Acts and Monuments Volume 1

The lamentable losing of Constantinople.

ANno. 1453. Constantine Paloelogus, being Emperor of Constatinople, the 29. day of the month of May, the great City of Constantinople was taken by the Turk Mahometes, after the siege of 54. days, which siege began in the beginning of April. Within the city, beside the Citizens were but only 6000. rescuers of the Greeks. And 3000. of the Uenetians & Gennues. Against these, Mahometes brought an army of 400. thousand, collected out of the countries and places adjoining nere about, as out of Grecia, Illirico, Wallachia, Dardanis, Triballis, Bulganis, out of Bithynia, Galatia, Lydia, Cecilia, and such other: which places had the name yet of Christians. Thus one neighbor for lucre sake, helped to destroy all other.

The City was compassed of the Turks, both by the sea & land. Mahometes the Turk divided his army in 3. sundry partes, which in 3. partes of the city, so bette the walls and brake them down, that they attempted by the breaches thereof to enter the cittye. But the valiauntnes of the Christians there in wan much commendation, whose Duke was called John Iustinianus, of Genua. But for so much as the assaults were great, and the number of the Christian soldiers daily decreased, fighting both at the walls and at the Haven, against such a multitude of the Turks, they were not able long to hold out. Beside the armyes which lay battering at the walls, the Turk had upon the sea his nauy of 200. and 50. sail, lying upon the haven of the City, reaching from the one side of the hauens mouth unto the other, as if a bridge should be made frō the one bank to the other. Which haven by the cittizens was barred with iron chains, whereby the Turks were kept out a certain space. Agaynst which nauy 7. ships there were of Genua, within the haven, and 3. of Creta, and certain of Chio, which stood against them. Also the soldiers issuing out of the City, as occasion would serve, did manfully gaynstand them, and w ^t wild fire, set their ships on fire, that a certain space they could serve to no use. At length the cheynes being brast, & a way made, the Turks nauy entered the haven, and assaulted the City, whereby y ^e Turk began to conceive great hope, and was in forwardness to obtain the City. The assault and skirmish thē waxing more hot, Mahometes the tyrant stood by upon an hill, with his warriors about him, crying & houling out unto them to skale the walls and enter the town, otherwise, if any reculed, he threatened to kill them, and so he did. Wherefore a great number of his soldiers in their repulse and retire, were slain by the Turks men, being sent by his commandment to slay them: and so they were justly served, and well paid their hyer.

Although this was some comfort, to the Christians, to see and behold out of the City, the Turks retinue so consumed, yet that hope lasted not long. Shortly after by rage of war, it happened Justinian the Duke above named, to be hurt, who notwithstanding that he was earnestly desired by Paloelogus the Emperor, not to leave his Tower which he had to keep, seeing his wound was not deadly dangerous, yet could he not be entreated to tarry, but left his standing, and his fort disfurnished, setting none in his place to award the same. And so this donghty Duke, hurt more with his false heart, then with force of weapon, gave over and fled to Chius, where shortly after for sorrow, rather then for sorenes of wound, he died. Many of his soldiers seeing their captain flee, followed after, leaving their fort utterly destitute without defense. The Turks understanding y ^• vantage, soon brast into the city. The Emperor Paloelogus seeing no other way but to flee, making toward the gate, either was slain, or else trodden down w ^t the multitude. In the which gate 800. dead mens bodies were found and taken up.

The City of Constantinople thus being got, the Turks sacking and raunging about the streets houses, and corners, did put to the sword most unmercifully, whō soever they found, both aged and young: matrones, virgins, children, and infants: sparing none, the noble matrones and virgins were horriblye ravished, the goods of y ^e city, the treasurers in houses, the ornaments in churches were all sacked and spoiled, the pictures of Christ approbriously handled, in hatred of Christ. The spoil and havoc of the city lasted three days together, while y ^e barbarous soldiers murdered and rifeled what them listed.

These things thus being done, and the tumult ceased, after three days, Mahometes the Turk, entereth into the City, and first calling for the heads and ancients of thē City: such as he found to be left alive, he commanded the to be mangled and • ut in pieces. It is also (saith my author) reported, that in the feasts of the Turks, honest matrones and virgins, and such as were of the kings stock, after other co • umeties, were he 〈◊〉 and cut in pieces for their disport.

And this was the end of that princely and famous 〈◊〉 of Constantinople, beginning first by Constantine, and ending also with Constātinus: which for the princely royalty thereof, was named and ever honored, from the time of the first Constantine, equally with the City of Rome, & called also by the name thereof new Rome, & so continued the space of 1120. years. I pray God that old Rome may learn of new Rome, to take heed and beware by time.

This terrible destruction of the Citty of Constantinople, the Queen of Cittyes, I thought here to describe, not so much to set forth y ^e barbarous cruelty of these filthy rake hells and merciless murderers: as specially for this, that we being admonished by the doleful ruin and misery of these our even christened, may call to mind the plagues & miseries deserved, which seem to hang no less over our own heads, and thereby may learn betime to invocate and call more earnestly upon the name of our terrible and merciful God, that he for his sons sake, will keep us, & preserve his church among us, and mitigate those plagues and sorrows, which we no less have deserved, then these above minded, before us. Christ grant it. Amen. Ex hist. Wittenbergica Peucer.

The history of Reynold Peeocke Bishop of Chichester, afflicted and imprisoned for the Gospel of Christ.

AFter the death of Henry Chichisley before mentioned, pag. 657. next succeeded John Stafford. an. 1445. who continued 8. years. After him came John Kempe. ann. 1453. who sat but three years. Then succeeded Thomas Burschere. In the time of which Archbishop, fell the trouble of Reynold Pecocke, Bishop of Chichester, afflicted by the Popes Prelates for his faith and profession of the Gospel. Of this Byshoppe, Halle also in his Chronology toucheth a little mention, declaring that an overthwart judgment (as he termeth it) was given by the Fathers of the spiritualty against him. Thys man (saith he) began to move questions not privately, but openly in the Uniuersityes, concerning the Annates, Peter pence, and other jurisdictions and authorities pertaining to the sea of Rome, and not only put forth the questions, but declared his mind and opinion in the same: wherefore he was for this cause absured at Paul's Cross. Thus much of him writeth Hall. Of whom also recordeth Polychronycon, but in few words. This bishop, first of S. Assaphe, then of Chichester, so long as Duke Humfrey lived (by whom he was promoted and much made of) was quiet and safe, and also bold to dispute and to write his mind, and wrote (as Leland recordeth) diverse books and treatises. But after that good Duke was thus (as ye have heard) made away, this good man lacking his backstay, was open to his enemies, and matter soon found against him. Wherupon he being complained of, and accused by privy and malignant promoters unto the Archbishop, letters first were directed down from the Archbishop, to cite all men to appear that could say anything against him. The form of which citation here ensueth.

This citation being directed, the Bishop upon the sūmon thereof, was brought, or rather came before y ^e judges and Bishops, unto Lambeth, where the foresaid Thomas the Archbishop, with his doctors and Lawyers, were gathered together in the Archbishops Court. In which conuention also the Duke of Buckingham was present, accōpanyed with the Bishop of Rochester, and of Lyncolne. What were the opinions and articles against him objected, after in his reuocatiou shall be specified. In his answering for himself in such a company of the Popes friends, albeit he could not prevail, notwithstanding he stoutly defending himself declared many things worthy great commendation of learning, if learning against power could have prevailed.

But they on the contrary part, with all labor and travel, extended themselves, either to reduce him, or else to confound him. As here lacked no blustering words of terror and threatening: so also many fair flattering words and gentle persuasions, were admixt with all. Briefly, to make a short narration of a long and busy trauers, here was no stone left unturned, no ways vnprooued, either by fair means to entreat him, or by terrible manasses to terrifye his mind, till at the length, he being vanquished and overcome by the bishops, began to faint and gave over. Wherupon, by & by a recantation was put unto him by the Bishops, which he should declare before the people. The copy of which his recantation here followeth.

Notwithstanding (godly reader) it is not to be believed that Pecocke did so give over these opinions, howsoever the words of the recantation pretend. For it is a policy & play of the bishops that when they do subdue or overcome any mā, they carry him whither they list, as it were a young Stere by the nose, and frame out his words for him before hand, as it were for a Parate, what he should speak unto the people: not according to his own will, but after their lust and fantasy. Neither is it to be doubted, but that this Bishop repented him afterward of his recantation: which may easily be judged hereby, because he was committed again into prison, & detained captive, where as it is uncertain, whether he was oppressed with privy and secret tyranny, and there obtained the crown of Martyrdom, or no.

The Dictionary of Thomas Gascoigne, I have not in my hands present. But if credit be to be given to such as have to us alleged the book, this we may find in the 8. Century of John Bale. chapter 19. that the said Thomas Gascoigne in his third part of his said dictionary, writing of Reinold Pecocke, maketh declaration of his articles containing in them matter of sore heresy. First (saith he) Reynold Pecock, at Paul's cross preached openly, that the office of a Christian Prelate, chiefly above all other things is, to preach the word of God. That man's reason is not to be preferred before the Scriptures of the old and New Testament. That the use of Sacraments, as they be now handled, is worse, then the use of the law of nature. That Bishops which buy their admissions of the Bishop of Rome do sin. That no man is bound to believe and obey the determination of the Church of Rome. Also that the riches of Bishops, by inheritage, are the goods of the poor. Item that the Apostles themselves personally were not the makers of the Creed, & that in the same Creed, once was not the Article he went down to hell. Item, that of the four senses of the Scripture, none is to be taken, but the very first and proper sense. Also, that he gave little estimation in some points, to the authority of the old Doctors. Item, that he condemned the willful begging of the Friers, as a thing idle and needles. This out of Thomas Gascoigne. Leland also adding this moreover, saith: that he, not contented to follow the Catholic sentence of the Church in interpreting of the Scripture, did not think soundly (as he judged it) of the holy Eucharist.

At length, for these and such other Articles, the said Reynold Pecocke was condemned for an heretic by the Archbishops, and Bishops of Ross. Lyncolne and Winchester, with other divines moe. Wherupon he being drivē to his recantation, was notwithstanding detained still in prison. Where some say, that he was privily made away by death.

Halle addeth that some say, his opinions to be, that spiritual persons by God's law, ought to have no temporal possessions. Other write that he said, that personal tithes were not due by God's law. But whatsoever the cause was, he was caused at Paul's Cross to abjure, and all his books brent, and he himself kept in his own house, during his natural life. I marvel that Polydore, of this extremity of the Bishops handling, and of his Articles, in his history, maketh no memorial. Belike it made but little for the honestye of his great master the Pope.

From persecution & burning in England, now out of the way, to digress a little, to speak of foreign matters of the church of Rome: you remember before, in y ^e latter end of the Council of Basel, howe Eugenius was deposed. Of whose conditions and martial affairs, how he made war against Sfortia a famous Captain of Italy, and what other wars he raised beside, not only in Italy, but also in Germany, against the City and Council of Basel, I shall not need to make any long rehearsal. After his depositiō, ye heard also how Felix duke of Savoy was elected pope. Wherupō another great schism followed in the church during all the life of Eugenius.

After his death, his next successor was pope Nicholas the fifth, who (as you before have heard) brought so to pass with the Emperor Frederick the third that Felix was contented to renounce and resign his papacy to Nicolas, and was therefore of him afterward received to the room of a Cardinal, for his submission: & Friderick for his working, was confirmed at Rome to be full Emperor, & there crowned. an. 1451. For Emperors before they be confirmed & crowned by the pope, are no Emperors, but only called kings of Romans.

This Pope Nicholas here mentioned, for to get & gather great sūmes of money, appointed a Jubilee in the year of our Lord 1450. at which time there resorted a greater number of people unto Rome, thē hath at any time before been seen. At which time, we read in the story of Platina to have happened, that I thought here not unworthy to be noted for the example of the thing. As there was a great concourse of people resorting up to the mount Uaticane to behold the Image of our Savior, which there they had to show to Pilgrimes, the people being thick going to & fro between the mount & the City, by chance a certain Mule of the Cardinals of saint Mark came by the way, by reason whereof the people not being able to avoid the way, one or two falling upon the Mule, there was such a press and throng upon that occasion on the bridge, that to the nūder of two hundred bodies of men, and three horses, were there strangled, and on each side of the bridge many besides fell over into the water and were drowned.

By means of which occasiō, the Pope afterward caused the small houses to be plucked down, to make the way broder. And this is the fruit that cometh by Idolatry. Ex Platin.

In the time of this Pope, one Mat. Palmerius wrote a book De Angels, in defending whereof, he was condemned by the Pope, and burned at Corna. an. 1448 Ex Tritemio.

After him succeeded Calixtus the third, who amongst diverse other things ordained both at noon and at evening the bell to tole the Aues, as it was used in the popish time, to help the soldiers that fought against the Turks: for which cause also he ordained the feast of the transfiguration of the Lord, solemnising it with like pardons and indulges, as was Corpus Christi day.

Also this Pope proceeding contrary to the Councils of Constance and Basel, decreed that no man should appeal from the Pope to any Council. By whom also Sayncte Edmunde of Canterbury with diverse other, were made Saints.

Next after this Calixtus, succeeded Pius secundus, otherwise called Aeneas Sylvius, who wrote the two books of Commentaries upon the Council of Basel before mentioned. This Aeneas, at the time of the writing of those his books, seemed to be a man of an indifferent and tolerable judgment and doctrine, from the which he afterward being Pope, seemed to decline and swerve, seeking by all means possible, how to deface & abolish the books which heretofore he had written.

The like sentence to this he uttereth in his second book of the Council of Basil before specified, saying, peradventure it were not the worst, that the most part of priests had their wives: for many should be saved in Priestly marriage, which now in vnmaryed Priesthoode are damned. The same Pius also, as Celius reporteth, dissolved certain orders of Nuns, of the order of S. Briget and S. Clare, bidding them to depart out, that they should burn no more, nor cover a Harlotte under the vesture of Religion.

This Pius, if he had brought so much piety and godliness, as he brought learning unto his Popedom, had excelled many Popes that went before him.

It shall not be impertinent here to touch, what the said Eneas called Pius, the Pope, writeth touching the peace of the church, unto Gaspee Schlick, the Emperors Chancelor, in his 54. Epistle.

By this may it appear, of what sentence and mind this Pius was in y ^e time of the Council of Basel, before he was made Pope. But as our common proverb saith, honors changeth manners, so it happeneth with this Pius, who after he came once to be Pope, was much altered from that he was before. For where as before he preferred general Councils before the Pope, now being Pope, he did decree that no man should appeal from the high Bishop of Rome: to any general Council.

And likewise for priests marriage, where as before he thought it best to have their wives restored, yet afterward he altered his mind otherwise: In so much that in his book entreating of Germany, and there speaking of the noble city of August, by occasion he inueyed against a certain Epistle of Hulderike once bishop of the said City, written against the constitution of the single life of priests. Whereby it appeareth how the mind of this Pius was altered frō that it was before. This Epistle of Hulderick is before expressed at large in the pag. 137.

Here also might I touch something concerning the discord betwixt this Aeneas Sylvius and Diotherus, Archbish. of Mainz, and what discord was stirred up in Germany upon the same between Frederick the Palatine, and duke of Wittenburg, with others, by the occasion whereof, besides the slaughter of many, the City of Mainz, which was free before, lost their freedom, and became servile.

The causes of the discord betwixt Pope Pius and Diotherus, were these.

First, because that Diotherus would not consent unto him in the imposition of certain tallages and taxes, within his country.

Secondly, for that Diotherus would not be bound unto him, requiring that the said Diotherus being prince Electour, should not call the other Electors together, without his license that is, without the license of the Bishop of Rome.

And thirdly, because Diotherus would not permit to the Popes Legates, to conuocate his Clergy together after their own lust. This Pope Pius began his lea, about the yere of our Lord. 1458.

After this Pius secundus, succeeded Paulus secūdus, a pope wholly set upon his belly and ambition, and not so much void of all learning, as the hater of all learned men. Thys Paulus had a daughter begotten in fornication, which because he saw her to be had in reproach, for that she was got ten in fornication, began (as the stories report) to repent him of the law of the single life of priests, and went about to reform the same, had not death prevented him. Ex Stanislao Rutheno.

After this Paulus, came Sixtus the fourth, which built up in Rome a stews of both kinds, getting thereby no small revenues and rents unto the church of Rome. This Pope amongst his other acts, reduced the year of Iubely from the 50. unto the 25. He also instituted the feast of the Conception, and of the presentation of Mary & of Anna her mother, and Joseph. Also he canonised Bonaventure, and S. Francis for Saints.

By this Sixtus also, beads were brought in, and instituted to make our Ladies Psalter, thorough the occasion of one Alanus and his order, whom Baptista maketh mention of in this verse. Hi filo insertis numerant sua murmura baccis. That is, these men putting their beads upon a string number their prayers. This Sixtus the Pope made xxxij. Cardinals in his time, whom Petrus Ruerius, was the first, who for that time that he was Cardinal, which was but two years, spent in luxurious riot, wasted and consumed, 2, hundred thousand Floreines and was left 60000. in debt. Wesellus Groningensis, in a certain Treatise of his, de In dulgentijs papalibus, writing of this Pope Sixtus, reporteth this, that at the request of the foresaid Peter Cardinal, and of Jerome his brother the said Pope Sixtus permitted and granted unto the whole family of the Cardinal of S. Lucy, in the iii. hot months of summer, June, July, and August (a horrible thing to be spoken) free leave and liberty to use Sodomitry, with this clause, Fiat vt petitur: That is, be it as it is asked.

Next after this Sixtus, came Innocentius the eight as rude and as far from all learning, as his predecessor was before him. Amongest the noble facts of this Pope, this was one, that in the town of Polus apud Aequicolos, he caused 8. men and 6. women, with the Lord of the place to be apprehended and taken, and judged for heretics, because they said that none of them was the vicar of Christ which came after Peter, but they which followed only the poverty of Christ. Also he condemned of heresy, George the king of Boheme, and deprived him of his dignity, and also of his kingdom, and procured his whole stock to be utterly rejected and put down, giving his kingdom to Mathias king of Panonia.

Now from the Popes to descend to other estates, it remaineth likewise somewhat to write of the Emperors incident to this time, with matters and grievances of the Germaynes, as also of other princes, first beginning with our troubles & mutations here at home, pertaining to the overthrow of this King Henry and of his seat now following, to be shown. And briefly to contract long process of much tumult and business, into a short narration, here is it to be remembered, which partly before was signified, how after y ^e death of the Duke of Gloucester, mischiefs came in by heaps upon the king and his realm. For after the giving away of Angeow, and Mayne to the Frenchmen, by y ^e unfortunate marriage of Queen Margaret above mentioned, the said frenchmen perceiving now by the death of y ^e duke of Gloucester, the stay and pillar of this common wealth to be decayed, and seeing moreover the harts of the nobility, among themselves to be divided, foreslacked no time, having such an open way into Normandy, that in short time they recovered the same, & also gate Gascoigne, so that no more now remained to England, of all the parts beyond y ^e sea but only Calais. Neither yet did all the calamity of y ^e realm only rest in this: For the king now having lost his friendly uncle, as the stay & staff of his age, which had brought him up so faithfully from his youth, was now thereby the more open to his enemies, & they more emboldened, so set upon him: As appeared first by Jack Cade, the Kentishe Captayne, who encamping first in Blackheath, afterward aspired to Londō, and had the spoil thereof, the king being driven into Warwickshyre. After the suppressing of Cade, ensued not long after the duke of York, who being accompanied with 3. Erles, set upon the king next to S. Albons where the king was taken in the field captive, & the Duke of York was by Parliament declared protector, which was in the year of our Lord 1453. After this followed long division and mortal war between the two houses of Lancastar and York, continuing many years. At length about the year of our Lord 1459. the Duke of York was slain in battle by the Queen, near to the town of Wakefield, and with him also his son Earl of Rutlande. By the which Queen also shortly after, in y ^e same year, were discomfited the Earl of Warwick and Duke of Northfolk, to whom the keeping of the king was committed by the Duke of York, and so the Queen again delivered her husband.

After this victory obtained, the Northern men advanced not a little in pride and courage, began to take upon thē great attempts, not only to spoil and rob Churches, and religious houses, & villages, but also were fully entēded partly by themselves, partly by the inducemēt of their Lord's and Captains, to sack, waste, and utterly to subvert the City of London, and to take the spoil thereof: and no doubt ( • ayth my history) would have proceeded in thyr conceived greedy intent, had not y ^e oportune favor of God provided a speedy remedy. For as these mischiefs were in bruing, suddenly cometh the noble Prince Edward unto London, w ^t a mighty army, the 27. day of February, who was the son and heir to duke of York above mentioned, accompanied with the Earl of Warwick, and diverse moe. King Henry in the mean time, with his victory, went up to York: when as Edward being at London, caused there to be proclaimed certain articles concerning his title to y ^e crown of England, which was the 2. day of March.

Wherupon, the next day following, the Lord's both temporal & spiritual being assembled together, the said articles were propounded, and also well approved. The fourth day of the said month of March, after a solemn general procession (according to the blind superstition of those days) the Bishop of Exceter made a Sermon at Paul's Cross, wherein he commended and proved by manifold euidēces, the title of Prince Edward to be just and lawful, answering in the same, to all objections which might be to the contrary.

This matter being thus discussed, Prince Edward accompanied with the Lord's spiritual & temporal, & with much concourse of people, rode y ^e same day to Westminster Hall, and there by the full consent, as well of the Lord's, as also by the voice of all the Commons, took his possession of the Crown, & was called K. Edward the fourth.

These things thus accomplished at London, as to such a matter apperteined, and preparation of money sufficiently being ministered of the people and commons, with most ready and willing minds, for the necessary furniture of his wars: he with the Duke of Norfolk, and Earl of Warwick; and Lord Fauconbrige, in all speedy wise, took his journey toward king Henry: who being now at York, and forsaken of the Londoners, had all his refuge only reposed in the Northern men.

When king Edward with his army had past over the River of Trent and was commē nere to Ferebrig: where also the host of king Henry was not far of, vpō Palm Sunday, between Ferebrig and Tadcaster, both the armyes of the Southren and Northern men, joined together battle. And although at the first beginning, diverse horsemen of king Edward's side, turned their backs, and spoiled the king of carriage & victuals, yet the courageous prince, with his Captains little discouraged therewith, fiercely and manfully set on their adversaries. The which battle on both sides was so cruelly fought, that in the same conflict were slain to y ^e mumber, as is reported, beside men of name, of 30000. of the poor commons. Notwithstanding, the conquest fell on king Edward's part, so that king Henry having lost all, was forced to fly into Scotland, where also he gave up to the Scots, the town of Barwicke after he had reigned 38. years and a half.

The claim and title of the Duke of York, and after him, of Edward his son, put up to the Lord's & commons, whereby they challenged the crown to the house of York, is thus in the story of Scala mundi, word for word, as hereunder is contained.

And thus much for the reign of king Henry the 6. Who now lacked his uncle and protector, Duke of Gloucester, about him. But commonly the lack of such friends, is never felt before they be missed.

In the time of this king was built the house in London called Lead̄ hall, founded by one Simon Eyre, Major once of the said City of London. an. 1445.

Also the standard in cheap built by John Wels, an. 1442. the Conduite in Fleetstreet by William Castfield. an 1438. Item, Newgate built by goods of Rich. Whittington, an. 1422.

Moreover the said Henry 6. founded the College of Eton, and another house having then the title of S. Nicolas in Cambridge, now called the kings Colege. Ex Scal. mundi.

In the reign of this Henry 6. it is not be passed over in silence which we find noted in the Parliament rolles how that Louis Archbishop of Rhoen, after the death of the late Bishop of Eley, had granted unto him by y ^e popes Bulls, during his life, all y ^e profits of the said bishopric by the name of the administratour of the said Bishopric, Louis the foresaid Archbishop showeth his Bulls to the king, who utterly rejected his Bulls. Notwithstanding for his service done in France, the king granted to him the administration aforesaid, the which to all intents at the petition of the said Louis, should be affirmed to be of as great force as though he were bishop, touching profits, liberties and hability.

Neither again is here to be overpast a certain tra gicall Acte done between Easter and Whitsuntide of a false Britone, an. 1427. Which murdered a good widow in her bed (who had brought him up of alms, without Algate in the suburbs of London) and bare away all that she had, & afterward he took succor of holy church at S. Georges in Southwarke: but at the last he took the cross & forswore the kings land. And as he went his way, it happened him to come by the same place where he had done that cursed deed, and women of the same parish, came out with stones and cannell dong, and there made an end of him in the hye street, so that he went no further, notwithstanding the Constables and other men also which had him under governance to conduct him forward: for there was a great company of them, so that they were not able to withstand them.

Kyng Edward the fourth.

K Ing Edward, after his conquest and victory achieued against king Henry, returned again to London, where, upon the Uigil of S. Peter and Paul, being on Sunday, he was crowned king of England, & reigned 22. years, albeit not without great disquitnes, and much perturbation in his reign.

Queen Margaret hearing how her husband was fled into Scotland, was also fain to fly the land, and went to her father Duke of Angeow: From whence the next year following she returned again to renew war against king Edward, with small succor and less luck: For being encountered by the Earl of Warwick, about November she was driven to the seas again, and by tempest of weather, was driven into Scotland.

In this yere we read that king Edward in the cause of a certain widow for rape, sat his own person in Westminster hall upon his own Bench, discussing her cause. Ex Scal. mundi.

The year following, king Henry issuing out of Scotland with a sufficient power of Scots and Frenchmen came into the Northcountrey to recover the crown, unto whom the Lord Radulph Percy, & Lord Radulph Grey flying from king Edward, did adioyn, themselves: but the Lord so disposing, king Henry with his power was repulsed in the battle of Exham by the Lord Mountacute, having then the rule of the North: where the Duke of Somerset, Lord Hungerford, Lord Ross with certain other were taken. The Lord Radulph Percy was slain, the residue fled. Albeit the history of Scal. mūdi, referreth this battle to the year 1464. the 15. day of May. In the which month of May, were beheaded the duke of Somerset, Lord Hungerford, Lord Ross, L. Philip Wentworth, L. Tho. Husly, L. Tho. Findern, beside 21. other belonging to the retinue and household of king Henry 6. Queen Margaret finding no resting place here in England, took her progress again from whence she came, learning in her own country to drink that drink, which she her self had brued here in England.

And not long after, the next year, an. 1465. on the day of S. Peter and Paul, king Henry being found & known in a wood by one Cantlow (as they say) was arrested by the Earl of Warwick, and at last of a king made prisoner in the tower of London.

In this mean time, king Edward (after the motion of marriage for him being made, and first the Lady Margaret sister to James the 4. K. of Scots thought upon, but that motion taking no effect, afterward the Lady Elizabeth sister to Henry king of Castelle, being intended, but she being under age, the Earl of Warwick turning then his legation and voyage to the French king Louis the II. to obtain Lady Bona, daughter of the duke of Savoy, and sister to Carlot the French Queen, and obtaining the same) had cast favor unto one Elizabeth Grey, widow of Syr John Grey knight, slain before in the battle of S. Albōs, daughter to the Duches of Bedford, and Lord Rivers, and first went about to have her to his concubine: But she, as being unworthy (as she said) to be the wife of such a high personage, so thinking her self to be to good to be his concubine, in such sort wan the kings heart, that incontinent, before the return of the Earl of Warwick, he married her: at the which marriage were no moe then only the Duches of Bedford, two gentle women, the priest & clark. Upō this so hasty & unlucky marriage, ensued no little trouble to the king, much bloodshed to the realm, undoing almost to all her kyndred, and finally confusion to the K. Edward's 2. sons, which both were declared afterward to be bastards and also deprived of their lives: For the Earl of Warwick, who had been the faithful friend, and chief maynteiner before of the king, at the hearing of this marriage, was therewith so grievously moved and chaffed in his mind, that he never after sought anything more, then how to work displeasure to the king, and to put him beside his cusshion. And although for a time he dissembled his wrathful mood, till he might spy a time convenient, and a world to set forward his purpose, at last finding occasion somewhat serving to his mind, he breaketh his heart to his two brethren: to wit, the Marques Mountacute, & the Archbishop of York, conspiring with them how to bring his purpose about. Then thought he also to prove a far of, the mind of the duke of Clarence, king Edwards brother, & likewise obtained him, giving also to him his daughter in Marriage.

This matter being thus prepared against the king, the first flame of this cōspiracy began to appear in y ^e north country. Where the Northrenmen in short space gathering thenselves in an open rebellion, & finding certaines of their wicked purpose, came down from York toward London. Against whom was appointed by the king. W. lord Harbert Earl of Penbroke, with the Lord Stafford, and certain other Captains, to encounter. The Yorkeshyre mē giving the overthrow first to the lord Stafford, thē to the Earl of Penbrok and his company of Welchmē, at Banbery field, at last joining together with the army of the Earl of Warwick, and Duke of Clarence, in the dead of the night, secretly stealing one the kings field at Wolney by Warwick, killed the watch, and took the king prisoner, who first being in the castle of Warwick, then was conveyed by night to Midleham Castle in Yorkeshyre, under the custody of the Archbishop of York, where he having loose keeping and liberty to go on hunting, meeting with syr William Standley, syr Thomas of Brough, and other his friends, was to good for his keepers, and escaped the hands of his enemies, and so came to York, where he was well received: from thence to Lankester, where he met with the Lord Hastinges his Chamberlayne, well accompanied, by whose help he came safe to London.

After this tumult, when reconciliation could not come to a perfect peace & unity, although much labor was made by y ^e nobility, the Earl of Warwick raiseth up a new war in Lincolnshyre, the captain whereof was Sir Rob. wels knight, who shortly after being taken in battle with his father, and sir Thomas Dunocke were beheaded, the residue casting away their coats, ran away and fled, giving y ^e name of the field, called Losecoat field. The erle of Warwick after this put out of comfort and hope to prevail at home, fled out of England. An. 1470. first to Calais, then to Louis the French king, accompanied with the Duke of Clarence. The fame of y ^e Earl of Warwick and of his famous acts, was at that time in great admiration above measure, and so highly favored, that both in England & France all men were glad to behold his personage. Wherefore the coming of this Earl & of the Duke of Clarence, was not a little grateful to the French king, and no less oportune to Queen Margaret, King Henryes wife, and Prince Edward her son, who also came to the French Courte to meet and confer together, touching their affairs: where a league between thē was concluded, & moreover a marriage between Edward prince of Wales, & Anne the second daughter of the Earl of Warwick was wrought. Thus all things fasting luckely vpō the Erles part beside the large offers, and great promises made by the French king, on the best manner, to set forward their purpose, the Earl having also intelligence by letters that the harts almost of all men went with him, and lōged sore for his presence, so that there lacked now but only hast with all speed possible to return: he with the duke of Clarence well fortified with the French nauy, set forward toward England: For so was it between them before decreed, that they two should prove the first venture, and then Queen Margaret with Prince Edward her son, should follow after. The ariuall of y ^e Earl was not so soon heard of at Dartmouth in Deuonshyre, but great cōcourse of people by thousands went to him from all quarters to receive & welcome him, who immediately made proclamation in the name of king Henry the sixth, charging all men able to bear armor, to prepare themselves to fight against Edward Duke of York usurper of the Crown. Here lacked no friends, strength of men, furniture, nor policy convenient for such a matter.

When king Edward (who before not passing for the matter, nor seeking how, either to have stopped his iāding, or else straight ways to have encountered with him before the gathering of his friends, but passing forth the time in hunting, in hawking, in all pleasure & daliance) had knowledge what great resort of multitudes incessantly repaired more and more daily about the Earl and the Duke began now to provide for remedy, when it was to late. Who trusting to much to his friends and fortune before, did now right well perceive what a variable and inconstant thing the people is, & especially here of England, whose nature is never to be content long with the present state, but always delighting in news, seeketh new variety of changes, either envying that which standeth, or else pitying that which is fallen. Which inconstant mutability of the light people, changing with the wind, and wavering with the reed, did well appear in the course of this kings story. For he, through the people when he was down, was exalted: now being exalted of the same, was forsaken. Whereby this is to be noted of all princes, that as there is nothing in this mutable world firm and stable: so is there no trust nor assurance to be made, but only in the favor of God and in the promises of his word, only in Christ his son, whose only kingdom shall never have ende, nor is subject to any mutation.

These things thus passing in England on the Earls side against king Edward, he accompanied with y ^e Duke of Gloucester his brother, and the Lord Hastings, who had married the erle of Warwicks sister, and yet was never untrue to the king his master: and the Lord Seals brother to the Queen, sent abroad to all his trusty friends for furniture of able soldiers for defense of his person to w ^t stand his enemies. Whē little rescue & few in effect would come, the king himself so destitute, departed to Lincolneshyre, where he perceiving his enemies daily to increase upon him, & all the countries about to be in a tore, making fires & singing songs, crying king Henry, king Henry, a Warwick, a Warwick, and hearing moreover his enemies y ^e Lancastrians to be within half a days journey of him, was advised by his friends to fly over the Sea to y ^e Duke of Burgoyne, which not long before had married king Edward's sister.

Here might be thought, by the common judgment and policy of man, peraduētnre that king Edward, as he had in his hands the life of king Henry of his Queen and Prince: so if he had dispatched them out of the way, when as he might, he had not fallen into this misery: but because he took not the vauntage, which time rather then godly reason gave him, therefore that sparing pity of his turned now to his confusion and ruin. And certes, I suppose no less, but if the same case had fallen in these our pittlesse days, in which charity now waxeth utterly cold, and humanity is almost forgotten, the occason of such a time should not be so neglected. But let us here note and learn, how godly simplicity always in the end of things gayneth more then man's policy, forsomuch as man worketh with the one, but God worketh with the other.

And so far is it of, that the event and success of things be governed by man's advised policy, or unadvised affection in this world, that that is judged to be weaker that flourisheth in man, then that which is cast down in the Lord: as in the double case of both these kings may well appear. And first let us consider the case of king Edward who being so beset and compassed with evils and distresses on every side, first was compelled to take the washes between Lincolneshyre and Lynne (which was no less dangerous to his life then it was unseemly for his estate.) Being come to Linne, in what peril was he there, through the doubtful mutabilitye of the towns men, if he had been known to his enemies? And how could he be but known, if he had tarried any space? But though men and friends forsook him, yet the mercy of God not forsaking the life of him which shown mercy unto other, so provided, that at y ^e same present there was an English ship, and two hulkes of Holland ready to their journey. Thus king Edward w ^t out provision, without bag or baggage, without clothsacke or male, without store of money, without raiment, save only apparel for war, also without all friends, except only his brother Duke of Gloucester, the Lord Scales, & Lord Hastinges, with a few other trustye friends, to the number of 7. or 8. hundred persons took shipping toward Holland: at which time he was in no less ieoperdy almost on the sea, then he was on the land. For certain Esterlinges having many ships of war, which lay roving the same tune on the sea, and had done much domage the year before, as well to the English Marchauntes, as to the French nation, spying the kings ship, with seven or eight gallaunt ships made sail after the king and his company. The kings ship was good of sail, and gate some ground, albeit not much of the Esterlinges, that she came to the coast of Halland, before Alquemare, and there cast anker: for otherwise, being an ebbing water, they could not enter the haven. The Esterlings with their great ships approached as nere as they could possible come for the low water, purposing at y ^e flond to obtain their pray, & so were like to do, if the Lord had not there also provided Mounsiour de Groun ture, governor for Duke Charles in Holland, at that season to be personally present in the town of Alquemare, who hearing of the jeopardy of the king, being there at anker, prohibited the Esterlings on pain of death, not to meddle with any English men, which were the Dukes friends and alies.

Thus K. Edward well chastised of God for his wantonness both by sea and land, but not utterly givē over frō his protection, escaping so many hard chaūces, was set on land with his company, who there well refreshed, & newly appareled, were conducted to Hage.

Duke Charles at the hearing of the unprosperous case and condition of king Edward his brother in law, was greatly amazed and perplexed in himself, much casting and doubting what he should do: For, being then in war with the French king, he could not well provoke the English nation against him, without his manifest greuaunce and decay: neither yet could he without great shame and obloquy, leave the king his brother in that necessity. Notwithstanding, so he demannured himself through fair speech, pretending to the English men to join part with y ^e house of Lancaster, being himself partly descended of the same family by his Graundmothers side: that he both was his own friend openly, and the kings friend covertly, pretending that he did not, and doing that he pretended not.

Whē tidings was spread in England of king Edwards flying, innumerable people of all hands resorted to y ^e Earl of Warwick, to take his part, against K. Edward a few only except of his constant friends which took sanctuary. Among whom was also Elizabeth his wife, who desperate almost of all comfort, took also sanctuarye at Westminster, where she in great penury forsakē, was delivered of a fair son called Edw. which without all pomp was baptized like another poor woman's child, the Godfathers being the Abbot and Prior of Westminster, the Godmother was Lady Scroope.

To make the story short, the Earl of Warwick having now brought all things to his appetite, upon the 12. day of October, rode to the Tower, which was then delivered to him, and there took king Henry out of the ward, & placed him in the kings lodging. The 25. day of the said month, the Duke of Clarence accōpanyed with the Erles of Warwick, Shrewsbury, and the Lord Standley, with a great company, brought him in a long gown of blew velvet thorough the hye streets of London, first to Paul's Church, to offer, then to the bishops palace of London, and there he resumed again the crown royal, an. 1471. which he did not long enjoy.

After this followed a Parliament, in the which king Edward with all his partakers were judged traitors, Queen Margarete with her son Prince Edward, all this while was tarrying for a fair wind, thinking long belike, till she came to an evil bargayne, as it proved after. For king Edward within six months after his departure out of England unto the Duke of Burgoyne, whether by letters from his friends sollicitate, or whether by his aduēturous courage incited, made instant sure to duke Charles his brother, to rescue him with such power, as he would bestow upon him, for he was fully resolved to defer the matter and to protract the time no longer.

The Duke damped in double fear, in such a dangerous case, notwithstanding overcome by nature and affinity, secretly caused to be delivered to him 50000. Florence, & further caused four great ships to be appointed for him in a haven in Zealand where it was free for all men to come. Also the same Duke had for him hired 14. ships of the Esterlinges well appointed, taking band of them to serve him truly, till he were landed in England, and 15. days after.

Thus king Edward being furnished but only with 2000. men of war, with more luck then hope to speed, sped his voyage into England, and landed at Rauenspur in the coast of Yorkeshyre. Although there was no way for the king with such a small company of soldiers to do any good, yet to use policy, where strength did lack, first he sent forth certain light horsemen, to prove the country on every side, with persuasions, to see whether the vplandyshe people would be stirred to take king Edwards part. Perceiuing that it would not be, king Edward flieth to his shifts, dissembling his purpose to be, not to claim the crown and kingdom, but only to claim the Duchy of York, which was his own title, and caused the same to be published. This being notified to the people, that he desired no more, but only his just patrimony and lineal inheritance, they began to be moved with mercy and compassion toward him, either to favor him or not to resist him, and so iournying toward York, he came to Beuerly. The Marques Mountacute, brother to the Earl of Warwick, was then at Pomfret, to whom the Earl had sent straight charge, with all expedition to set upon him, or else to stop his passage: and likewise to the Citizens of York and all Yorkeshyre, to shut their gates and take armor against him, King Edward being in the streets, proceeded notwithstanding nere to York, without resistance: where he required of the Citizens, to be admitted into their Citty. But so stood the case then, that they durst not grant unto him, but contrary sent him word to approach no nearer, as beloved his own safeguard. The desolate king was here driven to a narrow strait, who neither could retire back, for the opinion of the country and loss of his cause: neither could go further, for the present danger of the City. Wherefore using the same policy as before, with lovely words, and gentle speech he desired the messengers to declare unto the Citizens, that his coming was not to demand the realm of England, or the title of the same but only the Duchye of York, his old inheritance, and therefore determined to set forward, neither w ^t army, nor weapō. The mess̄gers were not so soon within y ^e gates, but he was at the gates in a manner, as soon as they. The Citizens hearing his courteous answer, and that he intended nothing to the prejudice of the king, nor of the realm, were something mitigated toward him, and began to common with him from the walls, willing him to withdraw his power to some other place, and they would be the more ready to aid him, at least he should have no damage by them.

Notwithstanding, he again used such lowly language, and delivered so fair speech unto them, entreating them so courteously, and saluting the Aldermen by their names, requiring at their hands no more, but only his own town whereof he had the name and title, that at length the Citizens, after long talk, and debating upon the matter, partly also enticed with fair and large promises, fell to this cōuention, that if he would swear to be true to king Henry, & gentle in entertaining his citizens, they would receive him into the City.

This being concluded, the next morning, at the entering of the gate, a priest was ready to say Mass, in y ^e which, after receiving of the sacrament, the king received a solemn oath, to observe the ii. articles afore agreed. By reason of which oath so rashly made, & as shortly brokē, and not long after punished (as it may well be thought) in his posterity, he obtained y ^e city of York. Where he, in short time forgetting his oth to make all sure, set in garrisons of armed soldiors. Furthermore, perceiving all things to be quiet, and no stir to be made against him, he thought to foreslacke no opportunity of time, and so made forward toward London, leaving by y ^e way the Marques Mountacute, which lay then with his army at Pomfrete, on the right hand, not fully four miles distant from his campe: and so returning to the hye way again, went forward without any stirring to the town of Nottingham: where came to him, sir W. Parre, sir Thomas of Borough, sir Tho. Montgomery, & diverse else of his assured friends, with their aids, which caused him by proclamation, to stand to his own title of king Edward the fourth, saying that they would serve no man, but a king. At the fame here of being blown abroad, as y ^e Citizens of York were not a little offended (& that worthily) so frō other towns and cities, Lord's and noble men began to fall unto him, thinking with thenselves, that the Marques Mountagew either favored his cause, or was afraid to encounter w ^t the mā. Howsoever it was, K. Edward being now more fully furnished at all points, came to y ^e town of Leicester, and there hearing that y ^e earle of Warwick accompanied with y ^e earle of Oxford, were together at Warwick, with a great power, minding to set on the Earl, he removed from thence his army, hoping to give him battle. The Duke of Clarence in the mean time, about London had levied a great host coming toward y ^e earle of Warwick, as he was by the Earl appointed. But when the Earl saw the Duke to linger the time, he began to suspecte (as it fell out in deed) that he was altered to his brethrenes part. The king auansing forward his host, came to Warwick, where he found all the people departed. Frō thence he moved toward Coventry, where the Earl was: unto whom the next day after, he boldly offered battle. But the Earl expecting y ^e Duke of Clarence his coming, kept him within the walls. All this made for the king. For he hearing that his brother, Duke of Clarence was not far off, coming toward him with a great army, raised his campe, and made toward him, either to entreat, or else to encounter with his brother. When ech host was in sight of the other, Richard Duke of Gloucester, brother to thē both, as arbitour between thē, first rode to the one, then to the other. Whether all this was for a face of a matter made, it is uncertain. But hereby both the brethren, leaning all army and weapon aside, first lovingly and familiarly commoned: after that, brotherly and naturally joined together. And that fraternal amity, by proclamation also was ratified, and put out of all suspicion.

Then was it agreed between y ^e iii. brethren to attempt the earle of Warwick, if he likewise would be reconciled; but he crying out shame vpō the Duke of Clarence, stood at utter defiance. From thence king Edward so strongly furnished, & daily increasing, taketh his way to London. Where, after it was known y ^t the duke of Clarence was come to his brethren, much fear fell vpō the Londoners, casting with thenselves what was best to do. The sodaynues of time permitted no long cōsultation. There was at London the same time, the Archbishop of York, brother to y ^e Earl of Warwick, and the duke of Somerset, with other of K. Henries counsel to whom the earle had sent in commandment a little before, knowing the weakness of the City, that they should keep the City from their enemies ii. or iii. days, and he would follow with all possible speed, with a puissaunt army. Who, according to their commandment, defended the City with all their power, but yet to little purpose: For the Citizens consulting with thenselves for their own most indēnitie, having no walls to defend thē, thought best to take that way, which seemed to thē most sure & safe, & therefore concluded to take part with king Edward. This was not so soon known abroad, but the cōminaltie rāue out by heaps to meet king Edward, & to salute him as their king. Wheupon the Duke of Somerset, with other of king Henries Coūsails, hearing thereof, & wonderyng at the sudden change of the world, to shift for themselves, fled away & left there king Henry alone: who the same day being caused by the Archbyshop of York, to ride about London like a king, was before night made captive, and reduced again to the Tower.

It was not long after these things thus done at London, but the coming of the Earl of Warwick was heard of, who thinking to prevent mischiefs with making speed came a little to late & missed of his purpose. In the Earls army were John Duke of Exceter, Edmund Earl of Somerset, John Earl of Oxford, and Marques Moūtacute the Earls brother. The Earl had now passed a great part of his journey, whē he hearing news of the world so changed, & of the captivity of king Henry, was not a little thereat appalled in his mind: wherefor he stayed with his army at S. Albons, to see what way further to take. And for so much as there was no other remedy, but either he must yield, or one conflict must finish the matter: he removed to Barnet x. miles from S. Albons.

Against him set forth K. Edward, well appointed with a strong army of piked & able persons, with artillery, engines & instruments meet for the purpose: bringing with him also king Henry. On Easter evē he came to Barnet, & there he embattelled himself. In the morning upon Easter day the battle begā, and fiercely continued almost till noon, with murder on ech side much doubtful, till both partes were almost weary with fighting and murderyng. King Edward thē desirous to see an end, of or on, with a great crew of new fresh soldiers, set upon his weried enemies. Whereby the Earls mē, although encouraged w ^t words of their captain, stoutly fought, but they sore wounded & weried, could not long hold out. The Earl rushing into the midst of his enemies, ventured so far, that he could not be rescued: where he was strikē down & slain, and there lay he. Marques Mountacute thinking to succor his brother whō he saw to be in great jeopardy, was likewise overthrown and slain. After that Richard Neuell, Earl of Warwike, & his brother were gone, the rest fled, & many were takē. The number of them which were in this field slain, are judged about x. thousand, as Polydore Virgil reciteth. Fabian numbereth of them that were slain, but xv. hundredth. The Duke of Somerset & Earl of Oxford thinking to fly to Scotland, turned to Jasper Earl of Pēbroke in Wales. The Duke of Exceter hardly escaped to Westminster, & there took sanctuary. For the death of the Earl of Warwike the K. was not so glad, as he was sory for the Marques Mountacute, whō he took to be his friend. The corpse of these two were brought to the Church of Paul's, where they lay open in two coffins two days, and then were interred. Ex Polyd. & alijs.

In the narration of this History, Polydore Virgil, whom Hall followeth word for word, doth some deal differ from Rob. Fabian. Neither do I doubt, but both these had their authors, by whō they were directed. Notwithstādyng this I marvel, that Polydore writing of so many things which he never saw, doth not vouchsafe to cite unto us those writers of whom he borrowed. And more do I marvel or rather lament, if it be true that I have heard, that he not only nameth no author unto us, but also burned an heap of our English stories unknown, after the finishyng of his, in the days of king Henry the 8. But now to our text again.

All this while yet Queen Margaret with young prince Edward her son, was scarce come over, being long let with contrary winds, who at length in the month of April arriuyng at Waymouth in Dorsetshire, & hearing the sorrowful tidings of these things lately happened to her husband, and to the Earl of Warwike and his brother, and of the prosperous success of K. Edward: was so dismayd diquieted, and pierced with sorrow, seeing all things contrary to her expectatiō, so to frame against her, that she fared and took on with her self, lamenting her husband, bewailing hir son, cursing her coming, and crying out of Fortune, as though blind Fortune were she that governeth times and tides, rewarding just punishments to unjust deservings of men, and not the secret power and terrible justice of almighty God. Such was then the impaciency of that Queen, being not able to bear the vehemency of her passion (who rather should have sorrowed the dolorous death of Duke Humfrey, whom before she neglected, but now she lacked) that her senses failed, her spirits were taken, her speech decayed, and life almost gone, she fell to the ground as one that would rather die, then live. In this desolate case, Queen Margaret learning now to know her friends frō her foes, when it was too late, fraught full of heaviness, without solace, or hope of remedy, she with her son & her company departed for her next refuge, to a Monastery of Monks called Beaulie in Hainshire, there to take sanctuary, & privilege of y ^e house.

Yet all harts were not sound nor subdued in England, especially Edmond Duke of Somerset, with Lord John his brother, Thomas Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, Jasper earle of Pembroke, Lord Wenlocke, John Longscrother, being Prior of the Knights of Rhodes in Saint John's. These hearing of y ^e Queens return, with speed resorted to her, by whom she being somewhat quickened in her spirits, and animated to war, began to take some heart, and to follow their counsel: which was, in all the hot hast, to renew war against King Edward, being now unprovided, by reason his army was now dispersed, and chiefest of his soldiers wasted. Here great hope of victory was shown, great promises made. Although the Queens mind was, being more careful for the young Prince, then for her self, to send him over into France, before some proof of trial made: yet following the contrary counsel of them, and partly cut off by shortness of time, which required haste, she began with all expedition to gather power. Likewise Jasper Earl of Pembroke posted into Wales to do the same.

King Edward having intelligence of all these doings, first sendeth out certain light horsemē, to espy abroad thorough the West parts, what ways his enemies did take. In the mean time, he using all celerity to meet them before they came to London, gathered a power, such as he could make about London, and first cometh to Abyngdon: from thence to Marlebridge, hearing that y ^e Queen was at Bathe, thinking to encounter with them, before they diverted into Wales to the Earl of Pembroke, whether he thought (as they in deed intended) that they would take. But y ^e Queen understanding the king to be so nigh, removeth from Bathe to Bristow, sending word in the mean while to y ^e citizens of Gloucester, that they would grant her leave safely to pass by their City. Which whē it could not be obtained, with her army she departeth frō Bristow to Teukesbery: where the D. of Somerset knowing king Edward to be at hand at his very back, willed the Queen there to stay, & in no wise to fly backward for certain doubts that might be cast. Although this coūsails was against the consent of many other captains, who thought it best rather to draw aside while the Earl of Pembroke with his army were with them associate: yet the mind of the Duke prevailed. The place was prefixed, the field pitched, the time of battle came, the King was looked for: who being within one mile of Tewkesbury, with like industry & policy, as his enemies had done, disposed his army likewise in their array. This celerity of the King taking the time, was to him great advantage: who otherwise, if he had differed, till they had conjoined with the Earl of Pembroke, had put the matter in great hazard. Such a matter it is to take a thing in time.

Of this battle Hall this reporteth, adding more then Polidore, y ^t the D. of Somerset, although he was strongly intrenched, yet through y ^e occasion or policy of the Duke of Glouc • ster, which had the fore ward of the kings part, a little reculing back, followed the chase, supposing that y ^e Lord Wenlock, who had y ^e middle ward, would have followed hard at his back. The duke of Gloucester, whether for shame, rather then of policy, espieng his advantage, suddenly turned face to his enemies. Whereupon the contrary part was estsoones discomfited, and so much the more, because they were separate frō their company. Tho Duke of Somerset not a little aggyeued at this so unfortunate case, returneth to y ^e middle ward, where he seeing the L. Wenlocke abiding still, reuileth him, and calleth him traitor; and with his are striketh the brain out of his head. Thus much addeth Hall besides Polydor, but showeth not his author where he had it. Polydore writing of this conflict, writeth no more but this, that y ^e Queens army being ouerset with the number and multitude of their enemies, and she having no fresh soldiers to furnish y ^e field was at last overmatched, and for y ^t most part slain or taken. In which battle were named to be slain, y ^t Earl or Devonshire, the Lord Wenlocke, Lord John Duke of Somerset his brother, beside other. Among thē that were taken, was Queen Margaret found in her chariot almost dead for sorrow, Prince Edward, Edmund D. of Somerset, John Prior of S. John's, with xx. other knights: all which were beheaded within ii. days after, the Queen only and the young prince excepted. Which prince Edward being then brought to the Kings presence, was demanded of him, how he durst be so bold to stand in battle against him. To this Edward Hall addeth more, and saith: that after the field was finished, the King made Proclamation, that whosoever would bring Prince Edward to him, should have annuity of an C. li. during his life, and the Princes life to be saved. Whereupon sir Rich. Croftes not mistrusting the kings promise, brought forth his prisoner, &c. And so the king demanding of the Prince (as is said) how he durst so presumptuously enter this Realm with his banner displayed against him, he answered, saying: that he came to recover his fathers kingdom and inheritance from his grandfather and father, to him descending: whereat (said Polydor ) the King with his hand disdainingly thrust him from him. Other say that the king stroke him on the face with his gauntlet.

At the speaking of these words was present George Duke of Clarence, Richard Duke of Gloucester, and the Earl Lord William Hastings. Who upon the same, vncourteously falling upon the Prince, did slay him. Queen Margaret being brought prisoner to London, was afterward raunsomed of hir father Duke of Angeow, for a great sum of money which he borrowed of the French King, and for the payment thereof, was fain to yield unto him the title of the kingdom of Sicily, and Naples, &c. King Edward for these prosperous wars, rendered to God his hearty thanks, and caused publicly through his realm, solemn processions to be kept three days together. And thus much, and too much, touching the wars of King Edward the fourth, which was done anno. 1471. Ex Polid. & alijs.

The same year, and about the same time, upon the Ascension even, king Henry being prisoner in the Tower, departed, after he had reigned in all xxxviij. years, and vi. months. Polydore and Hall following him, affirm that he was slain with a dagger by Rich. Duke of Gloucester, the Kings brother, for the more quiet and sauegard of the King his brother. In the history entitled Scala mundi, I find these words, Quod in turri, in vigilia Ascensionis Dominicae ibidem feliciter moriens, per Thamesiam nauicula vsque ad Abbathiam de Chertesey deductus, ibi sepultus est. That is, that king Henry being in the Tower upon the Ascension even, there happily or quietly departing, was brought by Thames in a boat, to the Abbey of Chertesey, and there buried.

Polydore, after he hath described the virtues of this king, recordeth that king Henry y ^e seventh did afterward translate the corps of him frō Chertesey to Windsore, and addeth moreover, that by him certain miracles were wrought. For the which cause the said King Henry the seventh (saith he) labored with Pope Julius, to have him canonised for a Saint, but the death of the king was the let, why y ^t matter proceeded not. Edward Hall writing of this matter, addeth more, declaring the cause, why king Henries sancting went not forward, to be this: for that the fees of canonising of a King, were of so great a quantity at Rome (more then of another Bishop or prela • e) that the said king thought it better to keep the money in his chestes, then with y ^e empouerishing of y ^e realm to buy so dear, & pay so much for a new holy day of saint Henry in the Calender, &c. Ex Hallo. which if it be true, it might be replied then to the Pope Julius, that if Popes be higher then kings in the earth, and especially in heavē, why then is a Pope Saint so cheap in y ^e market place of Rome, and a King Saint so dear? Again, if the valuation of things in all markets and buries, be according to the price & dignity of the thing that is bought, what reason is it, seeing the sancting of a king beareth a bigger sale then the sancting of any Pope in heaven, but that Kings should be above Popes also upon the earth? Sed extra iocunt • as I do not doubt, but that K. Henry was a good & a quiet prince, if he had not otherwise been abused by some: so touching the ruin of his house, I think not contrary, but it came not without the just appointment of the Lord, either for that Henry of Lancasters house were such enemies to God's people, & for the burning of the Lord Cobham and many other: or else for the unjust displacing of King Richard 2. or else thirdly for the cruel slaughter of Humfrey the good Duke of Gloucester his uncle: whereof sufficiently hath been said before.

During the time of these doings, being about y ^e year of our Lord 1465. There was here in England a certain Frier Carmelite, who about the term of Michael the Archangel preached at Paul's in London, that our Lord Jesus Christ, being here in this present world, was in poverty, and did beg. To whose opiniō and doctrine, the provincial of that order seemed also to incline, defending y ^e same both in his reading and preaching, with other Doctors moe and brethren of y ^e same order: unto whom also adjoined certain of the Jacobites, and stiffly did take their partes. On y ^e contrary side, many doctors & also lawyers, both in their public lectures & preaching, to the uttermost of their cunning, did withstand their assertion, as being a thing most pestiferous in the Church to be heard. Such a bitter contention was among them, that the defendent part was driven for a while to keep silence. Much like to those times I might well resemble these our days now present, with our tumultuous contention of forms and fashions of garments. But I put myself here in Pythagoras school, and keep silence with these Friers. In the story moreover it followeth, that this beggarly questiō of the begging Friers, whether Christ did beg, or no, went so far, y ^t at length it came to y ^e Popes ears, Paulus 2. who was no beggar ye may be sure. After that, the fame of this doctrine, mounting over the Alps, came flieng to the court of Rome, which was about y ^e Assumption of the virgin Mary, y ^t year next following, an. 1465. it brought with it such an evil sinell to y ^e fine noses there, that it was no need to bid them to stir: for begging to them was worse thē hie heresy. Wherefore the holy father pope Paulus the 2. to repress the sparkles of this doctrine, which otherwise perhaps might have set his whole kitchen on fire, taketh y ^e matter in hand, & estsoones directeth down his Bull into England, insinuating to the Prelates here, Haeresim illam pestifere asserentem, quod Christus publice mendicauit, esse antiquitus a Romanis pontificibus, cum suis Concilijs damnatam, & eam pro damnata, vndique declarandam, & conculcandam, &c. That is, that this heresy, which pestiferously doth affirm that Christ did openly beg, was condemned of old time by the Bishops of Rome, and his Councils, and that the same ought to be declared in all places for a damned doctrine, and worthy to be trodden down under all men's feet, &c. This was in the same year when Prince Edward, King Edwards son was borne in the Sanctuary at Westminster an. 1465.

As touching the rest of the doings and affairs of this king (which had vanquished hitherto ix. battles, himself being present) how afterward he, through the incitemēt of Charles duke of Burgoine his brother in law, vētread into France with a puissant army, & how the Duke failed him in his promise, also how peace between y ^e two kings was at length concluded in a solemn meeting of both y ^e said kings together (which meeting is notified in stories, by a white dove sitting the same day of meeting, vpō the top of king Edwards tent) also of y ^e marriage promised between y ^e young Dolphin & Elizabeth K. Edwards eldest daughter, but afterward broken of the French kings part: moreover as touching the death of the duke of Burgoine slain in war, & of his daughter Mary, niece to King Edward, spoiled of her lands & possessions wrongfully, by Louis y ^e French king, & married after to Maximilian: furthermore, as touching the expeditiō of king Edward into Scotland, by reason of King James, breaking promise in marieng with Cecilie the ii. daughter of king Edward, & of driving out his brother, & how y ^e matter was composed there, & of the recovery again of Barwicke: of these (I say) & such other things mo, partly because they are described sufficētly in our common english stories, partly also because they be matters not greatly pertaining to the Church, I omit to speak, making of thē a supersedeas. Two things I find here among many other, specially to be remembered.

The first is concerning a godly and constant servant of Christ, named John Goose, which in the time of this king was unjustly condemned and burnt at the tower hill. an. 1473. in the month of August. Thus had England also his John Hus, as well as Boheme. Wherein moreover this is to be noted, that since the time of King Richard 2. there is no reign of any King to be assigned hitherto, wherein some good mā or other hath not suffered the pains of fire, for y ^e Religion & true testimony of Christ Jesus. Of this said John Goose, or John Hus, this moreover I find in another English monumēt recorded, that the said John being delivered to Robert Belisdone, one of y ^e Sheriffs, to see him burnt the after noon: the Sheriff like a charitable man, had him home to his house, and there exhorted him to deny (saith the story) his errors. But the godly man after long exhortation heard, desired the Sheriff to be content, for he was satisfied in his conference. Notwithstādyng this he desired of the Sheriff, for God's sake to give him some meat, saying that he was very sore hungered. Then the Sheriff commanded him meat: whereof he took and did eat, as he had been toward no manner of danger: and said to such as stood about him: I eat now a good and a competent dinner: for I shall pass a little sharp shower, ere I go to supper. And when he had dyned, he gave thanks, and required that he might shortly be lead to the place, where he should yield up his spirit unto God. Ex Polychron.

The second thing herein to be noted, is the death of George Duke of Clarence, the kings second brother: Of whom relation was made before, how he assisted K. Edward, his brother, against the Earl of Warwick at Barnet field, and helped him to the crown, and now after all these benefits, was at length thus requited, that (for what cause it is uncertain) he was apprehended and cast into the Tower, where he being adjudged for a traitor, was privily drowned in a but of Malmesey. What y ^e true cause was of his death, it cannot certainly be affirmed. Divers conjectures and imaginations there be diversely put forth. Some partly impute it to the Queens displeasure. Other suppose it came for taking part in the cause of his servant, which was accused and condemned for poysonyng, sorcery, or inchantmēt. An other fame there is, which surmiseth the cause hereof to rise vpō the vain fear of a foolish Prophecy, coming no doubt (if it were true) by the crafty operation of Satan, as it doth many times elles happen among infidels and gentiles, where Christ is not known: where among high Princes and in noble houses, much mischief groweth, first murder and parricide, & thereby ruin of ancient families, and alteration of kingdoms. The effect of this Prophecy (as the fame goeth) was this, that after king Edward, should one reign, whose name should begin with G. And because the name of the Duke of Clarence, being George, began with a G. therefore he began to be feared, and afterward privily (as is aforesaid) was made away.

By these experimentes and mischievous ends of such Prophecies, and also by the nature of them, it is soon to be seen, from what fountain or author they proceed: that is (no doubt) from Sathā, the ancient enemy of mankind, and Prince of this world: against whose deceitful delusions. Christian men must be well instructed, neither to marvel greatly at them, though they seem strange, nor yet to believe them, though they happen true. For Sathā being the Prince of this world, in such things worldly can foresee what will follow, and cā say truth for a mischievous end, and yet for all that is but a Satan. So the dream of Astiages, seeing a vine to grow out of his daughter, which should cover all Asia, and fearing thereby that by his nephew he should lose his kingdom, proved true in the sequeale thereof, and yet notwithstanding of Satan it came, and caused cruel murder to follow, first of the shepherds child, then of the son of Harpagus, whom he set before his own father to eat. Ex Just. lib. 1. Likewise Cyrus was Prophetically admonished by his dream, to take him for his guide, whom he first met the next morrow. In that also his dream fell true, and yet was not of God. In the same number are to be put all the blind Oracles of the Idolatrous Gentiles, which although they proceed of a lieng spirit, yet sometime they hit the truth, to a mischievous purpose. The like judgment also is to be given of Merlynes Prophecies. The Sorceresse, mentioned 1. Reg. 28. raising up Samuel, told Saul the truth, yet was it not of God. In the 16. chap. of the Acts, there was a Damsel having the spirit of Pytho, who said truth of Paul and Silas, calling them the messengers of the high God, and yet it was a wrong spirit. The unclean spirits in giving testimony of Christ, said the truth, yet because their testimony came not of God, Christ did not allow it.

Panlus Diaconus recordeth of Ualence the Emperor that he also had a blind Prophecy, not much unlike to this of king Edward, which was, that one should succeed him in the Empire, whose name should begin with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . whereupon one Theodorus, trusting upon the prophecy, began rebelliously to hope for the crown, & for his labor felt the pains of a traitor. Notwithstanding the effect of the prophecy followed: For after Ualence succeeded Theodosius. Wherefore Christian Princes, and noble men, & all Christ's faithful people must beware & learn.

• 1. First, that no man be inquisitive or curious in searching to know what things be to come, or what shall happen, beside those things only which are promised, and expressed in the word.
• 2. Secondly, to understand what difference there is, and how to discern y ^e voice of God, frō the voice of Satan.
• 3. Thirdly, how to resist and avoid the danger of false and devilish prophecies.

Many there be, which being not contented with things present, curiously occupy their wits to search what is to come, and not giving thanks to God for their life which they have, will also know, what shall be chance them, how & when their end will come, how long Princes shall reign, and who after shall succeed them, and for y ^• same, get unto thē southsaiers, astrologers, sorcerers, conjurers, or familiars. And these are not so much inquisitive to search or ask, but the devil is as ready to answer them: who either falsely doubleth with thē, to delude thē: or else telleth them truth, to work them perpetual care & sorrow. Thus was Pope Sylvester the sorcerer, circumvented by the devil, who told him that he should be at Jerusalem, before he died, and so it fell. For as he was saying his Mass, at a chapel in Rome, called Jerusalem, there he fell sick, and within three days after died, vide sup. pag. 167. To King Henry the fourth also it seemeth it was prophesied, that he should not die, before he went to Jerusalem, who being brought to the Abbots chamber of Westminster, and hearing the name of the chamber to be called Jerusalem, knew his time to be come, and died, pag. 557.

By such deceitful prophecies, it cannot be lamented enough to see what inconvenience both publicly and privately groweth to the life of men, either causing thē falsely to trust where they should not, or else wickedly to perpetrate that they would not: as may appear both by this king, and also diverse moe. So was Pompeius, Crassus, and Caesar (as writeth Cicero) deceived by the false Chaldeis, in declaring to them, that they should not but die in their beds, and with worship, and in their old age. Of such false trust, rising upon false prophecies, S. Ambrose in his book of Exameron, writeth, speaking of rain, which being in those parties greatly desired, was promised and prophesied of one certainly to fall vpō such a day, which was at the changing of the new Moon: but (saith S. Ambrose) there fell no such rain at all, till at the prayers of the Church, the same was obtained: giving us to understand, that rain cometh not by the word of man, nor by the beginnings of the Moon, but by the providence and mercy of our creator. Ex Ambrose. in Examer.

John. Picus Earl of Mirandula, in his excellent books written against these vain startellers and Astrologers, Lib. 2. writeth of one Ordelaphus a prince, to whom it was prognosticate by a famous cunning man in that science, called Hieronimus Manfredus, y ^t he should enjoy long continuance of health, and prosperous life, who notwithstanding, the selfsame year, and in the first year of his marriage, deceassed: and after diverse other examples added moreover upon the same, he inferreth also mention, and the name of a certain rich matron in Rome, named Constantia, who in like manner departed the same year, in which she received great promises by these Soothsayers and Astrologers, of a long and happy life, saying to her husband these words: behold (saith she) how true be the prognostications of these southtellers? If it were not for noting of thē, which now are gone, and whose names I would in no case to be blemished with any spot, otherwise I could recite the names of certain, especially one, which taking his journey, in a certain place, after diligent calculation, and forecasting of the success and good speed of his journey, was notwithstanding in the same journey, apprehended and brought where he would not, after that never enioieng good day, in short time he departed. In Basel this I myself heard of one, which knew and was conversant with the party, who having a curious delight in these speculations of chances and events to come, by his calculation noted a certain day, which he mistrusted should be fatal unto him, by something, which at that day should fall upon him. Whereupon he determined with himself, all that day to keep him sure and safe within his chamber, where he reaching up his hand to take down a book, the book falling down upon his head, gave him his deaths wound, and shortly after he died upon the same. Of these and such like examples, the world is full, and yet the curiousnes of man's head will not refrain, still to pluck the apple of this unlucky and forbidden tree.

Beside all this, what murder and parricide cometh by the fear of these prophecies, in great bloods and noble houses. I refer it unto them, which read and well advise the stories, as well of our Kings here in England, as in other kingdoms moe, both Christened, and Turkish, whereof another place shall serve as well (Christ willing) more largely to entreat, and particularly to discourse. To this pertaineth also the great inconvenience & hindrance that groweth by the fear of such Prophecies. in the vocation of mē, forsomuch as many there be, which fearing someone danger, some another, leave their vocations undone, and follow inordinate ways. As if one having a blind prophecy, that his destruction should be on the day, would wake and do all his business by night and candle light: and so forth in other several cases of mē and women, as everyone in his own conscience knoweth his own case best.

The second thing to be considered in these prophecies, is rightly to discern and understand, as near as we cā, the difference between the prophecies proceeding frō God, and the false prophecies counterfeited by Satan. For Satan sometime playeth God's Ape, and transformeth himself into an Angel of light, bearing such a resemblance and color of truth and Religion, that vnneth a wise man is able to discern the one from the other, and the most part is begiled. Concerning prophecies therefore, to know which be of God, which be not, three things are to be observed.

• 1. First, whether they go simply and plainly, or whether they be doubtful and ambiguous: whereof the one seemeth to taste of God's spirit, such as be the Prophecies of the scripture: the other to come otherwise having a double or doubtful interpretation. Although y ^• time of God's prophecies, as also of miracles is commonly, and ordinarily expired: yet if the Lord in these days, now extraordinarily do show any prophecy, by the simplenes & plainness thereof, partly it may be discerned.
• 2. Secondly, this is to be expended, whether they be private, tending to this family, or that family, or public. For as the Scriptures, so commonly the Prophecies of God have no private interpretation, but general: for so much as the care of God's holy spirit is not restrained partially to one person, more then to another, but generally and indifferently respecteth the whole Church of his elect in Christ Jesus his son. Wherefore such Prophecies as privately are touching the arms of houses, or names of men, rising or falling of private and particular families, are worthily to be suspected.
• 3. The third note & special argument to descry the true prophecies of God, from the false prophecies of Satan, and his false Prophets, is this, to consider the matter and the end thereof, that is, whether they be worldly, or whether they be spiritual, or whether they tend to any glory or state of this present world, or whether they tend to the spiritual instruction, admonition, or comfort of the public Church.

Now remaineth thirdly, after we know what prophecies be of God, and what not, that we be instructed next, how to eschew the fear and peril of all devilish Prophecies, which make against us. Wherein two special remedies are to be marked of every Christian man, whereby he may be safe and sure against all danger of the enemy. The first is, that we set y ^• name of Christ Jesus the son of God against them, through a true faith in him: knowing this, that the son of God hath appeared, to dissolve the works of the Devil. And again, this is the victory (saith the Scripture) that overcometh the world, even our faith. Whatsoever then Satan worketh or cā work against us, be it never so forceable, faith in Christ will vanquish it. Such a majesty is in our faith, believing in the name of the Son of God.

The other remedy is faithful prayer, which obtaineth in the name of Christ, all things with the Lord. So that wicked feende, which had killed before seven husbands of Tobias wife, could not hurt him, entering his matrimony with earnest prayer: so no more shall any sinister prophecy prevail, where prayer out of a faithful heart, doth strive against it. Neither am I ignorant, that against such temporal evils and punishments to this life inflicted, a great remedy also lieth in this, when Satan findeth nothing, wherein greatly to accuse our conscience. But because such a conscience is hard to be found, the next refuge is to fly to repentance, with amendment of life. For many times where sin doth reign in our mortal bodies, there also the operation of Satan is strong against us, to afflicte our outward bodies here, but as touching our eternal salvation, neither work nor merit hath any place, but only our faith in Christ. And thus much briefly touching the two special remedies, whereby the operation of all devilish Prophecies may be avoided and defeated.

Now, many there be, which leaving these remedyes aforesaid, and the safe protection which the Lord hath set up in Christ, take other ways of their own, seeking by their own policy, how to withstand and escape such Prophecies, either in eschuing the place and time subtly, or else cruelly by killing the party whom they fear: whereof cometh injury, murder, and parricide, with other mischiefs in common weals unspeakable. To whom commonly it cometh so to pass, that whereby they think most to save themselves, by the same means they fall most into the snare, being subverted and confounded in their own policy, for that they trusting to their own devise, and not unto the Lord, which only can dissolve the operation of Satan, the Lord so turneth their devise into a trap, thereby to take them, whereby they think most surely to escape. Examples whereof we see not only in Astyages King of the Medes aforesaid, and Cyrus: but in infinite other like events, which the trade of the world doth daily offer to our eyes. So Queen Margaret thought her then cockesure, when Duke Humfrey was made away: when nothing else was her confusion so much, as the loss and lack of that man.

So if King Richard the second had not exercised such cruelty upon his uncle Thomas, Duke of Gloucester, he had not received such wrong by King Henry the fourth as he did, pag. 594. Likewise this King Edward the fourth, it he had suffered his brother Gorge, Duke of Clarence to have lived, his house had not so gone to wrack by Richard, his other brother, as it did. What befell upon the Student of Astrology in the University of Basel, ye heard before, who if he had not mewed himself in his chamber for fear of his divination, had escaped the stroke that fell. Now, in avoiding such Prophetical euentes, which he should not have searched, he fell into that which he did fear. These few examples for instruction sake, I thought by occasion to infer, not as though these were alone: but by these few to admonish the Reader of infinite other which daily come in practice of life, to the great danger & decay, as well in private houses, as in weals public.

Wherefore briefly to repeat, what before simply hath been said touching this matter, seeing that Satan thorough such subtle Prophecies, hath & yet doth daily practice so manifold mischiefs in the world, setting brother against brother, nephew against y ^e uncle, house against house, and realm against realm, gēdring hatred, where love was, & subuerting privily y ^• simplicity of our Christian faith, therefore y ^• first thing & best is, for godly men not to busy there brains about such phātasies, neither in delighting in thē, nor in harkening to thē, nor in searching for thē, either by southsaier, or by cōiuratiō, or by familiar, or by astrologer: knowing and considering this, that whosoever shall be desirous or ready to search for them, the Devil is as ready to answer his curiosity therein. For as once in the old time of Gentilitie, he gave his Oracles by Idols, and Priests of that time: so the same devil, although he worketh not now by Idols, yet he craftily can give now answer by Astrologers, and conjurers in these our days, & in so doing, both to say truth, and yet to deceive men whē he hath said. Wherefore, leaving of such curiosity, let every Christian man walk simple in his present vocation, referryng hid things not in the word expressed, unto him which saith in his word: Non est vestrum scire tēpora & momenta temporum. &c. It is not for you to know the times, and seasons of times, which the Father hath kept in his own power. &c.

Secondly, in this matter of Prophecies, requisite it is (as is said) for every Christian man to learn, how to discern and distinct the true Prophecies, which proceed of God, and the false Prophecies, which come of Satan. The difference whereof, as it is not hard to be discerned: so necessary it is, that every good man do rightly understand the same, to the intent that he knowing & flying the danger of the one, may be the more certain and constant in adhering to the other.

Thirdly, because it is not sufficient that the deceitful Prophecies of the devil be known, but also that they be resisted, I have also declared, by what means the operation of Satan's works and Prophecies are to be overcome: that is, not with strength and policy of mā, for that there is nothing in man, able to counteruayle the power of that enemy. Under heaven there is nothing elles that can prevail against his works, but only the name of the Lord Jesus the son of God, not outwardly pronounced only with our lips, or signed in our foreheads with the outward cross, but inwardly apprehended and dwelling in our hearts by a silent faith, firmly and earnestly trustyng upon the promises of God, given and sealed unto us in his name: For so it hath pleased his fatherly wisdom, to set him up, to be both our righteousness before himself, and also to be our fortitude against the enemy, acceptyng our faith in his son, in no less price, then he accepteth the works & worthiness of the same his son, in whom we do believe.

Such is the strength and effect of faith both in heaven, in earth, & also in hell: In heaven to justify, in earth to preserve, in hell to cōquery. And therefore when any such Prophecy, or any other thing is to us objected, which seemeth to tend against us, let us first consider whether it savor of Satan, or not. If it do, then let us seek our succor, not in our selves, where it doth not dwell, neither let us kill, nor slay, nor change our vocation therefore, following inordinate ways: but let us run to our Castle of refuge, which is to the power of the Lord Jesus, remembering the true promise of the Psalm: Qui habitat in adiutorio altissimi, in protectione Del coeli commorabitur. That is. who so putteth his trust in the succor of the Lord, shall have the God of heaven to his protector. And then shall it afterward follow in the same Psalm. Ipse liberabit te a laqueo venantium, & a verbo aspeto. That is. And he shall deliver him from the snare of the hunter, and from all evil words, and Prophecies, be they never so sharp, or bitter against him, &c. And thus much by the occasion of king Edward, of Prophecies.

Now having long tarried at home in describyng the tumults and troubles within our own land, we will let out our story more at large, to consider the afflictions and perturbatiōs of other parties and places also of Christ's Church, as well here in Europe under the Pope, as in the East partes under the Turk, first deducyng our story frō the time of Sigismund, where before we left: Which Sigismund, as is above recorded, was a great oder in the Council of Constance against John Hus, and Jerome of Prague. This Emperor had ever evil luck, fighting against the Turks. Twise he warred against them, and in both the battles was discomfited and put to flight: once about the City of Mysia, fighting against Baiazetes the great Turk. an. 1395. the second time fighting against Celebinus the son of Baiazetes, about the town called Columbacium. But specially, after the Council of Constance, wherein were condemned and burned those two godly Martyrs, more unprosperous success did then follow him fighting against the Bohemians, his own subjects. an. 1420. by whom he was repulsed in so many battles, to his great dishonor, during all the life of Zizka, & of Procopius, as is afore more at length expressed: who was so beaten both of the Turks, & at home of his own people, that he never did encounter with the Turks after. Then followed the Council of Basel, after the beginning whereof, within vi. years, this Sigismūdus, which was Emperor, king of Hungary, and king of Boheme, died, in Morauia. an. 1437.

Albertus Emperor.

THis Sigismund left behind him one only daughter Elizabeth, who was married to Albert, Duke of Austrich: by reason whereof, he was advanced to the Empire, and so was both Duke of Austrich, Emperor, king of Hungary, and king also of Boheme. But this Albert (as is afore declared) being an enemy and a disquieter to the Bohemians, and especially to the good men of Thabor, as he was preparing and setting forth against the Turks, in the mean time died, in the second year of his Empire, an. 1439. leaving his wife great with child, who lieng then in Hungary, and thinking to be great with a daughter, called to her the Princes and chiefetaines of the Realm, declaring to them that she was but a woman, and insufficient to the gouernāce of such a state: and moreover how she thought her self to be but with child of a daughter, and therefore required them to provide among them, such a Prince and governor, (reserving the right of the Kingdom to hir self) as were fit and able under her, to have the regiment of the land committed. The Turk in the mean while being eleuated and encouraged with his prosperous victories against Sigismundus aforesaid, began then more fiercely to invade Hungary and those parties of Christendom. Wherefore the Hungarians making the more haste, consulted among themselves, to make Duke Uladislaus, brother to Casimi • us King of Polony, their King.

But while this was in working between the Hungarians and Uladislaus the Duke, in the mean space Elizabeth brought forth a son called Ladislaus, who being the lawful heir of the kingdom, the Queen calleth back again her former word, minding to reserve the kingdom for her son, being the true heir thereof, and therefore refuseth marriage with the said Uladislaus, which she had before pretended. But Uladislaus joining with a great part of the Hungarians, persisting still in the condition before granted, would not give over: by reason whereof, great contention and division kindling among the people of Hungary, Amurathes y ^• great Turk, taking his advantage of their discord, and partly surpressed with pride of his former success against Sigismund aforesaid, with his whole main & force, invaded the realm of Hungary: where Hunyadi surnamed Uaiuoda, Prince of Transiluania, joining with the new King Uladislaus, did both together set against the Turk, anno. 1444. and there Uladislaus the new King of Hungary, the fourth year of his kingdom was slain. Elizabeth with her son, was fled in y ^• mean while, to Fridericke the Emperor. Of Hunyadi Uaiuoda the noble Captain, and of his Acts and also of Ladislaus (Christ willing) more shall be said hereafter, in his time and place.

Fridericus the third Emperor.

AFter the deceasse of Albert, succeeded in the Empire Fridericus the third, Duke of Austria, an. 1440. By whom it was procured (as we have before signified) that Pope Felix elected by the Council of Basel, did resign his Popedom, to Pope Nicholas the fifth, upon this condition, that the said Pope Nicholas should ratife the acts decreed in the said Council of Basil. In the days of this Emperor, much war and dissention raged almost thorough all Christian Realms, in Austria, Hungaria, Polonia, in France, in Burgoine, and also here in England, between King Henry the sixth, and King Edward the fourth, as ye have already heard: whereby it had been easy for the Turk, with little maistry, to have overrun all the Christian Realms in Europe, had not the providence of our merciful Lord otherwise provided to keep Amurates the Turk, occupied in other civil wars at home in the mean while. Unto this Fridericke came Elizabeth (as is aforesaid) with Ladislaus her son: by whom he was nourished & entertained a certain space, till at length, after the death of Uladislaus aforesaid, king of Ungarie (which was slain in battle by the Turks) the men of Austria, through the instigation of Ulricus Eizingerus, and of Ulricus Earl of Silicia rising up in armor, required of Fridericke the Emperor, either to give thē their young king, or else to stand to his own defense.

When Fridericke heard this, neither would he render to them a sudden answer, neither would they abide any longer delay: and so the matter growing to war, the new City was besieged, where many were slain, and much harm done. At length the Emperors part being y ^• weaker, the Emperor through the interuētion of certain Nobles of Germany, restored Ladislaus unto their hands, who being yet under age, committed his in. kingdoms to three governors. Whereof John Hunyadi the worthy Captain above mentioned, had the ruling of Ungarie: George Pogiebracius had Boheme: and Ulricus the Earl of Silicia, had Austria. Which Ulrice, having the chief custody of the King, bare the greatest authority above the rest, a man as much full of ambitiō and tyranny, as he was hated almost of all the Austrians, and shortly after by the means of Eizingerus, was excluded also from the King and the Court, but afterward restored again, and Eizingerus thrust out. Such is the unstable condition of them which be next in place about Princes. But this contention between them I overpass.

Not long after, Ladislaus the young King went to Boheme, there to be crowned, where George Pogiebracius (as is said) had the governance. But Ladislaus during all the time of his being there, though being much requested, yet would neither enter into the Churches, nor hear the service of them, which did draw after the doctrine of Hus. In so much that when a certain Priest in the high tower of Prague, was appointed and addressed, after the manner of Priests, to say service before the King, being known to hold with John Hus and Rochezaua, the King disdaining at him, commanded him to give place and depart, or else he would send him down headlong from the rock of the Tower: and so the good minister repulsed by the King, departed. Also another time the said Ladislaus, seeing the Sacrament carried by a Minister of that side, whom they called then Huslites, would do thereunto no reverence. Ex Aene. Syluio.

At length the long abode of the King, although it was not very long, yet seemed to the godly disposed to be longer then they wished: and that was not to y ^• king unknown, which made him to make the more hast away. But before he departed, he thought first to visit the noble City Uratislauia in Schlesia. In the which City, the foresaid King Ladislaus being there in the high Church, at service many great Princes were about him: Among whom was also George Pogie bracius, who then stood nearest to the King, unto whom one Chilianus, plaieng the Parasite about the King (as the fashion is of such as fain themselves fools, to make other men as very fools as they) spake in this wise as followeth: with what countenance you do behold this our service, I see right well, but your heart I do not see. Say then, doth not the order of this our Religion seem unto you decent and comely? Do you not see how many and how great princes, yea the king himself, do follow one order and uniformity? And why do you then follow rather your Preacher Rochezana then these? Do you think a few Bohemians to be more wise then all the Church of Christ besides? Why then do you not forsake that rude and rusticall people, and join to these Nobles, as you are a noble man yourself.

Unto whom, thus Pogiebracius sagely again doth answer. If you speak these words of yourself, saith be, you are not the man whom you fain yourself to be: and so to you I answer, as not to a fool. But if you speak this by the suggestion of others, then must I satisfy them. Hear therefore. As touching the Ceremonies of the Church, every man hath a conscience of his own to follow. As for us, we use such Ceremonies, as we trust do please God: Neither is it in our arbitrement to believe what we will our selves. The mind of man being persuaded with great reasons, is captivated, will he, nill he: and as nature is instructed and taught, so is she drawn, in someone way, and in some another. As for myself, I am fully persuaded in the Religion of my preachers. If I should follow thy Religion, I might perchance deceive men, going contrary to mine own conscience, but I cannot deceive God, who seeth the harts of all: Neither shall it become me to frame myself like to thy disposition. That which is meet for a Iester, is not likewise convenient for a noble man. And these words either take to thyself, as spoken to thee, if thou be a wise man, or else I refer them to those which set thee a work. Ex Aen. Sylu. in Hist. Bohem.

After the King was returded from the Bohemians again to Austria, y ^e Hungarians likewise made their petitions to the king, that he would also come unto thē. The governor of Hūgarie (as ye before have heard) was Johannes Hunyadi, whose victorious acts against y ^e Turks are famous. Against this Hunyadi, wicked Ulricus Earl of Silicia, did all he could with the King, to bring him to destructiō, and therefore caused the king to send for him up to Vienna, and there privily to work his death. But Hunyadi having thereof intelligence, offereth himself within Hungary to serve his Prince, to all affairs: Out of the lande where he was, it was neither best (said he) for the Kynge, nor safest for him self, to come. The Earl being so disappointed, came down with certain Nobles of the Courte, to the borders of Hungary, thynking either to apprehend him and bring him to Vienna, or there to dispatch him. Hunyadi, without in the fields, said he would common with him, within the Town he would not be brought. After that, another trayne also was laid for him, that under pretence of the kings safeconduct, he should meet the king in the broad fields of Vienna. But Hunyadi suspecting deceit, came in deed to the place appointed, where he neither seeing the Kyng to come, nor the Earl to have any safe conduct for him, was moved (and not without cause) against the Earl, declaring howe it was in his power there to slay him, which went about to seek his blood, but for the reverence of the king, he would spare him and let him go.

Not long after this, the Turk with a great power of fighting men, to the number of an hundredth and fifteen thousand, arrived in Hungary, where he laid siege to the City Alba. But through the merciful hand of God, John Hunyadi, and Capistranus a certain Minorite, with a small garrison of Christian soldiers, gave him the repusse and put him to flight, with all his mighty host: Whereof more (Christ willing) hereafter. Ex hist Bohemie. Aen. Syluij. Hunyadi shortly after this victory, deceased. Of whose death when the king and the Earl did understand, they came the more boldly into Hungary, where he being received by Ladislaus Hunyadi tonne, into the Town of Alba, there vewed the places where the Turks before had pitched their tents. When this Ladislaus heard that the king was coming first toward the town, obediently he opened to him the gates. Four thousand only of armed soldiers he debarred from entering the City.

In the mean time while the King was there resident in the City, the Earl with other nobles did sit in counsel, requiring also Ladislaus to resort unto them: who first doubting with himself what he might do, at length putteth on a privy coat of maile, and cometh to them. Whether the Earl first began with him, or he with the Earl, it is not known. The opinion is of some, that Ulricus first called him traitor, for shutting the gates against the kings soldiers. Howsoever the occasion began, this is undoubted, that Ulricus taking his sword from his page, let fly at his head. To break the blow, some putting up their hands, had their fingers cut of. The Hungarians hearing a noise & tumult within the chamber, brake it upon them, & there incontinent slew Ulrike the Earl, wounding and cutting him almost alto pieces: The King hearing thereof, although he was not a little discontented thereat in his mind: yet seeing there was then no other remedy, dissembled his grief for a time,

Frō thence the king took his journey again to Buda, accompanied with the foresaid Ladislaus, who passyng by y ^e town, where the wife of Hunyadi was mourning for the death of her husband, seemed w ^t many fair words to comfort her: and after he had there sufficiently repasted him self, with such pretence of dissembled love, and feigned favor, that they were without all suspicion & fear: from thence he set forward in his journey, taking with him the two sons of Hunyadi, Ladislaus and Mathias, who were right ready to wait upon him. The king being come to Buda (whether of his own head, or by sinister counsel set on) when he had them at a vauntage, caused both the sons of Hunyadi: to wit, Ladislaus and Mathias, to be apprehended. And first was brought forth Ladislaus the elder son, to the place of execution, there to be beheaded: where meekly he suffered, being charged with no other crime, but this, published by the voice of the crier, saying: Thus are they to be chastened, which are rebels against their Lord. Peucerus writing of his death, addeth this moreover, that after the hangman had 3. blows at his neck, yet notwithstanding the said Ladislaus having his hands bound behind him, after the third stroke, rose upright upon his feet, and looking up to heaven, called upon the Lord, and protested his innocence in that behalf: and so laying down his neck again, at the fourth blow was dispatched. Mathias the other brother was led captive with the king unto Austria. The rest of the captives brake the prison and escaped.

It was not long after this cruelty was wrought upon Ladislaus, the king being about the age of twentye & two years, that talk was made of the kings marriage, with Magdalene daughter to the French king. The place of the marriage was appointed at Prague, where great preparation was for the matter. At the first entrance of the King into the City of Prague, Rochezana with a company of Ministers, such as were favorers of John Hus, and of sincere Religion, came with all solemnity to receive the king, making there his oration to gratulate the kings most joyful and prosperous access into the same his own Realm and country of Boheme. Unto which Rochezana, after he had ended his Oration, scarce the king would open his mouth to give thanks to him, nor any cheareful countenance unto his company, but fiercely seemed to frown upon them. In the next Pagen after these, came forth the Priests of the high Minster, after the most Popish manner, meeting him with Procession, and with the Sacrament of the altar: For as Panacea among Physicians serveth for all diseases, so the sacrament of the popes altar serveth for all pomps and Pagens. First it must lie upon the altar, then it must be holden up in hands, then it must hang in the pyx, it must serve for the quick, it must also help the dead, it must moreover visit the sick, it must walk about y