Acts and Monuments Volume 1

by means of y ^e extreme weather and tempest: whereby it came to pass, that within short space they lacked vitayles and were sore afflicted with famine. Thē fell they to prayer and made their humble supplicatiō to God, with whose tears his wrath being appealed: the great tempest and long continued foul weather ceased, whereby (the seas now being calm) they had both vitaile great plenty, and all other necessary things for their need, brought unto them: whereby immediately it came to pass, that both the Emperor & his army as also the inhabitauntes of Joppa were greatly refreshed and animated: and on the other side their enemies being disappointed of their purpose, were greatly discouraged. In so much, that the king of Egypt who with great power (accompanied with Scarapho his brother prince of Gaza, and the Prince of Damascus their nephew, with many other Dukes and nobles) having encamped themselves within one days journey of Joppa, thinking to have besieged the same: were contented upon the coming of the Emperors Harold's unto them to entreat of a peace. Whereupon, Ambassadors were sent unto them with the Emperors demands right profitable to the Christian common weal. The Sarasens (immediately consulting upon the same) granted thereunto: so that a peace for x. years was concluded, & was confirmed by solempne oath on the behalf of both Princes according to their several usages and manner: the form and condition of which peace, briefly collected are these.

First, that Fridericke the Emperor, should be crowned and annointed king of Jerusalem, according to the manner of the kings of Jerusalem before him.

Secondly, that all the lands & possessions which were situate betwixt Jerusalem and Prolomaida, & the greatest part of Palastina, and Cities of Tyrus and Sidon which were in Syria, and at other territories which Baldwinus the 4. at any time had and occupied there: should be delivered unto him, only certain castles reserved.

Thirdly that he might fortify and build what fortresses and castles he thought good, cities and towns: in all Syria and Palestine.

Fourthly, that all the prisoners which were in the Saracens hands, should be raunsomed freely and sent home: and again, that the Saracens might have leave without armor to come into the Temple where the Lord's sepulcher is, to pray: and that they should hold and keep still Chratum, and the kings mount.

Friderick now, for that he thought the conclusion of this peace to be so necessary as also profitable for at Christians, and had also gotten as much thereby, as if the wars had continued he should: he sent his Legates with letters into the west, to all Christian kings, princes, and potentates, as also to the bishop of Rome: declaring unto them the circumstance and success of his journey and wars, as partly ye have heard: Requiring thē, that they also would praise and give God thanks for his good success and profitable peace concluded: And desireth the Pope that for as much as he had now accomplished his promise, neither that there was any cause now wherefore he should be with him displeased, that he might be reconciled and obtain his favor.

In the mean season, the Emperor with all his army marcheth to Jerusalem: where, upon Easter day in the year of our Lord. 1229. he was with great triumph & comfort of all his nobles, and also the Magistrates of that kingdom (only the Patriarch of Cyprus the kings Legate, and Oliuer the master or captain of the Temple w ^t his company, excepted) solemnly and with great applause crowned king.

After this, he rerdifieth the Citty and Walls thereof which by the Saracens were beaten down and battered. After that, he furnisheth it with munition, he buildeth vy the Churches and temples that were ruinous, he fortifieth Nazarethum and Ioppen with strong garrisons, vita • e, and all other things necessary.

Now see and behold I pray you, whilst that Frederick was thus occupied in the kingdom of Jerusalem, what practices the Pope had in Italy: Not I warrant you any whit at all careful in the affairs of the Christian commonwealth, but studiyng and laboring what mischief and spite he might work against the Emperor: whom, of a set purpose he had so occupied (partly for hate, and partly to enriche himself) in Asia and Jerusalem, so far out of Italy, ye may be sure. First, he caused the soldiers which the Emperor sent for out of Germany to the maintenance of the holy wars, to be stayde as they passed through Italy: letting them of their journey, and took from them, and spoiled them of all such provision as they had. And not only this, but he sent secretly also his letters into Asia, to those that were of his own fac • ion: that is, to the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and soldiers that kept the temple and the hospital, enticing and inciting thē to rebel against the Emperor: which thing, Blondus himself that Popish Parasite or historiographer dissu • uleth or hideth not. But that he furthermore dissuaded the princes of the Saracens, that they should make no league nor take any truce with Fridericke, neither deliver up unto him the Crown and Kingdom of Jerusalem. Which letters as they were manifest testimonies of his treachery and treason towards him whom God had instituted and made his liege Lord and sovereign, and mightiest potentate upon earth: so was it his will, that he should come to the knowledge thereof, and that those letters should fall into his hands. And that he kept the same letters for the more credible testimony thereof: in the same his last Epistle unto the Christian Princes he proresteth. The copy of which letter amongst his other Epistles, you shall have expressed.

Neither were the Popes letters written to that leavened sect and factious in vain. For the Patriarch and his Collegioners which took their name of the Temple, did mightily repugn against Frederick. They raised a tumult in Ptolomaida against him: they accused him and his Legates openly of treason: and did malipartly & boldly w ^t stand the right worthy and good order he made amongst them. But as God would, by the help of the inhabitants of Pisa and the Genowayes, and the Dutch soldiers: both their false accusations were refelled, and also their seditious purpose & tumult expressed. And this was the cause, that when all other men rejoiced and were glad of the Emperors coronation, they as wicked confederatours were heavy therefore, and obtrectours of his worthy laud and fame.

The Pope, when he had thus conspired against Frederick, and had betrayed him to the public enemy of all Christian men, the Turk: he could not dissemble this his mischievous fact, nor content himself therewith, but that he would devise and practice yet another. For by reason of those sclaunders (which a little before I touched) of the death and slaughter of his wife Iola: he incited John Brennus his father in laws to make war against him, who caused the subjects of his Empire to withdraw from him their allegiance, as also the inhabitants of Picenum, & inhabitants of Lumberdy. And thus joining themselves together, craved farther aid of the French king, whereby they made a great power. That done, they divided their host in two armies, invading with the one the Empire, & with the other the proper territories and ditions belonging in the inheritance of Frederick: John Brennus and Pandolphe Sauellanus, leading the one (as Generals) into Campania and the kingdom of Naples: and the other (with John Columna Cardinals his Legat, and that Thomas before convicted of treason, being his Liefetenantes) he sendeth into Picenum.

Of this treason of the Pope against Fredericus, both also Mat. Paris. make mention during his wars in Asia. Who (saith he) purposed to have deposed him, and to have placed alium quem libet filium pacis & obedientiae loco eius subrogare, that is, any other he cared not whom (so that he were the child of peace and obedience) in his steed. And for the more certainty thereof, the said Mat. Paris. pag. 71. repeateth the letter which a certain Earl of Siria wrote unto him concerning the same, which letter here under ensueth word for word.

Thus whilst the host of this hostile enemy the Pope was encamped in the dominions of Fridericke, he received the letters which Fridericke by his Legates sent into Europa as you heard: whereby he understood the good success he had in Asia: Who not only took no delecration at all therein, but was also in a vehement perturbatiō therewith: whereby manifestly it may appear, what was the cause & meaning of the Pope, that he was so solicitous & urgent to have Frederick the Emperor make a voyage into Asia. Doubtless even the same, that Pelias had whē by his instigation he procured Jason with all the chosen youth and flour of Grecia to sail into Colchus, to fetch away the golden flease: and that by the opportunity of his absence he might use, or rather abuse his power & tyranny: And that Fridericke might either be long afflicted & molested in the Asian war, or that he might perish and lose his life therein, was that he sought and all that he desired.

And when he saw, that fortune neither favored his fetthes, nor served to his lōging lust, he was as a man berest of his wits, specially at these tidings of the prosperous success of y ^e Emperor. He tare and threw his letters on the ground: and with all opprobrious words rebuked & reuised the Legates for the Emperor their masters sake: which thing also Blōdus himself denieth not, although he write altogether in the favor of the Pope. And to the intent that he might cover this his rage and unbridled fury with some cloke & color of just deserved dolour: He feigned him self therefore so much to mislike therewith, as though the Emperor therein had only respected his own private commodity, not regarding the utility of the Christians: for y ^• the Saracens had license (although without armor & weapō) to have repair unto the sepulcher of Christ, & had left for thē somewhat near the same an hosterie or lodging place: For which occasion saith Blondus, his Lord Pope rebuked the Emperors Legates by the name of traitors and such like other opprobrious words. Now go to friend Blondus, by what strong arguments prove you & your Lord Pope, that the peace which the Emperor hath concluded, to be either against the Christian common wealth, or that the Emperor was a traitor. But who is it that seeth not these things either by reading of old and ancient writers, or else partly by me that have gathered & collected the same out of diverse monuments and histories: & plainly perceaueth not the consp • racies & treasons, of your good Lord the Pope so notable and filthy, as also his man • est shame and infamy. What? there be diverse that write, how the Pope commanded these Legates of Frederick to be made secretly out of the way▪ and also how he commanded diverse soldiers returning out of Asia to be slain, to the intent that none should hear the report of those good news which were in Asia, nor none go rhether to rel • y ^• fetches he had in hand at home. But I will make report of no more thē of those things which all the writers w ^t most consent agree upon: This is most certain, that the Pope caused this rumour to be spread of the death & taking of the Emperor upon this consideration, y ^t he might allure unto him the fidelity of those Cities in the kingdom of Naples, which yet kept their allegiance unto Fridericke, of whom they should now hope for no longer refuge. And of that doth the Emperor in his Epistle entitled Leuate oculos, greatly against him complain.

Great are these injuries of the Pope against Frederick, and most wicked treasons: but herewith could not y ^• cruel and titannicall mind of him be contented, nor yet his lust satisfied: but so far exceeded, as scarce is credible y ^t it could. For he presumed not only to set variance between Henry (whō Fridericke his Father had caused to be made king of Germany) and him: but also by his allurementes, caused him to become an enemy unto him. To whō, when his father had assigned the Duke of Bo • oria (named Ludouicus) to be his ouerscer and coūcellar: neither knew he amongst all the princes of Germany a man more mythfuller to him in his office and duty, or else more virtuous, or else more graver & apt to be in authority: Henry, fearing least he should understand & know of these secret councils which he with his conspirators had in hand against his father: or that he should utter the same unto him, or that he should go about to dis • wade him from that he was purposed to do: by authority of the court and Senate of Rome, he put him out of office. And this was the fetch of all their policy: that together and at one instance (but in diverse and sundry places far one from another) sharp & cruel war might be made against the Emperor: so that his power being distract to the appealing of variable contention, might be himself the easiyer oppressed of a few.

When the Emperor now understood what stir the Pope kept in all his dominions in his absence, and that he had somewhat reformed and appeased the troubles which he secretly had wrought him in the kingdom of Ierusalē: thinking to prevent the Popes purpose in that he went about, and also to confirm the friendship towards him of them, whom in his absence he found his trusty subjects: He left in Asia Renaldus with his garrisons, commanding all the other bands to be under his appointment, and with all speed came forth certain Gallyes to Calabria. During the time of his there being, which unlooked for came thither: he assembled his power and made with his friends all the speedy preparation that he might. From thence he went to Barleta, where he tarried xx. days: to whom came the Duke of Spolitanum with all his garrisons. And so frō thence, with all his power he came into Apulia, & removed John Brennus his father in law from the siege of Calatia: and within short time by God's help, recovereth again all his holds and dominions there. And from thence going into Campania, he winneth Ber • ueuentum, and as many other towns and holds as the Pope had there, even almost to Rome, and so after that, Umbria and Picena. And now, although the Emperor (being moved thereunto upon good occasion, & upon y ^e Popes worthy desert) had gotten & recovered this so likely an entrance upon the Popes dominions, whereby he might have revenged him of all the injuries done to him: yet notwithstanding, for r ^• he preferred nothing before the Christian and public tranquility (for y ^• love of which he restraining his wrath so v • hemērly urged & kindled) sendeth unto him his Legates to entreat a peace: declaring unto him, y ^t if no other conceived grudge towards him were, then that he simuled and pretended: he promiseth that he would make to him an accompt volūtarely, of all things that ever he had done in his life, and that he would, and was contented to submit himself unto the Church: and also that for this cause he willingly offered unto him both duty and obseruaunce. Furthermore to the entreating of this peace and deciding of all controversies, he sent to the Pope eight or x. of the noblest and chiefest about him, that were Princes and Dukes of the Empire. As Bartoldust the Patriarch of Aquileia, and his brother Otho prince of Dalmatia and Histria, Eberhardus Iunauensis, Sigifridus, Reginoburgensis, Sibbotus Augustanus, a worthy Prelate, Leopaldus of Austria & Stiria, and Bernhardus being all Dukes, besides others of the nobility to accompany them.

But yet so great was the insolency and pride of y ^• stubborn pope, that by no gentleness or beneficence, he of those Princes could be brought that year to the profitable concord of the Church and Christian common weal. O worthy head, y ^t challēgeth all authority to himself in y ^• Church of Christ, and in respect of his own willful revenge, setteth nothing by the health & utility of all Christendom. Then therefore, when nothing could be done in the matter, & the most part of these noble men departed from Rome: y ^t next year after (with much ado) a peace was made & concluded between thē, by the help and industry of Leopoldus of Austria, Hermannus capitaine of the Dutch soldiers, and the President of Messanea, The pope then absolving the Emperor Fridericus of his excommunication, took therefore of him an hundredth and twenty thousand ounces of gold, restoring unto him again the titles both of his Empire, and also of his kingdoms. Now considering y ^e uncourteous dealing of the Pope with Fridericke the Emperor herein: who can sufficiently muse & marvel at the vnshamefastnes of Blondus, which hath the face to write, that the Pope (yet notwithstanding) had dealt more gently and courteously with Fridericke then was meet, or beseemed him to do. Who is it that doth not see his manifest flatery, coulored neither with reason, nor secret dissimulatiō. But, much more truly, & better writeth Cuspinianus concerning this matter which saith, that the Pope doth occupy very profitable merchandise, which for so much money selleth that he received freely paying nothing therefore, if he had received it of Christ in deed, as he saith he had.

And yet although the Emperor Fridericke, concluded with the Pope this unprofitable peace for himself: yet he performed those things y ^t were agreed vpō faithfully & diligently. But the Pope, which thought it but a trifle to break his promise, would not stand to the conditions of y ^• peace he made. For by y ^e way to pass over other things, neither hath he restored as he promised the customs in the land of Sicill, neither yet the city Castellana, which he before the peace concluded between thē did occupy & enjoy. And that doth both Fridericke in his Epistles testify, and also Fazellus in his 8. book, writing of the affairs of Sicilia. Yet that notw ^t standing: Fridericke, for the quietness and utility of the commō wealth, purposed with himself to bear and suffer these small injuries. And further studied in all that he might, as well by liberal gifts as otherwise, to have the Pope to be to him a trusty friend. As whē the Romans & other of the Ecclesiastical number made war against y ^e Pope for certain possessions which he kept of theirs: he coming to him at Reate, and as one that tendered the unity of the church, & thinking to help the Pope at his earnest request in these matters: sent his Legates unto them, willing them to lay down their armor which against the Pope they bare. And when y ^t would not serve, at the Popes further request & desire he levied an army against them at his own charge, and drave them from the siege of Uiterbium: with other such like assured tokens of amity and friendship he shown him. Who notw ^t standing, so soon as the Emperor was departed with a small company which he took with him into Sicilia, leaving with him the greater and most part of his army for the maintenance of his wars: concluded a peace w ^t the Romaines (unknowing to the Emperor) whom he had procured to travel and labor therein with great expenses: affirming that without his will and commandment, the Emperor had expelled them, and drivē them out of the territories of Uiterbiū. And hereof, doth Fridericke also himself make mentiō in his second and third Epistle, where he complaineth of the injuries of the Popes towards him.

Therefore, greater commendation had Blondus deserved if he had written of these trecheries of the Pope, then that forgetting himself (as unto liars often it chanceth) in y ^t he writeth both contrary to himself in the effect of this matter, and contrary to the verity of Fridericus his history: which saith that the Romaines were incited to these new tumults by his enticing and setting on. As though simple men of understanding, could not both by the offering of his son in hostage, by the great preparation of y ^• wars, and by the event specially of the thing itself gather the contrary. But to to impudent will Blondus needs show himself.

Whilest that these things were done in Italy and Sicilia, great rebellions were moved in Germany against y ^e Emperor by Henricus Caesar and Fridericke of Austria, his sons being the chief authors thereof. For Henry, being disapoynted and shakē of from his Lord Pope and other conspirators by reasō of the peace between his father & him as ye heard: began now to make open challenge to the Empire. And for that cause, he as before is said, put frō him Ludouicus whom he knew to be unto the Emperor his father so loving and an assured friend: who as willingly (perceiving and smelling what mischief he went about) forsook his court and came to Boioria: who had not there remained a year, but was as he walked abroad at a certain time stabbed in with a dagger of one Kelhemius & presently died, his servants being not far from him. Of whose death diverse diversely write. Notwithstanding the sequel doth show them to write truliest, that affirm the said striker to be suborned by Henry Caesar: who coming unto him in the habit of a messenger, delivered unto him certain letters which he feigned to be sent frō the Emperor. And whilst Ludouicus was in reading the same, he strake him in with a dagger and gave him his mortal wound: & with speed fled vpō the same. After whose death succeeded in that Dukedom his son Otho, who when solempnly according to the manner of the Boiores he should have been created, was also let by the same Henry Caesar: who forbad the assembly of the magistrates and Citizens of the same. They notwithstanding, neglecting his unjust restraint created him: Wherefore, he first besieged Reginoburgh & with another company, sacked, brent, and wasted Boioria: w ^t many moe such great outragies & rebellions.

When intelligence was brought of these things to the Emperor, he sent his Legates and commanded that both the Caesar his son and other Princes of Germany which had assembled their armies should break up and disperse the same. And because he saw and perceived now manifestly that his son made so apparent rebellion against him, and fearing greater insurrections to insue in Germany, he thought good to prevent the same with all expeditiō: wherefor he determined to go in all hast to Germany with his army, (from whence he had been absent now 14. years) and hereunto he maketh the Pope privy. The Pope promised the Emperor hereupon, that he would write his letters in his behalf to all the Princes of Germany: but persuaded him to the uttermost of his power, that he should in no case go into Germany himself. For why, his conscience accused him that he had written to the nobles of Germany even from the beginning of his Papacy (for the hate and grudge he had against the Emperor) that they should suffer him, neither any of his heirs to enjoy the Empire, & farther had stirred them all up to rebel against him: and had moved Henry the Emperors son by his bribes and fair promises, to conspire against his father. And to conclude, he was the author & procurer of y ^e conspiracy which the Lombardes made then against him: and fearing least these things should come now to the Emperors ear, he was greatly troubled and careful. But the Emperor not thinking it good at so needful a time to be absent: he (all doubt set a part) with his second son Conradus, went speedily into Germany. And assēbling there a council in the City of Nureburgh: Henry Caesar his son, after his conspiracy was manifestly detected, which he had in practice with the Longoberdes (whereof, the Pope was chief autor) was by judgment and sentence of 70. Princes, condemned of high treason. And being commanded by his father to be bound, was as a prisoner brought to Apulia: where not long after in prison he died. In whose stead, he ordained Conradus his 2. son Caesar, by consent of all the Piers & Princes, Furthermore, by public commandment he renounced Fridericke Austriacus for his son, and for an enemy to the public weal he caused him to be proclaimed. And further, when he saw that neither that punishment could cause him to remember himself and acknowledge his abuse, the Emperor with a great army (accompanied with diverse of the noble men of Germany) took from him all Austria and Stiria, and brought them again under his own obedience and fidelity.

The same year, married he his third wife named Isabell, the daughter of king John of England. Then, when he had set Germany in a stay and quietness, he left there Conradus Caesar his son: and with his host returneth again into Italy, there to punish such as had with Henry his eldest son conspired against him: whose treasons were all detected at the condemnation of Henry Caesar his son, chiefly set on by the Pope. When the Pope had understanding that the Emperor with warlike furniture marched toward Italy: although he feigned himself reconciled, and to be a friend to Frederick, yet was he notwithstanding to him a most secrete & infestiue enemy. And understanding, that he brought with him such a power, both of horsemen and footmen, to do execution of such as he understood to have been conspirators against him in the late tumult and rebelliō: Those which were faulty herein and gultie (and all other that took their partes) he admonished to join thenselves together: and that they should furnish strongly their Cittyes with garrisons: that they send for aid to their friends, and that with all the force they were able, they should prepare them for the war. The rest of the Cities also in Italy, whether they were the Emperors or his own, he endeavoreth to make them all his, and proper to himself.

Furthermore, unto the Emperor he sendeth his Ambassadors: to whom, under the pretence of nourishing a peace, he had given secret commandment: that they should interdict him and his host, so soon as he came within the borders of Italy. To the preservation of which peace, saith he, he had (but late since) promulgate a subsidy to be gathered amongst the Christians, when he began the holy war. And also to say (not by way of entreaty, but cōmaundingly) that what cause of controversy he had with the Longobardes: the same he should commit to him, and stand to his arbitrement. Whereunto, the Emperor repliyng, maketh his Legate this answer.

Shortly after saith he, the peace was made between the Pope and me: he called me for a chief defense both of y ^• Church and himself, against the Romans which made war with him: and at his request, with mine own proper charge I maintained that his war, & gave his enemies the overthrow. And further said, that he should not do well through the pretence of peace, to be a let to him frō that which both by law and right he might and ought to do: But rather so he ought to dispose himself, with force to restrain and expel them, which gathered thē together as rebels thinking to exclude themselves from the subjection both of him and the Empire. And that, such rebels as both had restrained the soldiers which the Emperor sent for when he was in Asia, & diverse others also (which for necessary causes he had called to him) they had so wickedly dealt with & abused: He, as they had deserved, should rather desire to see punished & reformed, then to maintain them (under color of peace) being so wicked and manifest evil doers. And touching that he demandeth of him, that he should commit and defer so great a cause wherein the wealth and safety of the Empire consisteth, to his arbitrement by him to be determined: without either assignemēt of any time when, or adding thereunto any condition or exceptiō for not doing the same: neither the diminishing & impairing the dignity and regaltie of his Empire considered, he could not but marvel: Seeing y ^t neither it apperteined to his calling and faculty, nor to the benefit or commodity of the Empire. To this effect also writeth Fridericke in his last Epistle to the Pope: the effect whereof amongst other Epistles you may read.

And in the same his letters he showeth, that when the Emperor, at a certain time had been with the Pope: At his going away, he requested that when he came again he would come into Italy, but with his household band and family: For that, if he should come as before he did accustom with his army, he should terrify thē overmuch: amongst whom saith he, you may assure yourself to be in great safety, and find all things in rest and quiet: when quite contrary (as the Emperor for a certainty had tried) he had there all things ready and prepared for his destruction. So that, when he pretended unto him greatest friendship, he was busiest in conspiring his death. The certain time, when the Pope had this exercise in hand against the Emperor I cannot search out, neither may it be in his epistles vndated, easily found out: But y ^t of the certainty thereof no man need to doubt, I have assigned you to the Emperors Epistle where he maketh mention of the same.

The Emperor then, as he had determined prosecuteth his purpose & marcheth into Italy: where he brought under his subjection, those Cities that against him rebelled: as Mantua, Uerona, Ternisium, Patauium, and others. And then, he afterward set vpō the great host of the Mediolanenses, the Brixians, the Placentines and other confederators, unto whom the Popes Legate Georgius Longomantanus had joined himself: of whom he took 1000. prisoners, and also their general being the chief Magistrate in the Citty of Mediolanum, and Petrus Tenopolus the Dukes son of Venice, & slue diverse captains moe and took all their ensigns. And in this battle specially at the recovering of Marchia and Ternissana he used the friendly aid of Actiolinus.

The Pope now somewhat dismayd at this overthrow of his confederates & mates (though not much) began yet somewhat to fear the Emperor: & whereas before, that which he did he wrought secretly and by others, now he goeth to work (with might and main) to subdue and deprive the Emperor. And although the Emperor saw & perceived what inward hate and mortal malice he bare wards him: not only by that he so apertly stood with his conspirators against him, but also that on every side he heard, and from all partes was brought him certain word how greatly he labored against him: as w ^t opprobrious words, naughty reports, and slanders, to the intent to pull from him the hearts and fidelity of his subjects, and make those that were his friends his enemies, neither that he meant at any time to take up and cease from such evil and wicked practices: yet notwithstanding, for that there should be no default in him found, for the breach of the league and peace between them a little before concluded: he sendeth four Legates to the Bishop of Rome which should answer unto and refute, those criminous objections which he laid unto him: as also make him privy to his purpose, and what he meant to do, thereby to declare his innocence towards him (in such causes) and simplicity.

The Bishop, when he understood these Ambassadors to be not far of from Rome, & knew the cause of their coming: he thought with himself, that in hearing the excuse and reasonable answer of the Emperor, perhaps might be provoked to desist from his purpose, and so degenerate from other of his predecessors: refuseth to speak with them, and at the day appointed pronounceth the sentence of proscriptiō against him, depriving him of all his dignities, honors, titles, perogatives, kingdoms & whole Empire. And that he had no occasion hereunto, as well Pandolphus & Colonutius, as the letters of the Emperor himself do both right well declare. For it may appear, he dedicated as it were himself to his utter ruin and destruction, when he did sollicitate against Fridericus, Jacobus Tewpolus the Uenetian Duke: Whom, for the displeasure he took with y ^• Emperor in the imprisoning of his son, was in good hope he should allure unto him, he being in so troublous a time such a comforter & ayder unto him: that as Blondus writeth, in a certain Epistle gratulatory he calleth him Lord of the fourth part of Croatia and Dalmatia, and Lord of the half of the Roman Empire. And calling unto him the Uenetian and Benwetian Legates, made a peace betwixt them (which for certain causes about their sea costs were at variance) and couenaunted with them upon this condition: that at their public charges, they should rig and man 35, gallyes, which should spoil and burn all alongst the Sea coasts of the kingdoms and dominions of Frederick.

But the Pope, when he saw the good will and fidelity which the Duke of Venice bare unto the Emperor, and saw also what aid the Emperor had of him, neither that he was like to wynne him to his purpose: then had he recourse again to his old crafty practices & subtleties. And further devised, to put forth an Edict at Rome to the universal Church and people, the beginning whereof is Ascēdit de mari bellica bestia : wherein, he declareth the causes wherefor he curseth and giveth the Emperor to y ^• devil of hell, & hath deject him from all his princely dignity. He in the same, accuseth him of so many & so huge a heap of mischiefs, as to nominate thē my heart detesteth. And besides y ^t , he restrayneth his sovereign Lord, & Emperor of the appellatiō which every private man by law may have. He slandereth him of treason, perjury, cruelty, sacrilege, killing of his kind, and all impiety: he accuseth him for an heretic, a schismatic, and a miscreant: And to be brief, what mischief so ever the Pope can devise, with that doth he charge him and burden him. All this doth he saith the Pope, that when he hath brought our holiness, and all the Ecclesiastical estate to beggary, he might scoff at and deride the Religion of Christ, which as a miscreant he detesteth. And now for that the Pope had a great and special trust in Albertus Behauus of y ^e noble house called Equestri (as crafty apostle as the best) as one whom he saw ready to lean to his lust: To him the Pope delivered two oath • mandates in several letters sealed, in which he commandeth all Bishops, Prelates, & other of the Clergy: that they should solempnly recite the same in their churches instead of their sermon, that by his decree he had excommunicate Fridericke out of the fellowship of Christian men: put him from the procuratiō or government of the Empire: & that he had released all his subjects of their allegeāce & fidelity towards him. And farthermore, chargeth thē, & all other Christian men under the pain of cursing & damnation, that neither they succor y ^e Emperor, nor yet so much as wish him well. Thus he, being the Popes special & trusty seruiture & made to his hand, caused a most horrible confusiō and Chaos of public quietness, as shall after appear.

Amongst all other noble men of Germany at that time towards the Emperor, was Otho the governor of Rhenus and Duke of Boiora, both most serviceable and also a Prince of great honor, riches and estimatiō. This prince, both with fair promises & also rewards, he enticed from him, for that being made by him to believe, y ^t Ludouicus his father of whō we spake before, was by the Emperor murdered and slain. And the same Otho again, caused 3. other Princes & Dukes, to reuolte from the Emperor to the Pope, which were neighbors & near adjoining unto him: as Uuenceslaus, and Belus, princes of the Ungarians, and Henry Duke of Polonia. To whom came also Fridericus Austriacus his son: who because he was proscript or outlawed of his father, and had his dukedome wasted and brent as you heard, was easily won unto the pope. These gathering a Council (whē they had thought to have translated the Empiere unto the Kyngs son of Denmark) desired to have the popes Legates to be sent from him, to the effect of that election.

The Emperor was at Patauium when these news were brought unto him, what the pope had done at Rome Therefore he commanded Peter to Uineis his Secretary (upon Easter day) to make a Narration to the people, of his great & liberal munificence to the bishops and church of Rome, & again of the injuries of them towards him in recompense thereof: of his innocencye also in that whereof he had accused him: and of the vnseemelines of such an act or deed: of the right use of the ecclesiastical censure, & of the errors and abuse of the church of Rome. By which Oratiō of his, he so removed the cloud from many men's hearts of blind superstition, and the conceived opinion of holiness of the church of Rome, and Bishops of the same, and also of their usurped power and subtle persuasion: that both they plainly saw and perceived the vices and filthiness of the Church of Rome and Bishops of that sea, as also their fraudulent deceits and flagitious doings: most vehemently lamenting and complaynyng of the same. Albertus maketh mention of certain Uerses which were sent and written between the Bishop of Rome and the Emperor. The which verses in the latter of this present history of Fridericke you shall find.

The Emperor moreover both by his letters & Legates, giveth intelligence to all Christian kings, to the Princes of his own Empire, to the College of Cardinals, and people of Rome: as well of the feigned crimes wherewith he was charged, as also of the cruelty of the Bishop of Rome against him. The copy of which letter or epistle followeth here under inserted.

This done, he denounceth a solemn Parliament or council of all the princes & other nobility of the Empire at Aegra: whether came Conradus Caesar, Moguntinus Presul, the Saxon Dukes, the Lord's of Brandeburgh, Misna, Thuringus, and the Legates of all the nobles of Brabant to aid the Emperor. But the princes of Boiemus and Palatinus, being dissuaded by the legates unto whom the Austrians had joined thenselves, refused to come to the Council holden at Aegra. And being at their wits ends not knowing well what they might do, forsook at last the Emperor, and toke part with the pope and the other conspirators. Then Fredericus Austriacus the Emperors second son (whom he disherited as ye heard) by the aid of the Boiors and Bohemians, recovered again the Dukedoms of Austria and Styria: putting to flight and discōfiting, the Emperors bands and garrisons which he had there. And although the Cardinals (especially that honest man Albertus Boiemus) had allured unto the pope Otho the duke of Boioria as ye heard, & diverse other noble men of Germany: yet notwithstanding, certain bishops in Boioria (as Eberhardus Iuuanensis, and Sigrefridus Seginoburgensis, being at that time the Emperors Chancelor, Rudicenis Ratheuiensis, Conradus Frisingensis and others) left not or yet forsook the Emperor. All which the foresaid Albertus not only did excommunicate, but also by process sought to bring them up to Rome before the pope: Geuing commandment to their Collegioners and cloysterers, that they should deprive them of their offices, & choose such others in their stead as would obey the Pope. All which things the Pope understanding by Albertus, and of this their fidelity to the Emperor, corroborated and confirmed the same his doings, commanding them to choose other bishops in their stedes.

But the bishops & prelates with one consent contemning the popes mandates & writs, and also the curses and threatenings of Albertus, accused, reproved, & greatly blamed his temerity & also tyranny which he usurped against the churches of Germany, and especially against the good Emperor: that without his consent he durst be so bold as to meddle in churches committed to the Emperors government, against the old & ancient customs: and that he had excommunicated the Emperor without just cause, y ^t he had condemned the Emperors faithful subjects, as enemies to the Church, for standing with their liege and sovereign Prince (which allegiance to violate, without horrible iniquity they might not) and so had sought to disquiet them likewise in their charges and administrations, & had also in that quarrel given such defiance to the Emperor. They accused and condemned the same Albertus also, for a most impudent impostor, and wicked varlet, and for a most pestiferous botch & soar of the Christian common weal: and give him to the devil they do, as a ruinous enemy, as well of the church as of his own natural country: and further think him worthy to have his reward, with the rest of the popes pursiuants being the most wicked inuentors & deuisers of mischief y ^t were in all Germany. This done, they make relation hereof to the Emperor by their letters: and further, they advertise all the princes of Germany (especially those which were of the Popes faction or rebellion, & were the favorers of Albertus) that they should take hede and beware in any case of his subtle deceits & pernicious deceivable allurements: nor that they should assist the pope for all his words against the Emperor. And doutles by the counsel of the high prelate or Archb. of Boioria (whose name was Iuuanerisis ) and by his industry and persuasion: Fredericus Austriacus was again reconciled unto the Emperor his father, from whose aide and obedience after that (by no promises, threatenings, bribes, nor pains, no nor for the execrable curses of the Popes own holy month) he would be induced or removed. But Albertus prosecuteth still his purposed mischief, alluring & inciting by all means possible (and y ^t not amongst the worst but the best) friends to the pope, & enemies to the Emperor: To some, he gave their tithes to fight against the Emperor, to other some he gave the gleebe lands of benefices: and to other some he gave the spoil of such colleges and monasteries as took not part with the pope: and to some other also, he gave the colleges & monasteries themselves. And assuredly I find by Johannes Auentinus lib. 7. annalium Boiorum : y ^t there were certain of the popes own birds, that had their ecclesiastical tithes taken from them: and other some, had the rents and revenues of their colleges plucked away by force to the maintenance of the Popes quarrel against the Emperor. Hereby was there a window opened to do what they listed (every man according to his ravening and detestable lust) and all things lay open unto their greedy and insatiable desires. Who listeth to hear more hereof, let him read Auentinus in his Book before noted, and there shall he see what vastation grew thereby to the whole state of Germany, who largely entreateth of the same.

While these things were thus in working in Germany, Frederick leaving in Lumbardie Actiolinus with a great part of his host (he passing with the rest by Apeninum) came to Hetruria and set the same in a stay, after that he had alaide certain insurrections there: and from thence to Pysas, where he was with great amity and honor received and welcomed. This city was always assured and faithful to the Emperors of Germany. The Pope understanding of the Emperors coming into Hetruria, and knowing what power the Emperor had also left in Lumbardie, he with a great army besiegeth the city Ferraria, that always loved the Emperor full well: which City, when the Popes Legate had assauted sharply the space of 5. months and could not win the same: he devised with himself to send for Salingwerra out of the town by way of a parlie, promising his faith and truth to him for his safe return. Who, by the persuasion of Hugo Rambartus, that said without peril he might do the same (being but by way of Parley) was coming to the legate: who preventing him in his journey took him as prisoner, contrary to his truth and fidelity. And thus gate he Ferraria, and delivered the keeping thereof to Azones Astensis. And that the Popes Legate thus falsified his truth, and circumvented the capitaine & old man Salingwerra: the same is confessed of the Popes friendly Historiographers, to be but a Stratagem or warlike policy. But to return again: About the same time also the Uenetian nauie, at the mount Garganum chased 12. galleis of the Emperors which were appointed to the keeping of that cost, & spoiled, brent, and wasted all the region: and farther took one of the Emperors great ships, being driven by tempest and weather into the haven Sipontinum, fraught with men and munition.

Fredericus again getting on his side the Lucenses, the Uolateranes, the Genenses, the Aretines, and diverse Cities besides in Hetruria to help that country: came to Pisas and Uiterbium, which took parte with him. Some say, that the names and factions of the Gibellins & Guelphes, sprang from Frederick: that by them he might spy and know (having recourse to all the towns and cities in Italy) which took part with and favored the Pope, and which the Emperor: and called the one by the name of Gibellines, and the other by the name of Guelphes. But for that, both Blondus, and Platina, and some others, bring no sufficient proof thereof, but only by slender conjecture, I rather cleave to the opinion of Nauclerus, Hermanus, Antonius, Florentinus, and other such writers, which say: that these Guelphes and Gibellines in Italy, took their beginning of Cōradus 3. Fredericus his great uncle being Emperor. And that these Guelphes were dedicated to the Pope, of Guelphus the younger brother of Henry the proud: and that those which were called Gibellines were appointed either of Conradus himself or else of his son, being brought up in the Lordship of Uaiblingen. But to our purpose.

The Pope, when he understood that Frederick was come to Uiterbium, he was very heavy: for that he feared he would come to Rome, the good will of which City the Pope much mistrusted. He therefore caused a supplication to be drawn, portraying about the same the heads of Peter and Paul, & with a sharp and contumelious oration he much defaced the Emperor: promising them everlasting life, & gave them the badge of the cross, as many as would arm themselves and fight against the Emperor, as against the most wicked enemy of God & the Church. Now when the Emperor marching somewhat near to Rome gates, beheld those whom the Pope had with his goodly spectacle of S. Peter and S. Paul, and with his alluring oration stirred up against him, and marked with the badge of the cross to come forth in battle against him: Disdaining to be accounted for the enemy of the Church, who had ben thereunto so beneficial, giving a fierce charge upon them, put them soon to flight: and as many as he took (cutting off that badge frō them) he caused to be hanged. From thence he marching into Campania & his own kingdoms: levied a great mass of money, & mustered new bands, and augmented his army: and in these bands he retained the Saracens also. And to y ^e intent he might find the Saracens the more trusty unto him: he appointed them to inhabit in a city named Luceria. For which thing, although the Papistical writers do greatly blame and opprobriously write of Frederick: yet notwithstanding, Nicholaus Machiuellus doth write, that therefore he retained them: least that through the Popes execrable curses, he should be quite destitute of soldiers as was Fredericus Barbarossa a little before, his graundfather, when that of Alexander the Pope he was excommunicated, as ye have heard.

After this, when the Emperor had greatly afflicted by battle the Popes Ecclesiastical consorts, such as conspired with the Pope against him: and that he had wasted & destroyed Beneuentum, the mount Casenum, & Sora, for that they toke part with the Pope against him: Frederick, when he had manned the City Aquila, marched forth with a great host both of horsemen and footmen to Picenum, that he might vanquish his enemies in Italy. And by the way, he besieged the strong town of war named Asculinum, which was also converted to the popes faction and rebellion. He there having understanding what y ^e Popes assistents had done with the Princes electours and other princes of Germany, especially with Wenseslaus king of Bohemia, and Otho Palatinus: writeth his letters unto them. In the which, first he showeth how that those contumelies and spiteful words which the Pope blustered out against him, are light upon himself: And how the bishops of Rome have taken to them of late such heart of grace, and are become so lofty, that not only they seek to bring Emperors, Kings and Princes under their obedience, but also seek howe to be honored as gods: And say, that they cannot err, neither yet be subject or bound to any religion: and that it is lawful for them to do all things what they list, neither y ^t any account is to be sought or demanded of their doings, or else to be made of them to any, so impudent are they in these their affirmations. And further, as Princes they command (and that under pain of cursing) that men believe everything they say, howe great a lie soever it be. In so much that by this covetousness of his, all things go backwarde, and the whole state of the common weal is subverted: neither can there any enemy be found more hurtful or perilous to the Church of God then he. He wrote unto them furthermore, that he (to whom the greatest charge and dignity was in the whole common weal appointed and committed) seeing and perceiving to his great peril, their good harts, willes, & practices towards him: would with all the power and hability that God had given him, do his endeavor: that he which in the likeness of the shepherd of the flock, & the servant of Christ, and chief prelate in the Church, showeth himself so very a wolf, persecutor and tyrant: may be removed from that place, and that a true & careful shepherd of God's flock, may be appointed in the Church. Wherefore he exhorteth them, that if they desire the safety and preservation of the whole state of the common weal and Empire: that they be unto him no hinderers, but furtherers of his purpose and proceedings: least otherwise, they also should hap̄ to fall into the same snare of servitude with the Bishop of Rome. And further, he gave them to wit, that if he should aspire to that he sought for (that is to be an Emperor and King over kings) yet should that be no stay of his insatiable desire, but would be as greedy and ravenous as now he is. Therefore, if they be wise, to withstand him betimes: least hereafter whē they would it should be to late, neither were able to w ^t stand his tyranny. The effect of this Epistle I toke out of Avētine which more largely dilateth the same: who also writeth, that the Emperor (by his legates) sent the same to Wenseslaus.

Boiemus somewhat relenting at this letter, promiseth to accomplish the Emperors biddings and precepts: and forthwith gathereth the assembly of princes and nobles at Aegra: where, by commō consent they think to renouate w ^t the Emperor a new league and covenant. And furthermore, they find Otho Boius (which was absent, and would not be at this their assembly) to be the author of this defection, and an enemy to the common weal. Otho, then seeing himself not able to stand against Caesar, and the other Princes with whom he was associate, desiring aid of the Pope by his letters, came with all speed to Boiemus his kinsman: whom, when he could not persuade unto him again, neither he would unto their parts also be won: obtaineth notwithstanding yet thus much at their hands, that the league and covenant (which they were in hand to make with the Emperor) might for a time be deferred, and y ^t another assembly might be made: whereat he also would be, and join himself with them. Thus had they, who killed (as you heard) his father, bewitched also his son: and brought him to be both a rebel and traitor: In the mean season, the Pope sent his rescript unto the king of Boiemia and to Otho, tending to this effect: that in no case they should either forsake him, or else the church, to take the Emperors part. And so much prevailed he by the means of Bohuslaus and Budislaus (which were the chiefest of the Senate regal) and by his fair promises and bribes to such as he before had made to him: that again at Libussa by Boiemus and Boius new assemblies were gathered for the creation of a new Emperor, in despite of Augustus the Emperor, & Caesar his son. And whilst that this was thus in hand, Cōradus Caesar casteth Landshuta the wife of Otho (being absent) in the teeth for great benefit & possessions which her husband had and possessed by the aunciters of him: and that unless her husband took a better way with himself, and shown his obedience to the Emperor his father: that he should not enjoy one foot of that lande, which now he had by his predecessors. The promotion and dignities which Otho had by the aunciters of Conradus Caesar came thus. Fredericus Barbarossa in y ^e year of our Lord 1180. at a Parliament hold̄ at Reginoburgh, condemned Henricus Leo of high treason, and deprived him of his dominions of Boiora and Saxony, and gave Boiora to Otho Wiltespachius: for that he had done him so faithful service in his Italian wars. After that, Ludouicus the son of this Otho, obtained of this Emperor Fredericus the seconde, in recompense of his assured and trusty fidelity the dition of Palatinatum Rheni so called: which gave also Agnetes the daughter of Henry Earl of Palatine to Otho his son in marriage. This Henry was the son of Henry Leo the traitor: unto whom Henry the 6. the father of Frederick gave in marriage Clementia his brothers daughter Cōradus Palatine of Rhenus, & gave unto him the keeping of the palace of the same. And as touching the inheritance of Boiora, that he had also long now possessed by the heirs of Otho Wiltespachius. But to our purpose again.

At the same time also the governor of Colonia Agrippina reuolteth to the Pope: who not long after in a skirmish beweene Brabantinus & him, was vanquished and taken prisoner. And doubtless, Fredericus Austriacus after he was received into favor again with the Emperor (keeping most constantly his promise and fidelity renewed) during this time, made sharp war upon the Ungarians which took part with the Pope, & greatly annoyed them. As these things thus passed in Germany: the Emperor, when he had gotten Ascalum and led his host into Flamminia, having Rauenna at his commandment: from thence came to Fauentia, which city never loved the Emperor: the circuit of whose walls is 5. miles in compass, & pitched his campe round about the same. And although the siege was much hindered by austerity of the time & weather (being in y ^e dead time of winter) yet notwithstanding, through his great fortitude and courage, so animating his soldiers in the painfulness of the laborious siege, he endured out the same: who thought it no little shame having once made that enterprise, to come from thence without any assault given. And therefore, when now the winter (so extreme cold & hard) was well near ended, and the spring time now hard at hand, and by long battery had made the same in diverse places sautable: The citizens (being greatly discouraged, & in no hope of the defense thereof) sent their Legates to the Emperor, craving pardon for their offense, and that he would grant unto them their lives, and so yielded themselves unto his mercy.

The Emperor having against them good and sufficient cause of revenge: yet for that his noble heart thought it to be the best revenge that might be, to pardon the offense of vanquished men: he thought it better to grant them their requests, to save the city and citizens thereof, with innumerable people: then by arms to make y ^e same his soldiers pray, to the destruction both of the City, and great number of people therein. So doth this good Emperor in one of his Epistles Adacta nobis confess himself: which Epistle, to declare the lenity and merciful heart of so worthy a prince, if that with great & marvelous provocation and wrongs he had not been incited, I thought good in y ^e midst of history here to have placed. But thus I have kept you long herein, and yet not finished the same.

In this siege the Emperor having spent and consumed almost all his treasure both gold and silver: caused other money to be made of leather, which on the one side had his Image, & on the other side the spread Egle (the arms of the Empire) and made a proclamation y ^t the same should pass from man to man for all necessaries in stead of other money: and therwithal promised, that whosoever brought the same money unto his Exchequer when the wars were ended, he would give them gold for the same, according to the value of every coin limited: which thing afterward, truly and faithfully he performed, as all the hystoriographers do accord.

Thus, when the Pope as before is said, had stopped his cares and would not hear the Emperors Legates that came to entreat for peace, but rejected and despised his most courteous and equal demands: neither yet had left any wily policy unattempted or force vnpractised, y ^t with his confederates he thought himself either able to revenge or else resist: He by his Legates calleth to a Council at Rome, all such Prelates out of Italy, France, and England, as he thought to favor him and his proceedings: that hereby as his last shift and only refuge, he by their helps might deprive Frederick of his Empire, as an utter enemy to God and to the Church. All which things Fredericus having understanding of, & knowing that these assemblies should be but to the destruction & supplanting of him: determined to stop and let their passages to Rome, as well by sea as by lande in all that ever he might. So that, all the passages by land being now stopped & prevented, he commanded his son Henry with certain gallies to go and keep the coasts of Sardinia, which kingdom the Italians cal Entimum: and from thence to Pisas, and with the Pisans to rigge out a nauie to meet with (if it were possible) such as should come to aide the Pope at Rome. The Popes champions understanding, that by land they could not safely repair to Rome: they procured of Gallies and ships of Genua (having Gulielmus Graccius for their chief Capitaine or Admiral) for forty sails their defense: thinking hereby, that if they should fortune to meet with any of the Emperors ships or galleis, which should lie for them in wait, they should be able to make their part in good, and give them also the repulse. Encius in like manner and Huglinus (being Captain and admirall of the Pisan nauie for the Emperor) launched forth to sea with 40. ships and gallies: and betwixt the Isles of Lilium and Mons Christi, which lie between Liburnium and Corsica, they met with the Genewes ships: and straightwaies fiersly began to grapple with them & bourd thē, in which sight at length, were 3. of the Genewes ships with boulged and sonke, and 22. taken and brought away, with all the riches and treasure in them. In these were taken 3. Legates of the Popes, whereof were 2. Cardinals, Jacobus Columna, Otho Marchio, & Gregorius de Romania, (all cruel enemies against the Emperor) and many other Prelates mor: besides a great number of Legates and procuratours of cities, with an infinite number of Monks & Priests, beside of Genewes soldiers 6000. with diverse others.

Pandolphus Colonutius in describing the circumstances of the great loss and misfortune of these champions of the Pope by sea, amongst the rest declareth: that besides the great pray and bootie which the takers had from them, they also found many writings and letters against Frederick, which much helped him in the defense of those causes, wherein they had labored against him. The like mischance also, almost about that time happened on the popes side, by the Emperors soldieurs which lay in garrison at Ticinum, thus. There went forth upon a time out of Ticinum into the borders of Genewes, certain bands to give them larums in the country: which bands, the scuriers of Mediolanum (where lay a great garrison of the Popes) discrying: told the Captain of the town, that now a very opportune and fit time was to give an assault to Ticinum: for that say they, the greatest part are now gone a foraging. Whereupon, they immediately calling together the captains and such as had charge, set their soldiers in array and marched forewarde to Ticinum. And now, when they were come almost thither, the Ticinian bands (whom they thought to have been far a foraging) were returned and met with them, & fiersly gave a full charge upon them: who, being dismayed at the sodennesse of the matter, fought not long but gave over and fled. In which skirmish was taken (besides those y ^e were slain) 350. captains and brought prisoners into Ticinum with all their ensigns with them.

News hereof was brought to the Emperor not long after, who then was removing from the siege of Fauentia as ye heard to the city of Gononium thinking to have destroyed y ^e same. But upon the hearing of these good news, he altereth his purpose, and thinking to have hereafter a more convenient time thereunto, leadeth his army towards Rome: and in the way, he reconciled to him the City Pisaurum. But Fanum, for that the towns men shut their gates and would not suffer the Emperor to come in, he took by force and destroyed. For the Emperor, seeing that neither by petition made to the pope, nor yet by his lawful excusation be could do any good with him: thought, that by his sudden coming thither, and with fear of the peril imminent, he might be brought to some uniformity, & caused to leave of his accustomed pertinancy. And although the Emperor was too strong for him, yet for that he regarded nothing more then y ^e public tranquility of the Empire, and that he might then take the Tartarian wars in hand: if he could by any means conclude, he refused not so to entreat a peace with him as though he had been both in force and fortune much his inferior.

Whilest that this ruffle was betwixt the Emperor and the Pope, Ochodarius the Emperor of the Tartarians his son, with a great power & provision made and invaded the borders next adjoining unto him, & there wan Roxolanum, Godolium, Mudanum, with d • uers other cities, towns, and villages: destroying, wasting, & burning the countries all about, killing and slaying, man, woman and child, sparing none of any sex or age. At whose sodeine invasion, the people being in such fear & perplexity (having no city, no refuge, nor aide to stand in defense for them) were saine to leave all that ever they had, and disperse themselves into woods, and flee into marishes and mountains, or where soever any succoure else, did offer it self to them. And by this time, the Tartarian host was come as far as Uratislauia, where Henricus of Polonia and the Duke of Silesia w ^t their army met with them: who for the inequality of the number & small strength they were of, had soon an overthrow, and almost all their soldiers being slain, they themselves were taken and put to the sword. From thence, they came to Morauia, & from thence to the kingdom of Boiemia: which Country, while the king kept himself in strong defensed fortes, and durst not come abroad: he invaded & destroyed all Ungary, putting to flight and vanquishing Colmannus y ^c brother of Belus the 4. king of Ungary: by whom also, was great spoil made in both the Pannonias, Mesiarum, Bulgaria, and Seruia, whē Belus the king of Ungary had got̄ to Pola (which is a city of Histria) unto Otho the duke of Dalmatia: He sent his Legates to Frederick the Emperor, promising that if he would send him aid that the Tartarians might be expelled: that Ungary should ever after be under the jurisdiction of the Emperor: which thing if he refused to do, that then the same were in great danger to be subject to the Tartarians, to the no little peril of the whole Empire. And said further, that the cause wherefor he with more instance required the same, was: That so many Christian men and countries, made such pitiful lamentation in this their great calamity & misery, & that there was none able to help them: which saith he, is as great shame as may be to the whole Christian common state and Empire. And also said, that if the malice of this barbarous people were not suppressed, that then he thought they would make invasion upon the Empire and provinces of the same.

The Emperor, although he thought it very requisite, that with all convenient speed this mifchiefe should be remedied and prevented: yet notwithstanding, his great enemy the Pope with his confederates, was the only let and hindrance thereof. For when he saw and perceived that he himself could do no good, and only labored in vain in seeking peace with the Pope: he gave commandment to Boiemus and Boius, to entreat and persuade with him: And (considering the imminent peril like to ensue by reason of such civil dissention to the whole state of Christendom) that he would take up and conclude a peace, and mitigate some what his fierce and wrathful mood. Wherefore, when he saw further that nether by that means of entreaty, nor any other, the Pope would desist from his stubborn and malicious froward purpose: He writeth again to the king of Hungary, y ^e he was right sory and greatly lamented their miserable state, & that he much desired to relieve the need and necessity he and all the rest stood in. But why that he could not redress the same, nor stand him then in any stead, he blamed greatly the bishop of Rome: who refusing all entreaty of peace, could not without great peril to himself depart out of Italy: least that when he should come to the aide of him (by the Popes mischievous imaginations) he should be in peril of losing all at home. Notw ^t standing, he sent Conradus Celar king of Bohemia & other princes more of Germany to resist and withstand the enemy, as much as in them lay to do. The great army and number of such soldiers, as ware the cross by the Popes assignment, deferred their journey against y ^e Tartarians, and had commandment given them by that Albertus (the Popes procurator) to tarry and abide at home till they should be called for in battle to fight against the Emperor. This was the loving zeal and affection of the Pope and his adherents (to conclude) in this time of calamity towards the Christian state and common wealth: That he had rather bend his force and revenge his malice upon the Christian & good Emperor, then either he himself to withstand, or suffer and permit by conclusion of any profitable peace: that this most bloody and cruel Tartarian should be let and restrained from so great havoc, spoil, & slaughter of the Christian men. And yet forsooth these mē will seme to have the greatest regard of all other to the Christian preservation, and think to have the supremacy given therein: what thing else is this, then manifest mockery and deceiving of the people: But notwithstanding, evē in the midst of this spoil and havoc of Polonia, Bohemia and Hūgaria, was it determined: that at Libussa, the princes confederate should be assembled about the deposing of the Emperor and creation of another.

But now, notw ^t standing the provident foresight and wise policy of the Emperor (as you heard before) in restraining the passages both by the sea & land, who had special regard thereunto, and gave most straight charge that none should pass without privy search and examination, as one having sufficient trial as well in his own person as by the example of his predecessors, what great mischief & dissention by their Legates every way sent out they had procured, both to the Imperial state and dignity, and to the whole country of Germany: yet found they such means, and wrought such policies, that they had not only secrete passage and repassage with their letters and spials into all places of Christendom where they listed, but also so labored the matter and handled the same: that the long continued league of amity between the French king and the Emperor, whose predecessors as also they themselves had many years reverently observed in Christian concord & unity: was by this seditious prelate & arrogant vicar of Satan, now either utterly infringed, or else in variable suspense: as by their letters eche to other, and here under ensuing, are to be red and seen: which for the more probability of this history of Frederick (not being long or greatly tedious) I thought mete here to intext and place.

When Frederick now saw there was none other remedy, and that in vain he labored to have peace with the Pope, he prosecuteth his war to the uttermost: and when he had gotten Ludertum and reconciled the same, he destroyed y ^e town of Geminum and Naruia. and giveth the spoil of them unto his soldiers: He gently received the yielding up of Siburnum, and wasteth all the country round about Rome. The Pope here with dismayed and troubled with such as otherwise dissuaded and counseled him, and that things not so well prospered with him and against the Emperor as he wished and desired: being in despair of obtaining his purpose, died for very anger and thought.

What opinion the Prelates of Germany at that time had of this Gregory, is extant and to be seen by the oration of Eberhardus Bishop of Iuuauence that he made to the nobility of Boioria in the Parliament at Reginoburgh, written by Johannes Auentinus in his 7. book. Doubtless he not only brought great and ruinous calamities to the whole Christian common weal and also Empire: whilst he sought thus to depress & bridle the Emperor, & advance hiz papal sea and dignity; but also brought into the church of God much horrible impiety, blasphemy and wickedness, whereof both Blondus, Platina, Baleus and others make mention: And amongst others that most detestable Catilene Salue Regina in the which he attributeth the honor and worship only due to Jesus Christ, unto the virgins his mother. This is he in whose name the book of the Decretals was set out, which (to omit y ^e opinion of diverse other learned men) Johannes Baleus calleth it the sink or puddle of foolishness and impiety. Doubtless Charolus Molineus a man both of singular judgment in that law, which in tribunal courts & judgments is used: as also in this painteth forth the decree of this Gregory in his book of annotations unto Platina, whose words thereof are these. Certum est, multa capita in ijs mutila & decurtata esse, vt inuidiosum argumentum lateret. &c. That is, Doubtless, diverse Chapters in the same book of decretals be mangled & imperfect, that many contentious arguments therein might lurk. For when the ambitious desire of reigning like kings took them, they studied nothing else but how to enlarge and advance their See and dominion with the Empire it self and other kingdoms (often shaken and weakened through contention) and this purpose and end had they and none other, in all their constitutions. The proof whereof, Molineus declareth in his boke de regib{us} Galliae & Angliae. But many moe examples by the Emperors, Princes, and Lord's Electors of the Empire may be gathered: whereof to speak, more convenient place shall serve hereafter.

In the stead of this Gregory, was placed Coelestine horn in Mediolanum amongst the Castellians: who as Blondus declareth, by feigned promises offered a league with Fredericus, and the 18. day after he was created Pope, he also died.

Thus when the author of all this conspiracy was gone, Fridericus now thinking himself free and void of that fear which before he had, and durst not be absent out of Italy: with all his endeavor leuieth an army and prepareth his furniture and other necessaries for the delivery of the Christians, so mightily oppressed as ye heard by y ^e Turk or Tartarians. Who hearing of the coming of the Emperor, left the straight way thorough Hungary, which they came & returned by the river of Danubium to Taurica, and so through the fennes of Meotida: and by the river Tanaum, into Sarmatia Asiatica. When the Cardinals had now a long time protracted the creation of the Pope, and would not agree upon the same: The Emperor put them in remembrance of their duty, and blameth them for their disagreeing, and exhorteth them to be more careful for the Christian common wealth. His 2. Epistles touching this matter are extant. Whereby appeareth that only for the care and desire of peace he had to the Christian unity and state, he did the same: and for that (peradventure) the cardinals refused to make peace with him, before they had created a new Pope. The one for more brevity I have omitted, and here the other inserted.

The Emperor yet after this, at the request of Galdwinus, the Emperor of Constantinople, who came to Fredericus to Parma, released the Cardinals out of prison: thinking thereby not only to gratify the Emperor Baldwinus, but also thinking that thereby things would have the better grown to public tranquility on every side. When the Cardinals were all assembled at Auignia: they made Simbaldus a Genues Pope: whom by a contrary name for that he had determined (as I suppose) to be hurtful to the common wealth, they called Innocentius the 4. Of which election, when Frederick understood, be was well pleased therewith: And for that he had in all this troublous time been his friend, he well hoped y ^t the Christian common wealth, should by him have ben brought to much peace and concord. Wherefore, he sent both his legates and letters gratulatorie unto him, letting him to understand, howe well it contented and pleased him that he was made Pope, & what peace & quietness thereby he promiseth (as it were to himself) he maketh full relation thereof: offering again unto him obseruaunce, help and aide in all things, commonding his dignity to the public state and quietness of the Christian common weal and Empire, &c.

He also wrote his letters to Otho Duke of Boioria, who a little before was reconciled to the Emperor: that he which was elected pope was a good man, a lover of peace, and studious as well for the tranquility of the Christian common wealth as of the Empire.

The Legates of Frederick also with the furtherance of Baldwinus the Emperor of Constantinople, labored very diligently for y ^e conclusion of the promised peace: And to be brief, every man was in good hope, and looked for no less. But far otherwise fell the matter out, and contrary to all their expectations. For the Pope (set on and encouraged by the Cardinals and other against Frederick) secretly and amongst themselves wrought contrary to that they openly pretended: and not a little disappointed both Frederick and others of their expectation and good opinion they had in the Popes holiness. For whilst the Emperors legates attēded the answer of their peace before promised, Rainerus the cardinal went secretly to Uiterbium with a certain number of soldiors, and toke the town which before was on the Emperors part.

The Emperor having understanding hereof, mustereth his bands, and with a sufficient power entereth the popes dition, again to recover Uiterbium. But yet, taking this war so in hand (not thinking thereby to expel all conditions of peace) at y ^e request of certain of the Cardinals was contented to leave Uiterbium, being furnished by the Emperor of warlicke provision before, and came to Aqua. From thence he sent again other ambassadors to Rome, & with them also the Emperor of Constantinople with the Earl of Tholonse, who he thought were able to do much with the pope in y ^e prosecuting of this peace. And although at y ^e time of Easter the matter seemed to have ben through, and peace concluded, for y ^t his legates had sworn in the behalf of the Emperor (and as he willed them) that he would submit him self to the Pope. And again, for that the Cardinals and others, commonly called & named him Fridericus the Christian prince, yet all this was no more but for a further fetch and purpose. Not for that they meant in deed to conclude any peace w ^t him; or to go through there w ^t all, but that through this dissimulation & likelihood of peace which they understood the Emperor much desired: he should set free & open the passages which he straitly kept y ^t no man could pass & come to Rome, whether a great multitude daily resorted & flocked for religions sake. But when all came to all, & that the Legates perceived no conclusion of peace, was simply purposed on their behalf: they began to despair of y ^e matter, letting the Emperor so to understand. The Emperor yet notwithstanding doubted not, but if he might himself speak w ^t the Pope, he upon reasonable conditions, should well enough accord with him: wherefor, he by his Legates and letters desired him to appoint a place where the Emperor might resort to him. The Pope seemed to be contented herewithal, and appointed a day at Fescennia where they would talk together, & that the Pope w ••• be there before him, and accept the Emperors coming. But the Pope in this while, had made a confederacy w ^t the French king against Fredericus: who when he knew those 3. gallies to be ready and brought to Centincellas, which he before had spoken for unto the Genewes: secretly in the night with his company (hastening thither in post speed) took ship, and first came to Genua, and from thenre to Lions in France: where he (calling a Council) with a loud voice summoneth Frederick, and appointing him a day, commanded him there personally to plead his cause.

And yet, although he understood the sodeine departing of him out of Italy, made plain demonstration of no conclusion or meaning of a peace: and also knew the Council which the Pope had called, wherein he was himself both plaintiff and judge: and at the same council those which he had by bribes allured, pretended the destruction of the Emperor: with many other such evident demōstrations, both of his envious & hateful heart to wards him: yet the most modest Emperor using the innocence & uprightness of his cause, & as one most desirous of peace and Christian concord: sent the Patriarch of Antioch, which lately was come out of Syria, the B. of Panormia, and Thadeus Suessanus y ^e president of his court (a most skillful and prudent Ciuilian) to the council at Lions: which signified unto them y ^e the Emperor would be there for the defense of his own cause: and for y ^t the day was very short, required a time more convenient for him thither to make his repair. The Emperor also, being onward on his way & come as far as Taurinum, sent before other messengers (as the master of y ^e Flemish order, & Peter de Vineis ) to give them understanding of the Emperors coming, and that he would proroge the day of hearing, till y ^t he might conveniently travel thither. ••• for anything that could be either said or done, or upon how just cause so ever required: the pope would not give so much as 3. days space, in the which time the Ambassadors assured them of the Emperors presence: As though there had been no common proviso for every man in y ^t case, by the law to have used upon any reasonable let. What should I longer protract the time: when the day by them appointed was come, the Pope w ^t his confederates (whom for money & bribes he had gotten to that council) against gods law, against Christian doctrine, against both the prescript of the law of nature and reason, against the rule of equity, against the order of law appointed, against the constitutions of Emperors, and also the decrees of y ^e Empire, without any observation of the law, or granting dilatory days, w ^t out probation of any crime, or his cause suffered to be pleaded unto, or heard what might be answered therein: taking upon him to be both adversary & judge, condemned the Emperor being absent. What more wicked sentence was ever pronounced, what more crueller fact (considering the person) might be committed? Or what thing more brutish & beastly could have been imagined or devised? And yet hereat were these by shops nothing ashamed: but meaning to leave their doings in writing (as an impudent testimony to their posterity) established the same for a law to continue.

But mark what vengeance God toke upon this wicked judge. The writers of the Annals record, that when Fredericus the Emperor, and Conradus his son being Caesar were both dead: the Pope gaping for the inheritance of Naples & Sicily, and thinking by force to have subdued the same, came to Naples with a great host of men: where was heard in the Popes court manifestly pronounced this voice, Veni miser ad iudicium Dei. Thou wretch, come to receive thy judgment. And the next day after, the Pope was found in his bed dead, all black and blue as though he had been beaten with bats, as before in the history of king John is declared.

When the Emperor had understanding of this cruel & tyrannical sentence of the Pope, passed and pronounced against him (considering his furious purpose & mind therein) thought good by his letters to let all Christian princes & potentates understand, as well what injuries & manifold displeasures he had sustained by the 4. Popes in all their times, as also the cruelty and tyranny of this Pope in pronouncing the sentence of judgment and condemnation against him (passing the bounds both of justice, equity, and reason) which letter as he wrote the same, here vnderfolloweth to be seen.

This policy used the Pope to vex and disturb both the country of Germany and the whole Empire, and not so only, but also utterly to destroy and subvert the same: by the ruinous decay whereof, the Pope and his Prelates thought to make up their mouths. And thus, whilst that Germany was now newly again divided, some taking part with Frederick the Emperor, and Conradus Caesar his son & other nobles and princes of the Empire: some with those that should by the Popes procurement be the electors of the new Emperor: other some, with neither of both, as men not minding nor tending the public utility, but to serve their own purposes, armed themselves: And thus was the public peace and quiet brokē and disturbed, and altogether in ti • nult and hurley burley. For whilst the one part labored by all force to retain the dominion by public and common consent first to him committed: the other part in like sort indeuored themselves w ^t all their force & power to use and occupy the same, according to the decree of the bishop of Rome, & to take it from Frederick, and thus great conflicts grew on all partes.

By these civil wars, Germany suffered no little calamity: In every place was manslaughter and murder, the country spoiled, the towns and villagies set on fire and brent, the churches and temples violated & robbed, wherein the husband mē had put their goods & substance: houses were pulled down, the goods divided, & every man's cattle driven away. To conclude, in this turmoyle & cōtentiō of deposing & choosing another emperor, in this factiō of princes, in this liberty of wearing armor, in this license of hurting & sinning: The impudent boldness of diverse private soldiers, & especially of such as were y ^e horesemē thē counted y ^e better sort of soldiers, was so great: & there unbridled & insatiable desire in robbing, spoiling, and taking of booties, catching & snatching all that came to hand, so much: that nothing could be sure and in safety that any good in ā enjoyed. Wherefore a little before the death of Guilielmus the king, 60. Cities and Towns which were belonging to Ludouicus Palatinus Duke of Boioria and Rhenus, and Otho his son, and other princes, whose names Auentinus in his 7. book of y ^e Annals of the Boiores maketh mention oft joined themselves in a league for the expelling of these rebels & repressing of their so great injurious rapines and slaughter of men. Of which army the said Ludouicus being captain, chased & drave the whole rout of thē to the uttermost partes of Germany, and pulled down and overthrew their castles and fortresses, and every other place where they had intrenched themselves.

Otho Boius yet notwithstanding, keepeth his promise and faith most constantly made before to the emperor Frederick and Conradus his son. Whereupon, Philippus Iuuauensis, Albertus and others, calling a council at Mildorsus (by the Popes commandment) sent for Otho unto them, unto whom they opened the Popes pleasure & commandment. To all which, whē he had heard, Otho answered: I cannot marvel at some of you enough, that when as heretofore you persuaded me to leave and forsake the part I took with the Bishop of Rome, whom ye yourselves affirmed to be Antichrist, & that I should take part with the Emperor: why that you yourselves will not keep your fidelity and promise made to those good Princes: And said that he perceived in them a great inconstancy and levity, both in their words and deeds, which now call that wicked, unjust, and violent wrong, but lately that they thought equal, just & right. He said further, that they were overcome with pleasures, corrupted with superfluity, won with bribes▪ gaping for honor and estimation: & that they neither regarded honesty, godliness, nor their duty and office, but studied how to make dissention and commotions, and longed after war and bloody battle.

He said farther, that for his part he would obey God and his prince to whom he had sworn fidelity, and that he naught esteemed the feigned holiness and detestable practices of such Prelates: He said he believed in Christ and would trust in his mercy, & that he believed how those whom they cursed and gave to the Devil, were in greatest favor with God. Howbeit and notwithstanding those Prelates took in good part this expostulation with him, and seemed to bear Otho no malice or grudge for that he had said, but to be desirous of peace and unity: yet not long after, Otho was cursed as black as all the rest, and counted as bad as the best.

Albertus the pops champion now in Germany playeth not rex only amongst the citizens: But also bethought him of a mischievous devise against Conradus Caesar the Emperors son. When by fraud and subtletye he had gotten and taken many of the rich Burgises and Citizens of Reginoburgh, which bare the Emperor good will and had sent them prisoners to Staffum. Conradus joining with other noble men of the Empire (after he had spoiled and wasted much of his lands and others his companions) brave him so near, that upon certain other conditions he delivered again the Citizens. And shortly after coming again to Reginoburgh, and being received & welcommed into the College of D. Haimeranus: Albertus with certain of his confederates by the means of Ulricus a chief officer of the monks, came in the dead time of the night into the chamber, where the Caesar with a few other about him did lie: And falling upon them some they took, and other some they slew, & finding no other body in the chambers or lodginges, they thought that Caesar had been slain amongst the rest. But he hearing the noise, forsook his bed & hid himself under a beench and so escaped their hands. The next day he outlawd or prescribed the bishop and his mates, and also the monk bailif of treason, & ceased upon all the goods of the house. But at the suit of the guiltless monks, he released all to them again, taking by way of fine 100. pound. Ulricus lost his office and Albertus thereby to escape danger of punishment, took upon him the habit of a Monk, Conradus Hochensolseus which was the murderer of these men (although he escaped the punish meant of man's hand) yet the vengeance of God for y ^• fact, he escaped not. For as he rid in the day time abroad, he was suddenly stricken with a thunderbolt and died.

During all this busy and contentious time, it may well be gathered, Frederick the Emperor lay not still, but had his hands full: who notwithstanding (by God's help) ouercōming & suppressing these or greater part of these rebellious popish tumults, and had done strait executiō (of those especially) that had conspired against his person: calling a counsel and setting in some stay the troublesome affairs of his kingdom, came to Cremona with Fridericus Prince of Antioch, Richardus Earl of Umbria, the governor of Flamminia, and Encius king of Sardiuia, with a great number besides of soldiers & men of war. And besides, he took with him (which he sent for out of every part) the wisest, most virtuous, and best learned men that there was: thinking with thē to have gone himself to Lions to the Pope, and there to have had with him communication as well concerning the sentence definitive, as also about the cōclusiō of any peace, if by any means he might. And whē all things was prepared & ready, he took y ^• journey in hand & came to Taurinū, having with him both a great army of soldiers & also a great company of Legates and Ambassadors. From thence sending his carlages before, within 3. days journey of Lions: he was certified that Parma was taken & kept by the outlawes of diverse & sundry factions of the Pope: his nere neighbors & friends: as by the popes Legate, and other citizens as of Brixia, Placentia, & such like. Which thing when he understood, and that the Pope herein was the only and chief doer: he saw manifestly it should little prevail, to attempt any further the thing he went about: & thē at length, whē he saw no other remedy putting from him all hope of peace, determined himself to the wars with all his force and might. Thus altering his purpose & journey, he took the straitest way into Lumbarby: and with an army of 60000. men, he besieged Parma. And to the intent he might more aptly and nere the town, plant his siege and battery, without disturbance: first he entrēched his campe and fortified the same about with bulwarks & other defencible munition: After that, he caused diverse vitailing houses & tauerns in his canpe to be slightly built of timber: and without the campe he appointed the place where the market should be kept, & all vitailers resort that would. He appointed places for their churches & temples, & in seemly manner adourned the same: and for y ^e most part their tents were built with wood, so that it was like another Parma. All which things when he had finished, which was not long in doing: for this happy and prosperous success he called and named it Victoria, & had thought to have made the same to be in y ^e stead of the City Parma, which he purposed to have made level with the ground. And in the beginning both there and else where, all thing prospered well w ^t Frederick & had good success: for be sharply laid unto their charges that defeded & kept the city Parma. And further Robertus Castilioncus which was the Emperors lieftenant in Picen • , nere unto Auximum: discomforted the Popes army, & slue of them more then 4000. and took many such as were of the confederate cities prisoners. And when the factions or cōpanies of the Gibellines and Gwelphes in Florentia were at controversy: whē Fredericus of Hetruria came to y ^e Gibellines to whom they had sent for aid: The Guelphes therewith dismayd fled from thence to Bononia, whose goods & substance came all to the Emperors cofers, & Florentia also it self to the Emperors obedience. But this good success and prosperous fortune lasted not long: for as at a time Fridericus to recreate himself (which seldom had his health) rod about the fields with certain of his horsemē to hauke & hunt: Many also of the Emperors soldiers thinking nothing less then of such a matter to be attempted of a many staruelings within the town Parma, wandered & ranged unarmed out of their City Uictoria about the fields. The soldiers in Parma having this occasion offered, with all force & speed possible entered y ^e Emperors campe or town Victoria, which being not very strongly fenced nor having gates to shut against thē, was a thing easy enough to do. The sudden straūgenes of the matter much abāshed the soldiers, & rang out their lar • bell. The first assault was given vpō Marcus Malaspina his charge, whom when the Emperor returning in all haste found to be hard beset, had thought to have rescued him. But whē that was perceived of the enemy, they beent all their force altogether on y ^• side. In so much, that y ^e Emperor was enforced to take the trench, lest he should have been of the enemy environed, & from thence he retired into the city or campe where he had thought to have gathered further aide. But the enemy giving not so much tune thereunto, • a • l force entered the city Uictoria. The Emperor now, when the enemies were entered, left the campe & came to Dominum, who when they had killed & slain a great number of the Emperors soldiors, & had burnt & destroyed the same campe Uictoria, came, again to Parma. The Emperor thē suspecting this thing to be wrought by treason, whereby the enemy had understanding as well of the Emperors absence, as also of y ^e negligence of his soldiors, imprisoned certain of the chiefest about him, amongst whom also was Petrus de Vineis. Yet whilst he was at Dominum gathering together his soldiers and residue of his bāds: Encius getteth a great victory of the Mansuanos, who coming to the rescue of Parma, lost 50. of their ships and all that they had in them.

After this also, Richardus in another conflict in Picenum, discomforted the Popes soldiers, & slew their captain Hugolinus, besides 2000. others slain & taken prisoners. When now Fredericus had gathered again, and new mustered his bands at Dominum, he marched forth to Cremona: and notwithstanding, y ^t there he understood of the good success and victory that Encius had at Rhegium: yet for that he perceived the defection and backsliding of all or most part of Lumbardie from him: he determined to take his journey into Apulia, and when he had there levied a strong and sufficient power, he purposed to make his speedy return again into Lombardie. Therefore, in his journey through Netruria into Apulia, he joined with his son Fridericus, which besieged Capras, and took the same: and led with him diverse of the chiefest captains prisoners, and after that subduing unto the obedience of the Empire Miniatum, he came into Apulia.

When news was brought him thither, that Encius his son (coming to aide the Mutinenses against the Bononiens) was taken prisoner, two miles of from Mutina: and that in his absence, the Popes capitaines w ^t their bands and garrisons went throughout all Lumbardie, Aemilia, Flamminia, and Hetruria, to stir and procure the Cities to revolt from the obedience of the Emperor: And the same, partly working by subtle policies, & partly by force & sinister means to bring them to his purpose: determined with himself, that with all the force and power he might by any means procure and make, to have begun a fresh & prosecuted this war to the uttermost. Neither was it to be doubted as Pandolphus Colonucius writeth, but that he would have wrought some marvelous exploit & great attempt, but that he was of this his purpose (whereunto he was both willing & beent) prevented by unlooked for death. For whē he fell into this ague, being at a certain castle of his in Apulia called Florētinū, & saw by the extremity thereof, his days to be short: he remembered that which was once shown him, how he should die at Florence. Wherupon, he made and ordained his testament: and when unto Conradus and other of his children he had given and appointed the great and innumerable mass of money which he had collected & levied for the maintenance of his wars (and godly purpose as it is called) And unto them also had given all other his kingdoms & dominions (to everyone according to their ages and years) departed this wretched and miserable world.

Pandolphus writeth, that Fredericus was very willing to die, & as they made certain report to him which were present at his death, that his mind was altogether set and bent upon the heavenly joy & felicity. Which thing also Gulielmus Putranus, Andreas Panbalus, and Manardus the bishop, being Italian writers do all affirm of whom this last writeth, that he assuredly believeth Frederick to be one of the number of God's elect.

The writers notwithstanding are of sundry judgments & opinions touching this good Emperors death: Some write that he was traitorously poisoned by his cup bearer, being hired thereunto. Some other, that he was strangled with a pillow of Māfredo the son of Pherus. But Pandolphus as good a writer as the best, maketh no mention of any poison that was given him, but only that he died of an ague. The last opinion of Manfredus, he manifestly refuteth and that there is no manner of lykelihood of the same: & further, that the contrary is affirmed by diverse other writers that were of that time. He died in the year of our Lord. 1268. the 13. day of December, in the 57. year of his age, and 37. year of his reign, whose corpse was brought to Panorinum, and there intombed.

Frederick had 3. wives: the first was Constantia, the daughter of the king of Aragon: of whom he begat Henry the Duke of Sueuia and king of the Romans: The other Iole y ^e daughter of Iohaunes Brennus, king of Jerusalem, by whom he had the inheritance of Ierusale, Naples, and Sicily: of whom he begat Cōradus Duke of Suenia, king of Jerusalem & Naples being Caesar. The third Isabell the daughter of king John of England, by whom he had a son named Henry, which is said to die in his childhood. This Fredericus had not his peer in Marshall affairs to be compared unto him and warlike policies amongst all the princes of that age: A wise and skillful soldier he was: a great indurer of painful labors and travels: most boldest in greatest perils: prudent in foresight: Industrious in all his doings: prompt & humble about that he took in hand: and in aduer • ity mest stout & courageous. But as in this corruption of nature, few there be y ^e attain perfection: neither yet is there any pr • ice almost of such government and godly institution, both in life & doctrine as is required of them: So neither was this Frederick, without his fault & human fragility. For the writers •• pute to him some fault of concupiscence, wherewith he was stained and spotted. And it appeareth that he was not all clear thereof, for as much as by sundry Concubines he had sundry children: As Ene • is, the king of Sardina: Manfredus, the prince of Sarcutinū: And Frederick king of Antioch. And this is all that I find of the description of Frederick by Colonucius, which he affirmeth to have gathered out of good & probable authors. But as touching the heinous arts and flagirious verdes, which the Pope burdeneth him withal, and in his sentence against him, maketh mention of: Fredericus not only purgeth himself thereof, but also diverse historicians (as well Germain writers as Italiās) affirm the same to be false and of the Popes own brains, to do him skare & teene withal, invented. Of which matter, those things which Pandolphus (touching the commendation or disprayse of Fredericus writeth) I thought good out of Italian, to translate: whose words be these.

that they should follow him and also intimate his example as of their master and teacher: and commanded them farthermore, how they should not draw the sword, but put up the same into the skaberd: and farther gave thē in precept that they should not only forgive injuries seuē times but 70. times seven times to those that offended them: And when I now compare the lives of the Bishops of Rome, how near they follow him whose vicar they say they be: And consider so many and greet conspiracies, treasons, rebellions, disloyaltyes, lyinges in wait, and treacherous devises: So many Legates of the Popes (being Ecclesiastical persons) which will needs be called the shepherds of Christ's flock, to be such warriors and Captains of Soldiers in all the partes of Italy, Campania, Apulia, Calabria (being the Emperors dominions) in Picenum, Aemilia, Flamminia, and Lumbardy, to be sent out against him. And also when with myself I meditate, the destruction of so many great and famous Cities, the subversion of such common weals, the slaughter of so many men, and the effusion of so much Christian blood: And lastly when I behold, so victorious, prosperous, and fortunate Emperors to be: and so many miserable unfortunate, and vanquished Popes put to flight: Am persuaded with myself to think and believe, that the judgments of God are secret and marvelous, and that to be true which Aeneas Siluius, in his history of Austria writeth: That there is no great and marvelous slaughter, no notorious and special calamity (that hath happened either to the public weal, or else to the church of God, of the which the Bishops of Rome have not been the authors. Nicolaus Machiauellus also saith, that all the ruinous calamities and miserable chaunces that the whole Christian common weal and also Italy hath suffered: hath been brought in by the Popes and bishops of Rome.

Many Epistles of Fredericus there be, which he wrote unto the Bishops of Rome, to the Cardinals, and to diverse other Christian Princes, all which I have read and in them is to be seen nothing contrary unto Christian doctrine, nothing wicked and ungodly, nothing injurious to the Church of God, nothing contumelious or arrogantly written of Frederick. But in deed I deny not the same to be fraught and full of pitiful complaints and lamētatiōs, touching the auaritious ambitiō of the Ecclesiastical persons, and pertinency of the Bishops of Rome: and that he would receive and take no satifactiō, nor yet excuse in the defense of the right and privilege of the Empire, which he maintained: also of their manifold and infinite cōspiracies which they practiced both secretly and openly against him: And of the often admonitions which he gave to the whole multitude and order Ecclesiastical, to attend upon and discharge their functions and charges. And who, that farther is desirous to know and understand the truth, and coveteth to search out the renowned virtues of magnificēt Princes, let them read the Epistle of Frederick dated to all Christian Princes which thus beginneth: Collegerunt principes, pontifices & Pharisaei concilium:

And doubtless examples to the contrary doth appere, that Frederick was no enemy to the church of Rome, for that he both gave large and great gifts thereunto, and also franchised the same with great privileges & imminuities: which things, by his own constitutions, statutes, & customs may be perceived and understood. But rather contrariwise, that the Bishops of Rome most filthely recompēced the same his great liberality and princely benevolence again, which he gave and bestowed vpō the same, as partly in the discourse of this history you have heard: who not withstanding, they so molested and tired him with such & so many injuries as you have seen: he nevertheless, forgiving and pardoning all the same, for the great zeal he had to the common Christian wealth (whereof he more forced, then else of any other thing) sought by all the means he might for to have peace, although it wer to his own great hindrance. Therefore, seeing he was of necessity by the Bishops of Rome provoked to that war, if he did them any skath in revenge of his Imperial dignity, let them thank their own selves, which might otherwise have remedied the same. Notwithstanding vpō this occasiō diverse (both Italian and Germany writers, which at that time sought for fat benefices, and ever since even unto these our days have done the like, by flattery rather to obtain that which they hunted for, then to bear true and saythfull testimony of things as they were in deed) took great occasiō to write, and slander this good Emperor. But let us pass over these Parasites and return to those, which although they themselves were of that calling, I mean of the Ecclesiastical order: yet notwithstanding, for: that they rather preferred the study of veritye, and to reverence the truth before Popish authority, & flattering servitude: greatly extolled and commended this good Emperor Frederick. So did Nicholaus Cusanus a Cardinal, in his writing affirm this Emperor to be an alter Carolus Magnus, both for his wisdom and also diligent regard to y ^e common weal. So also writeth Aegidius Biturigum the Bishop, in his books of the institution & bringing up of a prince, which he wrote to the French king: exhorting him and all others, to take a pattern of this most worthy and excellent Prince. In commendation of whose worthy praise and virtue these verses are written on his tomb.

Wherefore, in as much as it appeareth by the approved writers of whom I have made mention: who & what manner of prince Frederick this Emperor was: And for that he diligently labored as well in the preseruatiō of the christen common weal, as in the conservation of the Imperial dignity: procured to himself the great hatred and displeasure of y ^e Romain Bishops (who have ben, to all the good Emperors for the most part utter foes and enemies) & with what wicked slaūders & other injuries both by thē & by their ministers they continually molested him withal: This lesson ought to be ours: that having the same in our memory, we imitate & follow his virtues, hating & detesting the wicked & flagitious doings of those holy fathers y ^e will so be called, & Bishops of Rome: desiring God that he will so guid the harts of all kings & Princes, that they may by his grace advance and set forth his glory, and reform the corrupt & vicious manner and order of y ^e Church to a ll sincerity and purity both of life and doctrine.

These verses which here ensue were sent and written between the Emperor & Pope Innocentius the 4. which for that to the learned are both cōmodious and profitable at the end of this history I thought good to place.

As ye have heard of the iniquity & raging pride of the popish church against their lawful Emperor: Now shall ye hear (Christ willing) how God beginneth to resist and withstand the corruption of that whorish Church, by stirring up certain faithful teachers in sundry countries: As in the country of Sucuia, about the time of this Emperor. an. 1240. or near upon the same, where were many preachers mentioned in the Chronicle of Urspergēsis, and also in Crantzius Lib. 8. cap. 16. & 18. which preached freelye against the Pope. These Preachers (as Crantzius saith) ringing the Belles, and calling the Barons in Hallis of Sueuia: there preached that the Pope was an heretic, & that his Bishops and Prelates were simoniacke and heretics. And that the inferior Priests and Prelates had no authority to bind and loose, but were all seducers. Itē that no Pope, Bishop, or Priest, could restrain mē from their duty of serving and worshipping of God. And therefore such cities or countries, as were then under the Popes curse, might notwithstanding lawfully resort to the receiving of Sacraments, as well as before. Item that Friers Dominic, and Franciscane, did subvert the church with their preaching. And as the indulgence of the Pope, & his Popelings was of no regard, so that remissiō, which they did preach unto them, they preached it not from the Pope but as from the Lord. And thus much I thought here to recite, whereby it may appear, how the resisting of the Popes usurped power and corrupt doctrine, is no new thing in these days in the Church of Christ. &c.

And not long after these aforesaid, rose up Arnoldus De noua villa, a Spaniard, and a man famously learned & a great writer. an. 1250. Whom the Pope with his spiritualty condemned among heretics, for holding and writing against the corrupt errors of the popish Church, His teaching was, that Sathā had seduced all the world from the truth of Christ Jesus. Item that the saith (which then Christian men were commonly taught) was such a faith as y ^e devils had: meaning belike (as we now'affirm) that the papists do teach only the horicall faith, which is the faith Historiae non fiduciae. Itē, that Christian people (meaning belike for the most part) are led by the pope unto hell. Item, that all cloisters are void of charity, and damned: And that they all do falsify the doctrine of Christ. Item, that the Divines do evil in mixting Philosophy with d iuinity. Item, that Masses are not to be celebrated. And that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead. Certain other opinions there be, which the slaundrous sects of Monks and Friers do attribute unto him: (but as they are wont in all other to do) rather upon envious taking, then of any just cause given.

And as this Arnoldus was condemned, so also the same time Johannes Semeca, the gloss writer of the Popes decrees, and Prouost of Halberstate was excommunicated, & deprived of his Prouostship, for resisting Pope Clement the fourth, gathering certain exactions in Germany. And therefore he appealed from the Pope to a general council, and had many great favorers on his side, till at last both the Pope and he died.

Consequently in this order and number, followeth the worthy and valiant champion of Christ & adversary of Antichrist Guilielmus de S. Amore, a master of Paris, and chief ruler then of that Uniuersity. This Guilielmus in his time had no small a do writing against the Friars, & their hipocrisy. But especially against the begging friers, both condemning their whole order, and also accusing thē as those that did disturb & trouble all y ^e churches of Christ by their preaching in churches against the will of the ordinaries and pastors, by their hearing of confessions, and executing the charges of Curates and pastors in their Churches. All the testimonies of Scripture that make against Antichrist, he applieth them against the Clergy of Prelates, and the Popes spiritualtye. The same Gulielmus is thought to be the author of the book, which is attributed to the school of Paris, and entitled: De periculis Ecclesiae. Where he proveth by 39. arguments, that Friers be false Apostles.

Moreover, he doth well expound this saying of Christ (if thou wilt be perfect, go and sell away all thou hast, and come follow me) declaring there poverty to be enjoined us of Christ, non actualem, sed habitualem : not in such sort as standeth in outward action, when no need requireth, but in inward affection of heart, when need shall require: As though the meaning & precept of our Lord were not that we should cast away actually all y ^e we have, but that when the confession of the name of God & the glory of christ shall so require: that then we be ready to leave & reliquish what things soever, for y ^e sake of him. &c. As when he requireth in us, after like phrase, y ^e hatred of father & mother, and of our own lives: he biddeth us not to dihonor father or mother, much less to hate thē: but that thē, when case shall require, we set all things behind the love of Christ. Many oth er worthy works he compiled, wherein albeit he uttered nothing but what was truth, yet notwithstanding he was by Antichrist & his rabble, condemned for an heritick, exiled, & his books burnt: Whose heretical arguments as they called them, that thou mayst better judge thereof, here under I thought good to place.

Agaynst false Prophets with signs to know them by in these his words do follow. For because these seducers saith he, name thenselves to be Apostles: and that they are sent of God to preach, to absolve & dispēse with the souls of men, by means of their ministry. Read the saying of y ^e Apostle in his second Epistle to the Corinthians, the xi. chap. For such Apostles are subtle and cratty workmen, disguising themselves to be like the Apostles of Christ: Therefore, we mean to show some certain infallible tokens and probable, by the whic false Apostles may be discerned from the true preachers and Apostles of Christ.

The 1. sign or mark is, that such as be true preachers do not enter into simple women's houses ladē with sin and take them as it were captive, as many of the false preachers do: as in the second Epistle of S. Paul to Timothy the 3. chapter is manifest, saying: Of those sortes are they, which enter into women's houses. &c. Therefore those preachers which come into women's houses, to the intent they, may take thē captive, be not true preachers, but false Apostles.

The 2. sign and token is, that those that be true preachers do not deceive simple men with painted and flattering words, whereby they prefer their own trash and traditions, as all false Prophets do, as in the last Chapter to the Romaines appeareth, saying: By their pleasant & sugared talk. and by their blessing and crossing they deceive and beguile the hearts of innocent men and women. Glo. with gay glorious words they extol & set forth their traditions, whereby they deceive simple mē. Uery greatly do they deceive the souls of simple men, which cause them to enter into their sect, which they term Religion. And they which before led a noughty life, by reasō of their ignorance or simplicity: after their entrance, become subtle false deceiving hypocrites, entering together with the rest into poor men's houses: yea & oftentimes become worse then the other. wherupō Mat. 22. woe be unto you Scribes & Phareseis, hypocrites which go about. &c. Therefore they which do this, are no true messengers but false Apostles.

The 3. sign is, that the true Apostles if they be reproved, suffer the same patiently. 2. Cor. 12. saying: the tokens of my Apostleship are accomplished among you, in all patience & sufferance, meaning that patience, which pertaineth to the manners of the preachers. Therefore they which suffer not correction or punishment, be no true Apostles, but rather show themselves to be no Christians at all 1. Cor. 12. No man can say that Jesus is the Lord, but by the holy ghost. Glossa. It is meet that Christians should be humbled, to the intent that they may suffer themselves to be reproved, and not to be holden up with yea and nay. And also such men do show themselves to be carnal, and not spiritual at all, although they fain themselves to be spiritual. Gal. 3. Therefore am I become an enemy unto you? Notwithstanding the Glossa saith: no carnal man will be reproved although he err. Wher efore, those preachers which suffer not coroection, seem not to be true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 4. sign is, that true Apostles commend not them selves. 2. Cor. 4. For we dare not join our selves, nor yet compare our selves unto others which commend & boast many of their acts, when God alloweth none of them at all. Also true preachers although they be in deed praise worthy for their good deserts: In the consciences of men are they praise worthy, & not to the outward show alone. 2. Cor. 3. We commend our selves saith the Apostle to the consciences of all men: Then they do not commend them selves in comparison of other, wherefor the gloss saith upon the same place: those that deserve no commendation but in comparison of other, do challenge to thenselves other men's deserts and praise: wherefore in the second Epistle of S. Peter the last chapter it is said. Even as our well-beloved brother Paul according to the wisdom that God hath given unto him, hath written unto you: Glossa. The chiefest of the Apostles hath here forgotten his papal authority, and also his keys that were delivered unto him: For he is astonied as it were at the great wisdom given unto his brother Paul. For in deed it is the manner of the elect children of God, to be more in love with the virtues of other men, then with their own: wherefore in the second chap. to the Philipp is writ̄. Let those that are superiors esteem of themselves in all humility. They therefore that do the contrary, •• ving that their state or doings be better then other men's, although they be preachers, yet are they no true Apostles, in deed but false prophets.

The 5. sign is that true Apostles need no letters of commendation: nor yet desire to have themselves praised of men: as in the 2. Cor. 3. chap. the Apostle saith, we need not the letters of commendatiō of any man: that is to say of false prophets.

The 6. sign is, that true Apostles, do not preach unless they be sent, as in the 10. chap. to the Rom. how shall they preach unless they be sent; Glossa. There be no true Apostles but those that be sent. For they have no need of Signs which are true witness bearers, but those that be not sent and do preach, are false prophets.

The 7. sign is, for as much as false Prophets have their authority in their own names: wherefor, in the 2. epistle of S. Paul to the Cor. it is written. For we dare not boast of our selves or make comparison, Glossa. That is to say, with those that be false prophets: not taking their authority frō God, but usurping the same desirous to bear rule, claiming in their own name their authority. And therefore although peradventure by presumption they say that they are sent of God, as all heretics will say: yet notwithstanding, unless they shall prove their sending, either by spiritual prophecy as John the Baptist did, saying: I am the voice of a crier in the desert: As out of the prophet Isaiah in the first chapter of S. John's Gospel is alleged: Or else by miracles, as Moses did which turned his rod into a Serpent, and again from a Serpent to a rod, as in the 7. chap. of Exodus: they ought for to be excommunicated, till such time they cease from preaching: Yet notwithstanding, a miracle ought not to be a sufficient testimony, of their sending, for as much as they be done oftentimes and that of evil and wicked men. 1. q. 1. we may perceive towards the end. But miracles ought to be suspected, for as much as our Savior saith in the 23. of Matthew. Then shall false prophets arise, &c. Therefore, they which do challenge authority in their own name, for as much as they have not their authority from God, they are not true Apostles but false preachers.

The 8. sign is, that false Prophets pretending great wisdom and holiness to be in superstition, have named their own traditions to be religion, the which are rather to be counted sacrilege or Church robbery, and do usurp unto themselves the due deserts of other men by boasting and bragging among strange & unknown people. Wherefore, the Apostle speaking of false Prophets in the 2. chap. to the Col. saith: According to the precepts of men, which having a face of wisdom consist in superstition, interlaced with humility. Glose. That is to say, mingled with feigned religion that it might be called religion, when in very deed, it is nothing else but sacrilege, because it is contrary to all authority: that is contrary to God himself, that any man should desire to have government of a multitude without public commandment, as in Deuteronomi •• 23. chap. Thou hast entered into thy neighbors vineyard. Glose. that is to say, into the Church of another Bishop. May a man warn & admonish others, or else correct that congregation which is not lawful for him to govern, nor yet to take so great a charge upon him? no. And that it is not lawful to enter into another bishops Dioces, it is apparent: because it is not lawful for the Archbishopp so to do. To this effect appertaineth that which is red. 6. q. 3. And also it is written 9. q. 2. through out. Therefore those preachers which against God and his divine Scriptures do call their own traditions religiō, are not are Apostles but false Prophets.

The 9. sign is, by the authority which they have. For as much as they be no preachers of y ^e gospel or ministers of the Sacraments, yet they will live by the Gospel; and not by the labor of their own hands, against the text in the 2. Thess. 3. neither have we eaten any man's bread for naught, or of free cost. Glossa. Then, those false Prophets ought much more to live by their labor, which have not that authority which we ought to have, that is to say to live by the Gospel. And S. Augustine speaketh of this more expressly in his book De opere monachorum, by these words. Those our brethren do claim to themselves (very rashly as me thinketh) that they have any such authority, to live by the Gospel. If they be preachers of the Gospel, I grant that in deed they have such authority: if they be ministers of the alter, if they be disposers of the Sacraments: they cannot well but take to thenselves this authority, as also manifestly to challenge the same, if at the least they have not where with all to sustain this present life, without labor of their hands. &c. As though he would have said, if they be not such manner of men, then have they no authority to live by the Gospel. Therefore those preachers, which have not authority to line by the Gospel, or else minister the Sacraments, because they have no congregation whereby to take charge of souls, yet for all that will needs live upon the Gospel, they be no true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 10. sign is, that false teachers, rejoice more to be commonded themselves, then the word of God to have the commendation & praise. But they that are true preachers and Apostles, are far otherwise minded as to the Thess. 2. not seeking the praise of men. &c. And herein he toucheth those false Prophets, which desire rather to be commonded themselves, then that the word of God which they preach should have the commendatiō, but he is an Apostle which not seeking the glory of this present world, but for the glory to come, doth abase himself to the intent that y ^e preaching and word of God might be commended and exalted. They therefore which desire to have praise & to be commended of others, rather then that the word of God should have the praise, to be no true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 11. sign is, that true Apostles do preach only for God's cause, and for the health of souls, and for no temporal gain as in the 2. Cor. 4. saying, we preach not our selves. &c. Glose. Our preaching tendeth not to our glory and gain, but only to the glory of Christ. But the preaching of Christ by those that are false Prophets, tendeth to the contrary. Wherupon in the Phil. 1. is said: whether it be upon occasion givē, or else for the verities sake, let christ be preached. &c. Glose. False prophets do preach the Gospel upon some occasion, as either by seeking some commodity at the hands of mē, or else because of getting goods, honor, or praise among men. Which notwithstanding, that they be ready and willing as it should seem to bear and sustain iniuryes: yet they seek not so much the health of him to whom they preach, as in very deed they do their own commodity and gain. Whereupon. 2. Cor. 12. Gloss. Because I seek not the things that be yours, that is to say, not your treasure as gold & silver, but only you yourselves. Gloss. For other ways it could by no means be gathered, that they should understand him to speak or mean of their substance, because he more estemeth them then their money, to the intent that they might understand his great good will toward them. Therefore these evil and naughty preachers which preach for worldly gayn, or honor, or else for the praise & commendation of men, be no true Apostles but false Prophets. But it may be asked, how shall men understand when these good fellows preach for their own vain glory sake? It may be answered thus, when they preach before they be called, as in the 2. Cor. 11. whosoever boasteth let him boast and rejoice in the Lord. Gloss. Which thing to do, cannot he by any means, that hath not his authority from God. For if any such Prophet preach, he seeketh his own glory: and that may easily be perceived. Because he is not called of God he hath no such authority of him, that is to say, of his Church or congregation, as to the Heb. 7. No man taketh to himself any dignity, but he that is called of God as Aaron was. The Gloss. He is called of God that it is lawfully chosen of the congregation.

The 12. sign is, or token of a false prophet is: Because such Prophets do counterfeit themselves to have greater care, and love to men's souls, then those that be their very governors & pastors have, although they have no charge at all of them, against whom the Glose speaketh, and the 1. Thess. 2. We are become meek and loving towards you, even as the nurse which giveth her child suck. Gloss. A woman nurseth other men's children for wages & not for love alone, but she giveth her own suck of very love without respect of money. Therefore those preachers which fain themselves, to have a greater love & affection to the souls of men, then they that have the charge over them, seem not to be true Apostles. The Apostles study not for eloquence nor for the curious placing of their words, but false Prophets do them both. As in the 2. Cor. 11. If the simple and vncloquēt man. &c. Gloss. The Apostles were not eloquent, but false Prophets are full of curious eloquence. Also upon the same another Gloss. The Corinthians were led away from the Gospel by over nice eloquence, the 2. Cor. 7. Let us show our selves before all men as the ministers of God. Gloss. The ministers of God, do not flatter as false Prophets do. And for this occasion those that be true Apostles have not their abiding in princes Courtes, and noble men's houses, knowing this saying of Christ in S. Matthews Gospel. Behold those that are clothed with silks, dwell in kings Courtes. And therefore true Apostles are not conversant in Princes Courtes and noble men's houses. Gloss. Hard & strait life with the preaching of the Gospel loveth not to come near Princes palaces, and noble men's houses. Often times it cometh to pass that Courtiers are found great flatterers. Therefore those preachers that have their abode in Courtes, or that in any other place do use to flatter, are no true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 13. sign is, that true Apostles or messengers, do not circumvent or subtly go about to deceive men, that they should give unto them their goods: either in their life time or else at y ^e time of their death: as in the 2. Cor. 7. We have falsely deceived no man. Gloss. By the subtle and deceitful getting away of your substance as false Prophets do, which get away from you those things that be yours, under pretence of great friendship. Also Mat. 22. Woe be unto you Scribes & Pharisees you hypocrites which spoil widows houses, by your long prayers: which mean nothing else by your superstition, but that you may spoil & rob the people as in Luke. 20. Which devour widows houses, by dissembling of your long prayer. Gloss. The which make over long prayers, to the intent they may seem more devout, & that they may get both money & great commendation of all such as be sick and troubled with the burden of their sins: Whose prayers be turned into sin, which neither are profitable for themselves nor any other. But rather shall have for making those prayers greater damnatiō, for as much as by the same they deceive others. For by this that they receive and take both gold and silver, it appeareth that they preath not for soul healths sake, but only for filthy lucre and gain sake. Math 10, Be ye possessors neither of gold nor silver. Gloss. If they then have these things, they cannot seem, or be thought to preach for the health of y ^• soul, but for lucres sake. And so saith Hi • rome upon the Prophet Malachi. Because some Prophets took money, their Prophecy became diuinatiō: that is to say, their prophecy appeared not to be prophecy but divination, or inchauntment: that is, that such prophecy proceedeth not frō God, but from the devil. And this appeared in 1. q. 1. having this beginning Nunquā diuinatio. &c. Therefore these preachers which circumuēt and beguile men, to the intent that they should give them their good, either in their life time or after their death: are not true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 14. sign is, that false Prophets, when any verity is preached, which for the most part they are not acquainted with all, or that touched them: then begin they to chafe and bark against the same, wherupō the Apostle in the 3. chapter to the Philippiās saith: behold the dogs. Glossa. Understand you that they are not dogs by nature, but by their usage & conditions, barking against the truth, which they were never acquainted with. And so he compareth thē right well to dogs, because dogs follow rather custom, then reason: So false Apostles do keep the custom of the law, & do bite and bark against the truth, as though they were without the gift of reason. And also in the second epistle to Timothy, the 4, chapter, saying: They get them instructors according to their own desires. Glossa. Which may teach them what things they themselves are willing to hear, because the truth seemeth nothing pleasant unto them. Therefore, those preachers which bark against the late revealed truth, which toucheth thē very near & therefore cause the same to be hidden & kept under: are not true Apostles, but false prophets.

The 15. sign is, that the true Apostles do not enforce any to receive or hear them, which be unwilling thereunto: but send them away rather, least they should seem to seek after some earthly and transitory thing. Math 10 Who soever will not receive you, get you out of that Citty, and shake the dust from off your feet. &c. Glossa That you may thereby show, that the desire of earthly things hath no power in you. Therefore, those preachers which wrestle & strive as it were to that intent they would be received and heard, are no true Apostles: For as much as the Apostle saith. Corint. 11. If any man appear among you to be over contentions or full strife: such custom have we none nor yet the congregation of Christ.

The 16. sign is, that the Apostles did not procure the indi • nation of those princes with whom they were esteemed and regarded, against such persons as would not receive them and hear thē, according as we read in the life of Simon and Jude the Apostles: The chief ruler being very angry, commanded a very great fire to be made, that the bishops might be cast into the same, & all other which went about to de • ame the doctrine of y ^e Apostles of Christ: But the Apostles fell down before the Emperor, saying: we beseech you syr, let not us be the authors or causers of this destruction or calamity: Nor that we which are sent to be the preservation of men, and to revive those that are dead through sin, may seem to be killers of those that be alive. Therefore, those preachers which seek to stir up the displeasure of Princes against them. (whose favors now they enjoy) that will not receive and hear them, or rather whom they themselves hate, are no true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 17. sign is, that the Apostles of Christ have not only the knowledge of those things which God hath already done, but also of those things which he will hereafter do, as in the Apo • . 3. The beasts were full of eyes both behind and before. Glose. Obtaining the knowledge of those things which God had done, as also what he would do hereafter in the end of the world. Therefore those that say they know not the perils of the church in the latter time which are prophesied afore: or that they care not for them, or else if they know thē not, they have not eyes be hind and before, be no true Apostles. Therefore, what time as they call themselves Apostles, they are false prophets.

The 18. sign is, that true Apostles do not desire the riches and goods of them to whom they preach, whereby they are discerned from wolves, that is to say, from false Prophets. Act. 20. I have desired no man's gold nor silver: Glose. By this are Wolves discerned, for they desire such things. And again in the same place: For those things which I had need of, and to those which were with me these hands have ministered. Glose. This example also of laboring, is a spectacle for Bishops whereby they are discerned from wolves. For such as ask or beg of those to whom they preach, or set any other to ask or beg in their names: do seem to commit simony: Like Byezi, of whom it is red in the third book of kings the fi • t chapt. that craved certain apparel of Naaman the Sirian, to whom his master Elisha had restored the benefit of health. Not withstanding, he had gotten those garments, unwitting to his master. Whereupon Gregory Nazianzenus saith 1. q. 1. Qui isti debetur. But some man perhaps will say: cannot the preacher ask money or money worth of those to whō he preacheth? Or at y ^e least, may not he beg? To this may be answered. If the preacher by authority preach and doth feed his flock as a true pastor with the food of God's word, he may take money or money worth: but then it is not begging or craving, but it is by authority: as the second to Timothy the second chapter: It is meet that the husband man that tilleth the ground, should first and afore other receive the commodity of his increase. Glose. He putteth the virtuous preacher out of doubt, not preaching for that intent to make marchaundise of the Gospel, and giveth him to understand: that it is lawful for him to take of them whom he feedeth as his flock, what things soever he had need of: and doth it not in begging or craving, but by good authority. It is manifest that it cannot in any place of the holy scripture be found, that the preacher ought to beg. But begging is forbidden of all the Apostles of Christ, and is abhorted of Solomon, and S. Augustine▪ & reproved by diverse other holy men. Therefore, it is manifest, that the true Apostles do not desire the temporal goods of them to whom they preach, neither do they beg or crave the same. They therefore that require anything of them to whom they preach, or else that any other man asketh for them, or in their names: do not seem to be true Apostles, but false preachers.

The 19. sign is, that true Apostles are patient in tribulation: neither do they render evil for good, Matthew 10. Behold I send you as sheep among wolves. Glose. They that occupy the place of preaching, ought not to procure any evil toward their Brethren, as the example of Christ teacheth. 1. Peter. 2. saying: who when he was reviled, reviled not again, but did submit himself to him that judged him unjustly. They therefore that suffer not injury, but rather do wrong themselves, are not true Apostles, but false Apostles.

The 20. sign is, that true Apostles at their first coming are evil entertained, as the Lord saith, in the xxiii. chap. of Math. Ye shall be hated of all men for my names sake: but yet at the length such get the victory: According to that saying of the first of Saint John the v. Chapter. Every thing that is of God overcometh the world. They therefore that in the beginning rejoice and are well entertained, but in the end are rejected, seem not to be true Apostles but false.

The 21. sign is, that true preachers go not to preach unto those which have preachers appointed unto thē, because they have not to rejoice of a company belonging to another man's charge, as to the Romaines the 15. capter. I have preached the Gospel where Christ was not before preached, least I should build upon another man's foundation. And in the second Epistle of S. Paul to the Corinthians the x. chapter, he saith: we are no boasters, nor busy in other men's mattets. Glose. where another man had laid the foundation. Likewise in the same chapt. Not having pleasure to boast of other men's labors, that is to say of those which be committed to the government of another man. Likewise Augustinus saith. Honor ought to seek thee, and not thou honor. Also Chrysostom: Authority is in love with such a man as refuseth her, and yet abhorreth her not, They therefore that procure and have desire to preach unto the people committed to another mans charge, which is an office of honor: especially in counsels, Synods, and great assemblies, also in kings and princes courts, and Prelates palaces, are not true Apostles, but false teachers.

The 22. sign is, that true Apostles when they know themselves to do much good in the church & congregation of God: yet notwithstanding, are not puffed up with pride. Ezech. 3. O son of man, I have made thy face as an Adamants stone. The Adamant stone when it draweth irō unto it, is not thereby either lifted vpor altered. Likewise a true preacher when he draweth sinners unto him by his preaching (whose hearts were as hard as iron) is never the more lifted up or higher minded therefore. But as in Luke the 18. chapiter: when ye have done all that ye can, and as well as ye can, yet say that you are unprofitable servants. Psalm. Not unto us Lord, not unto us, but to thy name be given the glory. They therefore that do arrogantly boast themselves of the fruit and benefit that they have done in y ^e church of God, saying: we have givē light to the universal church, which was blind before our time, & we have put out the flame of sin in the church of God (when perhaps they have more furthered hypocrisy, then either truth or verity) they are not true prophets but false, of whom it is spoken in the psalms. The mouth of them that speak proud things. &c.

The 23. sign is, that true Apostles do not seek the favor of the world, nor yet how to please men: As to the • a. 1. If I should please men, that is to say, if I had a desire to please men, I should not be the servant of God, wherupō to tim. the 1. epistle & 2. chap. Not as men pleasers, Glose. Seeking to please because we have not the pleasing spirit. Therefore those preachers that seek the favor of y ^e world, & do labor to this intent that they might please men, are not true Apostles but false.

The 24. sign is, that true Apostles when they have meat and drink they are contented, neither do they desire over dayntye fare, according the saying of Math. 10. chap. Eating and drinking those things that are set before them. Glose. The gospel condemneth not altogether costly and delicate fare, yet so alloweth the same, that if we have meat and drink, we ought not to grutch, but to be therewith contented. Therefore, those preachers which although that neither they be sent, nor have authority to preach, and yet are offended when they have not fine and delicate fare, are not true Apostles, but false preachers.

The 25. sign is, that true Apostles do love more the law of God, thē their own estimatiō amongst their neighbors: According to that in the 7. chapt. of the Proverbs. Keep my law as the apple of thine cie, & bind the same up on thy fingers, and write the same in the table of thy heart: whereupon in the 119. psalm. The law of thy mouth is derer unto me thē thousands of gold and silver. Glose. Charite doth more love the law of God, thē the desire of gold & silver a thousand fold. He therefore that seeth the gospel of Christ trodden under the foot, which is the eternal glad tidings to be taken away by that cursed one, and doth neglect and contemn the same, or else peradventure consenteth unto the same, to the outward appearance of y ^e world: And yet because he will keep his temporal dignity and estimation, refuseth not to stir up strife and contention about y ^e same, and so to be evil spokē of: seemeth not to be an Apostle of Christ, but rather a false prophet, if he be a preacher.

The 26. sign is, that true Apostles seek not after such fine lodgings and wealthy habitations, where they may have all things at their commandments: but rather such honest resting places, where they may have necessary things for themselves, with their good wills of whom they have it. And they take nothing of such, whom they see to be so ready and liberal in giving: as that think the one doth him more pleasure in receiving the gift thē the other doth in giving him the same. According to that in the 10. chapter of Matthew, saying: Into what city or town so ever ye shall enter, inquire out those that be of good report in the same: & abide you with them, so long as you tarry in the same City or Town. Glose. Your host with whom ye lodge, ought to be chosen by the good report of neighbors, least your preaching be evil spokē of by reason of his infamy. Neither ought such men to run frō house to house. But whom shall we call worthy or of good report? Glose. Him, who knoweth better to do other men good, thē to receive a good turn of another: and this is he which giveth willingly for Christ's cause, and not in respect of any commodity. Also true Apostles receive nothing of such mē as lie waltering in their sins, but rather of those that are washed and cleansed from their sins whereupon the 2. to the Cor. the 7. chap. They have given themselves first to the Lord. Glose. Because they now amēding their old errors and vicious manners have vowed themselves unto y ^e lord, & afterward gave of that which they had to their brethren. For otherwise, they ought not to have taken anything of them, because gifts do blind the eyes. But those that give where there is no cause of reproof in their doing, have no just cause to give. Therefore those preachers that seek how to come by dainty fare, & do receive bribes & rewards of naughty men, that have this world at will: to the intent that those preachers may cover and hide their faults, and get of others what they can by subtlety, which give indeed rather to remove the shameless importunity of the crauer or else for avoiding of present shame, thē for any love they have to God: are not true Apostles, but false Prophets, according to that in the 2 • . to the Cor. the 9. chap. The Lord doth love a willing giver. Glose. He that giveth for present shame, or else for that he may be free from the importunacy of him that asketh, doth loose both his substance and merit: wherefore he that hath respect to these things, doth not seek the fruit and profit of the giver, but the gift it self as the Apostle to the Philip. the 4. chap. saith. Seek not the gift but the fruit or benefit of the giver.

The 27. sign is, that true Apostles do not endeuoure themselves to seek & enjoy the fruit of other men's labors that they may be fed thereby: because that the belly is such men's God, according to that in the 2. to the Thessa. the 3. cap. we have heard of some amongst you which walk vnordinately: not laboring at all, but living delicately or idly. Glose. of other men's labors, and deserve they to be fed▪ The discipline of the Lord cannot away with that doing: for the belly is their God, which provide to have more thē necessary dishes of meat. Therefore those preachers which so do, are no true Apostles but false.

The 28. sign is, that true Apostles do not rejoice only of the miracles, or other excellent works, which the Lord doth by them: but they rejoice rather of the saluatiō which they look for from the Lord, then that by doing those miracles, they desire any honor. According to that which is written in Luke x. saying: Rejoice ye not for that the spirits be subject unto you, but because your names are registered in heaven. They therefore that boast of their own miracles, or of any that belong unto them, for this cause that they are saved by the doing of them, as many do say, seme not to be true Apostles but false.

The 29. sign is, that the true Apostles do never seek their own glory in this life, but the glory of Christ, as in John. 7. He that speaketh of himself doth seek his own glory. But he that seeketh y ^e glory of him which sent him (that is of whom he is sent) is a true Apostle. Therefore those which seek the things that pertain to the glory of this world, of the which one is: To be assistent to those y ^t bear rule and authority, according to that saying of Boetius De consolatione. Those that do desire to be extolled, either they reign & bear rule themselves, or else do desire to be nere about thē, that have such dominiō. Another is, they desire to have the fame and victory, of that which they have nothing at all deserved before God. Whereupon is written that saying of the Apostle in the Gal. 5. Let not us become desirous of vain glory. Glose. To be desirous of vainglory is, to have victory without any merit or desert: & those I say that do such things seem not to be true Apostles but false.

The 30. sign is, That true Apostles care not for the solemnities of men, neither their salutatiōs, nor feastings, nor any other benefit of theirs. They therefore which love & seek the company and fellowship of men, their feastings, and other their commodities, do not seem to be true Apostles but false.

The 31. sign is, that true Apostles do not commonly resort to other men's tables, least y ^t they should for a meals meat become flatterers, as in the 2, Thessalon. 3. That we should give you an example to follow us. Glose. He that cometh oftentunes to another man's table, being givē to idleness, cannot choose but flatter him, which fedeth him: but Christ's religion calleth men to liberty, and to no such bondage. They therefore that resort oftentimes, & that of their own minds to other men's tables (living idly) are not true Apostles but false.

The 32. sign is, that true Apostles do not hate their enemies, and such as hate them: which doctrine the Lord taught Matthew. 5. saying. Love your enemies, do well to them which hate you. But false Prophets do both hurt & defame their neighbors, according as S. Jerome. 14. saith. The Prophets of Jerusalem have defiled the whole earth Glossa. They are not contented only to hurt their neighbors, but also whome they before this time have hated, they defame and speak evil of, in every place they come. Therefore those preachers which hate them whom they think are their enemies, and do defame them, are not true Apostles but false preachers.

The 33. sign is, that false Prophets when they are examined, & proved whether they be true Apostles or liars, take that very grievously. And persecute all those that can prove thē to be so. And also do stir up and provoke other to persecute the same men: which also join thenselves together by secular power even as certain false prophets did in the primitive Church, against the Bishop of Ephesus: to whom the Lord said in the Apoc. 2. I know, that is to say: I do alow thy works and thy labor: that is thy tribulation, because thou canst not away with those that be evil men. Glossa. But that thou hast a desire to amend thē, or else to expel them, and hast examined those, which say that they are Apostles, and are but liars: and also hast suffered this patiently. Glossa. The evils, which these false Prophets joined together by seculare power do bring in: Are not the doings of true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 34. sign is, that true Apostles go not to preach to those which are converted already by other men, but rather do convert those which are not yet converted: least that they should build upon another man's foundation, as S. Paul, Rom. 15, saith: I have labored so, that from Jerusalem to Iliricus, I have replenished the Gospel in every place. Glose. That is, I have preached the same aboūdantly, in whom the great virtue of the holy ghost appeareth: because so many nations, that is, the Gentiles have received the Gospel by my preaching. But I have preached the Gospel there, where Christ was not preached before, least I should build upon another man's foundatiō. Glose. I should not preach to those that were converted by another man. Also 2. Corinth. 10. we are not such as boast and glory in other men's labors. Glose. where another man laid the foundation: for that should be to boast inordinately. Also in the same place: not thinking to boast, where another man hath government, but in those things which are put in experience. Glose. Of other preachers. Because the Apostle did preach unto those to whō the Gospel was never preached, that he might get praise by his own proper labor. Therefore, those Preachers which go not to that people which have need to be converted, but to those which are converted already, which have apostles of their own: that is to say, Bishops, and Priests, and yet do boast over another man's flock: are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 35. sign is, because true Apostles when they are sent, go to their own diocese, & not to another mans diocese: even as Paul being sent, went to the Gentiles when he purposed to preach: Acts. 13. Seperate Paul and Barnabas, for the business which I have chosen them unto Glose. According to the appoyntmēt and decree of James, Cephas, and John, went he forth to be a teacher unto the Gentiles. But those preachers that stand upon their feet: That is to say, those Preachers which have but small worldly substance, for which cause they are more readier to go which way so ever it shall please the Lord to send them: I say, the Lord hath sent them to preach, not to those which be sufficiently learned, but to those that are infidels, as we read in Ezech. 2. After that, the spirit of the Lord set Ezekiel upon his feet, in qua spem situs vnus tangitur, and he said unto him: O son of man behold I send thee to the nations which have • art • acke from their profession: which have gone from me, that is to the Jewish heretics, and to those nations which sometime have been Christians: as the Egyptians, the Babylonians, and all those that observe the law of Mahomet. Therefore, if such go to those that are already instructed, & having both Apostles, bishops, and priests of their own: they go not into their own diocese, but into another man's diocese: and are not true Apostles, but false preachers. And it is greatly to be feared, least the Church be in hazard and danger by such, unless they be thrust o • t of the same betime: Evē as Jonah which whē he was sent to • i • iuy of the Lord, which is interpreted large or wide, and leadeth to the hill: that is to the Infidels we speak of before. They go not to those Infidelles according to the commandment of the Lord, but they turn another way, take their journey into • harsis, which is interpreted, • o • king after joy and pleasure: That is, they go unto thos • which receive thē with joy and gladness, & do well provide for them, that is to say▪ to godly and devout Christians▪ And therefore it is to be feared least the ship in which they be (that is the Church) be in great peril, unless they be thrown forth. And therefore the Apostle spake of such false Prophets, not without good cause. 2. Timo. 2. And shonne thou those. Glose. That is such men as those be.

The 36. sign is, because true Apostles do not boast, neither do they attribute unto thenselves any other thing, but in that God hath wrought the same by them. Paul, Romaines 15. saith: I dare not say anything, but that which Christ hath wrought and accomplished by me. Glo. That is, I speak only those things (which by me) that is by my ministry, Christ hath wrought. They therefore that boast of many things, & do attribute much unto thenselves, which they never did, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 37. sign is, that true Apostles do not apply them selves, or lean to Logical or Philosophical reasons. Therefore those preachers which do endeavor themselves to such kind of reasons, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 38. sign is, that true Apostles do not love carnally or after the flesh, but hate what thing soever doth resist them in the service of God, as Luke. 14. He that doth not hate his father and mother, his son and sister, and also himself, he cannot be my disciple. Glose. That is, he that doth not hate whatsoever doth resist or let him in the service of God, is not worthy to be a Disciple, neither can he abide in that office. Therefore for as much as true preachers are the true Disciples of the Lord, it must needs follow: that those Preachers which do promote their nephews and kinsfolks (how unworthy soever they be) to Ecclesiastical promotions and livings, contrary to the will of God: or do any other thing that letteth or hindereth them in the service of God, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 39. sign is, that true Apostles do not hunt for the friendship of this world: for he that is the friend of this world, is the enemy of God. Therefore those preachers which purchase the friendship of this world are not true apostles but false prophets, Therefore, for as much as the Scripture is infallible, as in the 24. chapter of Matthew, saying: Heaven and earth shall perish, but my words shall endure forever. And the holy ghost which spake in the Apostle cannot lie: for prophecy (for the most part) is not spoken by the will of man, but the holy men of God spake by the inspiration of the holy Ghost, as it is red in the first epistle of Peter the 5. chapter: It remaineth that all men which are bound to defend the Church, may rise up in the defense of the same, according to that in the 24. chapter of the Proverbs. Deliver those that are led to death and cease thou not to rescue those which are drawn to destruction. Neither may he allege vain accusations, because it is said in the same place: If he say he is not able, or strong enough, he that beholdeth the thoughts of men's hearts, shall know it. &c. what so ever perisheth in the Church of God for want of preachers: all that shall be demanded of them at the day of judgment: As Jacob confesseth to La • an, whose sheep he fed. Genesis. 31, I did restore all thy loss, and that which was stolen I made answer for. I will demand his blood at thy hands. Ezekiel. 3. This is said, to the Pastor or Prelate. But if the other things which we have spoken of before could not move the Prelates, and Cardinals: this at the least should move them: Because that then, the spiritual power which doth consist for the most part in y ^e exercise of preaching, in hearing confessions, & enjoining of penance: shall be taken away frō them by little & little. For by piece mele doth the wolf d • nour the poor & needy man. 3. q. cap 1. when the authority Ecclesiastical therefore shall be quite taken from them, and disposed to other, such as either by their order, or Apostolical grant, do challenge to have the same: Then doubtless, shall neither the iurisdictiō of civil causes and pleadings, nor any authority that such Prelates have yet remaining, neither yet the possessions of the temporal goods of the Church, any longer remain amongst them. Shall such have the temporal goods of the church which minister not the spiritual treasure thereof? 1. Cor. 9. Know ye not that they which kill the sacrifice ought to eat of the sacrifice, & they that serve at the alter are partakers of y ^e alter? For as the body without the soul cannot stand, so corporal things without spiritual things cannot continue. 1. q. 1. if any shall take away the same. Thus have you had the 39 arguments, for the which both he was condemned, and his books burned.

In the days of this Guilielmus, there was a most detestable and blasphemous book set forth by the Friers, (mentioned also in Math. Parisiens. ) which they called Euangelium aeternum, or Euangelium spiritus sancti : That is, the everlasting Gospel, or the Gospel of the holy Ghost. In which book, many abhominable errors of the Friers were contained, so that the Gospel of Jesus Christ was utterly defaced: which this book said, was not to be compared with this everlasting Gospel, no more then the shell is to be compared with y ^e carnell: then darkness to light. &c. More over that the Gospel of Christ shall be preached no longer but fifty years, and then this everlasting Gospel should rule the Church. &c. Item, y ^• whatsoever was in the whole Bible, was in the said Gospel contained. At length this Friers Gospel was accused to the Pope, and so 6. persons chosen of the whole vniuersitye to peruse and judge of the book: as Christianus Canonicus, Baluacensis: Odo de Doaco: Nicholaus de Baro: Johannes de Sicca Vella Anglus. Johannes Belim, Gallus : Among whom, this Guilielmus was one, who mightily impugned this pestiferous and devilish book. These 6. after the perusing of the book were sent up to Rome. The Friers likewise sent their messengers withal: where they were refuted, and y ^• errors of the book condemned: but so, that the Pope with the Cardinals commanded the said book to be abolished and condemned not publicly (tendering the estimation of the religious orders, as of his own most chief champions) but that they should be burned in secret wise: and the books of the foresaid • uilielmus to be burnt with all.

Besides other his books, 2. Sermons we have of his yet remaining, one upon the Gospel of S. Luke, of the Pharisy and the Publican: the other upon the Epistle, red in the Church on May day. where in the first he resembleth the Pharisees to our Monks, and that he proveth by all the properties of the Pharisees described in the Gospel. The Publican he resembleth to the Laity, such as for because the sooner they are reduced to acknowledge their sins, the more hope they have of mercy. The other, because they stand confident in their own righteousness, are therefore farther from their instification. In the latter sermō he setteth forth and declareth what perils and daūders be like to fall upon the Church by these religious orders of Monks and Friers.

Among the other besides of that age which withstood the bishops of Rome & his Antechristian errors, was one Laurēce an Englishman, and master of Paris. An other was Petrus Johannes a Minorite. Of whom the foresaid Laurence was about the year of our Lord. 1260. who in his teaching, preaching & writing, did stoutly defend y ^• part of the forsayd Guilielmus & the rest of his side against the Friers. Against the which Friers he wrote 2. books: One in y ^e defense of William afore mentioned: the other vpō this argument and title: To beware of false prophets. &c. Certayn other things also he wrote, wherein by diverse proofs and testimonies he argued & proved, that Antichrist was not far of to come.

The other, Petrus Johannes was about the year of our Lord. 1290. which taught and maintained many things against the Pope: proving that he was Antichrist, and that the synagogue of Rome was great Babylon. He wrote upon Matthew, upon the Epistles, and upon the Apocalypse. Mention of this Petrus Johannes is made in Nicholaus Emericus in Lib. Inquisitionum. &c. And saith moreover, that Mi • hael Cesenas (of whō Christ willing shall follow hereafter) took of him a great part of his opinions. And because the pope could not burn him alive, after his death he caused his bones to be taken up and burned.

To these and with these above specified, is to be added Robertus Gallus, who being borne of a right noble parentage for devotion sake, was made a Dominic Frier, about the same year of our Lord above touched, an. 1290▪ This man, as appeareth by his writing, had diverse and sundry visions: whereof part is annexed with the visions and prophecy of Hildegardis. His visions all tend against the spiritualty of Rome. where in the fifth chapter, he calleth plainly the Pope an Idol: which having eyes seeth not, neither lusteth to see the abominations of his people, nor the excessive enormity of there voluptuousness. But only to see to the heaping up of his own treasure: & having a mouth, speaketh not, but saith: I hane set good men over them, (which is sufficient for me) to do them good either by myself or by some other. And followeth in the same chapter, woe to that Idol: woe to the mighty and proud, who shall be equal in all the earth to that Idol? He that exalted up his name in earth, saying: who shall bring me under? Is not my house compared with the mighty Potentates of the land? I am higher then Dukes: Knightes on their horseback do service unto me. That which my Fathers had not before me, y ^• have I done to me. My house is strowed with silver: gold and pearl are the pavement of my palace. &c.

Again in the 12. chapter and also in the first, under the name of a Serpēt he paynteth out the Pope: whom he declareth to extol himself above measure, and to oppress y ^• , few that be godly, and to have many fall • e prophets about him, which neglecting the word and the name of Christ, do preach & extol him only, obscuring the name of Christ. The church of Rome and the Pope he describeth in these words: I was praying (said he) on my knees, looking upward to heaven, nere to the altar of S. James in Paris, on the right side of the alter: & saw in the air before me the body of a certain high bishop all clothed in white silk, who turning his back on the East, lift up his hand toward the west, as the Priests are wont in their Mass turning to the people, but his head was not seen. And as I was considering advisedly whether he had any head or no: I perceived a certain head in him all dry, lean & withered, as though it had been a head of wood. And the spirit of the Lord said to me: This signifieth the state of the Church of Rome.

Moreover, the same author in his visions well describing the manner of the school sophisters, and Sorbonists, addeth in this wise. An other day as I was in like contēplation as before, I beheld in spirit: and behold I saw a man appareled like to the other before: which went about, having fine bread, and excellent wine, that hanged about him on both sides. And the same having in his hand a long and an hard flint stone, was gnawing hungerly upon the same, as one being hungry is wont to bite upon a loaf of bread. Out of the which stone came two heads of two serpentes, the spirit of the Lord instructing me, and saying: This stone purporteth the friuilous, intricate, & curious questions, wherein the hungry do travail and labor, leaving the substauntiall food of their souls. And I asked, what these two heads did mean. And he said, The name of the one is vain glory, the name of the other is the marring and dissipation of religion.

Also, concerning reformation of the church, this vision he declareth▪ It happened as I was (saith he) in the same City in the house of a certain noble man (a Britain) and was there speaking with certain: I saw a cross of silver very bright, much like to the Cross of the Earl of Toulouse. But the 12. apples which did hang beside in the arms of the cross, were very vile, like the apples which the sea is wont to cast up. And I said: what is this Lord Jesus? and the spirit answered me: This cross which thou seest is the church, which shall be clear and bright in pureness of life, and shall be heard and known all over through the shrill voice of the preaching of sincere verity. Then being troubled with the apples, I asked, what these apples so vile did signify? and he said: it is the humiliation of the Church. &c.

This godly man did forewarn (as in a certain chro • ticle is declared) how God would punish the simony and avarice of the clergy with such a plague, that rivers should run with blood. &c. It is said, that there is remaining a great volume of his visions, which are not yet abroad: for these that be abroad, are but a brief extract out of his visions and revelations.

After y ^• we have thus long straid in these foreign stories of Frederick, and in the tractation of other matters pertaining to other countries: Now after this sufficient disgression, it is time that we return to our own country again. where, in following y ^e continuatiō of time, & course of the Church: we will now adjoin to these good fathers and writers, the history of the learned Bishop of Lincoln named Robert Grosted, a man famously learned (as that time served) in the three tongues, both Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, also in all liberal sciences. whose works & Sermons, yet this day are extant, which I have seen in the Queens Majesty’s Library at Westminster. wherein is one special Sermon writ̄ and exhibited in four sundry skrolles to the pope, and to other four Cardinals, beginning Dominus noster Jesus Christus. &c. Nicolas Triuet in his chronicle writing of this bishop, affirmeth that he was borne in Suffolk, in the Dioces of Norfolk: who giving him the praise to be a man of excellent wisdom, of profound doctrine, & an example of all virtue: witnesseth, that he being master of Art, wrote first a Commentary in librum posteriorum of Aristotle. Also that he wrote Tractations de sphera, & de art comput. And that he set forth diverse books concerning Philosophy. Afterward being Doctor in Divinity, and expertly seen in all the 3. tongues, drew out sundry Treatises out of the Hebrew glosses: also translated diverse works out of the Greek, as namely the Testaments of the xii. Patriarchs, & the books of Dionisius, commenting upon the new translation with his own gloss. Haec ill. Many other works and volumes besides were written by the said Grosted, as De oculo morali, de Dotibus, De cessatione legalium, paruus Cato, Annotationes in Suidam, in Boetium, De potestate pastorali, expositions in Genes. in Lucam, with a number mo • , besides diverse Epistles, Sermons, and Inuections sent to the Pope, for his immeasurable exactions, wherewith he overcharged & oppressed the Church of England.

This godly and learned Bishop after diverse conflicts and agonies sustained against the Bishop of Rome: after the example of Frederick: of Guiliel. de sancto amore, of Nico. Gallus and other after minded: at length after great labors and trauells of life, finished his course, & departed at Buckdone in the month of Octob. an. 1253. Of his decease thus writeth Mat. Parisiens. pag. 278. Out of the prison and banishment of this world (which he never loved) was takē y ^e holy bishop of Lincoln Robert, at his manor of Buck • one in the even of S. Dionise: who was an open reprover of the Pope and of the King: a rebuker of the prelates, a corrector of the Monks, director of the Priests, instructor of the clerks, fau • or of scholars, a preacher to the people, persecutor to the incontinent, a diligent searcher of the Scriptures. A malle to the Romaines, and a contemner of their doings. &c. Haec Mat. what a malle he was to the Romaines, in the sequel hereof (Christ willing) shall better appear. The story is this.

It so befell, among other daily and intolerable exactions wherein Pope Innocēt was grievous and injurious (manifold ways) to the Realm of England: he had a certain cosin or nephew (so Popes were wont to call their sons) named Frederick, being yet young & under years: whom the said Innocent the Pope would needs prefer to be a Canon or Prebendary in the church of Lincoln, in this time of Robert Bishop of the said Church. And vpō the same directed down letters to certain his factors here in England for the execution thereof. The copy of which letter, by chance, yet not by chance, but by the oportune sending of God, came to my hands, as I was pēning this present story, written in the ende of an old parchment book and otherwise rare I suppose to be found. As is this.

Which letter to be englished is this.

As the • e is no mā which hath any eyes to see, but may • asely understand in reading this letter of the Pope, how unreasonable his request is how impudently he commaūdeath, how proudly he threateneth, how wickedly he oppresseth and racketh the Church of God, in placing boys and strangers in the ministry & cure of souls, & also in making them his prouisors, to rauen up the Church goods: So is it no great marvel, if this godly Bishoppe Robert Grosted was offended therewith. who in my mind, deserveth herein a double commendation, not only that he so wisely did discern error from sincerity and truth: but also that he was so hardy and constant to stand to the defense thereof against the Pope, according as in this his answer to the Pope again may appear, as followeth.

Then followeth it in the story both of Mathaeus Parisiēsis and of Florilegus, in these words: That when this Epistle came to the knowledge of the Pope, he fuming & fret • ing, with anger and indignation answered, with a fierce look and proud mind saying: what old doting frantic wretch is this so boldly, & rashly to judge of my doings? By sweet S. Peter and Paul, were it not but that upon our own clemency and good nature we are restrained, we would hurl him down to such confusion, that we would make him a fable, a gasing stock, an example and wonderment to all the world. For is not the king of England our vassal? and to say more, our mansiple or page (to use the very words of mine author) which may at our pleasure & beck both hamper him, and imprison him and put him to utter shame? This when the Pope in his great fury and rage had uttered amongst his b •• thren the Cardinals, who were scarce able to appease the furious violence of y ^e pope, with mild moderatiō of words, they said unto him: that it was not expedient for thē to proceed against that bishop in such rig • rous m • ner, For said they to confess the truth to your holiness, it is but very truth that he affirmeth, neither can we condemn him therefore. He is a catholic man yea also a holy man: more holy & also religious thē we our selves: a man of excellent wit and excellent life, so as it is thought among all the Prelates he hath not his better nor yet his like. This is not yet unknown both to the french & English clergy universally, neither can our cōtradictiō prevail against him: The truth of this his epistle perhaps is known now to many & shall stir up many against us: for he hath the name to be a great Philosopher and singularly seen in all the tongues both Greek, Latin & Hebrew: zealous in justice, a reader of divinity in the schools, • preacher amongst the people, a lover of Chastity, & a persecutor of Simony. These words spake L. • iles, a Spanish Cardinal to the Pope and other mo moved by their conscience to speak. And this counsel they gave to the Pope, that he should dissemble and wink at these things as one not seeing or regarding them: least otherwise perhaps, some tumult might rise and spring thereof: Especially seeing this is manifest and known to all men, that once must needs come a defection and parting from the Church of Rome.

Not long after this (about the canicular days) this reverend & godly Robert bishop of Lincoln lying at his manor place in Bugden fell grievously sick: and thereupon within few days departed. In the time of his sickness he called to him a certain Frier, of the preaching order named M. John Giles, a man expert & cunning both in physic & Divinity: partly to receive of him some comfort of his body, and partly to confer with him in spiritual matters. Thus vpō a certain day, the said. B. cōferring w ^t the foresaid M. John, & riciting to him the doings & proceedings of the Pope: did grievously rebuke & reprehend his fellow brethren the preaching Friers, and the other order also of the Minorites. That for so much as their order being planted in willful poverty of the spirit, to the intent they should more freely carpe and reprove the vices of the mighty, & not to flatter or spare them, but sharply to rebuke & reprehend the same: The said Friers contrary to their profession did not boldly enough cry out and inuey against the abuses of their superiors and men of power, nor did uncover nor detect their faults and wickedness. And therefore said the Bishop, I judge them to be no better thē manifest heretics: And addeth moreover (demanding of M. John) what is heresy? and that he should give him the true difinition thereof. whereat, when the Frier did stay and pause, not remembering the solemn difinition of that matter: the Bishop thereupon inferreth, giving this difinition in Latin, by the true interpretation of the Greek word: Heresis Greece, electio Latin, est sententia humano sensu electa, Scripturae sacrae contraria, palam docta, pertinaciter defensa. That is. • eresy is a sentence taken and chosen of man's own brain, contrary to holy Scripture, openly maintained, and stiffly defended. And this difinitiō given consequently he inferred sharply reprehending the Prelates of the church, but especially the Romaines: which commit the charge of souls unto their kinsfolks being both in age unworthy, and in learning insufficient. To give saith he, the charge of souls to a boy is a sentence of a prelate chosen and taken of man's own head, only for carnal and earthly respect: & also is contrary to holy scripture the which forbiddeth any such to be made ministers or pastors, which are not sufficient to drive away the wolves. And moreover it is also openly maintained, because it is manifestly borne abroad and commanded, with chartes imbulled both with wax & lead. And finally, it is stiffly defended: for if any man shall dare to presume to withstand the same, he is suspensed and excommunicated and open war cried out against him: Therefore to whom the whole definitiō of an heretic doth agree, he is a very heretic. But every faithful Christian man ought to set himself against an heretic as much as he may: wherefore he that can resist him and doth not, he sinneth and seemeth to be a fautor thereof according to the saying of Gregory. He lacketh not conscience of secret societye which ceaseth to resist open impietye. But the Friers both Franciscans and Dominicks, are most chiefly bound to withstand such, seeing both of them have the gift of preaching committed to them by their office, and be more apt to the said office, by reason of their poverty: And therefore, do not only offend in not resisting such, but also are to be roūted mayntayners of the same, according to the sentence of the Apostle to the Romans saying: Not only they which commit such things, but also they that consent are worthy of death. wherefore it may be concluded, that as well the Pope (unless he cease frō that vice) as also the same Friers, unless they show themselves more earnest and studious in repelling the same, are both worthy of death, that is, perpetual damnation. Item saith the Canon decretal, that upon this vice of heresy the Pope both may & ought to be accused.

After this, the vehemency of his disease more & more increasing and because the nights were something longer: the third night before his departure, the bishop feeling his infirmity to grow upon him willed certain of his clergy to be called unto him, thereby to be refreshed with some conference or communicatiō: unto whom the bishop mourning and lamenting in his mind for the loss of souls through the avarice of the Popes court said on this wise, as by certain Aphorisms.

1. Christ came into the world to save and win souls: Ergo, he that feareth not to destroy souls, may he not worthily be counted Antichrist?

2. The Lord created the whole world in six days, but in restoring of man he labored more then 30. years. wherefor he that is a destroier of that, about which the Lord so long labored, is not he worthy to be counted the enemy of God, and Antichrist?

3. The Pope shameth not impudently to adnihilate and disannul the privileges of his holy predecessors of Romain Bishops, by this obstacle ( Non obstante ) which is not done without the prejudice and manifest injury of them, For in so doing, he doth reprove and destroy that which so many and so holy men have built up before, and thus seemeth he to be a contenmer of the Saints: worthily therefore he that contemneth shall be contemned, according to the saying of Isaiah: woe to thee that doest despise, for shalt not y ^u thyself be despised? And who shall keep his privileges which so breaketh the privileges of others.

4. The Pope answering hereunto thus defēdeath perhaps his error. He that is equal, hath no superiority over his equal. Therefore, no Pope hath power to bind me being pope as well as he. To this I answer again (quoth the Bishop) It seemeth to me, that he that now presently is sailing in the dangerous seas of this world: and he that is safely ariued in the haven, having past all ieopardyes, are not both like and equal. Graūt that some Popes be saved (God forbid any should say contrary.) Then saith our savior: He that is least in the kingdom of heavē, is greater then John the Baptist, a greater thē whom did never rise amongst the children of men. Is not therefore some Pope greater being a giver and cōfirmer of privileges then this that is alive? Truly me thinks he is greater. Therefore he hath dominion over his inferior.

5. Doth not the Pope thus say, speaking of all his predecessors for the most part: This our predecessor, and this our predecessor of most worthy memory. &c. And again, we (saith he) cleaving to, or following the steppes of our predecessors. &c. And why then do such Popes as • me after, destroy these foundations which their predecessors have laid?

6. Many Apostolic men coming after, have confirmed some privilege being granted by other before: And be not many Bishops being already saved by the grace of God, to be counted greater and better then one Bishop which hath not yet attained, but standeth in danger to obtain that which the other have got already?

7. Also our former fathers bishops of y ^• Apostolical sea, in preferment of time go before the other, which in time come after. And those whom the estimatiō of ancient time doth advance, such are we bound to esteem and to have in more reverence. This did the holy man Benedict well consider who in his rule preferreth such as came first in time, what so ever men they were, before them, which (albeit being more ancient in years) come after them into the order: & commandeth them to be their superiors, and to have the preeminence. which being so (as it is) true and certain: how cometh then this injurious and rash presumption, which dare repeal and disannul, the old privileges of many ancient holy Bishops, in time and in reverence going before them.

8. Moreover, and though many Popes have been grievous to the Church, yet this Pope most specially hath brought it most into servitude & manifold ways hath dānified the same. For these Caursini, these open userers, whō our holy forefathers and doctors (whom we have seen) and namely our learned master in France preacher: also the Abbot of Flay a Cistercian: master Jacobus de veteri, and master Steph. Archbishop of Cant. in the time of his banishment: And also master Rob. Curcun, with his preaching, banished out of France (for before that time these kind of • surers were never known in England) the same Caursini, these wicked userers (I say) were by this Pope induced, supported and maintained: so that if any do speak against them, he is miserably tossed and tro •• sed for his labor, whereof partly Roger bishop of London hath some experience.

9. The world doth know, that usury is counted a detestable thing in both the Testamēts, and is forbidden of God. But now the Popes usurers or Exchaungers (the very Jews crying out against them) being openly suffered in London to exercise their usury, to the great damage & detrimēt of all ecclesiastical persons (but especially houses of religion) compelling such as be in poverty, to counterfeit, and to put to their scales unto forged writings: which is no less then to commit Idolatry, and to abrenoūce the veritye which is God himself. As for example, I borrow 100. Markes for a year, instead of 100. Poundes. I am compelled to make my writing, and to seal the same, confessing that I have received in borrow an 100. pounds to be repaied again at the years end to such a man. &c. And if it shall chance that your occupying be such, that within a month you bring again the principal to the Popes usurer, he will receive no less notwithstanding, then his full 100. pounds: which condition of usury is much worse then that of the Jews. For to the Jew what principal you bring, he will require no more then proportionally, for the commensuration of so much time, wherein his money hath been out of his hands.

10. Moreover, we have seen & known the Pope to have given in charge and commandment to the Friers preachers, and minorites: to inquire diligently for such as lie sick and like to die, and so coming to them diligently to persuade them, to make their wills and Testaments fa • orably to the profit and subsidy of the holy lande, and to take the cross upon them, that if they do amend, they may wring them in the law. And if they die, they may wrast the money from their executors.

11. We have known likewise and seen men that have taken the vow and sign of the cross upon them, to be sold to lay men, as sheep and oxen were wont in time past, to be sold in the temple.

We have seen w ^t our eyes, the Popes letter, in which we have found this to be written: that they which bequeath anything to the behoove or subsidy of the holy land, shall receive so much indulgence, as they have disbursed money.

12. Ouer and beside all this, the Pope in diverse and sundry his letters, hath willed and commanded Prelates to receive into Ecclesiastical benefices, and to provide some such living in their Churches, as shall be sufficient to such and such a stranger, (being both absent, and also unworthy) which have neither learning, nor yet the language of the country: whereby they are neither able to preach, nor to hear confessions, nor to keep residence for to refresh the poor and waifarers.

13. Item, we know and have seen our selves, that the Pope hath written to the Abbot of S. Albane, to provide for one called John de Camezana, whom he never saw, in some competent benefice. whereupon in few days after, when provision was made for him in a certain Church, worth 40. marks by the year and more: the party being not therewith contented, complained to the Pope. who then writing to the foresaid Abbot, commanded him to provide for the foresaid M. John in some better thing, reserving notwithstanding the gift of the former benefice, to himself.

14. Again, not long after came also to the house of y ^e foresaid Abbot two other persons like begging vagabondes, bringing with them the Popes letters: in the tenor whereof the Abbot was commanded, that incontinent upon the sight thereof, he should give & disburse to the said persons for the expedition and dispatch of his affairs 10. marks in hand, without any delay or sticking: The which persons uttering to the Abbot proud and threatening words, he was fain to agree with them and send them away.

15. Item, of men which are both holy and well learned, which have left the world for the following of God in such order, as they ought not to turn back again, the Pope of them maketh his Tolners and bankers to get in his money: The which charge they are compelled against their willes to take upon them, least they should seme to be disobedient: and so of spiritual men, are made more secular then the most secular. And so, y ^e baseness of their chimmers and scapillers which they wear, doth prove them to be liars: whilst under the habit of poverty and humiliation, lurketh the spirit of pride and elation. And because no Legate may be sent into England, but being first required of the king: the Pope sendeth sophistical Legates and such as be disguised in counterfeit apparel, and are guarded with great might and power: neither is it hard to bring forth examples thereof. For so many such daily do come into the realm, that to hear the names of them recited, it would be tedious for any man to hear.

16. Furthermore (as we have seen our selves) the Pope granteth for secular favor, that a man may have a Bishopric, and yet be no Bishop consecrated, Sed electus sempiternus, that is, elect forever. which is as much to signify, to have the milk and the wolle of the sheep, and not to keep the wolves away from the sheep: To retain the rents of a Bishop, and not discharge the function of a Bishop.

And when this godly Bishop had thus reproved these and such other detestable enormities of the court of Rome: as all kinds of avarice, their usury, their simony, their extortion, all kinds of filthiness, fleshly lust, glottonie, and their sumptuous apparel reigning in that Court: then saith he, this old verse may be truly verified upon it.

Afterwarde he went about more to prosecute, how • he foresaid court like a gulf never satisfied, ever gaping (so wide, that the flood of Jordan might run into his mouth) aspired howe to usurp the goods of them that die vntested, and of Legacies bequeathed without form of law, and whereby more licentiously to bring this to pass, they used to join the king to be fell • ow and partaker with them in their spoils, extortions, and robbings. Neither saith he, shall the Church be delivered from the servitude of Egypt but by violence and force, and with the bloody sword. And albeit saith he, these be yet but sight matters, yet shortly more great and grievous things then these shall be seen.

And in the end of this his propheciyng which he scarcely could utter, with sighing, sobbing and weeping, his tongue and breath began to rai • e, and so the organe of his voice being stopped, made an ende both of his speech and life. Ex Math. Paris.

And for as much as mention hath been made before, of the insatiable a • arice of the Popes court by his inordinate provisions and reservations, it is testified by the said author Math. Paris that the foresaid Robert Grosted being bishop of Lincoln, caused to be vewed and considered diligently of his clearks, what the revenues of foreigners and strangers within England set in by the Pope, came to by the year: and it was found and evidently tried, that this Pope now present, to wit, Innocentius 4. did empouerish the universal Church throughout Christendom, more then all his predecessors from the time the Pope first began: So that the revenues of foreigners and clearkes placed by him here in England, mounted to the sum of 70000. marks and above, whereas the mere revenues of the crown came not to 30000.

Of this Robert Grosted writeth Cestrensis in his 7. book of his history: that partly for that it grieved him to see y ^e intolerable exactions of the Pope in this realm, and partly because he refused to admit a certain young nephew of the Pope to be canon of his Church (as hath been before recited). He therefore writing to the Pope, and signifying that he could not admit any such persons into his Church, which neither knew themselves, nor the tongue of the people, nor the charges committed unto them: was called up to Rome, and there excommunicated, who then appealing from y ^e Pope, shortly after departed, which was An. 1253. It chanced within 2. years after his decease, the said Pope Innocent being a sleep: a certain Bishop appareled bishop like, appeared unto him, and striking him with his staff on his left side, said: Surge miser veni in iudicium. That is. Rise wretch and come to thy judgment. The next day after, the Pope was found amazed as a man stricken on the side with the stroke of a staff. This Robert though he was greatly commended for his sanctimony, & as Cestrensis saith, for his miracles: yet was he not permitted in the court of Rome to be ascribed in the Cataloge of Saints. And thus much out of Cestrensis concerning this matter. But Math. Paris. and the author of Flores historiarum prosecuting this story more at large, addeth this more unto it & saith. That Pope Innocent the next year following, which was An. 1254. being passing angry: contrary to the mind of his brethren the Cardinals, would have the bones of the foresaid bishop of Lincoln cast out of the Church, and purposed to bring him into such spite and hatred of the people, that he should be counted an Ethnic, a rebel, and disobedient person through the whole world. And thereupon caused his letters to be written and sent down to the king of England, knowing that the king would gladly serve him therein to have the spoil of the bishop and of his church. But the night following, the said B. of Linc. appeared unto him as coming in his pontificalibus, and w ^t a severe countenance and stern loke, and terrible voice speaketh unto him being in his rest, & smiting him on the side with a vehement stroke with the ende of his crossestaffe thus said, O thou scourfie, lazy, old, bald, lousie, wretched, doting Pope. Hast thou purposed to cast out my bones out of the Church to the shame and slander of me? Now cometh this rash willfulness in thy head? It were more meet for thee being this advanced by God & honored, to make much of the zealous servants of God, although departed. The lord will not suffer thee henceforth to have anymore power over me. I have writ̄ unto thee in the spirit of humility and love, that thou shouldest correct thy manifold errors. But thou with a proud eye and disdainful heart hast despised my wholesome admonitions. Woe to thee that despisest, shalt not thou also be despised? And so the Bishop departing from the Pope, stricken as is said on the side, le • t him for half dead, and so lying in sorrow & lamentation. Wherupon his chamberlains being amazed hearing these things, came running to the pope to know what him ailed. To whom the Pope much troubled and bexed in his spirit, said: that great terrors in his sleep, vehemently disturbed and molested him in such sort, that he thought he should never recover it, nor be restored to himself again. Oh (saith he) howe sore is my side, and howe eagerly it vexeth me, as being run through with a spear. Neither did the Pope eat or drink all that day, but feigning himself to be sick of a burning ague, kept in. And yet the indignation of the ireful hand of God (saith the story) so left him not.

For after these wholesome admonitions given to him by the servant of God: the Pope not regarding them, but all set upon war, suppression of his enemies, and secular affairs, gave his mind wholly unto them. And yet all his labors, counsels, & expenses bestowed upon them, could never prosper after that day, in that he went about. For the Pope the same time having war with the Apulians, all his army fighting under y ^e Popes nephew their captain, were slain & confounded the number of many thousands. whose lamentable slaughter all y ^e country of the Romans did much bewail. The Pope not yet quiet in his mind, directeth his journey toward Naples, although sore vexed in his side like a man sick of a pleurisy, or s • itten rather w ^t a spear. Neither could any physic of his Cardinals help him. For Robert of Lincoln (saith the story) did not spare him. And he that would not hear him gently correcting him, being alive, his stripes did he feel whē he was dead. So that he never after that enjoyed any lucky or prosperous day, till time of his death: nor yet any prosperous or quiet night until the morning. And so continued he unto his death, which shortly after ensued, he being at Naples. An. 1255. or as N. Triuet recordeth. An. 1254. And thus have ye the whole discourse between Robert Grosted & Pope Innocent.

In the which story is to be noted (gentle reader) that although in the story of Cestrensis, of Matthew Paris and of Flor. hist. it is expressly testified and reported, that the Pope was smitten with the staff of Robert the foresaid Bishop of Lincoln: yet thou must wisely understand, that how so ever God's hand dealeth here in this world in punishing his enemies, or how so ever the Image of things not seen but phantasied, offer themselves to the secrete cogitation of man (his senses being a sleep) by the operation or permission of God, working after some spiritual influence in our imaginations: certain it is, that no dead man materially can ever rise again or appear, before the judgment day, to any man with his staff or without his staff, to work any seat, after he have once departed this life.

After the death of this Robert Grosted bishop of Lincoln, great dissention fell between the Archb. of Cant. Boniface, and the canons of the said church of Lincoln, about the right of giving prebendships, and about the revenues of the said church, in time of the bishops see being now vacant. Which right & power the Archbishop claimed to him self, but the canons of that Church (maintaining the contrary side) stood against him, and for the same were excommunicated of the Archbishop. Amōg whom, one M. Wolf resisting the Archb. to the face, in the name of all the other canons, made up his appeal to Rome, where much money on both sides was spent. At length, after this Grosted, was elected Henry Lexinton in the see of Lincoln.

About which time, the wicked Jews at Lincoln had cruelly crucified, whipped, & tormented a certain child named Hugo of 9. years of age. An. 1255. in the month of August. Ex Gualt. Gisburn. At length the child being sought & found by y ^e mother, being cast in a pit. 32. of those abhominable Jews were put to executiō. whereof Matthew Paris. reciteth a long story. The same or like fact was also intended by y ^e like Jews at Norwich 20. years before upon a certain child, whom they had first circumcised, & detained a whole yere in custody, intending to crucify him, for the which the Jews were sent up to the tower of London, of whom 18. were hanged, & the rest remained long in prison. Ex Cestrens. lib. 7. Of this wicked Jewish people I find also in the boke of Flor. hist. that about this yere of our Lord 1255. they began first to be expelled out of France, by the commandment of the French king, being then in Palestine, warring against the Turks: By the occasion that it was objected then by the Turk against him and other Christian princes, for the retaining the Jews amongst thē which did crucify our savior, and warring against them which did not crucifye him. Ex Flor. Hist Of these Jews moreover king Henry the same yere 1255. exacted to be given unto him 8000. marks in pain of hanging. Who being much agreued therewith, & complaing that the king went about their destruction, desired leave to be given thē of the king, that they might depart the realm, never to return again. But the king committed the doing of that matter unto Earl Richard his brother, to enforce them to pay y ^e money whether they would or no. Moreover of the same Jews mention is made in the story entitled Eulogiū. Of the Jews in Northhampton, who had among thenselves prepared wild fire, to burn the city of Londō. For the which diverse of thē were takē, & burned in the time of Lent, in the said city of Northhamptō, which was 2. years before, about the yere of our Lord. 1253. Ex Eulogio. And for so much as mention here is made of the Jews, I cannot omit what some English stories write of a certain Jew: who not long after this time about the year of our Lord. 1257. fell into a privy at • uekesbury upon a Sabbath day which for the great reverence he had to his holy Sabbath, would not suffer himself to be plucked out. And so Lord Richard Earl of Gloucester, hearing thereof, would not suffer him to be drawn out on Sunday for reverence of the holy day. And thus the wretched superstitious Jew remaining there till Monday, was found dead in the dong.

And to note the blind superstitiō of that time, not only among the Jews, but also among the Christians, to omit diverse other stories as of Walter Gray, Archbish. of York, who coming up to the Parliament at Londō. an. 1255. w ^t inordinate fasting, did so overcharge nature, & pyned himself, & (as the story mentioneth) did so dry up his brain: that he losing thereby all appetite of stomach, going to Fulham, there within 3. days died, as in the compiler of Flor. Hist. is both storyed and reprehended. Let this also be adjoined, which the forenamed author, and in the same yere is recorded of one named Peter Chaceporce, who diyng in France, an. 1255. left in bequest of his testament 600. marks for lands to be purchased to the house of Mertō for God to be served there perpetually pro anima eius, & omnium fideliū i for his souls health, and all faithful souls. As who would say, Christian faith were not the ordinary means sufficient to salvation of faithful souls, without the quire service of the Monks of Merton.

Ye have heard it often complained before, how y ^e usurped power of the Pope hath violently and presumptuously encroched upon the Church of England, in giving & conferring benefices and prebends to his Italians and strangers, to the great damage and ruin of Christ's flock manifold ways. This violent injury & oppression of y ^e Pope, as by no lawful and gentle means could be reformed: so by occasion & means inordinate about this time, it began somewhat to be bridled. The matter whereof was this, as it is in the collector of Flor. Hist. recited. In the days of the reign of this king 44. The Bishop of London named Fulco, had given a certain prebende in the Church of S. Paul, to one master Rustandus y ^e Popes messenger here in England. Who entering into the profession of the gra • e friers, & shortly after dying on the other side of the sea: the Pope immediately conferred the said prebend to one of his specials, a like stranger, as y ^e other was before. About the same instant it befell, that the bishop also of London deceased, whereby the byshoprick now vacant fell into the kings hands. Who hearing of the death of y ^e forenamed Rustandus, gave the said prebendship (given of the Pope before) to one John Crakehale his under treasurer. Who with all solemnity took his installation, unknowing as yet that it was bestowed of the Pope before. It was not long after as time grew, but this being noised at Rome, forthwith cometh down a certain Proctor named John Gras with the Popes embulled letters, to receive the collation of the benefice by his commission procuratory, given by y ^e Pope: wherein John Crakehale had been already installed, as is aforesaid, by the kings donation. This matter coming in trauise before Boniface Archbishop of Cant. he inquiring and searching which donation was the first, finding the popes grant to be the former, gave sentence with him against the king: so that in conclusion, the Roman clearke had the advantage of the benefice, although the other had long enjoyed the possession thereof before. Thus the popes man being preferred, and the Englishman excluded, after the party had been invested & stalled after the use and manner, he as thinking to be in sure possession of his place, attempted with the rest to enter the Chapter house, but was not permitted so to do: whereupon the popes clerk giving place to force and number, went toward the archbishop to complain. This being known, certain recluses pursued him, and so being compassed about, one in the thickness of the throng being never after known, suddenly rushing upon him, a • itle above his eyes so pareth of his head, y ^• he fell down dead. The same also was done to another of his fellows in fleing away. This heinous murder being famed abroad, strait inquiry thereof was made, but the deed doer could not be known. Although great suspicion was laid upon Crakhale the kings Chaplein, yet no proof could be brought. But moste men thought, y