not unlike: this Alexander the pope, thorough his fraudulent flatterye, got him of the French King, into his own hands: by whose means the said Gemes afterward was poisoned, as is in manner before expressed.

Unto these poisoned acts of the Pope, let us also adioin his malicious wickedness, with like fury exercised vpō Antonius Mancinellus, which Mancinellus being a mā of excellent learning, because he wrote an eloquēt oratiō against his wicked manners & filthy life, with other vices, he therefore commanded both his hands & his tongue to be cut of, playing much like with him, as Antonius y ^e tirant once did with M. Cicero, for writing against his horrible life. At length, as one poison requireth another, this poisoned Pope, as he was sitting with his Cardinals, & other rich Senators of Rome at dinner, his servants vuwares brought to him a wrong bottle, wherewith he was poisoned, and his Cardinals about him.

In the time of this Pope Alexander, also it happened (which is not to be pretermitted) how that the Angel which stood in the high top of the Popes Church, was beaten down with a terrible thunder: which thing seemed then to declare the ruin and fall of the Popedom. After this Pope next succeeded Pius the 3. about the year of our Lord 1503. After whom came next Julius the second a man so far passing all other in iniquity, that Wicelius, & such other of his own friends writing of him, are compelled to say of him, Marti illum quam Christo deditiorem fuisse : that is, that he was more given to war and battle, then to Christ. Concerning the madness of this man this is most certaynely known, that at what time he was going to war, he cast the keys of S. Peter into the river of Tybris, saying, that for as much as the keys of Peter would not serve him to his purpose, he would take himself to the sword of Paul. Wherupon Philip Melancthō, amongst many other writing upon the same, maketh this Epigrame.

Of this Julius it is certaynely reported, that partly w ^t his wars, partly with his cursinges, within the space of 7, years, as good as 200000. Christians were destroyed. Fyrst he besieged Rauenna against the Uenetians, then Seruia, Imola, Fauentia, Foroliuium, Bononia and other cities, which he gate out of Princes hands, not without much bloodshed. The Chronicles of John Steban maketh mention, that when this Julius was made Pope he took an oathe, promising to have a Council within two years: but when he had no leisure thereunto, being occupied with his wars in Italy among the Uenetians, and with the French king, and in Ferraria, and in other countries: 9. of his Cardinals departing from him, came to Millayne, and there appointed a Council at the Citty of Pise, amongst whom the chief, were Bernardus, Cruceius, Gulielmus Prenestinus, Franciscus Cōstantinus, with diverse others: amongst whom also were adjoined the Procuratours of Maximilian the Emperor, and of Charles▪ the French king. So the Council was appointed the year of our Lord 1511. to begin in the Kalendes of September. The cause why they did so call this Council was thus alleged, because the Pope had so brokē his oth, and all this while he gave no hope to have any council, & also because there were diverse other crimes, whereupō they had to accuse him. Theyr purpose was to remove him out of his seat, the which he had procured through bribes and ambition. Julius hearing this, giveth out contrary commandment under great pain, no man to obey them, & calleth himself another council against the next year, to be begun the 19. day of April. The French king vnderstading Pope Julius to join with the Uenetians, and so to take their part against him, couented a council at Thurin in the month of September, in the which council these questions were proposed.

Unto the which questions it was answered, that neither the bishop ought to invade, and also that it was lawful for the king to defend himself. Moreover that the Pragmaticall sanction was to be observed thorough the realm of France: Neither that any unjust excommunications ought to be feared, if they were found to be unjust. After this the king sent unto Julius, the answer of his council, requiring him either to agree to peace, or to appoint a generalll Council some other where, where this matter might be more fully decided. Julius would neither of both these, but forthwith accursed Charles the French king, with all his kingdom. At the lenth, at Rauenna in a great war, he was overcome by the freēch king, and at last, after much slaughter and great bloodshed, and mortal war, this Pope died in the year of our Lord 1513. the 21. day of February.

If it were not that I fear to overlay this our volume w ^t heaps of foreigne histories, which have professed chiefly to entreat of Acts and Monuments here done at home: I would adioine after these popes above rehearsed, some discourse also of the Turks story: of their rising, and cruel persecution of the say • tes of God, to the great anoiance and peril of Christendom: yet notwithstanding certain causes there be which necessarily require the knowledge of their order and doings, and of their wicked proceedings, their cruel tyranny, and bloody victories, the ruin & subversion of so many Christian Churches, with the horrycle murders and captiui • ye of infinite Christians to be made plain and manifest, as well to this our country of England, as also to other nations:

First for the better explayning of the Prophecies of the New Testament, as in S. Paul's Epistle ad Chessall, and also in the revelation of S. John. Which Scriptures otherwise, without the opening of these histories, cannot so perfectly be understand. Ofthe which Scriptures we mind hereafter (Christ granting) orderly, as the course of matter shall lead us, to make rehearsal.

An other cause is, that we may learn thereby either with the public Church, to lament with our brethren such a great defection and decay of Christian faith, through these wicked Turks: or else may fear thereby our own danger.

The third cause, that we may pōder more deeply with our selves, the scourge of God for our sins, and corrupt doctrine, which in the sequel hereof, more evidently may appear to our eyes, for our better admonition.

Fourthly, the consideration of this horrible persecution of the Turks, rising chiefly by our discord and dissention among our selves, may reduce us again from our domestical wars, in killing and burning one of another, to join together in Christian patience and concord.

U. but chiefly these great victoryes of the Turks and unprosperous speed of our men fighting against thē, may admonish & teach us, following the example of the old Israelites, how to seek for greater strength to encounter with these enemies of Christ, then hitherto we have done. First we must consider, that the whole power of Satan y ^e prince of this world, goeth with the Turks. Which to resist, no strength of man's arm, is sufficient, but only the name, spirit, and power of our Lord Jesus the son of god, going with us in our battles, as among the old Israelites, the Arcke of God's covenant and promise went with them also, fighting against the enemies of God. For so are we taught in Scripture, that we christen mē have no strength, but in Christ only. Whether we war against the deuilt, or against the Turk it is true that the Scripture saith: Sine me nihil potestis facere. i. without me you ea do nothing. Otherwise there is no puissaunce to stand against y ^e devil or to conquer the world, Nisi fides nostra : that is, our faith only all the promises of God (touching salvation) be annexed, beyond which promises we must not go, for the word must be our rule. He that presumeth beyond the promises in the word expressed, goeth not, but wandereth, he cannot tell whether. Neither must we appoint God, how to save the world, but must take that way which he hath appointed. Let us not set our God to school, nor cōprehēd his holy spirit within our sculles. He that made us w ^t out our counsel, did also redeem us as pleased him. If he be merciful, let us be thankful. And if his mercies surmoūt our capacity, let us therefore not resist, but search his word, and thereunto apply our will: which if we will do, all but contentious will soon be at a point. Let us therefore search the will of our God in his word, and if he will his salvation to stand free to all nations, why do we make merchandise thereof? If he have graciously offered his waters to us, without money or money worth, let us not hedge in the plētuous springes of his grace given us.

And finally, if God have determined his own son only to stand alone, let not us presume to admixt with his majesty any of our trumpery. He y ^t bringeth S. George or S. Deuise as patrons, to y ^e field to fight against y ^e turk, leaveth Christ (no doubt) at home. Now how we have fought these many years against the Turk: though stories keep silence, yet y ^e success declareth. We fight against a persecutor, being no less persecutors our selves. We wrestle against a bloody tyrant, and our hands be as full of blood as his. He killeth Christ's people with the sword: and we burn them with fire. He observing the works of the law, seeketh his justice by the same: the like also do we. But neither he nor we seek our justification as we should, that is, by faith only in the son of God.

And what marvel then, if our doctrine being as corrupt almost, as his: and our conversation worse, if Christ fight not with us, fighting against y ^e Turk? The Turk hath prevailed so mightily, not because Christ is weak, but because that Christians be wicked, and their doctrine impure. Our temples with Images, our hearts with idolatry are polluted: Our priests stinck before God for adultery, being restrained from lawful matrimony. The name of god is in our mouths, but his fear is not in our harts. We war against the Turk with our works, Masses, traditions and ceremonies: but we fight not against him with Christ and with the power of his glory, with if we did, the field were won.

Wherefore briefly to conclude, saying my judgment in this behalf, what I suppose: this hope I have, & do believe that when the Church of Christ with the Sacraments thereof, shall be so reformed, that Christ alone shall be received to be our justifier, all other religions, merits, tradition, images, patrons and advocates set a part: the sword of the Christians, with the strength of Christ, shall soon vanquish the Turks pride and fury. But of this more largely in the process of this story.

The sixte and last cause, why I think the knowledge of the Turks history, requisite to be considered, is this: because that many there be, which for y ^e they be farther frō the Turks, and think therefore themselves to be out of danger, take little care and study, what happeneth to their other brethren. Wherefore to the intent to excite their zeal and prayer to almighty God, in this so lamentable ruin of Christ's church: I thought it requisite by order of history, to give this our natiō also something to understand, what hath been done in other nations by these cruel Turks, and what detriment hath been and is like more to happen by them, to the Church of Christ, except we make our earnest inuocatiō to almighty God, in the name of his son, to stop the course of the devil by these Turks, and to stay this defection of Christians falling daily unto them, and to reduce them again to his faith which are fallen frō him. Which the Lord Jesus of his grace, grant with speed. Amen.

Before we enter into this story of the Turks and Saracens, first let us call to remembrance the Prophecy and forewarning of S. Paul writing to the Thess. in his 2. Epistle, in these words: Be not moved nor troubled in your minds, either by preaching, or by writing, or by letter frō us, as though the day of the Lord were at hand: for the Lord will not come except there come a defection first, and the wicked person be revealed. &c. Of this defection sundry minds there be, of sundry expositors: some thinking this defection to mean a falling away from the Empire of Rome: some from the obedience of the Pope. But as S. Paul little passed upon the outward glory of the Romayn Empire: so less he passed upon the proud obedience of the Pope. What Saint Paul meant by this defection, the reading of these Turkishe stories, and the miserable falling away of these Churches by him before planted, will soon declare.

Another mistery there is in the Re • elations, Apoc. 13. where the number of the beast is counted 666. Whereby may seem by all evidences, to be signified the first origene and springing of these beastly Saracens, as by sequel hereof may appear by the first rising of this devilish sect of Muhammad.

Moreover, another place there is, cap. 16. Apoca. where we read that by pouring out of the Phial of God's wrath. of the sixth Angel, the great flood Euphrates was dried up, to let in the kings of the East: the opening of which Prophecy, may also more evidently appear, in considering the order and manner of the coming in of these Turks into Europe.

Some also apply to the Turks certain Prophecyes of Daniel, Ezekiel, and other places of the old Testament moe, which here I omit, for so much as the Prophecyes of the Old Testament, if they be taken in their proper & native sense, after my judgment, do extend no further, then to the death of our Savior, and the end of the Jews kingdom. Albeit herein I do not prejudicate to any man's opiniō, but that every man may abound in his own sense.

As touching the year and time when this pestiferous sect of Muhammad first began, histories do not fully consent: Some affirming that it began, an. 621. and in the 10. year of Heraclius Emperor of Constantinople: in which mind is Johannes Lucidus. As Munsterus counteth, it was in the year of our Lord 622. Martin Luther, & John Carion referreth it to the 18. year of the reign of Heraclius, which is the yere of our Lord 630. Unto the which mumber the computation of the Beast signified in the Apocali. doth not far disagree, which numbereth the name of the Beast, with three Greek letters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which Greek letters after the supputation of the Greciās, make the number of 666.

In this all writers agree, that this damnable Muhammad was borne in the country of Arabia, bordering on the East part of Jewry. His father was a Syrian, or a Persian, his Mother was an Ismalite, which Ismalites being a people of Arabia, were called then Agarens: which term Muhammad afterward turned to the name of Saracens. Of this wretched Mahumete mention was made before. pag. 124. where we shown, how he making himself the highest Prophet of all other, yet denieth not Christ to be an holy Prophet and next to him, and Moses also to be another. Moreover he denieth not Mary the mother of Christ to be a uirgin, and to have conceived Christ by the holy ghost, affirming further that Christ in his own person was not crucified, but another called Judas for him. He greatly commendeth also John the son of Zacharias for a virgin: whē he himself permitteth a man to have 4. wives, and as many concubines as he is able to find: & saith that where as Christ & other Prophets had the gift given them to work miracles, he was sent by force of sword, to compel men to his religiō. The prodigious vanityes, lies, & blasphemies contained in his law called Quran, are rather to be laughed at, then recited.

It is thought that Sergius a Nestorian, was a great doer with Māhumet, in cōtriuing of this lying Alchorā & so it doth well appear by the scope and pretence thereof which especially tēdeath to this end, to take the divinity frō the person of Christ, whom he granteth notwithstanding to be a most holy man, & also that he is received up to God and shall come again to kill Antichrist. &c.

Moreover this ridiculous Quran is so blaunched & poudered with so diverse mixtures of y ^e Christians, Jews and the Gentiles laws, giving such liberty to all wantonness of flesh, setting up circumcision, abstaining from swine's flesh and Judaical lotions, and so much standeth upon Father Abraham, that it is supposed of some, this filthy Alchorā, not to be set out in the days of Muhammad, but that certain Jews had some handling also in this matter, and put it out after his death: and so seemeth first to take his force about the number of years limited in the Apocal. as is aforesaid, where thus it is written: He that hath intelligence, let him count the number of the beast: For it is the number of a man, and his number is six hundred, six score and six.

After this devilish Muhammad had thus seduced y ^e people, teaching thē that he came not by miracles, but by force of sword, to give his law, & that they which will not obey it must either be put to death or else pay tribute (for so be the words of the Quran) and after that he had gathered strength about him, of the Arabians, which Arabians thē had occasion to rebel against the Emperor, because their stipendes were not paid them of Heraclius the Emperors officers: he began to raunge with force and violence in the partes of Syria bordering nere unto him, and first subdued Mecha, then Damascus: and further increasing in power, entered into Egypt, and subdued the same. From thence he turned his power against the Persians, with whom Cosroes the king of Parsia, encountering with a puissaunt army, overthrew the Saracens, & put Muhammad to fight. Of these Persians came the Turks, which afterward joining with the Saracens, maintained them against the Christians. Ex Munster.

After the death of this beast, which as some say, was poisoned in his house succeeded Ebocara, or Ebubecer his father in law, or as Bibliander affirmeth, his son in law who took upon him the government of the Saracens, and got the City Gaza, and besieged also Jerusalem two years. He reigned two years, having for his chief City, Damaicus.

After him followed Omar, or Ahumar, who conquered a great part of Syria, and got Egypt.

The 4. king of the Saracens after Muhammad, was Odmē, then followed Haly, & after him Muhanias: which after the siege of 7. years, obtained & got the Christian Citty of Cesaria: also overcame the Persians, with their king Orunasda, and subdued that country to his law.

Thus the wicked Saracens in the space of 30. years subdued Arabia, got Palestine, Phenicia, Syria, Egypt, and Persia: which came directly to the 666. years, prophesied of in the Revelations of S. John, as is aforesaid. And not long after they proceeded further, and got Affrike, and then Asia, as in the process of their story shall appear, the Lord willing.

Not long after, Heraclius Emperor of Constantinople, succeeded Constance his nephew, who in the 13. yere of his Empire, fighting vnluckely against the Saraceus in Licia, was overthrown of Muhamas aforesaid in y ^e year of our Lord 655. Which Constance if he were not prospered by the Lord in his wars, it was no great marvel, considering that he had slain his brother Theodosius before at home: moreover lived in incestious matrimony: also being inclined to certain new sects, could not abide the contrary teachers, but slew thē which admonished him thereof. The said Constance going afterward to Italy, was also overcome of the Lumbardes, &c. the Saracens after this victory spoiled also Rhodes.

Although these cursed Saracens, in these their great victories & conquests, were not without domestical seditions and devisions among themselves, yet the princes of y ^e Saracens, being called then Sultans, had in their possession, the government of Syria, Egypt, Affrike, & of a great part of Asia, about the term of 400. years: till at length the Saracen king which ruled in Persia, fighting against the Saracene of Babylon, sought aid of the Turks, to fight with him against y ^e Sultane of Babylon. The which Turks by little and little surprised vpō y ^e Sultan of Persia, & not long after putting him out of place, usurped the king dome of Persia: which afterward went further, as ye shall hear the Lord willing. And this is the first beginning of the Turks dominion.

These Turks after they had thus overcome great coūtries and provinces: and made their power large & mighty both in Asia and Europa, begā to devide their kingdomes & countries amongst themselves. But when they could not agree, but with deadly war contended for the bounds of those kingdoms and dominions: in the mean time 4. of the principal families conquering and subduing all the rest, parted the whole Empire amongst thenselves. And yet they also not so contented, fell to such cruel hatred, contention, war, and slaughter (no doubt by the just judgment of God against his blasphemous enemies) that there was no end thereof, until the remnant of the ancient Turks was utterly rooted out.

For it is evident, that there are few now remaining which are Turks in deed by birth and blood, and that the state of that great empyre is not upholdē, but by y ^e strength an • power of souldyors, which have been Christians, and now are turned to Mahumetes Religion: so that even their own natural language is now out of use amongst them, saving in certain families of their nobility and gētlemen.

These four families above mentioned, with their Captains and armyes, about the year of our Lord. 1330, went raging throughout all Asia and Europa, and everyone of them conquered some parte of the countries where they passed.

The causes of these great inuasiōs and victoryes were the dissention and discord, falsehood, idleness, inconstancy, greedy avarice, lack of truth and fidelity among Christian men of all states and degrees, both high and low. For by the willful defection and backsliding of the Christians, the Turkish power did exceedingly increase, in that many • rsiring the licentious life & liberty of war, & allured with the prosperous success of things, forsook the Church of God, and made themselves bond slaves to Muhammad and his devilish sect: b • th because that fleshly liberty is delighting to all men, and partly also because, as fortune fauoreth, so commonly the willes of men enclyne: And again such as be profane and without the fear of God, (whereof there is an infinite number in the Church) in all ages, are wont commonly to judge of Religion, according to the success of realms and kingdoms. For if any, not only for the variety of opinions, but also for the diuersitye of euentes and fortune amongst men, have inquired and do inquire, whether there be any Church of God distyncte from other nations: what it is, and where it is: especially, for so much as the greatest part of men, both in the old time, when as the four Monarchyes flourished in order, was ignorant of this doctrine, which is peculiar to the Church alone, and now also the barbarity of Muhammad prevaileth & reigneth in the moste part of the world. And how standeth this with man's reason, that a small number both miserable and also feebled and broken with many battayles, should be regarded and loved of God, and the other flourishing in all wealth, prosperity, victoryes, authority and power, should be rejected and despised of God, seeing there is no power and authority, but by the ordinance of God? Albeit therefore, the power of the Turks hath been, for these two hundredth years, of greater force, then any other Monarchy of the world besides: yet is there no Imperial dignity to be esteemed in that Turkish tyranny: but amongst those nations only, where the heavenly doctrine of the Gospel is preached, & other disciplines necessary for the Church of God, & the common life of man maintained and regarded: where the laws of God, & other honest and civil ordinances agreeable to the same, do flourish and reign: where lawful judgment is exercised: where virtue is honored and rewarded: where sin and wickedness is punished: where honest families are maintained and defended.

These things are not regarded amongst the Turks, the enemies of the son of God, and all lawful Empyres: because they dissolve and reject all godly focietyes, honest discipline, good laws, policyes, righteous judgments, the ordinance of matrimony, and godly families. For what hath the Empire of the Turks been hitherto, but moste deadly, cruel, and perpetual war, to work all mischief, destruction and desolation? to subvert good laws, Cities, kingdoms, policies, and to enlarge their cruel power & dominion? The stay and strength whereof, is not love and favor proceeding of virtue and justice, as in lawful and well governed Empyres: but fear, violence, oppression, swarms and infinite thousands of barbarous and most wicked people, ministers of Satan's malice & fury. Which kind of dominion and tyranny hath been condemned by the voice of God, many years ago: the •• stimonyes whereof the Lord would have to remain in the Church, least the godly being moved with y ^e power & success thereof, should fall away and forsake the son of God.

Wherefore, let us not se • ke for any Imperial state in that barbarity: but let us be thankful, & acknowledge the great benefit of God, for that he hath reserved to us certain remnaunts of the Romayn Empire: And let us call upon him daily with hearty petitions and groans & with zeal and love to the house of God, that this Turkish power joined with the malice of Satan, against the son of God, prevail not against the poor congregations & little remnant of his Church, as it hath hitherto done against those strong and noble Christian kingdoms and churches, were now we see the Turkish tyranny to reign & Sathā to have taken full possession. Whose state was once far better then ours is now, and more like to continue without such horrible overthrows and desolation Oh that we might foresee a little the great danger that hangeth over our heads. For though the Turk seemeth to be far of, yet do we nourish within our breasts at home, that may soon cause us to feel his cruel hand and worse, if worse may be, to overrun us: to lay our land waste: to scatter us amongst the Infidels, the enemies and blasphemers of the son of God.

Now, although these 4. families above mentioned, long continued together in bloody wars and deadly hatred, yet one of them passed the rest in all cruelty and tyranny, and subduing the other 3. families, took upon him the government alone, and so became the first Monarch, or Emperor that reigned among thē, called Ottomannus, of whom all that reigned after him, were called Ottomanni. Who succeeding orderly of his line, have occupied the same dominion and seat of the Turks, from the year of our Lord 1300. unto this present time, which have been to the number of 12. Of the which 12. in such order as they lived and raygned, I intend (Christ so permitting) scuerally and compendeously something to entreat, briefly abstracting out of prolixe and • edious writers, such specialties, as for us Christians, shall be chiefly requisite to be known.

Ottomannus the first great Emperor or Tyraunt of the Turks.

THis Ottomannus was at the first, of poor estate and obscure amongst the common sort of men, coming of a base progeny and of rusticall parents: but through his valiantness and activity in war, he got him a great name amongst the Turks. For he being a man of fierce courage, refusing no labor and delighting in war, and gathering together by great subtlety and multitude of common soldiers, began to make war, and by conquestes and victories, to advance himself and his family. Fyrst he began to rob and spoil with a great band of rouers and afterward he attempted to set upon all men. Neither did he vex and destroy the Christians only, but set upon his own nation also, and sought all occasion to subdue thē wholly unto him. For now the Princes and Captains of the Turks, inflamed with ambition and desire of rule, began to fall out and contend among themselves, in so much that they fell to domestical and inward war, with all the power they could.

Ottomannus having this occasion very fit & meet to accomplish that which he long had sought for, gathering unto him all such as he thought to be givē to robbing and spoiling, and set all upon mischief, in short time began to grow in authority, & first set upon certain towns, as he saw opportunity to serve him: Of which towns, some he took by force, some by yielding, other some he spoiled & overthrew, to terrify the rest, thus laying the first foundation of his rising. In the mean time, the discord which was among the Christians, was no small advantage to this Ottomannus, by occasion whereof, he within x. years space, subdued Bethinia, and all the provinces about Pontus: Also Natolia, which comprehendeth all the dominion of the Greeks within Asia: Ancyra a City in Phrigia: Sinope a City in Galatia: and Sabastia a City in Capadocia: and thus still prevailing, he increased in short time, to a mighty power, either through the secret judgment of God against that nation, or else because God would have them so far & so cruelly to prevail, for the punishmen of the sins of other nations, like as it was prophesied before, that such a kingdom there should be of Gog and Magog.

This Ottomannus, after he had reigned 28. years in the year of our Lord 1527. died, and departed to his Muhammad, leaving behind him three sons, of whom Orchanes being the youngest, killed his two brethren, whilst they were at variance between themselves.

Orchanes the second Emperor after Ottomannus.

ORchanes, the youngest of the sons of Ottomannus, after he had slain his two brethren, took the regiment of the Turks after his father. Who after he had drawn to him the hearts of the multitude, such as had their dispositions set upon the licētious life of war, converted his power, further to enlarge his fathers dominion: winning & subduing Mysia, Lydia, Lycaonia, Phrygia, and Caria: All which countries, being within the compass of Asia, unto the sea side of Hellespontus, and the sea Euxinus, he added to the Turkishe Empire. Also he wan Prusia: which was the metropolitan City of Bithynia, which thē he made the chief seat of the Turks Empire. Besides these moreover, he conquered Nicaea, & got Nicomedia: all which were before Christian Cities & regions. And yet all this could not make the Christian Princes in Grecia, to cease their civil wars, & to join & accord among themselves: Such debate and variance was thē between Cātacuzenus, on the Greeks part, & Paleologus y ^e Emperor of Constantinople. By reason whereof, y ^e Turks aid was sent for out of Asia, to help our Christians one to kill another, and at length to get all those partes of Europe from them both. Who if they had according to their profession, so well joined in brotherly unity, as they did in cruel hostility dissent, neither had Orchanes so prevailed in gettynge Prusia from the Grecians, neither had the Turks so soon presumed into Europe as afterward they did. Orchanes after these victories, when he had reigned 22. years was strokē, as some say, with a dart in the shoulder, at the siege of Prusia. The opiniō of others is, that he fighting against the Tartariās, where he lost a great part of his army, was there also slain himself. an. 1349.

Amurathes the 3. after Ottamannus.

THe Greek writers do hold that Orchanes had two sons, Solimannus, and Amurathes. Of which two, first Solimannus reigned albeit not long. After him followed Amurathes, who after that Asia now was subdued by his predecessors, sought by all means and ways how to proceed further & to invade Europe. To whose ambitious purpose the domestical wars of the Christians gave unprosperous occasion: which occasion is thus declared. Certain discord fell between the princes of Greece (whose captain was Cantaguzenus) and Paleologus Emperor of Constantinople. Wherupō Paleologus, for that he was not able to make his party good with the Grecians, moste unwisely sent for Amurathes, to help him. Who being glad to have such an occasion offered, which he so long had sought, sent to aid him 12000. Turks into Thracia: but first used all delays he could, of crafty policy to the intent that the Greeks first should waste their strength and power upon themselves, whereby he might be more able afterward to set vpō them, and to accomplish his conceived desire.

The Turks thus being called into Europe, by the Christians, whether they tasting the sweetness of the soil incensed Amurathes their Emperor to make invasion, or whether Amurathes of his own head thought good to use the time, in the year of our Lord 1363. he came himself over into Europe with 60000. Turks, falling upon the Grecians, being wasted and spent with their long wars and battelles before. The pretence of the deuilishe Turk was to aid and to assist the Emperor Peleologus, whether he would or no, and to subdue such as had fallen from him. The Christian ships of the Ligurians for money were hired to conduct them over, taking for every soldier a piece of gold. Ex Pucer. & alijs.

Thus the Turks army being conveyed over by the Grecianssea called Hellespōtus, first got Callipolis with other towns and Cities bordering about the sea, & there planting themselves, and preparing ships of their own for transporting their munitions out of Asia, advanced their power further into Thrasia, and there wan Philip polis, then got Adrianopolis, which was not far from Constantinople, & there Amurathes made his chief seat. Then began Paleologus the Emperor at lenth to bewail his offer & covenant made with Amurathes. Whē the Turks had expugned thus a great part of Thrasia, they extended forth their army unto Mysia, which they soon subdued: from thence proceeding and conquering the Bessos and Triballos, they entered into Seruia, and Bulgaria: where they joining battle with Lazarus Despota prince of Seruia, and with other Dukes of Dalmatia, and Epirus, wan of them the field, & put them to the worse: where Lazarus Despota being taken, and committed to prison, ended his life. This Lazarus had a certain faithful client or servant, who to revenge his masters death, with a bold courage, although seeing death before his eyes, yet ventred his life so far, that he came to the tyraūt & thrust him through with his dagger. This Amurathes reigned. 23. years, and was slain in the year of our Lord 1372.

Baiazetes the 4. after Ottomannus.

THe power of the Turks began to increase in Europe, what time Baiazetes, the first of that name, after the death of his father, entered the possession of the Turks kingdom. This Baiazetes had 2. brethrē, Solimānus & Sauces. Which Sauces had his eyes put out by his father for striving for the kingdom. Solimānus was slain of his brother. Thus Baiazetes beginning his kingdom with the murder of his brother, reduced his Imperial seat frō Prusia a city of Bithynia, unto Adrianople, entēding with himself to subdue both Asia & Europe to his own power. First he set upon the Seruians and Bulgarians, thinking to revenge his fathers death, where he gave the overthrow to Marcus Despota, with all the nobility of the Seruians and Bulgarians, and put all those parties under his subjection unto the fines and borders of the Illyrians. All Thracia moreover he brought likewise under his yoke, only Constantinople and Pera excepted. That done, he invaded the residue of Grecia, preuaylyng against the countries of Thessalia, Macedonia, Phocides, and Attica, spoiling and burning as he passed, without any resistance: and so returning with innumerable spoil of the Christians, unto Adrianople, laid siege to Constantinople the space of viii. years, and had expugned the same, but that Paleologus being brought to extremitye, was driven to crave aid of the frenchmen, and of Sigismund the Emperor. Who being accompanied with a sufficient power of Frenchmen & Germaynes, came down to Hūgaria & toward Seruia against the Turk. Baiazetes hearing of their coming, raised his siege frō Constantinople, and with 60000. horsemen, came to Nicopolis, where he encountering with them, overthrew all the Christian army, took John the Captain of the French power prisoner: Sigismundus, which before in the Council of Constance, had burned John Hus & Jerome of Prague, hardly escaped by flieng. Baiazetes after the victory got, carried away Duke John, with five other in hands, into Prusia, where before his face he caused all the other Christian prisoners to be cut in pieces.

Afterwarde the said John being raunsomed with 200000. crowns, was delivered. Some authors refer this story to the time of Calepinus, as followeth hereafter to be seen.

Baiazetes the cruel tirant after this victory won, & tyranny shown upon the Christians, returned again to his siege of Constantinople, fully bending himself to cōquery and subdue the same, which thing no doubt he had accomplished, but that the providence of God had found such a means that Tamerlanes King of Parthia, with an 100. thousand horsemen, and swarms of footmen, like a violent flood, ouerrunning Asia, and pressing upon Siria and Sebastia, had taken Orthobules the son of Baiazetes, prisoner, and afterward slue him, exercising the like cruelty vpō his prisoners, as Baiazetes had done before upon the Christians: insomuch that he spared neither sex nor age of the Turkish multitude: of whom he caused xii. thousand at one time, to be ouerriden and trodden down under his horses feet. By reason whereof, Baiazets the tirant was enforced to raise his siege from Constantinople, & to return his power into Asia: where he, near the hill called Stella, pitched his tents there to encounter with Tamerlanes.

The fight between these ii. was long & great on both sides, which was in the year of our Lord 1397. and the second year after the slaughter of our Christians at Nicopolis in Ponnonia: but the victory of this battle fell to Tamerlanes at length. In the which battle as Munsterus writeth, were slain 2000000. Turks. Among whom, Baiazetes the tirant, having his horse slain under him, was takē prisoner, and to make a spectacle of his wretched fortune, was bound in golden fetters, and so being enclosed in an iron grate (whom before all Grecia could not hold) was led about and shown through all Asia, to be skorned & laughed at: and moreover was used instead of a footstool to Tamerlanes, or a block, as often as he mounted upon his horse. Some add also, that he was made like a dog to feed under Tamerlanes table. The tyranny of which Baiazetes against the Christians, as it was not much unlike to the cruelty of Ualerianus y ^e Romaine Emperor above mentioned, pag. 73. so neither was the example of his punishment much discrepant, for as Sapores King of the Persians did then with Ualerianus in time of the eight persecution of the primative Church: so likewise was Baiazetes this persecutor worthily handled by Tamerlanes king of the Parthians, as in manner abovesaid.

Tamerlanes after this conquest, passed with his army into Mesopotamia, to Egypt, and all Syria, where he victoriously subduing the Cities and munitions of the Turks, at length also conqured Damascus. In his sieges his manner was, the first day to go all in white attire, the seconde day in red, the third day in black: signifying thereby mercy the first day to them that yielded, the seconde day the sword, the third day fire and ashes. At last, after great victories, and spoils gotten of the Turks, he returned into his Country again, and there died, anno 1402.

Seb. Munsterus writing of this Tamerlanes, recordeth that he had in his army 200. thousand men: and that he overcame the Parthians, Scythians, Hiberians, Albans Persians, Medes, and conquered all Mesopotamia: and after he had also subdued Armenia, passing over the river Euphrates with six hundred thousand footmen, and 4000000. horsemen, he invaded all Asia Minor, conquering and subduing from the flood Tanais unto Nile in Egypt, and was called terror orbis, the terror of the world. He left behind him two sons, who falling in discord for their possessions, lost all again that their father got.

In the mean time Baiazetes in the second year of his captivity, died, leaving behind him diverse sons, Jesus or Joshua the eldest, Mulsumanes, Moses, Celebinus, or Calepinus, Jesus the younger, Mustaphas, and Hali, of whom first Jesus the eldest was overcome and slain of Mulsumanes: which Mulsumanes afterward was delivered to Moses his brother, and by him was slain likewise, which Moses had also the like ende by his brother Calepinus, having his neck broken with a bow string, which was then the usual manner among the Turks in killing their brethren. The same Calepinus sparing only the life of Mustaphas his other brother, condemned him to perpetual prison. Jesus the younger was Baptized, & shortly after departed at Constantinople. In these such disorders and divisions among the Turks, what occasions were given to the Christias to have recovered again of the Turks that they had lost, if they had not been either negligent, or in their own private wars otherwise occupied with themselves.

Calepinus the 5. after Ottomannus.

CAlepinus, or Celebinus was the son of Baiazetes, and of four brethren, the eldest: who being all taken captives of the Parthians, he only escaped and obtained his fathers kingdom. This Calepinus encouraged by the sloth and negligence of the Princes of Europe, and by the discord of the Grecians amongst them selves and other nations near about them, long troubled and vexed the Bulgarians, Seruiās, and Macedonians, even to the time of Sigismundus. Which Sigismundus seeing now Baiazetes to be overcome and taken of Tamerlane, and the power of the Turks weakened in Europe, & having such occasion offered him, as it were from heaven, to destroy and utterly to root out, not only out of Asia but also all Europe, that barbarous nation, and cruel enemies to the name and Religiō of Christ: and also to revenge the great slaughter and discomfiture of his army fighting before with Baiazetes at Nicopolis a City in Mysia: with great power made war against Calepinus at Columbatium a Town in Seruia, as is also before mentioned. pag. 719. but as vnluckely and with as little success as he did before against Baiazetes his father: For in that battle were slain of the Christians to the mumber of xx. thousand, and the rest utterly discomfited, the king himself escaping so hardly, that he entered not again into his kingdom for the space of 18. months after. Some write that this was done under Baiazetes, other some refer this battle to Amurathes, but howsoever it was, most pernicious was it to the Christians. He reigned but vi. years and died very young. an. 1404.

Orchanes and Moses his uncle, the sixth after Ottomanus.

AFter the captivity of Baiazetes above mentioned, histories diversely do dissent. The Greek writers making no mention at alof Calepinus, only make mention of the sons of Baiazetes, & of the contention among them. until the time of Muhumetes. The Latin stories writing of the children of Baiezetes and of their succession, do not therein agree, some affirming that Baiazetes had two sons, Orchanes surnamed Calepinus, & Mahumetes his brother, which within two years slew the said Calepinus, and entered his dominion. Other attribute to Baiazetes moe sons, as is above rehearsed. Some again do give to Baiazetes only these two sons Celebinus and Mustaphas: and hold that Calepinus or Celebinus had two sons, to wit, Orchanes and Mahumetes, and add moreover that the said Orchanes being somewhat young, was slain of his uncle Moses, who governed but ii. years. For Mahumetes to revenge his brothers death slew Moses, and invaded his dominion. The Greek stories make no mention at all of Orchanes.

Mahumetes the 7. after Ottomannus.

THis Mahumetes, whether he was the son of Baiazetes, or else of Calepinus, converted to himself alone the kingdom, or tyranny rather, of the murdering Turks. Who afflicted the Christians with sore wars within Europe, especially the country called Wallachia, lying not far frō the flood Danubius, between Hungary & Thracia. From thence he removed into Asia, where he recovered diverse partes in Galatia, Pontus, Capadocia, Silicia, which before Tamerlanes had alienated from the Turks. This Mahumetes planted his chief Imperial seat in Adrianople not far from Constantinople, within the country of Thracia. In some writers the conflict between Sigismund & the great Turk, wherein the Christians were so discomfited, is referred rather to this Mahumetes, then to Calepinus: of which conflict mention is above made in the story of Sigismundus. pag. 719. This Mahumetes reigned, as some say 14. years, & died in the year of our Lord. 1419. Other affirm 17. years.

Amurathes the second, 8. after Ottmannus.

AMurathes, as Philelphus saith, was the son of Celebinus, as Laonicus Chalcondiles testifieth, of Mahumetes: whose son soever he was, a wretched traunt he was, and permitted as a scourge of God, to correct y ^e sins of the Christians. In the story of Baiazetes, mentiō was made before of Mustaphas his son, who was condemned to perpetual prison by Calepinus his brother. This Mustaphas escaping out of his brothers prison, was conveyed to the Grecians, where he remained long in custody, til at length they understanding the purpose of Amurathes, set him up with sufficient habiliments and furniture of war, to fight against the said Amurathes his nephew. But in conclusion, he being not able to make his party good, came into y ^e hands of his enemy, and had his neck broke with a bowstring, after the manner of the Turkish execution.

The Grecians then terrified with this sinister adversity required truce of the Turk, but when that would not be granted, they procured unto them Mustaphas, the other brother to Amurathes, being of the age of xiii. years: who likewise being armed of y ^e Grecians, got the City of Nice in Bithynia, from Amurathes his brother: Albeit it was not long but he was circumvented in the same City, and brought to Amurathes: who caused him likewise to taste of the same whip, as the other Mustaphas had done before. Amurathes being now out of all fear and doubt of brethren & kinsfolk to rise against him, converted all his power against the Grecians: and first raunging through out Thracia, where diverse Cities yielded unto him, which before belonged to the Emperor of Constantinople, frō thence he set forward to the noble and famous City Thessalonica, being then under the league and protectiō of the Uenetians. This Thessalonica is a City in Greece, bordering upon Macedonia, to y ^e Citizens whereof, S. Paul writeth, foreshowing unto them in his 2. Epistle, of a defection to come before the coming of the day of the Lord 2. Thess. 2. By the which apostasy or defection, what the holy Apostle doth mean, this story of the Turks may easily declare. After Thessalonica was subdued, Phocis, with all the country about Athens, Beocia likewise, Aetolia, Acarnauia, with all the region beyond Peloponesus, unto the coast of Corinth, to whom S. Paul also wrote other two epistles, were brought in bondage and slavery unto the Turk.

In Epirus, and in that quarter that adjoineth to Macedonia, named Albania, reigned then one Johannes Castriotus, who perceiving himself too weak to match with the Turks power, made with the Turk this cōuention, that he should have Croia, a famous City in Grecia, and also gave to him his three sons for hostages, to wit, Constantine, Reposius, and Georgius.

In this George, such towardness of noble courage, such vigor of mind, and strength of body singularly did appear, that the Turk caused him more freely to be instructed after the Turkish religion and manner in his own court: where he being traded up, did so shoot up as well in feats of activity, as in strength of body, that he excelled all his equals: in so much that he was named Scanderbeins, which soundeth as much as Alexander Magnus.

After this Alexander was grown up to mature ripeness of age, and was well trained up in feats of war, he was sent out by the Turk, to war against Caramannus of Silicia, The Turks enemy. In which expedition he sped himself most manfully, fighting hand to hand, first with a footeman of Scythia, then with an horseman of Persia, being challenged by them both to encounter, first with the one, after with y ^e other: whom he so valiantly overthrew, y ^e he wan great renoun with y ^e Turk: In so much that he trusting to y ^e Turks favor, whē he heard of the decease of his father, durst ask of y ^e Turk the grant of his fathers dominion to be given unto him. Which request, although Amurathes y ^• Turk did not deny him: yet notwithstanding he perceiving the matter to be dalied out with fair words, by subtle means and policy slipped out of the Turks court, and came to Epirus his own inheritance: where first by forged letters he recovered Croia. The other Cities of their voluntary mind, yielded themselves unto him, who then gathering unto him the people of Epirus & Macedonia (which were not so many in mumber, as with good willing minds they stuck unto him) so manfully and valiantly behaved himself, that against all the puissance both of Amurathes, and also of Mahumete, he maintained his own, repulsed their violence, and put to flight their armies, many years together. But to return again to the course of Amurathes victories, after he had thus prevailed (as is before signified) against the East parts of Europa and Grecia, and had convented thus for the dommion of Epirus, he invaded Iluricum, (otherwise called now Sclauonia) containing in it Dalmatia, Croacia, Isiria, and Liburnia: which Countries after he had spoiled and wasted, he continued his course to Albania, and Bosna. In which regions, when he had subdued a great part, and had led away an innumerable multitude of captives, he moved further to Walachia and Seruia, upon hope to conquer all Pannonia.

There reigned at the same time in Seruia a certain prince named Georgius Despota, who made great suit to the Turk for truce & peace, promising to give his daughter to marriage: for by y ^• Turks law they may marry as many wives as they lust. It was not long after Amurathes had married the daughter of Despota, but he contrary to his league and promise, made war upon Despota his father in law, and expelled him out of his kingdom, taking from him diverse Cities, as Scopia, Nouomonte, Sophia, and all Misia. Georgius himself fled into Hungary, leaving behind him his son to defed y ^e town of Sinderonia. Amurathes understanding of the flight of Despoto his father in law, compassed the City of Sinderonia with a strong siege, which whē he in few days had expugned, he took his wives brother, son of Despota, and without regard of all mercy and affinity, after the barbarous tyranny of the Turks, put out his eyes, with a basen red hot set before his eyes, and after that led him about with him, in derision and despite of his cowardly father. Ex Christof. Rhicherio Gallo. & Gasp. Peuc & alijs.

Seruia being thus won and gotten, Amurathes thinking to go further into Hungary, besieged the City called Belgradum, and no doubt, had also suppressed the same, had not the providence of God found a means, that partly through slaughter of his men, partly for lack of victual and other forage, he was compelled to raise his siege and retire.

In the mean time Johannes Hunyadi (of whom mention was made before, pag. 720.) had got great victories against the Turkish power, and had recovered parte of Seruia, and all Muldauia: against whom, Amurathes the Turk, with a mighty army, moved into Pannonia. But Hunyadi with the power and aid of Ladislaus King of Polonia (but specially by the power of the Lord) did soon infringe the puissance of the Turk, and gave him the overthrow, recovering unto the Christians the greatest part of Seruia and Bulgaria.

In this battle Hunyadi had five sundry conflicts with the Turks vpō one day, and with five victories put them to the worse, and toward night did so discomfit and overthrow the great captain of Amurathes, called Bassa, the Duke of Anatolia (which is otherwise named Asia Minor) that he slue of the Turks that day, to the number of 30. thousand. Amurathes, although he was not a little thereat discouraged, yet dissembling his fear, with stout counteuace sent for Carambeius his principal stay & captain, with a new power brought out of Asia, to assist him in his wars. Then Carambeius, in y ^e downes of Trasiluania, Ladislaus the foresaid king of Polonie (the Lord so working) through the industry of Johannes Hunyadi, so received & with such celerity oppressed him unprovided, that all his stout & sturdy army either was slain down right, or else put to flight & disparcled, Carambeius the Captain being himself taken prisoner in the same field.

These victories of Hunyadi struck no little terror to Amurathes, in so much y ^t for distress of mind he was ready to destroy himself (as some do write) but being confirmed by Helibeus Bassa his coūsailer, he kept himself w ^t in y ^e streites of y ^e mount Rhodope. Who then hearing that Caramannus invaded the same time the country of Bithinia and Pontus in Asia: was glad to take truce with Ladislaus and Hunyadi upon such conditions as they listed to make themselves: which conditions were these, that Amurathes should depart clearly from all the region of Sernia, and should remove from thence all his garrisons, which were placed in the Castles and forts of the same: Also he should restore George Despota (which is to say) Prince of Seruia unto his possession, and set his children free, whom he had in captivity, and restore them to their inheritance. Item, that he should make no more claim nor title to the country of Moldonia above mentioned, nor to that part of Bulgrauia which he had lost: and that he should desist hereafter from all wrongs and injuries against the Christians. Upon these conditions the Turk being agreed, so was truce concluded on both parts for ten years, and with solemn oath between them confirmed.

This done, Amurathes the tyrant addresseth himself toward Asia, to resist the invasion of Caramannus aforesaid. At what time Pope Eugenius so soon as he heard the Turk to be returned into Asia, sendeth Julianus Caesarianus his Cardinal (whose story is before touched, page. 683.) unto Ladislaus the foresaid king, with full dispensation and absolution, to break his oath and league with the Turk, promising moreover great hope of aide, if he would go in arms stoutly against the tirant.

Where by the way is to be noted, that as there is no truth of promise in that pestilent sea of Rome, neither was there ever any war prospered, which was taken in hand by the Popes counsel: so was there never any counsel of the Pope, that brought with it more detriment to Christianity, then this. But the Pope belike thought, that as he might lawfully break promise with John Hus, and with other Christians, so also he needed not to observe any league or truce taken with the Turk: but it turned much otherwise then the Popes blind brains imagined, as by the sequel is to be seen. For Ladislaus being thus excited by the unadvised and sinister instigation of Pope Eugenius, contrary to the truce stablished a little before, set out with his army from Seledinus, and so proceeding to Walachia and Burgaria, came to Uarna, a town of Bulgary, where he fell sick.

It was not long but the Turk having thereof intelligence, left his wars begun with Caramannus in Asia, and with great iourneis made haste into Europe, passing over by y ^e straits near to Calipolis, where all y ^e Italian nauy still looking on, and whether of purpose, or whether for cowardliness, would not stir one ore to stop the passage of the Turkish army. When Amurathes was come to Adrianopolis in Thrasia, using such celerity as no mā looked for, within viii. days he was in Burgaria, & there encamped himself against Ladislaus. The day of battle being set, the armies joined on both sides. Hunyadi was himself there present, but all the matter was ruled by Julianus the Cardinal, and y ^e Popes Clergy. The fight continued three days and three nights together, with great courage & much bloodshed on each side: insomuch that the field did stand with lakes of blood. They seemed at the first to incline to the Christians, by breaking the first ranks of the Turks. But the Priests and Prelates which were at the field (which had been more fit to have been in the Church) seeing the Turks to begin to fly, unskillfully left their array to pursue the enemy, so that they leaving the other standings of the Christians naked, gave great advantage to the Turks, with their darts & shot to disturb the Christian ranks. By the which occasion, Amurathes inclosing y ^e Christians with his army round about, obtained the victory. In the which field, Ladislaus the young king of Polony, having his horse first killed under him, was stricken down, & slain. The Popes Bishops flieng to save themselves, fell into the marishes, and there were destroyed, sustaining a durtey death condign to their filthy falsehood and untruth. Julianus y ^e Cardinal, which with the Pope was the chief doer in breaking the league, in the way was found dead, being full of wounds, and spoiled to his naked skin. Of the rest of y ^e army that escaped by flieng, part was drowned in y ^e marishes, some perished miserably for hunger, some for cold, watching & wādering in the woods. Hunyadi hardly escaped the danger, by the merciful providence of God, being reserved to the further profit and commodity of Christendom.

This John Hunyadi the worthy warrior was borne in Walachia, being Earl of Bistrice, of all Captains y ^t ever went against the Turks, most famous & singular, prudent in wit, discret in counsel, expert and politic in war, prompt of hand, circumspect before he attempted, quick in expedition: in whom wanted almost no good property requisite in a warlike Captain. Against two most mighty and fierce tirants, Amurathes and Mahumetes, through the Lord's might, he defended all Pannonia, and therefore was called the thunderbolt and terror of the Turks. Like as Achilles was unto y ^e Grecians, so was he set up of God to be as a wall or bulwark of all Europe against the cruel Turks and enemies of Christ, and of his Christians. Neither was there any King or Prince that ever achieued such noble victories, either so many in number, or so profitable for y ^e public utility of all Europe, as did he, and that not only in the days of this Amurathes, but also of Mahumetes his successor, as hereafter remaineth further to be seen. This battle of Amurathes against the Christians at Uarna in Bulgaria, was fought in the year of our Lord 1404.

Amurathes by reason of this victorious overthrow against the Christians, surprised with no small pride, directed his journey incontinent toward the Grecians, where Castriotus was, otherwise called Scanderbcius. And first coming to Peloponesus, and breaking down the wall about the straits of Corinth, encoūtread with the brother of the Emperor of Constantinople, whom with his sodeine coming he oppressed, with all the Greeks army, ere they were provided. Paleologus the Emperor after that, did build up the wall again: but at the Turks bidding he was compelled to undo it again: which wall afterward the Uenetians did repair. After the demolitiō of the wall, Amurathes entering into Peloponesus, took diverse towns and Cities, as Sycione, and Patris, and moreover made all the parts of Thessalia and Achaia tributaries unto him.

The next year after this battle of Amurathes fought against the Christians at Uarna, the Turk being now about the partes of Grecia, purposed to bend all his force and main against the country of Epirus belonging to Georgius Castriotus Scanderheius. Of this Scanderbeius mention was made before, how he was brought up in the Turks Court, from whence we declared also how subtillie he conveyed him self, and came to the possession of his own patrimony of Epirus. Which Epirus this noble and victorious Scanderbeius (whom the Lord also had raised up the same time with Hunyadi, to bridle the fury of the Turks) valiaūtly defended against all the power of Amurathes: In so much that he discomfited and vanquished vii. of the most expert Bassas or Dukes of the Ottomā Emperor, one after another, with all their armies of most piked and chosen soldiers, dislodged them of their tents, and expulsed them utterly out of all Epirus. Also when Amurathes himself with his whole puissaunce, had environed about the City of Croia, with cruel siege and ordinance out of measure, yet notwithstanding the said Scāderbeius (through the power and blessing of the Lord) beat him out of the field, & repulsed him from his siege.

After this discomfiture, the saying is that Amurathes, to keep his vow made before, after his victory at Uarna, gave himself into a religious order, living a contemplative life with certain other Priests joined unto him, in the forest of Bithynia, renouncing the government of his realm to the hands of Haly one of his Princes (for thou must understand, good Reader, that the Turks also be not without their sundry sects of Religion, no more then we Christians are without our Friers and Monks.)

In the mean time while Amurathes this Turkishe tyrāne was cloystered up in his Monkish Religion, Johannes Hunyadi in the kingdom of Hungary, and Castriotus Scanderbeius in Grecia, kept great sty • re against the Turks. By reason whereof Amurathes was takē again from his Monkish vow and profession, & brought again into the field: For first Hunyadi had rescued the whole country of Hungary: and had propulsed moreover all the might of the Turks far frō Seruia. And although the peuishe practice of Grgins Prince of Servia had oft times disclosed his counsels unto the Turks, whereby twice he was brought in danger, yet notwithstanding (through the Lord's gracious protection) he was preserved, and delivered by the said George unto the Hungarians again, & after that manfully vanquished the Turks, so that they had no resting place about those parts of Seruia and Bulgaria, so long as he lived.

On the other side in Grecia, Castriotus Scāderbeius so foiled the Turk in defense of his country Epirus and Macedonia, and kept Amurathes so short, that not ouely he was not able to wynne any great Town in all Epirus: but also coming from Epirus in the straits, was so intāgled by Castriotus, that he was forced to give battle: In the which battle he was so vanquished, & most part of his army slain, that for grief and sorrow conceived, he falling into a rauyng sickness, was trāsported out of his pauillon unto Adrianople, and there in fury & madness died, after he had reigned 34. years, which was about the year of our Lord. 1450.

This Amurathes first ordained the order of Ianizarites. Which were the men children of such Christians as he conquered & took captive: whom he forced to renounce the faith of Christ, wherein they were Baptized & brought them up in Mahumetes law, & exercised them in the same feats of war as he did his own people: and after that they came to men's estate, he named them Ianizari (that is to say) soldiers of a strange country, and made them to garde his person. They wear on their head is stead of an helmet, a white attire made of the grossest sort of wool, and in so manifold about their head, that it cannot be pierced with a sword. It hāgeth down on the back with a tail, and before on the forehead it is garnished with gold and silver. They were wont to use bows and launces in the field, but now they use dagges as our horsemen do.

At the first institution there were but 8000. in their garrison, but now they be twice so many. This of all bondage and servitude that the Christians suffer under the Turk is most intolerable, and greatly to be of all true Christians lamented. For what can godly minds behold more to their grief, then to see their children pulled from the faith of Christ, wherein they were baptized, and by whose blood they should eternally be saved, and to be instructed and nourished with the blasphemous doctrine of Muhammad, and to be professed enemies of Christ and his Church, to make war against heaven, and to perish everlastingly? And finally, what a lamentable thing is it, to see and behold our own children borne of our own bodies, to become our mortal and cruel enemies, and to cut our throats with their own hands? This servitude of mind is far greater then death it self, which if our Princes would well consider, it would cause them the rather to agree, and bend their whole force and power against this cruel enemy.

Mahumetes second, the ix. after Ottomanus.

AMurathes left behind him three sons, Mahumete borne of the daughter of Despota, Prince of Seruia, being twenty years of age, the second son called Turcines, the third named Calepinus. This Turcines being an infant, and but eighteen months old, was strangled at the commandment of the Turk, by his servant Moses, himself being there present, and beholding the horrible murder. And when Moses the executor of y ^e murder had desired him not to pollute his hands with the blood of his brother, he answered, that it was the manner of all the Ottoman Turks, that all the other brethren being destroyed, none should be left alive but one to gonerue the Empire. Wherefore Moses was commanded by the tirant, there presently, and in his sight, to kill the infant. This horrible fact when the mother of the child understood, she crying out, and almost mad for sorrow, cursed the tirant to his face. But he to mitigate the rage of his mother, at her request being desirous to be revenged upon the executor of her sons death, delivered the said Moses bound into her hands, who then in the presence of the tirant, thrust him to the heart with a knife, and opening his side, took out his liver, and threw it to the dogs to be devoured.

The third son called Calepinus, which was but six months old, the foresaid Amurathes his father commended to the custody of Halibassa one of his Nobles, who to gratify and please y ^e tirant, betrayed the infant, & brought him unto him, and thereupon he at the tirants commandment was strangled. Some affirm, that in the stead of Calepinus, another child was offered unto the tirant, and that Calepinus was conveyed to Constantinople, and after the taking of Constantinople, was carried to Venice, and then to Rome to Pope Calixt, where he was baptized, and afterward came into Germany to Fridericke the Emperor, and there was honorably entertained, & kept in Austrich during his life. Where note how the merciful providence of God, whom he list to save, can fetch out of y ^e devils mouth. And note moreover touching the foresaid Halibassa the betraier of y ^e infant, how he escaped not vnreuēged: For Muhammad understanding him to be a man of great substance and richesse, thorough forging of false crimes, with great torments put him to death to have his richesse: for this tirant was given to insatiable avarice. Thus this bloody Mahumete began his regiment with horrible murder, after y ^e example of other cursed tirants his predecessors.

Although this Mahumete, notwithstanding that he came of a Christian mother, being the daughter of Despota prince of Seruia, and by her was brought up and instructed from his childhood in the precepts of Christian religiō and manners, yet he soon forgetting all, gave himself to Mahumetes religion, and yet so, that he being addicted to neither Religion, became an Atheist, believing and worshipping no God at all, but only the Goddess of good Fortune, irriding and mocking y ^e minds and judgments of men, which believe that God by his providence, governeth and regardeth the state of human things on earth.

After that this Mahumete heard of the victories and conquests of other his predecessors, and had understanding how Baiazetes lay eight years about Constantinople, and could not win it: he dispraising Baiazetes, and disdaining that so long time should be spent about the siege thereof, and yet no victory gotten, bent all his study and device how to subdue the same. But first having a privy hatred against the City of Athens, and having his hands lately embrued with the blood of his brethren, this murthering Mahumete first of all taketh his v • age to subvert and destroy the City aforesaid, being a famous School of all good learning and discipline. Against the which City he did so furiously rage for the hatred of good letters, that he thought he ought not to suffer the foundation thereof to stand, because that City was a good nursse and fosterer of good Arts and Sciences: wherefore, he commanded the City to be rased, and utterly subverted: and wheresoever any monuments or books could be found, he caused them to be cast into dirty sinks, and the filthiest places of the City, or put to the most vile uses that could be devised, for extirping and abolishing of all good literature, and if he understood any to lament the case and ruin of that noble place, those he grievously punished and put to death.

Thus the famous and ancient School of Athens being destroyed and overthrown, he returned his army & power into Thracia, where in all haste he gathering his power together both by sea & by land, with a mighty multitude compassed the City of Constantinople about, and began to lay his siege against it, in the year of our Lord 1453. and in the 54. day of the said siege it was taken, sacked, and the Emperor Cōstantinus slain. As touching the cruelty and fearcenes of the Turks in getting of this City, and what slaughter there was of men, women, and children, what calamity and misery was there to be seen, for so much as sufficient relation, with a full description thereof, hath been made before, pag. 708. it shall be superfluous now to repeat the same. This only is not to be omitted touching three principal causes of the overthrow of this City: whereof was the first the filthy avarice of those Citizens, which hiding their treasures in the ground, would not employ the same to y ^e necessary defense of their City. For so I find it in story expressed, that when the Turk, after the taking of y ^e City, had found not so much treasure as he looked for, suspecting with himself (as the truth was) the treasures and riches to be hidden under the ground, commanded the earth to be digged up, and the foundations of the houses to be searched: where when he had found treasures incredible, what (quoth he) how could it be that this place could ever lack inunition and fortification, which did flow and abound with such great riches as here is, and plenty of all things? The second cause was the absence of the Navy of the Uenetiās, which if they had been ready in time, might have been a safeguard against the invasion of the enemies. A third cause also may be gathered upon occasion incident in stories, either for that the City of Constantinople fifteen years before did yield to the Bishop of Rome, as is before to be seen, pag. 76. or else because (as in some writers it is evident) that Images were there received & maintained in their Churches, and by the Turks the same time destroyed.

Johannes Ramus writing of the destructiō of this City, amongst other matters maketh relation of the Image of the Crucifix, being there in y ^e high temple of Sophia: which Image the Turk took, and writing this superscription upon the head of it Hic est Christianorum Deus. 1. This is the God of the Christians, gave it to his soldiers to be scorned, and commanding the said Image with a trumpet to be carried through all his army, made every man to spit at it most contumeliously. Wherein thou hast (good Reader) by the way to note, what occasion of selaunder and offense we Christians give unto the barbarous Infidels by this our ungodly superstition, in having Images in our temples, contrary unto the express commandment of God in his word. For if Saint Paul writing to the Corinthians, faith: we know Christ now no more after the flesh: how much less then is Christ to be known of us in blind stocks and Images set up in our Temples, serving for none other purpose, but for the Infidels to laugh both us & our God to scorn, and to provoke God's vengeance? which by y ^e like example (I fear) may also fall upon other Cities, where such Images and Idolatrous superstition is maintained, whereof God grant Vienna to take heed betime, which hath been so long, and yet is in such great danger of the Turk, and polluted with so many Images, and plain Idolatric.

In summa, to make the story short, such was the cruelty of these Turks in winning the City, that when Mahumete had given license to the soldiers three days together, to spoil, to kill and to do whatsoever they listed, there was no corner in all Constantinople, which did not either flow with Christian blood, or else was polluted w ^t abhominable abusing of maids, wives & matrones, without all reverence of nature. Of the which Citizens, some they murdered, some they roasted upon spits, of some they fleyed off their skin, hanging thē up to consume with famine, of othersome they put salt into their wounds, the more terribly to torment them, insomuch, that one of them contended with another who could devise most strange kinds of new torments and punishments, exercising such cruelty upon them, that the place where the City was before, seemed now to be no city, but a slaughter house or shambles of Christian men's bodies. Amōg the dead bodies, the body also of Constantine the Emperor was found: whose head being brought to Mahun 〈◊〉 , he commanded to be carried upon a spear through the whole City for a public spectacle & decision to all the Turkish army. And because he would diminish the number of the captives, which seemed to him to be very great, he never rose from his table, but he put every day some of the nobles to death, no less to fill his cruel mind with blood, then his body was filled with wine: which he used so long to do as any of the nobles of that City was left alive: And of the other sort also, as the stories do credibly report, there passed no day, in the which he did not orderly slay more then three hundredth persons, the residue he gave to his rascal soldiers to kill, and to do with them what they would. Where is to be noted, that as Constantine the son of Helena, was the first Emperor of Constantinople, so Constantine the son also of Helena, was the last Emperor thereof.

Not far from the said City of Constantinople, there was another little City called Pera, & once called Gallatia, situated by the Sea side: who hearing of the miserable destruction of Constantinople, and seeing the City flaming with fire, sent certain of their chiesmē with speed to Mahumete, declaring unto him that they neither had sent any help to the City of Constantinople, neither yet wrought any detrimēt to any of his army: wherefore they desired & prayed him, that as they would gladly yield unto him, so he would be favorable unto thē and spare them, & not to punish the giltles with the gilty. Mahumete, although he was not ignorant that for fear, rather then of any good will, they submitted themselves, and that they would rather resist him if they had ben able, yet he received for that time, the submission of the messengers: but sending with them his Ambassador into the City, he commanded also his army to follow withal, and to enter with him into the City, which, although it was greatly suspected & m • sliked of y ^e Citizens, yet they durst no otherwise do, but suffer them to enter: which being done, the Ambassador gave a sign to y ^e soldiers, every man to do whatsoever he was bidden, of whom, some ran to the walls, some to the temples and Churches, some to y ^• streets & houses of the City, plucking all things down to y ^e ground, sacking and raūging with no less fury and abhominable filthiness, then they had done at Constantinople before, saving only that they abstained frō murder: but the same day letters came from Mahumete to the Ambassador, that he should spare none, but destroy and murder all that ever were in the City: which message, because it seemed to the Ambassador to be too cruel, forsomuch as they had yielded thenselves, he stayed his hand a little until night came. In the mean time drunken Mahumete coming something to himself (whom drunkenness had before overcome) sent his second letters to revoke the first. Where again is to be noted the merciful providence of God towards his people in their deserved plagues, by staieng the hands, and bridling the fury many times of their enemies, when otherwise the case seemeth to be past all remedy.

Mahumete thus being in himself not a little advanced and eleuated by the winning of Constantinople, where he had now made the Imperial seat of the Turkish dominion, the third year next following, to aduēture more masteries, he set out to y ^• siege of Belgradum, a City of Hungary, lieng near to the banks of Danubius, thinking to have the like success there, as he had in the winning of Constantinople, albeit through the Lord's disposing, it sel out much otherwise. Within the City of Belgradum the same time of the siege thereof, was Johannes Hunyadi the valiant Captain, of whom in diverse places mentiō hath been made before, who with a sufficient strength of piked soldiers, albeit in number nothing equal to the Turks army, valiātly defended the City with great courage, and no less success. In the which siege great diligence was bestowed, and many of the Turks slain. Amōg whom also Mahumere himself, being stricken with a pellet under the left arm, was fain to be carried out of y ^e field for half dead, and the rest so put to flight, that of the Turks the same time were destroyed to the number, or not much under the number of 40. thousand, besides the loss of all their ordinance, which the Turks in hast of their flight, were forced to leave behind them.

Hieronymus Zieglerus writing of the siege of this Belgradum, addeth moreover, that whē Mahumete was at the siege thereof, seeing the town to be so small & w • ache of it self, that it could not be won with all his great multitude, he staryng and faryng like a mad man, commanded all his brazen pieces to be laid, to battare down the walls and Towers of the Town: So that the Christians within the walls were vehemently distressed, for the siege continued both night and day without intermission. Amōg y ^e rest of the Christians which defended the town. Hieronymus Zieglerus maketh mentiō of a certain Bohemian, much worthy of his condign commendation: Who being upon the walls, and seeing a Turk with a bāner or ensign of the Turks to be got̄ up, by the sight where of the whole Town was in danger to be conquered and taken, runneth unto the Turk, and claspyng him about the middle, speaking to John Capistranus standing by low, asking him, whether it were any danger of damnation to him, if he of his voluntary mind, did cast himself with that dog (so he termed him) down headlong from the wall, to be slain with him: what should become of his soul, and whether he might be saved or not. To whō when the other had answered that he should be saved without doubt, he estsoones tombleth him self with the Turk, down of the wall, where by his death he saved the same time, the life of all the City: Mahumete being so wounded and in despair of winning the City, was carried (as ye heard) out of the field. Who at length coming again to himself, partly for fear and partly for shame, was ready to kill himself. And thus was y ^e town of Belgradum at that time rescued through God's providence, by the means of Johannes Hunianes and this good Bohemian.

This siege of Belgradū begā in the year of the Lord. 1456. and endured. 46. days. At the which siege were numbered of the Turks. 200. thousand. Of whom more then 40. thousand (as is aforesaid) were slain: where the victory fell to the Christians through the prosperous success given of God to Johannes Hunyadi, & Capistranus. Which Hunyadi not long after the said victory, through the importune labor and travail in defending the said town, was taken with a sore sickness and thereof departed, to whose valiant prowes and singular courage, stories do give great land and commendation.

Mahumetes the Turk after this done in Europe, returned into Asia to war, with Vsumcassanes a Persian, one of the Turks stock with whō he had three battles. The first was about the River Euphrates, where the Turk lost 10. thousand men, and was put to the worse. In the second field likewise he was discomsited. The third battle was at Arsēga, where through the terrible noise of the brazen pieces, the Persian horses disturbed the canpe, and so was Vsumcassanues overcome.

From thence the Turk reduced again his power against the Christians, and first subdued unto him Synope and all Paphlagonia: Also the kingdom of Trapezunce, which he besiegyng both by land and water, wan from the Christians, and sent David the king of the same with his two sons and Calus his uncle, unto Constantinople, where they were miserably and cruelly put to death, & all the stock of the Conneni, which were of the kings stock, by the Turk were destroyed. Which was about the year of our Lord. 1459. at which time this mischievous Mahumete was first saluted Emperor.

Not long after, he got from the Grecians Corinthus and Mitylene, not without great slaughter of Christian men: in so much that the whole City of Mitylene was utterly to the ground almost destroyed. The Isles also of Lemnus & Lesbos he wan from the Venetians: In the which Ilād of Lesbos is the City of Mitylene aforesaid.

Not far frō this I will of Lesbos and Mitylene, there is a country in Asia toward the sea side borderyng next to Europe, called Mysia, or of some called Moesia, wherein stood the City of Troye. This country Mahumete coveting to wynne rather by policy & falsehood, then by doubtful danger of war, secretly sent for the Prince thereof to come to speak with him for certain causes (as he pretended) which should concern the profit and commodity of thē both. Which when the king of Mysia, either for shame would not, or for fear durst not deny, he came to him as to confer upon necessary affairs in commō to them appertaining. Mahumete when he had brought that to pass which he would, he caused the king to be apprehended, and cruelly to be slain, or rather torn in pieces: and so invading the land of Misia, exercised the like tyranny vpō all his kindred and affinity.

This Misia by fraud being taken and lost, Mahumere flieth again toward Europe, where he assailed the Island Euboia, otherwise called Nigroponte, making a bridge of a marvelous frame over the sea Euripus, to convey over his army out of Grecia, and there laid his siege to the City Chalcis, which at length in thirty days he overcame, not without a great slaughter of his army: who in y ^c siege thereof is said to have lost 40. thousand of y ^e Turks. But y ^e slaughter of the Christians was greater: for when the City was won, the tirant commanded most cruelly, none to be spared within the whole city, but to be put to the sword, whosoever was above the age of twenty years. This cruelty was shown of y ^e barbarous Tirant for anger and fury, because such a number of his Turks were slain at the siege thereof, being reckoned (as is said) to 40. thousand. In the fierce siege of this City, it is memorable that is in stories recorded, how that the women of that City, seeing the men to begin to faint, and the City to lie in present danger, took the matter themselves in hand, and plaieng the men, went to the walls, and there defended the City with no less trouble to the enemy, then the men had before done, and so for a space continued, so long as any man's strength and diligence could do any good. A great cause of the loss of this City and Island, is imputed to the cowardly timidity of the Venetians nauy: who being there present, and having prosperous wind, yet durst not, or would not adventure upon the Turks bridge, which if they had done, the Island of Euboia and Chalcis, had not so soon been overmatched of the Turks.

Thus all the East partes of Grecia being subdued to y ^e Turkish tiraunt, with all Achaia, Attica, Acarnania, & Euboia, shortly after followed also Peloponesus, brought in like subjection to the Turk. Within this Peloponesus were these provinces contained, Achaia, Messenia, Laconia, Argolica, and Archadia, &c. The Venetiās in this Peloponesus had great possessions, and had made up the wall again toward the Sea side, near to the streites of Corinth before mentioned, where for the more speed of the work, they had 30. thousand workmen to the building thereof, which when it came to the knowledge of the Turk, he brast into the country of Peloponesus with an army of 80. thousand, and first wasting the regions of the Coroneans, and Methoneans, and making a great slaughter of the Venetians, in short time he brought the whole dominiō of Peloponesus under his yoke & tribute.

Long it is and more lamentable to recite all the victories of this Mahumete gotten against the Christians both by land & sea: who after he had overcome the I will Lesbos above mentioned, and had cruelly slain Nicolaus Catalusius the Prince thereof, turning his army toward the sea of Pontus Euxinus, got the country of Capha from the Genuans. Before was declared how truce was taken between Georgius Scanderbeius, and the Turk for ten years: which truce being expired, Mahumete leaveth no time vnspēt, no diligence unsought, but maketh all his power to Epirus & Albania, which he after long fatigation of siege, at length overcame and subdued. In y ^• which tract also he wan from the Venetians, Scodra, Lysson and Dinastrum. Notwithstanding, when Scanderbeius the valiant Captain had done against the Turk what in man's strength did lie, yet being overmatched with power and multitude, seeing no possibility to make his party good, was forced to depart his country as an exile, and went to Italy, & there being sent for by y ^• Popes letters, openly declared not to be possible otherwise to resist y ^e furious rage of the barbarous Turks by the strength of any one king or prince, unless all Europe, with one consent should join their power & force together. And thus Georgius Scanderbeius, a man of puissant courage, being driven out of his country, continued his age in exile. Whose courage & vehemency is reported to have been such, that in fighting against y ^• barbarous enemy, for very egernes of spirit, his blood was seen to burst out of his lips. It is testified also of him, that being provoked, he neither denied to fight, and in his fighting, never turned his back, neither yet was ever wounded, but only once with a light shaft in his foot, neither ever set against the Turk with moe then 6000. horsemen, and 3000. footmen: who is said with his own hand to have slain above 2000. Turks, whom with such violence he did strike, that many of thē he did clean asunder from the head to the middle.

Neither yet was the insatiable greediness of this Turkish helbound with all this satisfied, but still he conceived greater things in his mind, thynking to conquer the whole world, and so passing forward towards Europe, subdued all Illiria, slaieng Stephanus the King of Bosna, about the year of our Lord 1463. But afterward Mathias Coruinus, the son of Hunyadi afore mentioned, recovered again the said kingdom of Bosna, with many other Cities near unto Croacia and Dalmatia, and moreover repulsed Mahumete the Turk in his second siege of Iaiza, taking his tents and munitions left behind him.

Moreover, the said Mahumete passing unto Walachia, set upon Dracula the Prince thereof, by which Dracula, although he had no great power of soldiers, yet he so enclosed & environed y ^e Turk, that he had almost lost his whole army, of whom a great part notwithstanding was destroyed, and many of his ensigns taken. Into Dalmatia was sent two Captains of the Turk, who fighting against the provinces of y ^e Venetians, made great spoil and waste about y ^e regions of Stiria & Carinthia: where also the Venetian power was discomfited, & Hieronimus Nouell their Captain slain. At length truce was taken between y ^e Turk & the Venetians, upon this conditiō, that Scodra, Tenarus, & Lemnus should be yielded unto him, and that they should pay to him yearly 8. thousand duckets for the free passage of their Merchants.

After this peace concluded with the Venetians, Mahumete himself saileth over into Asia, sending two of his great captains abroad to sundry places: of whom, Mesithes was sent against y ^e Rhodes w ^t a mighty nauie. The other called Acomates Bassa was sent into Italy to take Rome and all the West Empire. Concerning the viage of which two Captains, this was the event, that Mesithes after his great travail and bloody siege against y ^e Rhodians, was fain to retire at length with great shame and loss. The other Captain Acomates (as is said) was sent into Italy, with a nauie of a hundredth Ships, and fifteen thousand men, who by the way in his sailing got Leucadia (which now they call S. Maure) Cephalenia, and Zacynthus, and sailing by Fauelona, arrived in Apulia, and so passing along by the sea side, spoiled and wasted diverse parts by the coast, till at length he came to Hidruntum, a City of Calabria in Italy, which after long siege he overcame and subdued, and brought such a terror into all Italy, that the Pope forgetting all other things, yet mindful of himself, with all haste fled out of Rome. After the City of Hydruntum was taken, and the Turks placed in the same, which was the year of our Lord 1481. Mathias Coruinus Hunyadi son was sent for by the Italians, to set upon the said City: unto the rescue whereof, when Acomates was about to make his return with 25. thousand Turks, in the mean time news came y ^t Mahumete the great Turk was dead, by reason whereof the siege brake up, and y ^• City was delivered to the Italians again, and so was Italy delivered at that time out of that present peril and danger. This Mahumete wan from the Christians 200. Cities, and twelve kingdoms, and two Empires, which he joined both together. He died in the year abovesaid, anno. 1481.

Baiazetes second, the 10. after Ottomannus.

MAhumetes aforesaid had three sons, of the which, Mustapha the eldest, through voluptuousness & carnal just, died before his father. The other two were Baiazetes and Demes, otherwise called Zizimus. Aboute whom, great controversy arose amongst the Turks which of them should succeed in their fathers kingdom: For neither of them was present at Constantinople whē Mahumetes died, Baiazetes being in Cappadocia, & Demes in Lycaonia, wherefor when great disscution was among the nobles for the succession, and great strife & bloudshead for the matter, the Ianizarites, which were the Turks garde, did proclaim Baiazetes Emperor: others in the absence of Baiazetes the father, did choose Corcuthus his son. Baiazetes the father coming at length from Cappadocia, partly through yielding, partly by corrupting w ^t money, got y ^e wills of the Ianizarites, & was made Emperor. Demes the other brother being in Lycaonia more near, although he made no less speed in his coming, yet was prevented of Baiazetes, and excluded out of Constantinople. Wherefore he being put back from all hope of his kingdom, incited by some of his friends, moved war against his brother, who being overcome in three battles by Acomates Baiazetes Captain, who had got Hydruntum before, did fly to the great Master of the Rhodes, leaving in a place called Carrae, his mother, and two young children, whom Baiazetes slue.

This Demes being with the master of the Rhodes, was desired first of Pope Innocent the 4. then of Ludouicus the 2. French king, but especially of Mathias Coruinus, king of Hungary, intending by him to obtain great victory against Baiazetes. But in conclusion the Knights of the Rhodes sent him to the B. of Rome, where he being kept, and afterwards sent to Charles the 8. French king, for an hostage of Pope Alexander the 6. was poisoned by the way of Terracina, by the said Pope Alexander, as is before declared. After whose death Baiazetes, to require the foresaid Acomates for his good service, put him to the halter, partly misdoubting his power, partly for lucre sake to have his treasure: Whose death redounded to the great profit of the Christians, for so much as he was ever an utter enemy to the religion and name of Christ.

Baiazetes thus being confirmed in his tyranny, made his first expedition against Walachia, where he subdued two great fortes, one called Lithostomus, the other called Moncastrum. From thence he removed his power, taking his voyage into Asia, thinking to be revenged of the Sultane of Egypt, which had succoured and entertained before his brother Demes against him, wh • re he lost two great battles, the one fought at Adena, the other at Tarsus: but specially at the field at Tarsus the army of the Turk took such a wound, that of a 100. M. brought into the field, scarce the third part remained vnslayne. But as touching the Rhodians, although they were succourers of Demes aforesaid, yet Baiazetes (whether for fear, or for subtlety) abstained to provoke them with war, but rather entered with them the league of peace, requiring the master of the Rhodes to keep his brother safe under his custody, promising for his yearly salary, to be paid unto him every yere in the month of August. 45000. duckets,

Thus Baiezetes being overthrown and terrified with evil luck fighting against the Sultane of Egypt, removed from Asia, and directed his army into Europe, where he got Dyrrachium near unto Velona, & had a great victory over the Christian army in the country of Croatia, where the Illyrians, Pannonians and Croatians joining their power together, encountered with the Turk and lost the field, about the year of our Lord. 1493.

From thence the Turk leading his army against the Venetians, had with them diverse and doubtful conflicts, where the Turk sometimes was put to the worse, and sometimes again prevailing, out of Iadra and diverse other cities about Dalmatia, carried away great multitudes of Christians into captivity, which was about the yere of our Lord. 1498.

Two years after this, which was the year of our Lord, 1500. Baiazetes with 150. M. armed men, entered into Peloponesus, which although Mahumete had expugned before, yet the Venetians had defended Methone, otherwise called Modon, all this while against the Turks. Which Methone the Turk besieged with three armies, having about the walls 500. great brazen Canons, whereof 22. were most violent and hurtful, wherewith he battered the City both day and night: but the Citizens, which were within the City, committing themselves to God, defended their City as well as they could, rather choosing to die then to yield unto the Turks tyranny. But the Turcke prevailing, and they not able to wythstande the siege, the Christians convented together into a certain house prepared for the purpose, both men, women, and children, where they setting the house on fire, gave themselves rather to be burned, then to come into the tyrants hands, Certain women also with their children, cast themselves headlong into the sea, by that means to avoid the turkishe captivity. Some writers there be which affirm that the Methonians, seeing 5. great shyps of the Venetians coming with men and vitailes toward them, issued down from the walls to the sea side to receive them, which were all taken captives, being above the number of a thousand: which all being tied with long ropes, were brought before the tyrant, and in his sight were cruelly slain, except certain Nobles whom Cherseugles, son in law to Baiazetes, got to be pardoned, amongst whom was Andreas Britto. The City of Coron, & also Pilus Cities in Grece being terrified with the example of the Methonians, yielded themselves to the power of the turks. Crisseum otherwise called Caput Sancti Galli, was expugned by Cherscogles, by force of gunnes.

These things thus atchieues, although Baiazetes went away victor unto Constantinople, yet notwithstanding the Venetians, through the help of the kings of France and Spain, had won from the Turk Chephalenia an Ilande very commodious for their traffic: Also had gotten other two Ilandes, Leucas and Nericus otherwise called Sancta Maura, slaying all the garrison of the Turks. But afterward peace being taken between the Venetians and the Turckes, by the counsel of Andreas Gitto aforesaid, the Turks so agreed, that Leucas and Nericus the Ilandes abouesayde, should be rendered unto the Turk, and the Venetians should keep still the possession of Chephalenia.

Unto this league the Turk did the rather condescend, for that he had to maintain war against Ishmael Sophus in Asia, king of Persia: Which Sophus was stirred up by God's providence to war w ^t this Baiazetes, where by the Christian Churches in Europe might have some breathing time, and freedom from the Turks cruel tyranny & bloodshed. This Sophus was a valiant Turk, who with great power & victories had overrun a great compass of the East partes of Asia: then passing from Assyria into Media, and returning again into Arinenia, he made war against the Albanians, Hiberians, and Scythians, and from thence coming unto Asia Minor, encountered with Corcuthus Baiazetes son, and afterward coming to Bithynia, sought with Caragius Bassa, Baiazetes Captain, whom he overcame and put to flight, and afterward took him alive and his wise prisoners. Afterward he was encountered by Halibassa another captain of the Turks, whom Techelles one of the said Sophus captains meeting in the plain of Galatia did withstand, and so by the way slue Caragius the Captain, and hanged him upon a poale in the sight of Halibassa, which Halibassa shortly after was slain in war, and his army scattered and put to flight.

Thus through the admirable example of God's justice and providence, were these turks kept occupied, & so came it to pass, y ^t these Barbarians being blasphemous against the son of God, should thus horribly run one to the destruction of another, being worthily punished w ^t mutual slaughter and bloodshed for their impiety and blasphemy against Christ and his religion, whereby in the mean time some rest was given to the Christians.

Baiazetes partly by these victories discouraged, partly diseased and languishing of the goute, and partly also broken with age, finding himself unwieldy to the regiment of that tumultuous kingdom, began to have talk with his nobles about the choosing of one to succeed him. The occasion whereof ministered much matter of inward wars amongst the Turks. This Baiazetes had in all 6. sons, whereof three died before him, and three yet were left alive, to wit, Acomates, Corcuthus and Zilymus, Baiazetes himself had moste mind to Acomates, but the chiefest of his nobles did favor rather Zelymus: who through their traitorous incitation provoked him to stir war against his father: and notwithstanding that he was overcome in war, yet through intercession he was reconciled again to his father, and afterward proclaimed again Emperor against his fathers will, through the help & favor of the soldiers, entering the first beginning of his kingdom, in the murthering of his own father. The story whereof in some authors is thus declared.

After that the Ianizarites had persuaded with Baiazetes for that he himself was unwieldy, therefore he should do well to constitute some successor, and that he had assigned Acomates to succeed him, y ^e Ianizarites being offended with the said Acomates, because he would not enlarge their stipends and bribe them, compassing about the kings palace with their privy swords which they had under their garments, with a mighty cry, required Zelymus to be appointed for their Emperor. Unto whom when Baiazetes had answered that he had assigned Acomates, they refused him because he was fat, gross, and unable thereunto: but needs would have Zelymus, which was stout and warlike, to be made Emperor: and withal drew out their swords, crying Zelymus, Zelymus. Thē Baiazetes giving place to their fury, shown himself content to give them Zelymus: whom the Iaitizarites receiving, brought him into the palace: unto whom Baiazetes his father giving place, willed him not to be so hasty & furious in his doings, but to be modest and take heed what he did, and not to follow his fury, but to give place unto time, which revealeth all things, and think himself to be a man subject to dangers and icoperdies as other men are: and thus speaking, he resigned his Imperial throne and seat unto him, & went away all heavy, entering into a certain order of their religion. Wherupon followed great exclamatiōs of the people saluting Zelymus as Emperor. Who then taking the rule vpō him, begā w ^t great cruelty to govern, destroying many of his nobles, such as had stood against him some with poison, some by other cruel means, & advancing his own side with great honors and promotions.

Not long after that Zelymus was thus settled in his kingdom, Baiazetes his father intending to see & prove howe he behaved himself in his government, first entered into the treasure house, where he found all his riches to be scattered and gone. Afterwarde he came into his armory, where all the spoils gotten by war were likewise wasted: then entering into the Jewel house, where all his plate and gifts sent from Kings and Princes were kept, which likewise were dispearsed & given away. At length he came into the stable, where also he seeing his principal horses to be lacking, sighing with himself, and crying vengeance upon him, he prepared himself with the residue of the treasure which was remaining, to sails over into Natolia unto his eldest son, and passing by an Orchard near to the sea side, where he had appointed to take ship, in the mean time whilst the ships were in furnishing he sat down under a tree, & began to curse his son, and to axe vengeance upon him, for that he had so despised his father & was become so impious a wretch.

Zelymus understanding of his fathers departure, came into the orchard where his father was, seeming to be very heavy, and much lamēting that his father would so privily depart and go away, seeing that he desired not the government of the Empire, but was contented only with the title thereof. O father (said he) do not thus privily depart away: do not procure this shame to your son, who so tēderly loveth you. Let me have but the name only: and be you the Emperor in deed. The ende of your natural life most patiently I shall expect, which I pray God may long continue. And thus using many fair & flattering words to his father, he commanded a banket w ^t many deinty junkets, to be brought unto him, but tempered and infected w ^t poison. Which, as soon as Baiazetes had begun to taste of, and felt the strength of the poison working in his body, he toke his last farewell of his son, and going out of the city accompanied with a great retinue of mē, yelling and crying out in the streets, in the middle of his journey fell down and miserably died, in the year of our Lord, 1512. Here mayest thou see, good Reader, a cursed brood of this Turkish generation, where y ^t father dieth in cursing the son, and the son reigneth by poisoning his father.

Zelymus the 11. after Ottomannus.

AFter y ^t this wretched Zelymus had exercised his barbarous cruelty upon his father, w ^t like impiety he seeketh the destruction of his brethren and their children, first beginning his murder with the five children his Nephews, which were the sons of his 3. brethren before departed. Which done, then remained his other 2. brethren yet alive, Acomates and Corchutus with their children likewise to be destroyed. Of whom the one had 3. sons, whom the father sent to Zelymus his brother & their uncle, with fair and gentle words to entreat him to be good unto their father, offering to him their duty and service in all things, honoring him also as Emperor. But cruel Zelymus commanded forthwith his said Nephews to be strangled. The father hearing of the cruel murder of his sons, leaving house and home, went and hid himself in mountains, where he lived for a space with herbs and wild honey, but being bewrayed by one of his men, was brought to Zelymus, and so was strangled.

Christophorus Richerius, writing of these matters, seemeth something to differ from other stories, and saith that Zelymus, after the death of his brother Corchutus, came to Bursia, where he, under the color of making a great triumph, ordained a feast for his friends and kinsfolk, Wherunto were called especially his nephews: who then at the end of the feast calling his nephews aside (as under the pretence of conferring with them secretly about his necessary affairs) committed them to his servants to be strangled and put to death. All this while Acomates his brother, through the help & instruction of his mother, was kept out of the tyrants hands, till at length, after great labor and search made how to get him, certain forged letters were cast abroad, wherein was contained that Acomates, to revenge the great impiety & subdue the tyranny of Zelimus his brother, should show himself abroad. Which if he would do, he should find friends enough to take his part. Acomates circumvented with these subtle trains, partly for hope of revengement, partly for desire of y ^t Empire, shown him self abroad with such power and strength as he had: who being set upon incontinent by Zelymus his brother, was overcome in battle, and falling from his horse, being a man corpulent and gross, and his horse falling upon him, was so ouerpressed and slain.

Touching the death of this Acomates, Munsterus somewhat differing from this narration, addeth moreover, and saith, that he was not killed with the fall from his horse, but sitting all dismayed upon a stone, and seeing no other remeady but death, desired the Captain, taking his rings from his fingers, to deliver the same to his brother, desiring him that he might not be put to any extreme cruelty of death, but that he gently would suffer him to be let blood in the hath, and so to die. But Zelymus being not ignorant of this, suborneth privy tormenters, who binding his hands behind him, w ^t their feet cast him down upon the ground, and so twixing his neck with a coarde, did strangle him. This Acomates had two sons, who hearing of the death of their father, did fly for succor, the one to Sophus in Persia, and the other to the Sultane in Egypt.

By the means whereof, new occasion of war grew unto Zelymus, whereby he was kept in Asia at home, to fight against the Persians & Egyptians: so that through the Lord's providence, Christendom by that means was delivered from great danger and peril of the Turks tyranny: For otherwise, the Turk was wholly mineded, with all his force and puissance, to invade the Christians, being in doubt whether first to begin with Rhodes, or whether to assault Pannoma, or else to set upon Italy, being then at great discord within it self: but this cause occupied the Turks mind otherwise, and kept him at home. Suche was then the providence of the Lord for the safeguard of his people.

Wherefore, for so much as the affairs and doings of this Turk were spent for the most part in the Turkish & heathenish countries: it shall not be greatly necessary to trouble our Christian stories therw ^t , but only shall suffice to contracte them in a brief sum, declaring superficially what unquietness was amongst them there, which could never be quiet, but ever working some mischief either abroad, or at home. Amurathes the Turks nephewe aforesaid, after he had obtained aide of Sophus the king of the Persians, first invaded Cappadocia: not long after whom followed Ishmael, Sophus the Persian king.

By reason whereof a great battle was fought betwixt the Persians and Zelymus in the fields of Armenia major. In the which battle Ishmael Sophus the Persian Kyng was hurt on the shoulder with a pellet, and so being carried out of the field, left the victory to Zelymus: who all be it had an army of 150. M. men, yet he in the same field lost about 30000. of his Turks. Which field was fought in the yere of our Lord. 1514. Zelymus after this victory went to Tauricia the imperial City of the Persians, which he by yielding subdued.

In this mean time it happened that one Aladulus a king in Armenia the greater, was also a helper to Ishmael against the Turk, whereupon Zelymus the Turk taking great indignation, the next yere following, leaving y ^e Persians, fought against the said Aladulus, & in the end overcame him, and afterward being found in a cave in a wood, was taken out and brought to Zelymus and so beheaded: whose hed being first carried about Asia for a triumph, was afterward sent to the Senate of Venice for a terror unto them. The eldest son of Aladulus scaping the hands of his pursuers, fled into Egypt. This battle thus fought and ended, Zelymus after he had divided the kingdom of Aladulus into three provinces, went to Lycaonia, & from thence to Europe, there to defend the City of Samandria, against the Christians in Hungary. But the Hungarians being sone repressed by Juno Bassa the Turks captain, great preparation began to be made by the Turks against the confines of Seruia bordering vpō Hungary: The terror whereof stirred up Maximilian the Emperor, and Ladislaus king of Hungary, and Sigismundus Kyng of Polonie, to consult together, and conjoin their power for defense of Christendom. But through new incumberances incident, the turke leaving Europe, made haste again into Asia, to renew again his wars against the Persians, who had made a vow not to give over that war before Ishmael was overthrown.

But before he entered that war, first he sent his messengers to the Sultane of Egypt, requiring him not to entermedle in that war, for this sultane before had promised to assist the Persians against the Turk. The name of the Sultane which reigned then in Egypt, was Campson, set up by the Mamaluci. These Mamaluci were a certain order amongst the Egyptians, much like to the Ianizarites about the Turk, being the childrē of christen men, and after denyeng Christ, were the chiefest doers in y ^• Sultanes court, and being grown into a great multitude, did degenerate into a turkish barbarity, or rather became worse then Turks. This Campson unto the messengers of the Turk gave this answer again, that unless he would leave of his war against Ishmael, and restore the son of Aladulus, otherwise he would not lay down his armor.

Zelymus being incensed not a little with this insolent answer of the Sultane, leaving all other wars aside, with great celerity advanced his power against the Sultane. Which Sultan partly through the falsehood of his captain Caierbeius, partly by the sodeinnesse of the Turks coming, not far from the city of Damascus encoūtread with the turke, and there overthrown from his horse, being a fat and gross body, and falling under his horse, and his horse also falling upon him, was quashed in pieces and so died, which was the yere of our Lord. 1516.

Mamalucie, of whom more then a M. in this battle were slain, flyeng from thence to Memphis, set up Tomoumbeius in stead of Campson: whose captain Gazelles was overcome at the City of Gaza, & he afterward himself driven out of Memphis, where a great part of the Mamaluci were destroyed. Then Tomoumbeius flying over the flood Nile, renewed his army again: but in the ende was discomfited and chased into a marish, where he was found standing in the water up to the chin, and so being brought to Zelymus, was put to the rack and great torments, to make him confess where Campsons treasures were. But when he would not declare, he was carried about the Town with a halter about his neck, & hanged up vpō a hie gibber for a spectacle to all Egypt: which was the year of our Lord. 1517. And thus were the two Sultanes in Egypt destroyed with the Mamaluci, which there had borne the rule in Egypt the space of 243. years. The progeny of the which Mamaluci remaining of the wars, the Turk commanded in prison gates of Alexandria to be cut in pieces. Zelymus frō thence, triumphing departed to Constantinople, intending to spend the rest of his time in persecuting the Christians: But in that mean space he was stricken with a cankerd sore rotting inward, and died after he had reigned 7. years like a beast, in the year of our Lord. 1520.

The reign of this Turk was but short in number of years: but in number of his murders and cruel bloodshed it might seme exceeding long: which lived more like a beast then a mā, for he never spared any of his friends or kindred. His father first he poisoned, his brethren and all his cosins he quelled, leaving none of all his kindred alive. Moreover his chief and principal captains for small occasions he put to death, as Mustapha, Calogere, Chendeme, Bostāg his son in law, and Iunobassa.

It is said moreover that he intended the poisoning of his own son Suleiman, sending unto him a shirt infected w ^t poison, because he seemed something freely to speak against y ^e cruel demeanor of his father: But by the means of his mother, the gift being suspected, was given to another which was his Chamberlain, who putting on the shirt, was stricken with the poison thereof, and therewith all died.

As touching this Turk Zelymus, by the way here may be noted how y ^e secret providence of the Lord kept him occupied w ^t his Turkish wars at home, while that the reformation of Christian religion here in Europe the same time begō by Martin Luther, might the more quietly take some roaring without disturbance or interruption. For so it appeareth by the computation of time, that in the days of this Zelymus, Martin Luther first began to write against the Popes indulgences, which was in the year of our Lord. 1516.

Solymannus the 12. after Ottomannus.

SOlymannus the only son of Zelymus succeeded after his fathers death, who in the first beginning seemed to some to be simple and shepish, and not mete for the turkish government. Wherefore certain of his nobles cōsulting how to depose him, intended to set up another Emperor. In which conspiracy, especially are named Caierbeius & Gazelles. This Caierbeius was he y ^t betrayed before Campson the Sultane of Egypt to Zelymus, as is aforesaid: who now also being in consultation w ^t Gazelles & other about this matter, detected thē also unto Suleiman. Wherefore the said Gazelles and his fellows being thus detected, were put to death by Suleiman, declaring thereby that he was not so shepish as he was thought of them to be, & as also by his acts afterward did more appear.

Solymannus after this execution done upon the conspirators, taking his voyage into Europe, first besieged Belgradum: which being a Citye in Hungary, was the strongest forte of all the Romaine Empire, and the chief defense at that time, of all christendom, which also being assaulted before time by Amurathes the 2. was valiantly defended by Johannes Hunyadi as is above specified.