Acts and Monuments Volume 1
Here by the way is to be noted, that unto the death of this foresaid Fulco Bishop of London, continueth the history of Matthew Paris. monk of S. Albons, which was to the year of grace 1260. The residue was continued by another Monk of the same house, but not with such like commendation, worthy to make any autentike story, as I have seen it noted in a written book.
It were to tedious and curious in order to prosecute what happened in every yere, through this kings reign: as how it was provided by y e king, that whosoever could despend 15. li. land by yere, should be • ound to make to the king a soldier, that watch should be kept every night in Cities: that who soever was robbed or otherwise damnified in any country, he that had the custody, should be compelled to make up the loss again, or else to pursue the malefactor, which was An. 1253. witnessing Flores hist. Item, how the king making his viage into • ascone, his expenses were reckoned to mount 270000. marks, beside 30000. Markes bestowed upon his brethren by the mother side, & beside other great gifts given abroad. By reason whereof, great taxes and colonies and tenths were required of his subjects, especially of the Churchmen: who were wont to receive tithes of other, now were constrained to give tithes to the laity. Flores Hist. An. 1254. Item, howe in the year next following, the Londoners offering a 100. li. for a gift to the king with a precious cup of gold, at his return out of France, were shortly after compelled by the King to pay 3000. Marks, for the scape of a certain prisoner being a clerk condemned: which clerk being granted of the King to the Bishop, and he having no prison sufficient for him, borrowed of the Londoners to have him kept in the prison of Newgate, who escaping thereout, they as is said, were demanded this recompense aforesaid. Anno 1255. Item, how the king greatly complaining of his debt, the same year required the whole tenths, which should be gathered in 3. years, to be takē up all at once. To whose request, the nobles and commons agreed to strain themselves, so that the Charter of their liberties and customs might be ratified, & fully by him confirmed. And so for that year they were. Flores Hist. Item, howe Pope Alexander the 3. to destroy the city Michera, with king Menfrede the son of Frederick the Emperor, sent forth the same yere Octauianus his Cardinal with a puissant army: who coming to the City with his siege, through the counsel of Marchisius one of the chief Captains, discharged a great part of his host, whereby the most of the Popes army was slain and destroyed, almost all, save only the family of Marchisius. An. 1255. Flor. Mat. Paris.
Many other things during the time of this King might be congested, as the rising of Lewlynus King of Wales and of the welshmē against the king, and wasting the land unto the town of Chester, who destroyed diverse of the Englishmen horsemen, taken in the Marrys, with whom at length they fell to agreement by the means of Octobonus: that his successors should be called princes only of Wales, and should do the king his homage. And the king of him to receive 3000. Markes. And this being stablished in writing, was confirmed by the Popes seal. An. 1257. Ex Polychron.
About the same time, such famine oppressed the land and lack of victuals, that a sum of corn was then sold for 26. shillings: in so much, that the poverty were forced to eat nettle roots, thissell roots, & whatsoever they could get. Ex Eulogio. Although some refer this to the yere 1262.
Hereunto moreover might be adjoined, how Pope Alexander abusing and mocking the kings simplicity, made him believe that he would make his son Edmund king of Apulia, so that he would sustain the charges and costs thereof, to maintain the war which thereto should appertain. Whereby the king cast in a sudden hope, caused his son incontinent to be proclaimed king of Apulia. And upon the same sent up to the pope all y e riches he could well make in his realm. And thus was the realm manifold ways miserably unpouerished to enrich the pope. Ex Flor • Hist. About which season, Rich. Earl of Exceter the kings brother, was made king of Almaine by the Electors.
Here might be shown moreover, and added to the stories above, how the yere next following, which was 1259. (as Nicholas Triuet writeth,) the King entering into France, required the restitution of such lands in Normandy and Angiew, as of old righte was due unto him, and wrongfully with holden from him. But the French King again alleged, saying: that the country of Normandy by old time was not givē away from the crown of France, but usurped, and by force extorted by Rollo. &c. In conclusion, the King fearing and suspecting the hearts of his nobles, and looking for none other but for rebellion at home, durst not try w t them, but was compelled to agree w t them upon such peace & conditions as he could get, which was this. That he should have of the French king xiii. C. M. of Turen pounds, with so much lands else, as came to the value of xx. M. pound in yearly rent: so should he resign fully and purely to the hands of the French king, all such lands and possessions which he had in France. Whereby the King given over his style and titles which he had in those partes, ceased then to be called Duke of Normandy, or Earl of Angiew.
Albeit if it be true that Gisburn writeth, the king afterward repenting of his deed, did never receive the money in all his life, neither did he cease during his life, to entitle himself Duke of Normandy. But after him, his son Edward and his successor in their style left out the title, to be called Duke of Normandy. &c. Ex Gisburn.
Beside many other matters omitted, here I overpass also the sore and vehement conflict, not between the • rogs and the mise which Homer writeth of, but the mighty pitched field fought in the year of our Lord 1259. between the young students and scholars of the University of Oxford, having no other occasion (as I read in Math. Pariens. ) but only the diversity of the Country where they were borne. For the Northern men joining with the welshmē, to try their manhood against the Southerne part: fell both parts together in such a broile, with their ensigns & warlike array, y t in conclusion diverse on both sides were slain. This heavy & bloody conflict during and increasing among them, the ende was this: that the Northern lads with the welsh had the victory. After that fury and fiery fierceness had done what it could, the victorers bethinking at length w t themselves, partly what they had done, partly howe it would be taken of the higher powers: and fearing due punishment to fall upon them, especially seeing the brother of Leoline prince of Wales, and son of Giffine, was newly dead in prison, drawing their counsel and helps together: they offer to king Henry 4000. marks, to Edward his son 300. and to the Queen 200. to be released of their trespass. But the king answering them again, that he set more price by the life of one true subject, then by all, which by them was offered: would in no wise receive their money. And so the students without hope of peace, went home with small triumph, learning what the common Proverb meaneth: Dulce bellum inexpertis. Notwithstanding, the King being then occupied in great affairs and wars, partly with Leoline and y e welshmen, partly inwrapped with discord at home with his nobles, had no leisure to attend to the correction of these university men, which was. An. 1259. Ex Mat. Pariens. Likewise concerning the dissention following the next year after, in the University of Paris, between the students there and the Friers: the number of whom then did so much increase, that the commons vnneth was able to sustain them with their alines. Also between the Universities both of Oxford and Cambridge, for a certain prisoner taken out of prison by strength, and brought into sanctuary the same year, as is testified in Matthew Paris. An. 1259. In like manner, touching the variance between the Archbishop of Caunterb. and the Chapter of Lincoln. Again, between the said Archbishop of Canterb. and the Chapter & bishop of London: and how the said Bishop at his consecration would not make his profession to the Archb. but with this reception, Saluis iure & libertate Ecclesiae Londinens. quae pro posse meo defendā in omnibus. &c. recorded in Flores Hist. Al which wranglinge and dissensions, with innumerable other reigning daily in the Church at those days, if I had so much leisure to prosecute them, as I find them in stories remaining: might sufficiently induce us to understand what sma • l peace and agreement was then joined with that doctrine and religion in those days, during the state & reign of Antichrist.
These with many such other matters moe, which here might be discoursed and storied at large, being more foreign then Ecclesiastical, for brevity I do purposely contract and omit, cutting of all such superfluities as may seem more curious to write upon, then necessary to be known.
This that followeth concerning the pitiful & turbulent commotion between the king and the nobles, which lasted a long season: because it is lamentable, & containeth much fruitful example, both for Princes and subjects to behold and look upon, to see what mischief and inconvenience groweth in common weals, where study of mutual concord lacketh, that is: where neither the Prince regardeth the offending of his subjects, and where the subjects forget the office of Christian patience, in suffering their princes injuries, by God's wrath inflicted for their sins. Wherefore, in explaining the order and story thereof, I thought it not unprofitable to occupy y e reader with a little more tariance in perusing the full discourse of this so lamentable a matter, and so pernicious to the public weal.
And first to declare the occasions and first beginnings of this tumult, here is to be understood, which before was signified: howe king Henry married with Alinor daughter of the Earl of Province, a stranger, which was about the yere of our Lord 1234. Wherupon, a great door was opened for strangers, not only to enter the land, but also to replenish the court: to whom y e king seemed more to incline his favor, advancing them to more preferment, then his own natural English Lord's, which thing was to them no little greuance. Moreover, before was declared, how the king by Isabel his mother who was a stranger, had diverse brethren: whom he nourished up with great livings and possessions, and large pensions of money, which was another hearts sore to diverse, & also an hindrance. Ouer & beside hath also ben declared, what unreasonable collections of money from time to time, as quindecims, subsidies, tenths, mersements, fines, payments, lones and taxes, have been levied by the king, as well of the spiritualty, as of the lay sort, partly for maintaining the kings wars against Wales, against Scotland and France, to recover Normandy: partly for helping the kings debts, viagies & other expenses: partly for the kingdom of Apulia, which was promised the kings son by the pope: partly for moneying and supporting the Pope in his wars against the Emperor. By reason of all which sundry and importable collections, the common wealth of the Realm was utterly excoriate, to the great impouerishment of poor English men. Neither did it a little vex the people to see the king call in so many Legates from Rome every year, which did nothing else but transporte the English money unto the Popes cofers. Besides all this, what variance and altercation hath been between the king and his subjects about the liberties of Magna charta, & de foresta, granted by king John, and after confirmed by this king, in the former council holden at Oxford, hath been afore declared.
Perhaps this might be also some piece of a cause, that the king considering and bearing in mind the old injuries done of the Lord's and Barons to his father Kyng John before him: did bear some grudge therefore, or some privy hatred unto the Nobility, to revenge his fathers quarrel. But of things uncertain I have nothing certainly to affirm. This is certain, by truth of history, that the year next ensuing, which was 1260. thus writeth Nicho. Triuet, that the kings Justices called Itinerarij, being sent thither to execute their office, were from thence repelled: the cause being alleged for that they were against the king in proceeding and enterprising against y e form of the provisions enacted and stablished a little before at the Town of Oxford.
It befell moreover the same year, above other times (as Gualt. Demmingford writeth) that a great number of aliens coming out of France and other provinces, resorted into England: and had here the doing of all principal matters of the Realm under the king. Unto whom the rewards and reliefes, & other emoluments of the land did most chiefly redound, which thing to see did not a little trouble & vex the nobility and baronage of England. In so much, that Simon Montfort Earl of Leicester, offering to stand to death for the liberties and wealth of the Realm, conferred together with other Lord's and Barons upon the matter. Who then coming to the king after an humble sort of petition, declared to him howe all the doings of his Realm and his own affairs, were altogether disposed by the ha • des, and after the willes of strangers, neither profitable to him, nor to the weal public: for so much as his treasures being wasted and consumed, he was in great debt, neither was able to satisfy the provision of his own house, but driven to ta • e for his own cates, to no small dishonor to his own state. And now therefore said they, pleaseth your highness to be informed by our advise, and to commit your house to the guiding and government of your own faithful and natural subjects: And we will take upon us to discharge your whole debt within one yere, of our own proper goods and revenues, so that we within 5. years may clear our selves again. Neither will we diminish your family, but rather increase it with a much greater retinue: providing • o for the safety and seeing to the custody of your royal person, as your highness shall find and understand our diligence most trusty and faithful unto you in the ende.
To these words so lovingly declared, so humbly pretensed, so heartily and freely offered, the king as willingly condescended: assigning to them both day and place, where to confer & to deliberate farther upon the matter, which should be at Oxford, the 15. day after Easter. At which day and place, all the states and Lord's with the bishops of the realm were summoned to appear at the said town of Oxford, for the behalf of the king, and the Realm convented together. Where first of the King himself, then of the Lord's an oth was taken: that what decrees or laws in the said assembly should be provided to the profit of the king and of the realm, the same universally should be kept and observed to the honor of God, & utility of his church, and wealth of the Realm. Besides these Lord's and the King, were also 9. Bishops, which swearing to the same, did excommunicate all such as should gainstand the said provisions there made, the King holding a burning taper in his hand, and the Lord's openly protesting, to rise with all their force, against all them that shall stand against the same.
There were at that present in the Realm, four brethren of the kings (most part of them by the mothers side) which would in no case agree hereunto, but in anger departed privily unto wint. The nobles hearing thereof, in all spedy wise pursued them, fearing least they should take the City of Wint. and forcibly keep the same. Wherefore, the Lord's preventing their purpose, and seeing them stiffly to persist in their stubborn sentence, wrought no other violence against them, but returning to Oxford again, prescribed to them these conditions, that they departing the realm should repair to their own lands & possessions, which they had beyond the sea. And that forthwith they should put this injunction in execution. Notw t standing that the King made for them great intercession, yet it took no place. And because this should seem to proceed of no special displeasure against thē, they enacted moreover, that all strangers and aliens of what state or condition soever, should forthwith avoid the realm in pain of death. Divers other provisions the same time were ordained and stablished: that if any did hold of the king in whole or in part, and should chance him to depart (his heir being under age) the wardship of him should belong to the king, as hath partly before been specified.
Moreover it was there decreed, that the wool of England should be wrought only within the realm, neither should it be transported out to strangers.
Item, that no man should wear any cloth, but which was wrought and made only within the realm.
Item, that garments too sumptuous, should not be brought in nor worn.
Item, that all excessive and prodigal expenses wasted upon pleasure and superfluity, should be e •• hued of all persons.
Many other laws & decrees (saith the author) in this assemble were ordained, wherein they continued the space of 15. days: and many of them were empoisoned, of whom was the Abbot of Westminster, a man in that order much commended. Also William brother to the Earl of Gloucester. Also the Earl himself being • mpoisoned hardly escaped w t life, his hear and nails falling of his body, whereof the author not long after was taken, and duly executed at Wintchester. In the mean time, y e nobles considering those dangers and ieoperdies, were constrained to break off for that time, appointing the 14. day of Octob. next following to conuent together at London with weapon and harnes: to prosecute & finish the residue, that was in the said counsel to be concluded. All which at the time & place appointed was fully accomplished, and the acts thereof in order of writing promulgated, and so committed to execution.
After the promulgation whereof, many things therein displeased the king, and it began to repent him of his oath. But because he could not at that present otherwise choose, he dissimuled for a season. Thus time passing on, within a year following, which was 1261. the king seeing himself more & more to grow in debt, and not to be relieved according to promise made, but especially being egged (as may be thought) by his brethren, taking it to stomach, sent up the Pope both for him, and his son Edward, to be released of their oath made before at Oxford. The benefit of which absolution being casely obtained (or rather bought at the Popes hand) the king stepping back from all that was before concluded, calleth another parliament at Oxford. Where he before the Lord's and nobles declared: how in the late counsel of Oxford they had agreed among them selves for the common utility of the Realm and of the king (as they pretended) for the increasing of his treasure, & his debt to be diminished. And thereupon bound themselves w t an oath, causing also himself, and his son Edward to be bound to the same. But now by experience proving & trying the matter to be otherwise then their promise was: and that they, contrary to their covenant made, sought not so much the prof • te of him & of the Realm as their own, taking him not as their Lord, but going about to bring him under their subiec • ion as an underling: and for that moreover his treasure greatly decreasing, his debts increased, and his princely liberality was cut short and trodē under foot: They should not marvel therefore, if he henceforth would be no more ruled by their counsel, but would provide himself of some other remedy, such as he might. And moreover, as touching the oath wherewith he & his son stood bound unto them, he had sent already unto Rome, & had obtained absolution and dispensation of the same, both for him, and his son Edward also, and for all other that would take his part. And therefore, he required of them to be restored again to that state & condition, he had enjoyed in times past.
To this again gave answer the state of nobility on the other side, being in the same place present. In the number of whom was Simon Moūtfort Earl of Leycester, Richard Clare Earl of Gloucester, Humphrey Ronne Earl Ferrence, with a great number of Barons: as Lord John Fitze, John L. Hastings, L. Geoffrey Lucie, Lord John Uescy, L. William Segraue, Hugh Spencer, L. Roberte Uespoynt, with diverse and many mo, whose answer to y • king again was this. That the provisions made at the counsel of Oxford (whereunto they were sworn) they would hold, defend, and maintain to their lives end: forso much as they did sound, and also were agreed vpō, both to the honor of God, to the profit of the prince, & stable wealth of the Realm. &c. And thus partes on both sides discording among themselves, would so have departed, had not certain of the Bishops coming between both, labored between thē to take up the matter. By whose mean (saith Gualt. Gisburn. ) and procurement, the determination of the cause was brought in comprimis, and referred to Ludouick y • French king to judge between them, who hearing both the allegations (saith he) like no equal judge, but a partial friend: inclined wholly and fully to the kings sentence, and condemned the nobles. But the author of Flores Hist. saith, y t by the mediation of certain discrete men, two were chosen: one for one side, the other for the other. To whom the third also was adnexed, who hearing as well what was brought of the kings part, as also what was answered of the other, should define between them both. And so peace was between them concluded, til the coming of Edward. Al this while as yet, the Popes absolution for the king, although it was granted and obtained at Rome, yet was it not brought down in solemn writing, neither was prince Edward as yet returned out of France to England.
At length, the writing of the kings absolution being brought from Rome, the king eftsoons commanded the same to be published throughout the Realm, and sendeth to the French king and other strangers for help. Moreover sesseth all his Castels into his own hand, rejecting the counsel of the Lord's, to whose custody they were before committed. Also removing the former officers, as instices, and the Chancellor: with other placed afore by the Lord's, he appointed new in their stead.
To this foresald absolution procured frō Rome for the king and his son: Edward returning out of France, at that time did not give his consent, but held w t the Lord's. Who then putting themselves in arms, with a great power repaired up to London (keeping there, in the suburbs and places about) while the king kept w t in the tower, causing the city gates to be watched and locked, and all within the said city being above the age of 12. years to be sworn unto him. But at length through the means of certain coming between, this tumultuous perturbation was somewhat appeased, (at least some hope of peace appeared) so that the matter was takē up for that time without war or bloodshed. Notw t standing, some false pretensed dissemblers there were, which secretly disclosing all the counsails and doings of the Lord's unto the king, did all they could to hinder concord, and to kindle debate. By the means of whom, the purpose of the Lord's came not to so good effect, as otherwise it might. Ex Flor. Hist.
In this present yere (as affirmeth y t forenamed author) it was rumored abroad, that all the Bishops of England went about to recover again out of y t hands of religious men, all such churches and benefices, which were to them improperated or appropriated: and y • they, for the expeditiō of the same had sent up to Rome, both messengers & money nothing misdoubting to obtain their purpose. But as a little good fruit in those days used to spring out of that sea: so I do not find, that godly suit and labor of the bishops to take any fruitful effect. The same yere died Pope Alexander, after whom succeeded Pope Urban the fourth.
Of the which Pope Urbane the king also obtained, or rather revived a new releasemēt from his oth, made to the provisions and statutes of Oxford. Which being granted, he commandeth incontinent all the foresaid laws & provisions through England to be dissolved and brokē. This done, the King with the Queen taketh his voyage into France, where he fell into great infirmity of sickness, and the most part of his family taken with the fener quartane, of which many died. In y e number of whom beside other, died Richard the worthy Earl of Gloucester and Heriord, after whom succeeded Gilbert Clare, his son.
The Welshmen this yere, breaking into the borders of England, did much annoyance in the lands of Roger lord Mortimer: but mightily again by him were expulsed, not without great slaughter of the inuaders. About which time, the king through some discrete counsel about him, inclined to peace and concord with his nobles, granting of his mere voluntary will, the constitutions and provisions of Oxford to take place in the Realm, directing his commandment to every shire. All be it, the Realm yet was not altogether pacified for all that.
In the latter end of this yere, the kings palace at westminster was brent, and for the most part was all consumed with fire, which seemed to many an evil prognosticate against the king. Ex Flor. Hist.
In some English Chronicles it is also recorded, that the same year 500. Jews at London were slain for taking usury more then 2.d. a week for 20. s. being before forbid by the king to take above that rate by the week.
After this followeth the year 1263. in which, the Barons of England confederating themselves together, for maintaining the statutes and laws of Oxford, and partly moved with the old grudge conceived against the strangers (maintained by the King and the Queen, and Edward their son, in the realm of England) joined powers in all forceable wise: and first invaded the said strangers, namely thē which were about the king. Their goods and manors they wasted and spoiled, whether they were persons ecclesiastical or temporal. Among whom besides other, was Peter a Burgundian (Bishop of Hereford, a rich prelate) with all his treasure apprehended and spoiled: also his coūtreymen, whom he had placed to be Canons of the same church. With like order of handling other alienes also, to whom was committed the custody of diverse castels, as of Gloucester, of Worcester, of Brignorth: were spoiled, imprisoned, and sent away. Briefly, whatsoever he was in all the land that could not utter the English tongue, was of every rascal disdained, and happy if he might so escape. By reason where of it so came to pass, that a great number as well of other foreners, as especially religious men and rich Priests (which here had gathered much substance) were urged to that extremity, y t they were glad to flee the lande. In the catalogue of whō, was one most principally named John Maunsel, a priest notoriously grown in riches and treasures not to be told: having in his hand so many & rich benefices, that near no bishop of this realm might compare with him in riches. Who notw t standing he kept with the king at London, yet was compelled privily to void the Realm, & was pursued by Henry the son of Rich, king of Almaine. Certain other strangers there were, to the number of 200. and more, which having the castle of Winfore there immured and intrenched themselves, to whom at length prince Edward also adjoined himself.
In the mean time while this stir was abroad, the king keeping them in the tower, & seeing the greatest part of his nobles & commons with the Londoners to be set against him: agreed to the peace of the Barons, & was contented to assent again to the ordinances and provisions of Oxford. Albeit the Queen, by all means possible went about to persuade the king not to assent thereto. Who as seemed, was a great worker in kindling this fire of discord between the king & the baronage. In so much, that when the said Queen Almore should pass by barge from the tower to Windsore: the Lōdiverse standing upon y e bridge with their exclamations, cursings, and throwing of stones & di • t at her, interrupted her course, causing her to return to the tower again. Notwithstanding, the peace yet continued with the nobles and the king, the form thereof was this. First, y t Henry son of Richard king of Romans, should be delivered by the King & Queen. Secondly, that the Castels again should be committed to the custody of Englishmen, not of strangers. Thirdly, that the provisions and statutes decreed at Oxford, should as well by the king, as by all other inviolably be observed. Fourthly, that the realm henceforth should be ruled and governed not by foreners, but by personages borne within the land. Fifthly, that all alienes and strangers should void the land, not to return again, except only such, whose abode should by the common assent of the kings trusty subjects be admitted and allowed.
Thus the King and the nobles joining together after this form of peace above prefixed, although not fully with heart, as after appeared: put themselves in arms with all their power to recover the Castell of windsore out of the strangers hands. But Edward in the mid way between London & the Castel, meeting with his father and the barons, entered communication upon the matter. Which being finished, & he thinking to return into the Castell again, by the policy of the Earl of Leicester, & William bishop of Worcester, was not permitted to reenter. Whereupō, the strangers within the hold (destitute of all hope to withstand the great force approaching) rendered the Castell unto the king and barons, upon this conuention: That with horse and harness they might be suffered safe to depart the land, not to return anymore. Which being granted, certain of the Barons conducted them in their journey toward the sea side, and there they left them.
In the same year about the beginning of October, the king and Queen made over to France, w t Simon Montfort and other nobles, to hear and stand to the arbitremēt of Louis the French king, concerning the controversy between the states of England, and all through the procurement of Alinore the Queen. For she not forgetting the old contiunelie of the Londoners, exclaming against her upon the bridge, wrought always what revenge she could against them. Concerning the arbitrement of this matter put to the French king, part hath been said before, more shall be said (Christ willing) hereafter. Some stories do add moreover, that the king continuing long in France: word was sent to him out of England, that unless he returned again to the realm, they would elect a new king. Whereupon the king returning out of France to Dover, would have entered the castel, but he was stopped. Wherefore the king in fierce anger and great indignation, prepared his power toward London: where, Simon Montfort the worthy Earl of Leicester, through subtle train, was almost betrayed and circumvented in Southwarke, by the sudden pursuing of the kings army, had not the Londoners with more speed breaking bars and chains, made way to rescue him. By the means of whom the Earl at that time escaped the danger.
Now, to come to the sentence of the French king, for so much as the arbitrement of this matter was committed to him, as hath before been specified: he in a great frequency, both of French and English persons about him, considering & peysing the cause on both sides, between the king and the nobles: clearly and solemnly pronounced on the kings side against the Barons, ordaining that the king of England all this while had suffered wrong, and that he should be restored again to his pristine state, notwithstanding the provisions made at Oxford, which he ordained to be repealed and abrogated. Ex Flor hist. Gisburn.
The sentence of the French king thus awarded: as it gave to the king of England, with his retinue no little encouragement, so it wrought in the nobles hearts great indignation: which, notwithstanding that partial decreement of the French king, spedde themselves home out of France to defend themselves with all their strength and power. And not long after, followeth also y e king, by whose train, Simon Mountfort Earl of Leicester (as is above recited) was well near circumvented in Southwarke. Then the king calling his counsel together at Oxford (from whence he excluded the university of students for a season, who were then at Northampton) there consulted, conferring with his friends and counsailours, what way was best to be taken. And hearing that the Barons were assembled in a great number at the town of Northampton, went thither with his host, and with his banners displayed, accompanied with Richard his brother king of Almaine: Also with Edward his son, John Comyn of Scotland, with many Scots, John of Dalliolo, Lord of Galewaye, Robert of Bruse, Lord Walter of Auand, Roger of Clifford, Philip of Marmyon, John of Wans, Roger of Layburne, Henry Percie, Phillip Basset, Roger of Mortymer, and William of Walance, and many other. Therefore the king commanded the Barons that were within, to yield unto him presently the city and the pledges or else he would immediately destroy them. But they counseling with the younger Simon de monte forti, which by his fathers commandment had got y e residue thither to take counsel together (for his father and the Earl of Gloucester were not yet come) boldly and with one mind answered: that they would not obey the kings will, but would rather defend themselves and the City if need were even to the death. With the noble men of the kings part hearing, sent word again, that at the least they should come to the wall of the City to speak to the King, if by any means peace might be made. And they suspecting no deccite, followed their counsel, and leaving their holds, came to the wall towards the medowe, for there lay the king and his strong host hard by. But in the mean space, whilst diverse matters were reasoned and entreated of between the king and y e Lord's: the Lord Phillip Basset (which before was appointed to work that feat) with mattockes and other instruments of iron and men prepared for the nonce: near to the monastery of S. Andrew, did undermine the wall of the City. And by this means, the wall fell down lightly, and there was made a great plain, so that in one forefront there might have gone together on a row 40. horsemen. And of this subteltie, the alian Monks that were there, were thought to be the workers, because they made way and entrance for them that came in. But when they that passed by saw this, & the kings banners were erected, ready to enter in: There was a great howling made, & the noise of the people came to the ears of the Barons, & they made speed to resist them, but it was all in vain, because they were already prevented of a great company of their enemies. But Simon Mountfort the yōger, after he had valiantly fought a while in the midst of his enemies with Peter Mountfort, and a few that were with him: when Edward the kings son came, was by his commandment taken and led away prisoner. But the clearks of the university of Oxford (which university by the Barons commandment was translated thither) did work against the kings men, more hurt then the other Barons, with their slings, long bows, and crossebowes: for they had a banner by themselves, and that was set up a hie against y e king. Where withal the king being greatly moved, sware at his entering in, y t they should all be hanged. Which when they hard, many of them shaved their crowns, & they that were able ran away as fast as they could. And when the king entered the City, many fled in their armor into the Castell: other left their horse and harness and ran into churches, and a few were slain, and those were of the common people. But there was not much bloodshed, because all things were done as upon a sudden. When the City was at the length set in a quiet, the king commanded his oath to be executed upon the Clerks. But his counselors said unto him: This be far from thee O king, for the sons of thy Nobles, and of other great men of thy kingdom were there gathered together into the University: whom if thou wouldest cause to be hanged or slain, even they that now take thy parte would rise up against thee, not suffering to the uttermost of their powers the blood of their sons and kinsfolks to be shed. And so the king was pacified, and his wrath against the Clerks was stayed.
In the same day, after little more then an hour, the kings host assaulted the Castell, and the new hold keepers were afraid, for that they had not victuals & other things necessary for their resistance: therefore they sent immediately messengers unto the King, and yielded themselves to the kings mercy. There were taken that day these Knights & Barons under written: Lord William de Ferrers, Lord Peter Mountfort, companion of the said Simon de Moūtforte the younger, Lord Baldwyn de wake, Lord Adam de Newmarche, Lord Roger Bertram, Lord Simon the son of Simon a valiant warrior, which first erected his banner against the king, Lord Berengarius de waterwile, Lord Hugo Bubiam, Lord Thomas Maunsell, Lord Roger Botemlam, Nicolas wake, Lord Robert de Newton, Lord Philip de Driby & Brimbald de Pauncefoote. All these afore hand did the king take prisoners and 〈1 page duplicate〉 many more, of whom he committed some to the Lord Nicolas of Hauersam to be kept in the same Castle well defēsed: some he led away with him, and some he sent to diverse Castels, and appointed Simon Mountfort to be cast into windfore Castell. And all these things, as touching the taking of Northampton, were done on the Sabbath day in passion week, being the third of April, in the year of our Lord. 1264. And the king went forward even to Nottingham, burning and wasting the manners of the Lord's and others his enemies, and there he gathered together his nobles, and greatly increased his number.
When this ill luck was told of them that there were run away to the Earl Simon, which was coming towards Northampton w t a great host: he was in a great rage, & yet was not discouraged. But immediately going to London, caused a chariot to be made him after the manner of lytters or couches, wherein he might ride as though he were sick: for he feigned himself to be feeble and weak, whereas he was in deed a stout and valiant warrior. And there gathered to him other noble men that were cōfederate with him, Earls and Barons, everyone bringing with them their several armies. And preparing their ingynes of wood, they went to besiege Rochester, for the Earl of Worcester in the kings behalf, kept both the town and castle. When they had gotten the first gate and the bridge, they were partly wounded and compelled to retire, and there that valiant knight Roger de la Bourne was wounded and very il handled: And whilst they continued siege there a while, it was told them that the king was coming toward London with a mighty host. And they said one to another: if the king at his coming should take London, we shall be shut in as it were in a straight corner. Let us therefore return to London that we may keep in safety both the place and the people. Therefore appointing certain persons to keep the siege, they returned to London. At the length when the king came, they went forth with the Citizens to mere him, not with flowers and palms in their hands, but swords and spears. The K. shunned them, and after he had the Castell of Kingston, which was the Earl of Glocesters, he went from thence to Rochester: where after he had killed a few, he brake y t siege, and from thence the king went to Tunbridge. And the town and Castell now being given up to him, he took there the Countess of Gloucester, & put her into an Abbey, not to be kept in hold, but to go at liberty whether she would: And he left for the custody of the Castell and City a great part of his host to the number of above xx. picked out ensigns, for that it was commonly said that the Earl of Gloucester would come out of hand to assault them. Which being done, he continued on his journey to Winchester, where he received to peace, the seamen of the havē towns. And three days alter upon the Sunday following he came to the town of Louis, and was received into the Abbey, and his son Edward into the Castell. Then the Barons sent letters to the king the 12. day of May, the tenor whereof followeth.
TO their most excellent Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England, Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitania: his Barons and other his faithful subjects, being willing to keep their oath and fidelity to God and him, send greeting and due obedience with honor and reverence. Whereas by many experimentes it is manifest, that some of your graces assistaunces have reported to your majesty many lies of us, working mischief, as much as in them lieth, not only against us, but against you also and your whole Realm. Be it known to your highness, that we have been always willing to defend the health and safeguard of your person with all our power and fealty due to your grace: purposing to vex to the uttermost of our power and estate not only our ill willers, but also your enemies, and the enemies of your whole Realm. If it be your good pleasure give no credit to thē, we shall be always found your faithful. And we the Earl of Leiceister and Gilbert of Clare at request of the other, for us & them have put to our seals.
These letters being read and heard, there was a counsel called, and the king writ back to them, and specially to the two Earls of Leicester and Gloucester, in manner and form following.
For as much as by the war & general disquietness by your means raised up in our whole realm, and also the burnings and other hurtful enormities, it appeareth manifestly that you keep not your fidelity to us ward, nor care anything for our health or safety: And for that ye have inorderly grieved our nobles, and other our faithful subjects, sticking faithfully and constantly to us (as you have certified us) we accounting their loss as our own, and their enemies as ours. And seeing these my aforesaid faithful subjects for the keeping of their fidelity, do assist us manfully and faithfully against your unfaithfulness, we therefore care not for your fidelity or love, but defy you as our and their enemies.
Witnes myself at Jews the day & year abovesaid.
Also Richard king of Almaine, and Lord Edward the son of king Henry writ also to the Barons in this wife. Richard by the the grace of God, king of the Romans always Augustus, and Edward the eldest son of the noble king of England, & all the other Barons and nobles constantly and faithfully in heart & deed cleaving to the foresaid king of England: to Simon Mountfort, and Gilbert de Clare and to all and singular other their adherents in their conspiracy. By your letters which you sent to our Lord the noble king of England we have understanding that you defy us, although before any such word, your defiaunce towards us was apparent enough by your cruel persecution in burning our possessions and spoiling our goods: we therefore give you to wit, that we all and everyone of us, as your enemies, do defy you all as our open enemies. And farther that we will not cease, where soever it shall lie in our power, to the uttermost of our force and might, to subvert your persons and all that you have. As touching that you lay to our charge, that we give neither faithful nor good counsel to our Lord the king, you say not the truth. And if your Lord Simon Mountfort, or Gilbert de Clare, will affirm the same in our Lord the kings court: we are ready to get safe conduit for you to come to the said Court to try, and declare the truth of our innocence and the falsehood of you both, as forsworn traitors, by some man equal with you in nobility and stock. All we, are contained with the seals of the aforesaid Lord's, the Lord Richard, and the Lord Edward.
Dated the day aforesaid.
Both which letters being read, they drew near to the king for they were not far distant from the place which is called Louis. And for that there wanted to the Kings store provision for their horses, it was commanded them, on tewsday to go forth to seek for hay and prouender. Which when they were gone forth, were prevented most of them, of their enemies and killed: but the residue returning, saw their enemies coming very early, on y t wednesday morning, and making outcries stirred up the king, & his host to arm themselves. Then the Barons coming to the full plain descended there, and girding & trunming their horses made fit their harnies to them. And there the Earl Simon made the Earl of Gloucester, and Robert Deuer, and many other new knights: which being done, he divided and distincted his host into four several battails. And he appointed noble men to guide & govern every battle. And over y t first battle were ordained Captains, Henry Mountfort the eldest son of the Earl Simon & Buidd his brother, Lord John de Bruch the younger, & Lord Humphrey de Boun. Ouer the second battle, Lord Gilbert Clare Earl of Gloucester, Lord John the son of Lord S. John and Lord William of Mouncherisi. And over the third, in which the Londoners were at their request, the Lord Nicholas Segraue was assigned. Which required also very instanntly, that they might have y t first stroke in the battle, at the adventure come what come would. But over the fourth battle, the Earl himself was captain with the Lord Thomas of Pilnestone. In y t mean season came forth the kings host, preparing themselves to the field in three battayles: of which Edward the kings son led the first, with the Earl of Warwick and Malence the kings brother: and the second the king of Alinaine guided, with his son Henry: but the king with his nobles guided the third. And the fourth legion the king appointed not, by reason that he had left many of his chief soldiers behind him, to keep the Castell and town of Tunebridge against the Earl of Gloucester. And the most part of the kings army were but young men, for the king thought not that his Barons had been come so nigh hand. Theyr arms being on both sides set in array & order, they exhorted one another on either party to fight valiantly: & after they buckled together, the battle was great & many horsemen were overthrown even in a moment. But by and by Edward the kings son with his band, as a fierce young gentlemen, & valiant knight fell upon his enemies with such force, that he compelled them to re • ule back a great way: so that the hinmost (thinking by reason of their giving back, that the foremost were slain) ran many away of them, and taking water to pass over, were almost threescore soldiers drowned, & a few of the being slain, all the rest fled. Straight way the Londoners which had asked the first fight, knowing not howe the battle went took them to their hecles: Whom Edward pursued with his band killing the himmost of them by the space of two or three miles. For he hated them because they had rebelled against his father, and disgraced his mother whē she was carried by barge upon the Temse, frō the tower to Windsore, as is above touched, pag. 000.
Whilest that Prince Edward was thus in the chase of the Lōdoners, who had the vawward of the Barons battle: In the mean time the main battle of the Barons set upon the kings main battle, of the which the king of Almaine y e brother of king Henry had the leading: which being soon discomforted, and he with his son Henry & Robert de Brus, John Couen with diverse other Captains taken prisoners: the reareward wherein the Kyng himself fought, being immediately so hardly beset, & seeing his knights and soldiers on every side about him beaten down and slain, and diverse other of his soldiers to forsake the field and shift for themselves: thought good to take again the town, and so retired into the Abbay frō whence he came, shutting and rampering up the gates, & caused the same to be strongly warded with soldiers. To be brief, the Barons thus getting the field after long fight, and many men on either side slain: entered also the town of Louis, pursuing in chase such soldiers as thither fled for succor.
In the mean time, Prince Edward returning from the chase of the Lōdiners, as ye heard, who desired to give the first onset: and first espying the chariot of y e Earl Simon (which he caused purposely to be made for him) & the horses in the same, without either waggener or any other to govern the same: fell immediately upon the chariote, & brake it all in pieces, & slew two Burgeses that were within the same. But when he came nearer to the place where the bloody battle had been fought, & saw the great discomforture and overthrow which in his absence w t great mortality and slaughter had happened: his heart was much dismayd, and his countenance altered. Yet notwithstanding comforting & couraging his knights & soldiers, of whom he had a valiant company, in battle array marched toward the town. Agaynst whom, came the Barons again with all their power. And this was begun betwixt them a fresh field and new battle, & many men slain on either side. But at length, the Earl de Warenia, with the kings two brethren, forsook the field and fled: after whō went more then seven hundred chosen soldiers, which were of their house and family: who the same day came to Penensie, and there took shipping over the sea. Also Hugh Bigot with diverse other fled, and left the valiant Prince fighting in the field: which thing he also perceiving, took the town. And when he found not the King his father at the Castle, he went frō thence to the Abbey where he was. In the mean season the town was divided in parts: some fighting: some spoiling, some getting of booties, neither could scarcely one of them know, & discern another whether he were his friend or enemy. But when win a while the Barons had assembled some company, they gave an assault upon the Castel, thinking to have rescued John Bifford and others whom the kings soldiers had takē prisoners and put therein. But the soldiers win defended manfully the same, add in throwing out balls of wyld fire, as for the defense thereof they had, they also fired part of the town. Then the Barons retired and left the Castell, and purposed to have set upon the Abbey where the King and prince Edward his son was, which also was set on fire by the assault given to the Castell. But yet it was shortly recovered & quenched. Then Edward the kings son perceiving the bold enterprise of the Barons, prepared with courageous knights and soldiers as were yet remaining & within the Abbey, to have issued out, & to have givē a new charge upon thē, But that perceiving the Barons, sent unto the king Messengers to entreat a truce for that day, & on the morrow to talk and conclude of a further peace between them. This battle was fought vpō the 19. day of May, being the year of our Lord. 1264.
The next day, which was Thursday, there were sent on either side two preaching Friers between the king & the Barons, with certain articles, & demands of peace: so that with certain others, these conditions were agreed on: that on the morrow being Friday, y e prince should give himself in hostage for the king his father and other of his partes. And Henry the Kings son of Almayne also should give himself the like for his father. That those things which should be concluded upon for the benefit and commodity of the Realm, and peaceable quietness thereof might be performed: and that all such prisoners as were taken on either side, should be freely raunsomed and sent home.
The next day which was Saturday, the king discharged all his soldiers, and other that were with him in the Abbey, licensing them to depart whether they listed. And furthermore, by the advise of his son and the Barons: he gave commandment to those which he had appointed to the keeping of Tunbridge, that they should make no attempt to the prejudice or hurt of the Barons, but in hope of the peace which was now at the point to be concluded, they should also depart every man to their houses and habitations. But they giving no credit thereunto, went w t their furniture to Bristow, where they kept themselves in garrison, until the escaping of Edward the kings son out of prison. But first before that, when they heard at Tunbridge that the king was vanquished in battle, & that the Lōdiners in the forward were put to flight by Prince Edward (by a messenger that escaped from the same) and that also the same Londoners were at Crowdown: they set upon them in the evening tide, and taking from them much spoil: slew also many of them.
But when Roger Mortimers part began to decrease, & Simon the Earls part on the other side to increase: he bare himself more stoughter, for that both the king and all that was his, did depend upon the good will and favor of the Earl: and led with him the kings son to such holds & Castles as he thought to be most strōgest. As though all were in his hands to do as him liked, and kept the hostages more straightly thē he was wont to do. In so much that when it was blown abroad that the kings son was kept as a prisoner, diverse couusailed him that were his friends, that he should desire to disport himself at the barriers, that y e people might have a sight of him, but he being narrowly guarded as he knew, and fearing some tumult to arise, thought good to refuse their counsel and so did.
In this troublesome year, which was 1264. as the Londoners with the nobles were thus occupied in war and dissention: the malignaunt Jews thinking to take vauntage of that time, w t privy treason conspired against the whole Citty and state of the Nobles. Who being taken with the manner, were almost all slain that dwelt in the city of London.
In this year after the death of Pope Urbane, succeeded the said year of our Lord. an. 1264. Pope Clement the 4. Which Clement, as affirmeth Nich Triuet, was first a married man & had wife and children, and was the sollicitor and counsailor to the French king. Then after y e death of his wife was bishop entitled Podiēsis. After that archbishop of Narbone. And at last made Cardinal. Who being sent of P. Urbane in Legacy, for reformation of peace in his absence was elected Pope by the Cardinals. About this time flourished Thomas of Aquine, reader at Paris among the Dommike Friers, and Bonaventure among the Francis Friers. Ex Nich. Triuet.
As this passed on, the sons of Simon the Earl, to wit, Henry, Simon, Buido, and Henry being puffed up, and with the pride of this success eleuated, did that which nothing contented the Earl of Gloucester. In so much that he challenged Henry the eldest son of the Earl Simon Mountfort, at the barriers, to be tried at Northampton. But that challenge was taken up, least some further inconvenience might have risen thereof. But the Earl of Bloucester being moved therewith in his mind, sent unto his father the Earl that he should deliver him such prisoners being Noble men, as he took at the battle of Louis. Amongst whom, the king of Almaine was named first. But he by countermaund answered him and said: that it might content and satisfy him, for that he had saved and preserved to him his lands, that day the battle was fought at Louis. And that furthermore he would not send him such prisoners as he demanded: But that he himself kept more nobler then they in the Castell of Dover: among whom was John Basset, which undermined and brast down the walls of Northampton, at that conflict as is said before and specified.
The Earl of Gloucester being herewith displeased, as soon as he heard this answer: sent incontinently to the Lord Roger Mortimer, which always took the kings part, desiring that they two might take together touching the benefit and commodity of the king. Who, doubting some deceit, desired sureties and pledges for his safe return, & he would come and talk with him, and so had. Whē they met, and had a while talked familiarly: the Earl of Gloucester shown him all that he was purposed to do: and that further he lamented, he had so much and greatly offended the king: And that he would with all his power and ability make amends for that offense in the restitution of the king again to his kingly dignity, as much as he possible might. Therefore they sent secretly to Robert, y e brother of y e Earl of Gloucester, which was near about the Earl Simon, & made him to consent with them therein. And to work this thing more circumspectly, whē opportunity served thereunto: Roger Mortimer sent unto the kings son a horse excelling all other in footmanship, unto whom he might be sure to trust, when he saw convenient time thereunto. After which things thus contrived, Prince Edward desired leave of the Earl to prove his courser against such time he should ride at the tylt, as they might when they listed. As soon as he had gotten leave, and that with gallopyng and raunging the field he had weryed diverse of their horses: at the last, getting up upon the horse which for that purpose was sent, and spying a servant on horseback coming toward him with two swords: He turned about unto his keeper, whose name was Robert de Rose, & to other his playfellowes that were with him, saying: My loving Lord's, thus long have I kept you company, & have been in your custodies: And now not purposing to use your cōpanyes any longer, betake you to God: And quickly turning his horse about, put to the spurs and away went he. The other pricked after a pace, but yet came far enough behind, and overtake him they could not. At last, when they saw Roger Mortimer coming from his Castle of Wygmore, accompanied with many armed men to meet him as before it was appointed, they returned again home as wise as when they came forth. And when this the princes escape was diuulgated: much people came unto him out of every quarter, with great joy thereof. Amongest whom, the first was the Earl of Gloucester, and the other soldiers of the kings, which had long now lien at Bristow, and thereaboutes. And within a short space he had a great and mighty host.
Which thing when the Earl Simon understood, he much doubted and mistrusted himself: And sending into Wales, he gate from thence a great many men, and augmented his power as strongly as he might, from every part of England. He sent also Simon his son to the noble men of the North partes, that with all possible speed he might bring them with him: who with a great company came with him, and at Kenelworth a while they stayed, and there pitched their tents. But leaving Kenelworth for a certain time they went to Winchester, and spoiled the same, and then returned again to Kenelworth. And when this by a certain spiall was declared to Edward the kings son, who then was at Worcester, which he had gotten after he came from Gloucester a little before: prepared himself with his soldiers, in the night season to go to the place where the spy should bring him, which was into a deep valley nere unto the place, where Simon and his company had pitched. And whē in the morning they were very early about to arm thenselves, and prepare their horses: they heard a great noise of their enemies coming towards them. Then thinking, that they had prepared themselves against their coming, and so had been betrayed: they set forth in battle array marching forward, till that they met certain of their enemies straggling in long wings, thinking to have gone aforaging & to have sought for vitailes: whō they took, & with their fresh horses, new horsed their soldiers that had their horses tired w t long travel. And so marching forward, came very early in the morning vpō their enemies, whom for the most part they found sleeping and laying lustily about them: they slew diverse, some they toke, the rest they put to flight: and 15. of their chiefest ensigns they took, and many other rich spoils. But young Simon himself lodged in the Castell, who with a few with him escaped and fled. And this was the fourth day before the Nones of August. an. 1265.
But when Edward, heard that Earl Simon was coming toward Kenelworth, to join with his sons battle: he marched forward to meet him, y e third day after at Eusham. where he divided his host into 3. battayles, he himself having the leading of one, the Earl of Gloucester the second, and Roger Mortimer the third, which came vpō their backs. The kings son Edward came Northward as though he came frō Kenelworth to Eusham, & because he would not be descride, he caused his own standerdes and ensigns to be taken down, and young Simon's which he had taken before to be advanced. But the Earl Simon's Scurier, whose name was Nicholas, shown the Earl y t such bands and companies were marching towards him who thinking the same to have been Simon his sons power, not knowing of the overthrow which he had before, gave small credit thereunto: till that y e said Nicholas the better to view and descry them, went up to the Abbey steple of Eusham, where he might plainly discern them all and their standerds: For by this time, they were mounted the hill which they labored to attain, thinking to have that vauntage, when they should give their charge as they had purposed: and had also advanced again his own standerdes, and pulled down Simon's, whereby they were the more ease • yer descried and known. Then he cried aloud to the Earl Simon and said, we are all but dead men: For it is not your son as you suppose that cometh, but it is Edward the kings son, that cometh from one parte: and the Earl of Gloucester, from another part, and Roger Mortimer from the third part. Then said the Earl. The Lord be merciful unto our souls, forasmuch as our bodies and lives are now in their hands: commanding that every man should make himself ready to God, and to fight out the field, for that it was their willes to die for their laws and in a just quarrel: And such as would depart, he gave leave to go their ways that they should be no discomfiture to the rest.
Then came unto him his eldest son Henry & comforted him, desiring him to have no despair, nor yet mistrust in the good success of this victory, with other such cheerful words. No my son (saith he) I despair not: but yet, it is thy presumption and the pride of the rest of thy brethrē that have brought me to this end ye see. Notwithstanding yet I trust, I shall die to God and in a righteous quarrel. After words of comfort given to all his host, and the oration made as is the manner, they all armed themselves. The king also (whom the Earl always kept with him) he armed in an armor of his own. And then deviding their battles, they marched toward their enemies, but before they joined, the welchmen ran their ways, and thinking to scape over the river of Dee, were there some drowned, & some slain. Then when the battayles joined and came to handy strokes, within short space, many of the Erles part fell and were slain. And the king himself being stricken at, cried with a loud voice to them, saying: kill me not, I am Henry your king. And with these the kings words the Lord Adam Monhaut knew him, and saved him. At whose voice and cry came also prince Edward his son, and delivered him to the garde and custody of certain knights. In y e mean season, the Earl Simon was hard bestead and beaten down, and also slain before Edward the prince came at him. Howbeit, before he fell, when as ye fought for his life, & Henry his son & other noble men on his part were about him, he brake out in these words unto his enemies saying: what, is there no mercy & compassion with you? who again answered, what compassion should there be shown to traitors? Then said he, y e Lord be merciful to our souls, our bodies are in your hands. And as soon as these words were spoken, they mangled his body, and divided his members, and cut of his head, which head Roger Mortimer sent unto his wife. And not far of from him also was slain Henry his eldest son, the lord Hugh Spencer, the L. Radulphe Basset, the Lord Thomas de Hestele, the Lord William Maundeuile, the Lord John Bewchampe, the Lord Guido Baillofer, the Lord Roger Rowley, and many other noble men besides with a great multitude of people the Lord knoweth howe many. This battle was fought in the month of August & continued from one of the clock till it was night: in the which, was not so much as one man on the Earls part of any estimation, fortitude, and courage, but in that battle lost his life: more then the Lord John, who by the great grace of God escaped death. Neither is this to be forgottē, that the same day being Tuesday, at that instant hour, when the battle began, which was at one of the clock at after noon: there was such a darkness over all, such thunder and such tempest: that the like before that time was never seen, being very calm and fair weather both immemediately before and after, which seemed (saith mine author) to give a plain demonstration of that which afterward chanced and followed.
After this great slaughter and overthrow, there was a Parliament sūmoned at Winchester by the Earl of Gloucester, and other of his part. Here by the is to be considered, that the king although he was in the camp of the Earl of Leceister, being then in custody, and his son Edward with the Earl of Gloucester, yet the king was in that side against his will, and therefore in the said Parliament, the king was restored to his kingly dignity which was before that time under the custody of the Barons. But after the battle was ended and done, certain of them that loved the Earl: upon an old ladder, gathered up such partes of his body as remained, and covering the same with an old gown brought it to Eusham: where they putting y e same in a fair linen cloth, buried it in y e church. But not long after, by such as thought not themselves sufficiently revenged with his death (to wreke them of the dead corpse) took up the same and threw it in another place, saying: that he which was both accursed, and a traitor, was not worthy of Christian burial.
The same year also died Walter Cantilupus Bishop of Winchester, after whom succeeded Nicholas of Eli, the kings Chancellor.
The same year the king perceiving, that unless y t Castle of Kenilworth were recovered, and the boldness of thē restrained that kept the same: many evils and inconveniences might ensue thereupon, to y c prejudice of his kingdom: for that the number increased every day more & more, wasting and spoiling the country all about. Therefore, he gathered an army and came down to warwick, where he a while tarried expecting the meeting and assembling of his Marqueses and Lord's, with engines and other munition sautable. Who when their bonds were furnished and mustered, and all things ready, the morrow after Midsomer day he displayed his banner, & began his vyage marching towards Kenilworth & besieged the same. During which siege, by the advise and counsel of the king, the Popes Legate, and other noble men 12. persons were chose which should have the disposing of those things y t pertained to the state of the Realm, & of those that had lost their lands and inheritaunces: who amongst other things, made and established this one proviso, that was commonly called Kenelworth decree. That all those whieh hast lost their lands by attaynder (although yet not attainted) should fine therefore at the kings pleasure, and take their lands of him again: paying some three years, some four years, some two years reueneues of the same, according to the quallitie of the crime & offense committed. All which prouisos or provisions, were established and confirmed as well by the corporal oath, as by signment of the same with the hands & seals of all the Prelates and clergy of England, there assembled for that purpose by the Popes Legate upon the feast of all Saints. When these things were thus finished, messengers were sent on the kings behalf, as well to those that kept y t castle of Kenilworth, as also to those that were assembled in the I will of Eli: willing them to come under the protection of the Kings peace, and yield to the foresaid prouisos established by the twelve commissioners. who altogether answered & said: that they would in no wise condescend thereunto: both for that it was done without their consentes not being called unto it, and also for that the said decree was over straight and intolerable. Within short space after, great famine and pestilence chanced amongst them which kept the castle, in so much as they were without all hope of keeping the same: wherefore, soon after the king sending again to them to yield the Castle and take their pardons, they consulting together of their own estate: thus answered the kings messengers, if it please the king and his counsel to permit us to send our messenger unto the Lord Simon Mounfort which is beyond the sea: that he may come by a certain day to the defense of this his garrison & fort: and that in the mean space, we be not disturbed by the kings army that hath environed us, til the return of our mess̄gers: If by the day appointed he come not, we will yield up the same, so that we may be pardoned of life, limb, and moucables.
When the messengers were returned, and had declared to the king their answer: he consulting with his Nobles about the matter, agreed to their petitions. And caused the truce to be proclaimed throughout all his campe, after that sufficient hostages were on either side givē for the performance of the same: whereupon, they set forward their messengers, as before was said they would. But after that many of thē within the Castell being very grievously vexed with the bloody flixe and other diseases, in so much that the whole men might not abide the corruption, and anoyaunce of those that were diseased: delivered up the Castell before the return of the messengers again, and were permitted to go whether they would to refresh themselves, as men molested with great vexation & miseries. After the rendering up of the Castell, the king committed the custody thereof to his son Edmund, and so with his host departing from the siege, came upon Christmans euens even to Osney: where, he with great solemnity and triumph kept his Christmas during seven days, and from thence with his host came to windsore, from whence after a few days he marched towards Eli: In which Island he besieged those, which were disherited, and sharply assaulted them.
The same year, Pope Clement the 4. promoted master Walter Giffard Bishop of Bathe, to be Archbishop of York.
In which year also the Church of England began to pay the tenths of all their revenues as well spiritual as temporal, to the king: to continue for 3. years space, and this was done by the authority Apostolical.
Within a while after, the Barons which were yet remaining, gathered themselves together again: Amongst whom John Daywile (being a subtle and stout man of war) began to have a name & was well esteemed amongst them: who altogether did what mischief they might, and in the month of May, they assembled at Chesterfield, under the said John Daywile & the Earl Ferarence, upon whom the kings soldiers, coming suddenly in the night toke them sleping, and slue many of them. Then the said John Daywile quickly arming himself came forth: thinking w t more defense both to save himself and to escape. who in the way, stroke the Lord Gilbert Humsard such a blow with his dimilance, that he feld both him & his horse to y t ground, & so fled with a few more after him. And thus whilst the poor soldiers fought & were slain, the Barons fled away & saved thenselves. Also the Earl Ferarence fled, & hid himself in a Church. But being be wrayed by a womā he was taken forth, and led away prisoner. After this, the king kept a parliament at Northampton, where he disherited all those, that took any part with the Earl Simon & all their childrē, where also the Popes Legate Octobonus held a convocation, and excommunicated all such bishops, as had taken any part with Simon, against the king: of whō diverse he sent up to Rome, to be absoyled of the pope, and farther the said Legate caused to be proclaimed certain decrees, which he himself had made: And also the new grant of Pope Clement, to the king and Queen, of all the tenths for seven years to come. And shortly after a tax also was fined upon y t country of Norfolk: to the gathering whereof, Walter the bishop of Norwich was appointed. Ex Scala mundi.
After this, in the year of our Lord. 1267. King Henry besieged again the Castell of Kenelworth, from the 7. day before the first day of July, until the beginning of December: whether came Octobonus y t Popes Legate, by whose entreaty Henry Hastinges delivered the same unto the K. which stoutly had defended the same and resisted the king, having pardon granted both for him and his, of his life, lands, goods, and cattels. In which time also the Barons again assembled, with John Dayuile in the I will of Axioline, & so proceeded till they came to Lincoln: which also they took, and spoiled the Jews, and slue many of them: And curring their Sinagoge tear and rent the book of their law, and burnt the same, and all other writings & obligations which they could come by. which thing when the king heard, he sent thither his son prince Edward: but as soon as they heard that, they fled into y e I will of Eli, and fortified the same with Bulwarks as strongly as they might, at every entrance into the same. This was in the month of April when Edward the kings son came thither. Who for the great abundance of waters in the same, could by no means enter the Island, til at length by the counsel of the inhabitauntes of that province, he caused with a number of workmen great trenches and ditches to be made, somewhat to convey away the water: And so long used the Counsayle of them, in making bridges with planks and hurdles, till at last they entered the Island. who as soon as they were entered, the Barons fled to London, where they were of the Londoners well entertained. The rest which were in the Island, yielded themselves (amongst whom was Roger Wake, Simō the younger, and Peches) saving their lives and members. After this, both the King and Edward his son, came to Londō with a great power, but yet were kept out of the city, by the Barons and Citizens, for the space of 40. days. And Octobonus the Legate (who for fear was fled into the Tower) they narrowly laid for, that he should not escape. At length by the entreaty of the Earl of Gloucester and other Earls that were his friends, both the Barons and Citizens were pardoned, and admitted to the kings favor. And 4. Bishops and 8. other noble men were chosen, such as were at Coventry first nominated: that they should order and dispose all matters between the King and such as had lost their inheritance, as also the form of their peace and ransom. And proclamation was made upon the feast of all Saints, of perfect peace and record throughout all the Realm.
The 52. year of this king Henries raigue 8. days after the feast of S. Martin, he held a parliament at Marlberge in the year of our Lord above recited: where by the advise of wise and discrete men, & with all the consentes of the nobles, he ordained and enacted diverse good and profitable statutes for the reformation and bettering of the state of the realm & execution of common justice, which are called the statutes of Marleberge.
The same year upon S. Gregoryes day, Octobonus the Legate called a Council at London, where were fine Archbishops, and a great number of Bishops, Abbots, & other Prelates: which Council also within three days brake up again.
The same year upon S. John's day the Baptist, Edward the kings son & diverse other noble men of England took upon thē the cross by y e legates hands at Northhampton, to the relief of the holy land, and the subversion of the enemies of the cross of Christ, which done, the legate y t same year went out of England, not purposing after that to return again. This holy Legate (saith mine author) which might well be resembled to Lynx the monstrous beast whose quick sight penetrateth everything: enrolled to perpetual memory the valuation of all the churches in the realm of England so narrowly, as by any means possible be might inquire the certainty thereof. The same was he, that made all the Cathedral & Conuentuall Churches to pay pencions: so that those Churches which gave not the vacancy of their benefices to their Clerks and strangers should pay unto them a certain yearly pencion during the vacācy of the benefices which they should have.
The same year died Pope Clement 4. after whose death the Church of Rome was two years vacant: & then was chosen an archdeacon Cardinal, whose name was Theardus, as he was taking his journey into the holy lande, and called him Gregory the 10.
Then also did Edmunde Earl of Lancaster and Leicester, and seconde son of king Henry, take to wife the Earl of Albemark his daughter, and the Niece of y • Earl of Gloucester: at which marriage was the king and the Queen: and all the Nobility of England.
The same year was the body of S. Edward the king & Confessor, by Walter Gifford Archbishop of York and other Bishops intombed in a new & rich Schrine of gold and silver, beset with precious stones in the presence of Henry the king of England: In which year also fell great rain and inundation of waters, such as hath not lightly been seen, which increased and continued the space of 40. days and more.
The same year died Walter de Lawile Bishop of Sarum the third day before the nones of January. After whō succeeded Robert of Northampton the Dean of the same Church. And because the see of Cant. was then vacant, he was confirmed by the Chapter of Canterbury: which Chapter had always the jurisdiction in spiritual causes, during the vacancy of that see, in as ample manner as the Bishop himself had being alive. After this, the Bishop elect coming thither, thinking to have had his consecration, was notwithstanding put back for two causes: one was, for that there was present then no more but one Bishop: the other was, for that all the other Bishops had appealed, that he might not be consecrated to their prejudice, that is, by the authority of the Chapter of Cant. saying, that they would not be under the obedience of the monks.
After this, solempne Messengers were for this cause sent to the Cardinals of Rome, for that then y t see of Rome was vacant: who received answer, that during the vacation of that see, the confirmation and consecration of the Bishop elect, pertained to the foresaid Chapter of Canterbury.
The same year also was the Lord Henry the son & heir of the Lord Richard king of Almayne and brother to king Henry 2. slain at Uiterbium, in a certain Chapel hearing Mass, by the Lord Simō and Buido the sons of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earl of Leister.
During this kings reign, there was made a great & general expedition of diverse and sundry Christian princes to Jerusalem, taking upon them the Lord's character: that is the Cross: among whom was also Edward the kings son one, to y e which expeditiō was granted him a subsidy throughout all y e realm. And the month of May, the year of our Lord. 1270. or as saith Florilogus, an 1269. he set forward on his journey.
About the time when Prince Edward was preparing his journey toward Asia. Boniface the Archbishop of Canterbury ended his life, in the country of Sebaudia, going belike to Rome or coming thence. After whose death, the Monks of Canterbury proceeding to a new election granted by the king, agreed upon the Prior of their house named Adam Chelendene. But the king & his son Prince Edward consenting and speaking in the behalf of Robert Burnell their Chancellor: did solicit the matter with the Monks, partly entreating. partly threatening them, to choose the said Robert to be Archbishop. Notwithstanding the Monks being stout, would neither relent to their courteous request, nor yet bow to their boisterous threats, but constantly persisting in their former election, appealed from the king and prince to the Pope, Prince Edward being now on his journey, and seeing himself thus frustrated of the Monks, writeth back to the king his father: devoutly praying and beseching in no wise to admit the election of the foresaid Monks. And so passing to Dover with Henry the son of Rich. his uncle king of Romans, with their wives took their passage in the month of August. After this the Prior thus elected, as is foretold, but not admitted by the king to be Archbishop went up to Rome.
In the mean time, the Monks in the absence of their elect) ordained one Geoffrey Pomenall to be their Official: who seeing himself advanced to that dignity, & bearing belike some old grudge against the Prior of Dover, caused him to be cited up to appear in the Chapter house of Canterbury. The Prior of Dover seeing this citation to be prejudicial to him and to the Church of Dover, whereas the Monks of Cant. have no such jurisdiction (the see of Canterbury being vacant) but that all things appertaining to that Church, ought to be reserved whole to the consecratiō of the new Archb. therefore, for the state both of him and of his Church, he appealed up also unto Rome. But to return to the archbishop again.
The second year after, Adam Chelindon the foresaid Archb. elect, remaining all this while at Rome: at last resigned up his election to the popes hand, being Breg. 10. who then gave the same to Rob. Kilwarby. Who then coming to Dover, restored again the Prior of that house, being before excluded upon certain causes. By these coutentions, judge good reader, of the religion of these men, and of these tunes, And now to return to our former story.
About which time came out the great concordaunces by an English Frier, called John Dernington. Ex Eulogio.
It was above declared, how a general voyage being proclaimed to war against the Turks, and a subsidy being collected in England upon the same: prince Edward with other was appointed to take their voyage, & now were onward in their journey. Who at Michelmas following, with his company came to Egermorth, which is from Marsilius 8. leagues westward: & there taking ship again (having a merry wind and prosperous) within x. days ariued at Sunes at Tunicium, where he was with great joy welcommed & entertained of the Christian princes that there were to this purpose assembled, as of Philip the French king, whose father Ludouicus, died a little before: of Carolus the king of Sicilia: and the two kings of Navarre and Aragō. And as the Lord Edward came thither for his father the king of England, thither came also Henry the son of the king of Almaine for his father, who at his return from the voyage, was slain in a chapel at Uiterbium hearing mass, by the Lord Simō and Buido, the sons of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earl of Leicester.
When Prince Edward demanded of these kings and Princes what was to be done, they answered him again and said: The Prince of this City said they, and the province adjoining to the same, hath been accustomed to pay tribute unto the king of Sicily every year. And now, for that the same hath been for the space of vii. years vnpayed and more, therefore we thought good to make invasion upon him. But the king knowing the same tribute to be but justly demanded, hath now according to our own desires satisfied for the time past, and also paid his tribute before hand.
Then said he: My Lord's what is this to the purpose? Are we not here all assembled, and have taken upon us the Lord's Character to fight against the Infidels and enemies of Christ? what mean you then to conclude a peace with them: God forbid we should do so: for now the land is plain and hard, so that we may approach the holy Citty Jerusalem: then said they now have we made a league with them: neither is it lawful for us to break the same: But let us return again to Sicilia and when the winter is past, we may well take shipping to Acra. But this counsel nothing at all liked him, neither did he show himself well pleased therewith: But after that he had made them a princely banquet, he went into his closet or priny chamber, from amongst them: neither would be partake • of any of that wicked money which they had taken. They notwithstanding continuing their purpose: at the next merry wynd took shipping, and for want of ships, left CC. of their men a shore crying out & piteously lamenting for the peril & hazard of death they were in. wherewith Prince Edward being somewhat moved with compassion, came back again to the land and received and stowed them in his own ships, being the last that went aborde. within 7. days after, they arrived in the kingdom of Scicilia over against the Citty Trapes, casting their anchors a league from thence within the sea, for that their ships were of great burden & thoroughly fraught. And f • ō the haven of the City they sent out varges and boates to receive and bring such of the Nobility to land as would: but for their horses for the most part, and all their armor they kept still within bourd. At length towards the evening, the sea began to be rough & increased to a great tempest & a mighty: In so much, that their ships were beaten one against an others sides, and drowned there was of them at that rēpest lying at anchor, more then 120. with all their armor and munition with innumerable souls besides, and that wicked money also which they had taken before likewise perished and was drowned. But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of Prince Edward's, who had in number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby, for that as it may be presupposed, he consented not to the wicked counsel of y • rest. When in the morning the Princes and kings came to the sea side, and saw all their shyps drowned: and saw their men and horses in great number cast upon the land drowned, they had full heavy hearts, as well they might. For of all their shyps and mariners, which were in number a 1500. besides the common soldiers: there was no more saved, then the Mariners of one only Shyp, and they in this wise. There was in that ship a good and wise Matrone (a Countess or an Earls wife) perceiving the tempest to grow, and fearing herself, called to her the Master of the ship: & asked whether in attempting to the shore, it were not possible to save themselves: who answered, that to save the ship it was impossible, howbeit the men y t were therein by God's help he doubted not. Then said y e Countess, for the ship force no whit: save the souls therein, and have to the, double the valure of thy ship. who immediately hoysing the sails, with all force ran the ship a groundso near the shore as possible was. Thus with the vehemency of the weather and force he came withal, brast the ship and saved all that was within the same, as the matter had shown and said before.
Then the kings and princes (altering their purpose after this so great a shypwrack) returned home again eueuery one unto their own lands: Only Edward the kings son remained behind with his men and ships, which y • Lord had saved and preserved. Then Prince Edward (renouating his purpose) took shipping again, and within 15. days after Easter arrived he at Acra, and went a land taking with him a thousand of the best soldiers & most expert, & tarried there a whole month, refreshing both his men and horses and that in this space he might learn and know the secretes of the land. After this, he took with him 6. or 7. thousand soldiers and marched forward twenty miles from Acra, and took Nazareth: and those he there found he slew, and afterward returned again to Acra. But their enemies following after them, thinking to have set upon them at some straight or other advantage: were by the Prince premonished thereof, and returning again upon them gave a charge, and slew many of them and the rest they put to flight. After this about Midsomer, when the Prince had understanding that the Saracens began to gather at Cakhow, which was 40. miles from Acra: he marching thither, set vpō them very early in the morning, and slue of them more then a 1000. the rest he put to flight, and took riche spoils, marching forward till they came to a Castle named Castrum Peregrinorum, situate upon the Sea cost, and tarried there that night, & the next day they returned toward Acra. In the mean season, the king of Jerusalem sent unto the noble men of Cypres, desiring them w t speed that they would come and aid the Christians: but they would not come, saying: they would keep their own land and go no further. Then Prince Edward sent unto them, desiring that at his request they would come & join in aid with him. Who immediately thereupon came unto him with great preparation and furniture for the wars, saying: that at his commandment they were bound to do no less, for that his predecessors were sometimes y t governors of their lande, & that they ought always to show their fidelity, to the kings of England. Then the Christians being herew t animated, made a third voyage or Rode, and came as far as the fort called Vincula S. Petri, and to S. Georges: and when they had slain certain there, not finding any to make resistance against them, they retired again from whence they came.
When thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst his enemies, and that they began to stand in doubt of him: they devised amongst themselves, howe by some policy they might circumvent him and betray him. Whereupon, the great Prince and Admiral of Joppa, sent unto him: sayning himself under great deceit to become a Christian, and that he would draw with him a great number besides so that they might be honorably entertained & used of the Christians. This talk pleased the Prince well, and persuaded him to finish the thing, he had so well begun, by writing again: who also by the same messenger sent and wrote back unto him, diverse times about the same matter, whereby no mistrust should spring. This messenger, saith mine autor, was one ex caute nutritis, one of the slony hearted that neither feared God, nor dreaded death. The fifth time when this messenger came, and was of the Princes servants searched, according to the manner and custom what weapon and armor he had about him, as also his purse, that not so much as a knife could be found about him: he was had up into the Princes chamber, and after his reverence done, he pulled out certain letters, which he delivered to the Prince from his Lord, as he had done others before. This was about eight days after whitsontide upon a Teusday, somewhat before night: at which time the Prince was laid upon his bed bare headed in his Ierkin, for the great heat and intemperature of the weather.
When the Prince had red the letters, it appeared by thē y t upon the Saturday next following, his Lord would be there ready to accomplish all that he had written and promised. The report of these news by the prince to the standers by liked them well, drawing some what back to consult thereof amongst themselves, In the mean time, the messenger, kneeling & making his obersance to the Prince (questioning further with him) put his hand to the belt, as though he would have pulled out some secret letters: & suddenly he pulled out an inuenomed knife, thinking to have stricken him into the belly through t as he lay: But y • Prince lifting up his hand to defend the blow, was stricken a great wound into y t arm. And being about to fetch another stroke at him, the prince again with his foot took him such a blow y t he feld him to the ground: w t that the prince gat him by the hand, and with such violence wrasted the knife from him, y t he hurt himself therewith on the forehead, and immediately thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker, and slue him. The Princes servants being in the next chamber not far of, hearing the bulkling, came with great hast running in: and finding the messenger lying dead in the flour, one of them took up a stool, and bet out his brains: whereat the Prince was wroth, for that he stroke a dead man, and one that was killed before. The rumour hereof as it was strange, so it soon went throughout all the Court, and from thence amongst the common people: wherefore they were very heavy and greatly discouraged, To him came also the Captayne of the Temple & brought him a costly and precious drink against poison, least the venom of the knife should penetrate the lively blood, and in blaming wise said unto him: Did I not show your grace before of the deceit & subtlety of this people? Notwithstanding, saith he, let your grace take a good heart, you shall not die of this wound, my life for yours. But straight ways, y e surgions & phisitiōs were sent for, and the prince was dressed: and within few days after the wound began to putrefy, and the flesh to look dead and black, whereupon they that were about the prince began to mutter amongst thenselves, and were very sad and heavy. Which thing he himself perceiving, said unto them: why mutter you thus amongst yourselves? What see you in me, can I not be healed? Tell me the truth, be ye not afraid. Whereupon one said unto him: and like your grace you may be healed, we mistrust it not, but yet it will be very painful for you to suffer. May suffering, saith he, again restore health? Yea saith the other, on pain of loosing my head. Then said the Prince, I commit myself to you, do with me what you think good. Then said one of the Physicians, is there any of your Nobles in whom your grace reposeth special trust? To whom the Prince answered yea, namyng certain of the Noble men that stood about him. Then said the Physician to the two whom the Prince first named, the Lord Edmund, and the Lord John Uoysie: And do you also faithfully love your Lord and Prince? Who answered both, yea undoubted. Then saith he, take ye away this Gentlewoman and Lady (meaning his wife) & let her not see her Lord and husband, till such a time I will you thereunto. Whereupon they took her out of the princes presence, crying out and wringing her hands. Thē said they unto her, be ye contented good Lady & Madame. It is better that one woman should weep a little while, then that all the realm of England should weep a great season. Then on the morrow, they cut out all the dead and inuenemed flesh out of the Princes arm, and threw it from them, and said unto him: how chereth your grace, we promise you w t in these fifteen days you shall show yourself abroad (if God permit) upon your horse back, whole and well as ever you were. And according to the promise her made the prince, it came to pass, to the no little comfort and admiration of all his subjects. When the great Souldan heard of, and that the Prince was yet alive, he would scarcely believe the same▪ and sending unto him three of his nobles and princes, excused himself by them, calling his gods to witness, that the same was done neither by him, nor his consent. Which Princes and messengers standing a loofe of from the kings son, worshipping him, fell flat upon the ground. You saith the prince doc reverence me, but yet you love me not. But they understood him not, because he spake in English unto them, speaking by an interpreter. Neuertheles, he honourably entreated thē, and sent them away in peace.
Thus when Prince Edward had been 18. months in Acra, he took shipping about the assumption of our lady, as we call it, returning houseward, & after 7. weeks he arrived in Sicilia at Trapes: and from thence traveling through Palestine and Mermes, and so through the middes of Apulia, till he came to Rome, where he was of the Pope honourably entertained. From thence he came into France, whole same and noble prowes was there much bruted among the common people: and envied of y • nobillitie, especially of the Earl de Chafōs: who sent unto him and required him, that he might break a staff w t him at the Tilte in his country: which thing to doc, for that the prince would not diminishe his honor and fame (although he might have well alleged a sufficient cause and excuse by means of his travel) yet he would not, but willingly consented thereunto. Wherupon it was proclaimed, that Prince Edward by such a day, with those that were with him, had challenged all comers at the Tilt & Barriers. Whereupon great assemblies were made in the country all about: and diverse as well horsemen as footmen had conjured amongst themselves, and conspired against the Englishmen, selling their horses and armor a forehand, & drinking one to another in bon voyage of the spoil of them whom they would take as their prisoners. Prince Edward in the mean time, sent into England for diverse Earls and Barons which came unto him. Whē the day appointed was come, the Prince had w t him more then 1000. horsemen, which were knights, besides his footmen. But yet there was as many mo on the other side both in horsemen and footmen. When the parties should meet: The French footmen which had before conspired: began both to spoil, rifle, and kill. The Englishmen resisted & defended thenselves both with bows & slings: many of thē they slue & drave them to the gates of their Citty, the other they chased over a river, where many of them were drowned. In the mean season, the Earl with fifty of his knights which followed him, came forth and joined together so many for so many, and a long time together they tried it with their swords, laying one at another. At the last, the Earl perceiving himself not able to match with him at the arms end: enclosed with him, and taking him about the neck held him with his arms very strait. What mean you my Lord, saith the prince, think you to have my horse? Yea marry quoth y t Earl, I mean to have both thee and thy horse. Hereat Prince Edward being ascourued, lifted up himself, and gave him such a blow y t therwithall he forsaking his horse, hong still about the Princes neck, till that he shook him off to the ground. Herewith the Prince, being somewhat in a heat, left the press to take some air, thereby to refresh himself. But when he saw the injury of the Frenchmen towards his men, and how they had slain many of them, he then said unto them that they used rather the exercise of battle then of Torny Spare you not therefore, saith he, from henceforth none of them all, but give them again as good as they bring. Thē they assayed to kill eche other freely on either part, and let their swords walk. And when by this time the English footmen were again returned, and saw the conflicte of horsemen and many other Englishmen overthrown: they put themselves amiddes the press, some pāching the horses, some cutting a sonder the girthes of y • Frenchmens saddels, overthrew • the ryders and gave them holibread. Then when the foresaid Earl was horsed again by some of his men & amongst the throng, Prince Edward also rushed in amongst the thickest & coped again w t him: to whō he often spake and cried, that he should yield himself as vanquished: but that he would not doc. Notwithstanding when his strength began to fail him, he was fain to yield himself unto a simple knight, according as Prince Edward him bad: and all the rest of his horsemen & Knights fled and saved themselves: Howbeit, many of them in that place were slain, and our men returned having the victory. But when after this they thought themselves to be quiet and at rest: they were killed by two & by three at once as they went in the streets of the Citizens. Which thing, when the prince heard, he sent for the Major and Burgeses, commanding them to see the same redressed, and that immediately: for otherwise, of his knighthoode, he assured them, that upon the morrow he would fire the city, and make it level with the ground. Whereupon they went their ways, and set watchmen in diverse places of y • same to keep the peace, by which means the Prince and his mē were in safety and quiet. Thus in this pastime of Torneing and Barriers, much blood was spilte, whereupon the name of the place was changed: so that it is not called Torniamentum de Chalons, but paruum bellum de Chalons.
From thence the prince came to Paris, and was of the french king honorably entertained: & after certain days, went from thence into Vascouia, where he tarried till that he heard of the death of the king his father.
In the year of our 1272. died pope Clement the 4. After whom succeeded Pope Gregory the 10. who in the next year following, which was the year of our Lord. 1273. called a general Council at Lions, about the controversy between the Greek Church and the Latin Church, and for the vacancy of the sea Apostolical. &c.
Certain Notes of other occurrence chanced in foreign Countries abroad within the compass of years and reign of the foresaid King Henry the third.
HAuing thus accomplished the life and history of King Henry the third, with such accidents as happened w t in this realm, I thought good to adioine unto the same some other foreine matters not unworthy the note, incident in other Countries during the time of the said king: Namely from the year of our Lord. 1217. unto this year 1272. which I thought the rather not to be omitted, for that even from and about the beginning of this kings reign sprang up the very welspringes of all mischief and sects of Monkish religions and other swarms of Popish orders which with their gross and horrible superstition have encumbered the Church of Christ ever since.
First to omit the repeticion of Pope Innocent the third the great Graundsire of that fowl monster Transustantiation and auriculer Confession, with the fryers Dominick, and Franciscane Friars: Thomas Aquinas, Jacobus de Uoragine, Uincentius: with Pope Honorius the third coyner of the Cannon Law and the Cardinal Hostiensis, as also Bonaventure, Albertus magnus with Pope Urbane the 4. first founder of the feast of Corpus Christi and procuror of the adoration of the body of Christ in the Sacrament, besides Durand and many moe: followeth further to be noted, that the Tartarianes about the year 1240. issuing out of Moscouia into the partes of Polonia made great waste in Christendom so much the rather because the Princes about Polonia being at variance amongst themselves, used none other remedy for their defense, but heaps of Masses, Invocation of the dead and worshipping of Images, which in deed did nothing relieve them but rather increase their trouble.
The next year following the whole nation of the Scithians (mustering like Locusts) invaded the partes of Europe with two mighty armyes: whereof the one entering upon Polonia made great havoc and carried away many Christians from thence Captives, the other ouerrunning Hungaria made no less spoil there. Add hereunto another fresh army of Tartarianes to the number of 5000000. Who at the very same time, ioyninge themselves together entered into Muscouia and Cracouia, and made most horrible slaughter sparing neither sex, nor age: noble nor unnoble within the Land. From thence passing to Uratislauia, made great spoil there also, and thinking there to win the Castle, were by the miraculous working of the Lord at the instance and prayers of good people discomfited beyond all expectation of man by thundringe and lightning falling upon them from heaven in most terrible wise.
The same year immediately after Easter another army of Tartarians were gathered against Lignicium drawing near to Germnany: By the bruyte whereof the Germaynes being put in great fear were altogether dismayed: but yet not able to help themselves by reason they lacked a good guide and governor amongst them. All which came to pass specially by the mischievous practice of the Roman Popes raising variance and discord amongst them notwithstanding Dentry prince of Polonia and Silicia gathering a power as well as he could, did encounter with him, but in fine his whole army was vanquished, and the king himself slain. Notwithstanding which overthrow of Christians it pleased God to strike such a fear into the hearts of the said Tartarianes that they durst not approach any further or nearer into Germany, but retired for that time into they Countrye again: who recounting their victory by taking each man but one ear of every of the Christians that were slain found the slaughter so great as that they filled it, great sacks full of ears. Neuertherles, after this viz the year 1260. the same Tartarianes having the Moskouites to their guides returned again into Polonia and Cratonia, where in the space of three months they ouerranne the land with fire and sword over to the coasts of Silesia. And had not the princes of Germany put to their helping hand in this lamentable case, they had utterly wasted the whole lande of Polonia and the Coastes thereaboutes.
This year also in the month of April, Richard Kyng of Almayne died at the Castell of Barchamsted, and was buried at the Abbey of Dayles, which he built out of the ground. The same year also at Norwich, there fell a great controversy, between the monks and the citizens, about certain tallagies and liberties. At last, after much altecration and wrangling words, the furious rage of the Citizens so much increased and prevailed, and so little was the fear of God before their eyes, that altogether they set upon the Abbey and Priory, and burned both the church and Bishops Palace, whē this thing was heard abroad, the people were very sory to hear of so bold & naughty an enterprise, & much discommended y e same. At the last, K. Dēry calling for certain of his Lord's, and Barons, sent thē to the city of Norwich, that they might punish and see execution done of the chiefest malefactors: in so much that some of them were condemned and burnt, some of them hanged and some were drawn by the heels with horses throughout the streets of the Citty, and after in much misery ended their wretched lives. The same year, Adam the prior of Canterbury, and Bishop elect: in the presence of pope Gregory the 10. refused to be archbishop, although he was elect. wherefore, the pope gave the same archbishopricke, to Frier Robert Kilwardby the Prouost of the preaching Friers: a man of good life and great learning. He was consecrated at Canterbury, the fourth day of March by six bishops of the same Province. The same year also at Michelmas, the Lord Edmund, the son of king Richard of Almaine, married the sister of Gilbert Earl of Gloucester, Also in this year of our Lord, 1273. the 16. day before the Calendes of December upon S. Edmundes day the archbishop and confessor: died King Henry, in the 56. year of his reign, and was buried at Westminster: leaving after him two sons and two daughters, to wit Edward the Prince, and Edmund Earl of Lancaster and Leicester, Beatrice, and Margaret, which Margaret was married to the king of Scots. This king Henry in his life time began the building of the Church & steeple at westminster, but did not thoroughly finish the same before his death.
King Edward the first.
I N the time of the death of K Henry, Edward his eldest son was absent in Dasconia, as a little before you heard: yet notwithstanding, by Robert Kilwarby Archb. of Caunt and other bishops & nobles, he was ordained heir and successor after his father: who, after he had heard of his fathers death, returned home to his Country, and was crowned the year of our Lord 1274. who then laid down his crown, saying: he would no more put it on, before he had gathered together all the lands pertaining to the same. This Edward as he had always before been a loving and natural Child to his Father, whom he had delivered out of prison and captivity: & afterward hearing both together of y e death of his son, & of his father, wept and lamented much more for his father, then for his son, saying to the French king (which asked the cause thereof) that the loss of his child was but light, for Children might after increase and be multiplied, but the loss of his parent was greater, which could not be recovered: Robert Auesbury. So almighty God for the same his piety to his father shown, rewarded him again with great success, felicity, and long reign. In so much, y e he being young as he was playing at Chess with a certain souldior of his, suddenly having no occasion given: rose up and went his way, who was not so soon voided the place, but incontinent fell down a mighty stone from the vawt above directly upon y t place where he sat, able to have quashed him in pieces, if he had carried never so little more. In the proseruation of whom as I see, the present hand and mighty providence of the huing God: so in the kings order again, I note a fault or error worthy of reprehension: For that he receiving such a lively benefit at the hand of the living Lord, going therefore on pilgrimage to walsingham, gave thanks not only to our Lady, but rather to a rotten black, Ibidem. Of the gentle nature of this courageous prince, sufficient proof is given by this one example: that what time he being in his desport of hawking, chanced sharpoly to rebuke the negligence of one of his gentlemen, for what fault I cannot tell about his hauke: the gentleman being on the other side of the river, hearing his manassing words was glad (as he said) that the river was between them, with this answer the courageous blood of this Prince being moved, upon present hear, he leaped straight into the flood, both a swift stream and of a dangerous deepness, and no less hard in getting out. Notwithstanding either forgetting his own life, or neglecting the danger present, but having a good horse, ventreth his own death, to have the death of his mā. At length with much difficulty recovering the bank, with his sword drawn pursueth his prouoker. Who having not so good an horse, and seeing himself in danger of taking, reineth his horse: submitteth his neck under his hand to strike. The prince, whose fervent stomach the water of the whole river could not quench, a little submission of his man did so extinct that the quarrel fell, his anger ceased, and his sword put up, without any stroke given. And so both returned to their game, good friends again. Auesb. Nich. Triuet.
In the first, beginning of his raig • e, this Kyng had much ado in Wales, where he had diverse conflicts with the welshmen: whom at last he subdued & cut down their woods, suppressed rebellions, & vanquishing their kings, Lewline and his brother, ordained his eldest son Edward, borne in the same Country to be Prince of Wales. This Lewline Captayne of y e welshmen here mentioned, rebelling against king Edward: asked counsel by way of coniuration, what event should come upon his attempt To whom it was told, that he should go forward boldly for doubtless, he should ride thorough Chepeside at London, with a crown on his head. Which so came to pass. For he being slain, his head was carried through Chepe, with a Crown of silver to London bridge: whereby men may learn not to seek nor stick to these vain prophesies: which though they fall true, yet are but the trains of the devil to deceive men.
About this time was a great earthquake, and such a rotte, that consumed a great multitude of sheep, in the land through the occasion as they say, of one scabbed sheep that came out of Spain. The king returning from Wales to England, ordered certain new laws for the wealth of the realm. Among many other this was one: that authority was given to all Mayors Baili • es, & other officers to see execution and punishment of all Bakers making bread under the sise, with pillory. Of Milners stealing corn with the tumbrel. &c. And within two years after the statute of Mortinayne was first enacted, which is to mean that no man should give unto the Church any lands or rentes, without a special license of the king.
About which time also, being the 7. year of his reign 297. Jews for money clipping were put to execution. In which same year began first the foundation of the black Friers by Ludgate. And the town of Bosten was greatly wasted the same year with fire. The halfepeny and farthinges began first to be coined the self time, which was the 8. year of his reign. The great conduit in Chepe began the fourth year after to be made. anno. 1248. And the year next following the new work of the Church of Westminster (begun, as is afore premonished in the third year of Henry 3.) was finished, which was 66. years in edifying the Jews were utterly banished this Realm of England the same time, for which the commons gave to the king a fifteen. anno. 1291.
After that the country of Wales, was brought in a full order and quiet, by the hewing down of the woods, and casting down the old holds, and building of new, which all was brought to perfect end, about the 24. year of this kings reign: then ensued another broile as great or greater with Scotland: to the great disquiet of the king and the realm of England, many years after. This trouble first began by the death of Alexander king of Scots, who died without issue left alive behind him. Although Fabiane in y t 7. book of his Chronicle affirmeth: that he left 3. daughters, the eldest married to sir John Bailol: the second to Robert Bruce, the third to one Hastinges. But this in Fabian, is to be corrected as which neither standeth with it self, & is clearly convinced by the witness and history of Rob. Auel bury, and also 〈◊〉 Gi • burn.
For first, if king Alexander had left his eldest daughter marked to Syr John Bailol, then what controversy might rule among the Lord's about succession, needing so diligent and anxious deciding by the king of England. Secondly, what claim or title could the king of Norway have to the crown of Scotland which was one of y e chalengers, claiming the said crown in the behalf of Margaret the nece of the forsayd king Alexander her graunfather, if the eldest daughter of y e father had heue left aliued Thirdly, what can be more plain, when by the affirmance of the foresaid story is testified, that K. Alexander had 2. wives. Of the second whereof he had no issue. Of the first had two Children: Alexader which died before his father, and Margaret married to the king of Norway, which died also before her Father, of whom came Margaret the • ece of Alexander, and daughter to the king of Norway afore mentioned. And the also died in the journey between Norway and Scotland, the fourth year after the decease of her grandfather. Wherefore, as this matter standeth most clear, so let us now returning frō whence we digressed, prosecute the rest that followeth. After that Alexander thus as is said, departed without issue, & also Margaret his • iece in Norway was deceased: the matter came in a great doubt among the nobles of Scotland (especially 12. by name) to whom the right of the crown should next pertain. After much variance among parties, at length the election and determination of the matter was committed to the judgment of king Edward of England: who after sufficient proof made to the Scots and firm evidence, brought out of all the ancient histories both of England, and Scotland, testifying from time to time that he was chief head and sovereign of the Realm of Scotland: first by necessity of the law, and by all their consentes took full possession of the same. And that bone, adjudged y e right of the Crown to John Bailol, who descended of the daughter of David Earl of Huntingdon, brother to David King of Scotland, in the days of Kyng Henry the second. This Earl David had three daughters, Isabell married to Robert Brusse, Margaret to Allen Earl of Galeway, had Ellen to Henry Lord Hastinges: Allē Earl of Galeway had Ellē married to Roger Quincy Earl of Winchester, Constable of Scotland, & Doruagile married to John Bailol father to Edward king of Scots.
When these things were thus finished in Scotland, and Syr John Bailol as most rightful inheritor had received the crown of Scotland at the hands of king Edward thankfully: & for the same in the presence of the Barony of England and of Scotland, did unto the said king Edward his homage, and sware to him fealty: the Scots with their new king returned into Scotland, and Kyng Edward removed again to England:
But not long after, the falseness of this Scotishe Kyng soon appeared. Who repenting him of his homage done, untruly for sook his former oath & promise, and made war against king Edward, through the counsel of the Abbot of Menros. Wherefore, the king with a great host sped him into Scotland, & in process laid siege to the town of Berwicke: which the Scots did eagerly defend, not only to the discomfiture, but also to the decision of the kings and his English host. But in conclusion, the English men prevailed and wan the town, where were slain of the Scots the number of 25. thousand. And while the king was there busied in winning other holds about the same, he sent part of his host to Dunbarre, where the Englishmē again had the victory and slue of the Scots xx. thousand, Gis burn saith but x. thousand, so that very few were lost of the English company. The king with a great mumber of prisoners returning into his realm, shortly after sped him over unto Flaūders, where he sustained great trouble by the French king, till truce for certain space was between them concluded. But in the mean while that K. Edward was thus occupied beyond the Seas: the French king (resorting to his practiced manner) set the Scots secretly against the Englishmen to keep the king at home. Which Scots making themselves a Captain named Williā Waleis: warred upon the borders of Northumberland, where they did much burt. At length the king returning from Burdeaux into England, shortly upon the same took his journey into Scotland. Where meeting at York with his host, marched into the Realm of Scotland, winning as he went, towns and Castles, till at length coming to the town of Frankyrch on Mary Magdalens day, he met with the power of Scotland: and had with them a fore sight, but through God's providence the victory fell to the right cause of Englishmen: so that of the Scots were slain in the field, as it is of diverse writers affirmed, over the number of xxxii. thousand: and of Englishmen but barely. xxviii. persons. Whereupon, the king again taking possession and feairy of the whole land, returned home.
And yet the false vntroth of the Scots would not thus be ruled, but rose up in a new broyle: so that the king was enforced to make his power again the year following into Scotland, where he to suppressed the rebellion of y t Lord's and of the commons, that they swearing to the kings allegiaunce, presented themselves by great companyes, & put them wholly in the kings grace and mercy: so that the king thinking himself to be in peaceable possession & in a great surety of the land, caused to be sworn unto him the rulers of the boroughes, cities, and towns, with other officers of the land, and so returned unto Barwicke, and so into England, and lastly to Westminster.
These martial affairs between England and Scotland although they appertain not greatly to the purpose of our story Ecclesiastical: yet so much by y e way I thought briefly to touch, whereby the better it might be understanded by these premisses, that which followeth in the sequel hereof. As the Scots were thus warring and raging against the king, and saw they could not make their party good, they sent privily to Pope Boniface for hysayde and counsel: who immediately sendeth down his precept to the K. to this effect, that he should hereafter succease to disquiet or molest the Scots, for that they were a people exempt and properly pertaining to his Chapel. And therefore it could not otherwise be, but that the Citty of Jerusalem must needs defend his own Citizens: & as the mount Zion, mayntayn such as trust in the Lord. &c. Whereunto the king briefly maketh answer again, swearing with anothe that he would to his uttermost keep & defend that which was his right, evidently known to all the world. &c. Thus the Scots bearing themselves bold upon the popes message, & also confederating themselves with the French mē, passed over that year. The next year after y t (which was 29. of the kings reign) the said Pope Boniface directeth his letters again to the king, wherein he doth vēdicate the kingdom of Scotland, to be proper to y e Church of Rome, & not subject to the king of England. And therefore it was against God, against justice, and also preindiciall to the Church of Rome, for him to have or hold dominion upon the same, which he proved by these reasons.
First, that when king Henry the father of this Kyng, received aid of Alexander king of Scots in his wars against Simon Mountfort: he recognised & acknowledged in his letters patents, that he received the same of king Alexander, not of any duty, but of special favor.
Item, when the said king Alexander coming to England, did homage to the said king Henry: he did it not as king of Scotland, but only for certain lands of Lyndal and Penreth lying in England.
Item, where the said king Alexander left behind him Margaret his heir, being • ece to the king of England, and yet under age: yet the tuition of y e said Margaret was committed not to the K. of England, but to certain Lord's of Scotland, deputed to the same.
Moreover, when any legacy was directed down from Rome to the Realm of England, for collecting oftenthes or other causes: the said legacy took no place, in the realm of Scotland, and might well he resisted (as it was in king Alexander his days) except another special commission touching the realm of Scotland, were joined wall. Whereby it appeareth, these to be two several dominions, and not subject under one.
Adding furthermore, that the kingdom of Scotland first was converted by the relics of the blessed Apostle S. Peter: through the divine operation of God: to the unity of the Catholic faith.
Wherefore upon these causes and reasons, Pope Boniface in his letters to the king, required him to give over his claim, and cease his wars against the Scottish nation: And to release all such both of the spiritualty and laytie, as he had of them prisoners. Also to call home again his officers and deputies, which he had there placed and ordained to the greauance of that nation, to the slander of all faithful people, and no less prejudice to the Church of Rome. And if he would claim any right or title to the said Realm or any part thereof: he should send up his procuratours specially to y e same appointed, with all that he could for himself allege unto the sea Apostolic, there to receive what reason and right would require.
The king, after he had received these letters of the Pope, assembled a council or Parliament at Lincoln: by the advise of which counsel & Parliament, he addressed other letters responsall to the Pope agaynes wherein first in all reverend manner he desireth him not to give light care to the sinister suggestions of false reports, and imaginers of mischief. Then he declareth out of old records & histories frō the first time of the Brittaynes, that the realm of Scotland hath always from time to time been all one to England, beginning first with Brutus in the time of Dely and Samuel the Prophet: which Brutus coming frō Troy to his I will called then Albion, after called by him Britannia, had three sons: Locrinus to whom he gave y e part of the land, called then of him Loegria, now Auglia Albanactus his second son, to whom he gave Albania, now called Scotia: and his third son Lamber, to whom he gave Cambria, now called Wales. &c.
And thus much concerning the first division of this I will, as in ancient histories is found recorded. In which matter passing over the death of king Humber, the acts of Dunwald, king of this Realm, the division of Belyn and Brene, the victories of king Arthur, we will resort (saith the king) to more nearer times, testified and witnessed by sufficient authors, as Marianus Scotus, William Malmesbury: Roger Abyndon: Henry Huntingdon: Radulph de Bizoto and other. All which make special declaration, & give manifest evidence, of the execution of this our right (saith he) & title of Superioritie, ever continued & preseued hitherto.
And first to begin with Edward the Seniour, before the conquest, son to Alurede king of England, about the year of our Lord. 900. it is plain and manifest, that he had under his dominion and obedience the king of Scots. And here is to be noted, that this matter was so notorious and manifest, as Maryan the Scot writing that story in those days, granteth, confesseth and testifieth the same: and this dominion continued in that state 23. year. At which time, Athelstane succeeded in the crown of England, and having by battle conquered Scotland, he made one Constantine king of that party, to rule & govern the country of Scotland under him, adding this princely word: That it was more honor to him to make a king, then to be a king.
24. years after that, which was the year of our Lord 947. Eldred king our progenitour, Athelstanus brother, took homage of Irise then king of Scots.
30. years after that, which was the year of our Lord 977. king Edgar our predecessor took homage of Kynalde king of Scots. Here was a little trouble in England by the death of S Edward king and martyr, destroyed by the deceit of his mother in law: but yet within memory.
40. years after the homage done by Kynald to King Edgar, that is to say, in the year of our Lord. 1017. Malcoline the king of Scots did homage to Knute our predecessor. After this homage done. The Scots uttered some piece of their natural disposition, whereupon (by war made by our progenitour S. Edward the confessor. 39. year after that homage done, that is to say, the year of our Lord. 1056) Malcoline king of Scots was vanquished. and the realm of Scotland given to Malcoline his son by our said progenitour S. Edward: unto whom the said Malcoline made homage and fealty.
Within 40. years after that, William Conqueror entered this realm, whereof he accounted no perfect conquest, until he had likewise subdued the Scots: and therefore in the said year (which was in the year of our Lord. 1068) the said Malcoline King of Scots did homage to the said William Conqueror, as his superior by Conquest king of England.
25. years after that, which was the year of our Lord. 1093. the said Malcoline did homage & fealty to William Rufus, son to the said William Conqueror: and yet after that was for his offenses and demerits deposed, and his son substitute in his place: who likewise failed in his duty, and therefore was ordained in that estate by the said William Rufus, Edgar brother to the last Malcoline, and son to the first, who did his homage and fealty accordingly.
7. years after that, which was in the year of our Lord. 1100. the said Edgar king of the Scots, did homage to Henry the first our progenitour.
37 year after that, David king of Scots did homage to Matilde the Emperatrice, as daughter and heir to Henry the first. Wherefore being after required by Stephen, then obtaining possession of the Realm, to make his homage: he refused so to do, because he had before made it to the said Matilde, and thereupon forbare. After which David's death, which ensued shortly after, the son of the said David made homage to the said Kyng Stephen.
14. years after that, which was in the year of our Lord 1150. William king of Scots, and David his brother, with all the nobles of Scotland made homage to Henry the second son, with a reservation of their duty to Henry the second his Father.
25 years after that, which was in the year of our Lord 1175. William king of Scotland, after much rebellion and resistance, according to their natural inclination (King Henry the second then being in Normandy) knowledged finally his error, and made his peace and composition, confimed with his great Seal, and the Seals of the nobility of Scotland, making therewith his homage and fealty,
Within 15. years after that, which wat the year of our Lord 1190 the said William king of Scots came to our Citty of Canterbury, and there did homage to our noble progenitour Kyng Richard the first.
1124. years after that, the said William did Homage to our progenitour king John, upon a hill besides Lincoln, making his oath upon the Cross of Hubert then Archbishop of Canterbury, being there present, and a marvelous multitude assembled for that purpose.
26. year after that, which was in the year of our Lord 1230. Alexander king of Scots married Margaret the daughter of our progenitour Henry the third, at our Citty of York, in the feast of Christmas: at which time the said Alexander did his homage to our said progenitour: who reigned in this Realm 56. years. And thereford between the homage made by the said Alexander king of Scotland, and the homage done by Alexander, son to the said king of Scots, to us at our coronation at Westminster, there was about 50. years: At which time, the said Alexander king of Scots repaired to the said feast of our coronation, and there did he his duty as is aforesaid.
Besides these letters of the king, the Lord's temporal also in the name of the whole communaltie and Parliment, wrote another letter to the pope, answering to that, where as the pope arrogated to him to be judge for the title of the realm of Scotland, which the king of England claimed to himself: which letter I thought also here to annex containing, as in the words of the same here followeth to be read and seen.
* The Lord's temporal, and the whole Baronie of England to the Pope.
THe holy mother Church, by whose ministry the Catholic fee is governed: in her deeds (as we thoroughly believe and hold) proceedeth with that ripeness in judgment, that she will be hurtful to none but like a mother would every man's right to be kept unbroken as well in other, as in her self. Whereas therefore in a general Parliament called at Lincoln of late by our most dread Lord Edward by the grace of God the noble king of England: the same our Lord caused certain letters received from you to be read openly, and to be declared seriously afore us, about certain businesses touching the condition & state of the realm of Scotland: We did not a little muse and marvel with our selves hearing the meaninges concerning the same, so wondrous and strange, as the like we have not heard at any time before. For we know most holy father, and it is well known as well in this realm of England (as also not unknown to other persons besides) that from the first beginning of the Realm of England: the certain and direct government of the Realm of Scotland in all temporal causes, from time to time belonged to the kings of the same Realm of England, and Realm of Scotland: as well in the times both of the Britain's, as also of Englishmen. Yea rather, the same Realm of Scotland of old time was in see to the Auncetours of our foresaid Lord's Kynges of England, yea and to himself. Furthermore, the Kynges of Scots and the Realm have not been under any other then the kings of England, and the Kings of England have answered, or ought to answer for their rightes in the foresaid Realm, or for any his temporalities afore any Judge Ecclesiastical or secular, by reason of free preeminence of the state of his royal dignity and custom kept without breach at all times. Wherefore, after treaty had and diligent deliberation of the contents in your foresaid letters, this was the common agreeing and consent with one mind, and shall be without fail in time to come by God's grace: that our foresaid Lord the Kyng, ought by no means to answer in judgment in any case, or should bring his foresaid rightes into doubt: nor ought not to send any proctors or messengers to your presence: specially seeing that the premisses tend manifestly to the disheriting of the right of the Crown of England, and the plain overthrow of the state of the said Realm, and also hurt of the liberties, customs, and laws of our fathers: For the keeping and defense of which, we are bound by the duty of the oath made. And we will maintain them with all power, and will defend them (by God's help) with all strength. And farther we will not suffer our foresaid Lord the king to do, or by any means to attempt the premisses being so unacustomed, vnwont, and not heard of afore. Wherefore, we reverently and humbly beseech your holiness, that ye would suffer the same our Lord king of England (who among other Princes of the world, showeth himself Catholic and devour to the Romish Church) quietly to enjoy his rightes, liberties', customs and laws aforesaid: without all empayring, and trouble, and let them continue untouched. In witness whereof we have set our seals to these presents, as well for us, as for the whole communaltie of the foresaid Realm of England.
Dated at Lincoln in the year of our Savior 1031. & anno Edwardi primi. 28.
The year following, which was from Christ, an. 1303. the said Pope Boniface the eight of that name, taking displeasure with Phillip the French king: did excite king Edward of Englad, to war against him, promising hun great aid thereunto. But he (as mine author saith) little trusting y e Popes false unstable affection toward him well proved before, put him of w t delays. Ex Rob. Auesb. whereupon, the French king fearing the power of king Edward whom the Pope had set against his friendship: restored unto him again Wascone, which he wrongfully had in his hands detained. Concerning this variance here mentioned between the Pope and the French king, how it begā first, and to what end it fell out: the sequel hereof (Christ willing) shall declare, after that first I have finished the discourse begun between England and Scotland.
In the year 1303. the foresaid Willa Waleys, which had done so many displeasures, to the king before (continuing still in his rebellion) gathered great multitudes of the Scots to w t stand the king: til at length, the year following he was taken, and sent up to Londō, and there executed for the same. After which things done, the king thē held his Parliament at Westminster, whether came out of Scotland the Bishop of S. Andrew's, Robert Bruse above mentioned, Earl of Dunbarre, Earl of Acles, and Syr John coming, with diverse other: The which volūtarily were sworn to be true to the king of England, and to keep the land of Scotland to his use against at persons. But shortly after the said Robert Bruse, who as is said married the second daughter of Earl David, forgetting his oath before made unto the king: within a year or two after this, by the counsel of the Abbot of Stone, and Bishop of S. Andrew's: sent up unto Pope Clement the 5. for a dispensation of his oath made unsinuating to him, that King Edward vexed and grieved the realm of Scotland wrongfully. Whereupon the pope wrote unto the king, to leave of such doings. Notwithstanding which inhibition of the Pope, the king prosecuting his own right, after he had y e understanding of y e doings of the Scots, & of the mischief of Robert Bruys (who had slain w t his own hands Syr John Comyng, for not consenting with him and other Lord's at his Parliament) areared his power & strength of men preparing himself toward Scotland: where he joining with the said Syr Robert and all the power of Scotland in a plain, near unto S. John's town, put him to flight and so chased the Scots, that of them were slain to the number of 7. thousand. In the which victory, such Bishops and Abbots as were taken, he sent thē to the Pope: the temporal Lord's and other Scots he sent unto London. &c. Syr Robert Bruys after this discomfiture, when he had thus lost both the field and chief friends, seeing himself, not able to make his party good, fled into Norway, where he kept his abode during the time while king Edward lived. Whē this noble Edward had thus subdued the Scots, he yielded thanks to God for his victory, & so letting y e land in a quiet, and an order, he returned unto London, which was the 35. year and last of his reign. &c.
Now returning to that which I promised before touching the variance and grievous dissention between Philip the French king, and Pope Boniface the eight of that name. After the byshopricke of Rome had been long void through the dissentiō of the Cardinals, for the space of two years and 3. months: at length, Pope Celestinus was chosen, successor to pope Nicholas the fourth. Which Celestinus in his first consistory, began to reform the Clergy of Rome, thinking to make it an example to all other churches. Wherefore, he procured to himself such a hatred among his Clergy men, that this Boniface, then called Benedictus, speaking through a reed by his chamber wall nightly admonished him, as it had been a voice from heaven, that he should give over his Papacie, as being a burden bigger then he could wyld. Ex Masseo.
This pope Celestine after he had set vi. months, by the treachery & falshhoode of this Boniface, was induced to give up & resign his Bishopric, partly for the voice spoken of before, partly for fear: being told of certain craftily subornated in his chamber, that if he did not resign, he should lose his life. Who thē after his resignation going to live in some solitary defert (being a simple man) was vilely taken and thrust in perpetual prison by Pope Boniface: crastely pretending that he did it not for any hatred unto Celestine, but that sedetious persons might not have him as their hed to raise up some stir in the Church. And so was brought to his death. Wherefore, this Boniface was worthily called the eight Nero: of whom it was rightly said, he came in like a Fox, he reigned like a Lyon, and died like a dog.
This Pope Boniface succeeding, or rather inuadyng after Celestinus, behaved himself so imperiously, that he put down princes, excommunicated kings, such as did not take their confirmation at his hand. Divers of his Cardinals he drave away for fear, some of them as schismatics he deposed and spoiled them of all their substance. Philip the French king he excommunicated, for not suffering his money to go out of the Realm, and therefore cursed both his and him, to the fourth generation. Albertus the Emperor not once nor twice, but thrice sought at his hands to be confirmed, and yet was rejected, neither could obtain unless he would promise to drive the French king out of his realm. The factions discord in Italy between the Guelphes, and Gibillines, which the part of a good bishop had been to extinct: so little he helped to quench the smoke, that he of all other was chiefest fire brande to increase the flame. In so much that upon Ashwednesday, when Porchetus an Archbishop came and kneeled down before him to receive his ashes: Pope Boniface looking upon him, & perceiving that he was one of y e Gibbellines part, cast his handful of ashes in his eyes, saying: Memen to homo quod Gibellinus es &c. That is: remember man that a Gibeline thou art, and to ashes thou shale go. This Pope moreover ordained first the Iubilei in Ro ••• in y e solemnising whereof, the first day he shown himself in his poutificalibus, & gave free remission of sins to as many as came to Rome out of all the parts of the world. The second day (being arrayed with Imperial ensigns) he commanded a naked sword to be carried before him and said with a loud voice: Eccepotestatem vtrius{que} gladij. That is, Loe here the power and authority of both the swords, • es.
From the which very year (as most stories do record) the Turks, do begin the first count of their Turkishe Emperors, whereof the si • t▪ was Ottomannus, as you shall hear discoursed hereafter by God's grace in the history of the Turks.
By this said Pope Boniface, diverse constitutions extrauaganes of his predecessors were collected together, with many of his own newly added thereto, and is made the book called Sextus decretalium, &c. By whom also first sprang up pardons and indulgences from Rome.
These things thus premised of Boniface, the Pope, now will I come to the occasion of the strife between him, and the French king: Concerning which matter, first I find in the history of Nicholas Triuet, that in the year of our Lord. 1301. the Bishop of Oppanubam being accused for a conspiracy against the French king, was brought up to his Court, & so committed to prison. The pope hearing this, sendeth word to the king by his Legate to set him at liberty. The French king not daring to the contrary, looseth the Bishop: But whē he had done, he dischargeth both the bishop and the Legate commanding them to void his realm. Whereupon, Pope Boniface reuoketh all the graces and privileges granted either by him or his predecessors before to the kingdom of France: also, not long after thundering out the sentence of his curse against him. Moreover, citeth all the prelates, all divines, and lawyers both civil and canon, to appear personally before him at Rome, at a certain day, which was the first of November. Agaynst this citation, the king again provideth and commandeth by strait proclamation, that no manner of persō should export out of the Realm of France either gold, or silver, or any other manner of ware or merchandise, upon forseting all their goods, and their bodies at the kings pleasure: providing with all, the ways and passages diligeurly to be kept that none might pass vnsearched. Ouer and besides, the said French king defeited the Pope in giving and bestowing prebendes, and benefices, and other ecclesiastical livings, contrary to the Popes profit. For y e which cause, the pope writeth to the foresaid king in form and effect as followeth.
BOniface the servant of God's servants &c. fear God, and observe his commandments. We will thee to understand, that thou art subject to us both in spiritual things, and temporal. And that no gift of benefices or prebendes belongeth to thee: and if thou have the keeping of any being vacaunt, that thou reserve the profits of them to the successors. But if thou have given any, we judge the gift to be void: and call back how far so ever thou hast gone forward. And whosoever believeth otherwise, we judge them heretics.
Unto this letter of the Pope, king Phillip maketh answer again in manner & order as followeth, which is this.
TO Boniface bearing himself, for chief Bishop, little health or none. Let thy follishnes know that in no temporal things we are subject to no man, and that the gifts of prebendes, and many benefices made and to be made by us were and shall be good both in time past and to come. And that we will defend manfully the possessors of the said benefices, and we think them that believe or think otherwise, fools and mad men.
Geuen at Paris the Wednesday after Candlemas. an. 1301.
After these aforesaid and other writings passing to and fro, between the French king and the pope: within a year and a half after, the king sommoneth a Parliament sending down his letters to his Sheriffs and other officers to summon the Prelates and Barons of the Realm, unto the said Court of Parliament, according to the tenor of the kings letters here following.
Whereas we would take counsel with the Prelates, Barons and other our faithful, about weighty matters and hard, and such as belong greatly to our right and touching our honor, state, liberties and laws of this our Realm, Churches, and Ecclesiastical persons, and would also go forward and proceed in the foresaid matters according to their counsel: We command you, that ye diligently in our behalf require & straightly charge all the Prelates in your baliwicke, and also all and singular Abbots and Priors of the same your foresaid baliwicke, (to certain of the which, we have directed down our special letters for the same cause) that as they favor our honor, the good state both of the realm, of theselues, and of the Church: they repair to us in their own persons all lets and delays set aside, and all other business left of Showing to them moreover, that we can judge none of them to be either to us faithful subjects, or friends to the Realm, which shall fail herein, or withdraw himself in the foresaid business, counsayles, and helps in time. Wherein if peradventure any shall slack or refuse to resort and come toward us within 8. days frō the time of this charge given by you, or your commandment: That then, you to seise all his temporal goods into our hand; & so seised to hold them until you receive other commandment from us.
Geuen at Paris the Monday before the Natiuitie of S. John the Baptist, in the year of our Lord. 1303.
A declaration of master William Nagareta, made against Pope Boniface the eight, with his appellation also made at Paris, afore the king and his Counsaile in the Church of Paris.
IN the name of God Amen. In the year of our Lord. 1303. Indictione secunda, the 12. day of March, and the ix. year of the Popedom, of the most holy father the L. Boniface the 8. by God's providence pope: and in the presence of us common notaries, and witnesses written under, the noble man master William Nagareta knight (a worshipful professor of the laws) standing afore the most excellent Prince the Lord Philip, by the grace of God most noble king of France: spake with lively words, and gave in writings these things that follow.
There have been false Prophets among the people: as there have been also among you false teachers. &c. S. Peter the glorious prince of the Apostles, speaking to us by the spirit, told us things to come: that likewise as there were false Prophets afore time, so there should come among you false teachers, bringing in sects of destruction: by the which the way of truth shall be defaced: and couetously they shall make merchandise of you with feigned words: and further addeth, that such masters did follow the way of Balaam, of Bosor, which loved the reward of wickedness, and had his bridled Ass to correct his madness, which speaking in a man's voice did stop the foolishness of the Prophet. All which things as they be shown to us by the greatest Patriarch himself: Your eyes see them fulfilled this day according to the letter. For there fitteth in S Peters Chair the master of lies, causing himself to be called Boniface. 1. a well doer, where he is notable in all kind of evil doing: And so both he hath taken to himself a false name, and where he is not a true ruler and master, he calleth himself the Lord, Judge, and master of all men. And coming in contrary to the common order appointed by the holy fathers, and also contrary to the rules of reason, and so not entering in at the door into the Lord's shepefold, is not a shepherd nor hierling, but rather a thief & robber. For he (the true husband of the Romish church yet living) deceived him that was delighted in simplicity, & enticed him with feigned flatterings & gifts to let him have his spouse to be his wife, let no man separate: & at length laying violent hands upon him, persuading him falsely that thing which the deceiver said to come from the holy spirit: was not ashamed to join to himself with wicked practice that holy Church, which is maistresse of all Churches, calling himself to her husband, where as he cannot be: for Celestinus the true Romish Bishop, agreed not to the said deuorce, being deceived by so great subtlety, nothing is so contrary to agreeing as error and deceit, as man's laws bear witness, that I need not to speak of his violence. But because the spirit inspireth where he will, and he that is led with the spirit, is not under the law, the holy universal Church of God, not knowing the crafts of that deceiver, stumbling and doubting whether it came from the holy ghost, that Celestinus should leave of his government, and the sins of the people deserving it, for fear of a schism, suffered the foresaid deceauer: although according to the doctrine of our Lord, by his fruits he might be known, whether he came to the said regiment by the holy ghost or otherwise: his fruits (as it is plainly here written beneath) are now manifest to all men, by which it is apparaunt to the world, that he came not in by God but other ways: and so came not in by the sheepefould. His fruits are most wicked, and his ende is death, and therefore it is necessary that so evil a tree (according to the Lord's saying) should be cut down and cast into the fire. This cannot avail to his excuse, which is said of some men, that is: that the Cardinals did agree upon him: again after the death of the said Celestinus the pope, seeing he could not be her husband, whom it is manifest that he defiled by adultery, her first husband yet living, & she being worthy to have the promise of marriage kept unto her. Therefore, because that which is done against the Lord, turneth to the wrong of all men: and specially in so great a mischief, by reason of the consequence by which she is judged of the people both a woman adultres or defamed: I like a bridle Ass by the power of the Lord, and not by the voice of a perfect mā, being not able to bear so great a burde, take in hand to rebuke the madness of the said false Prophet Balaam, which at the instance of king Balak. 1. of the Prince of devils, whom he serveth, and ready to cursie the people blessed of the Lord, I beseech you most excellent Prince, and Lord Phillip by the grace of God king of France: that like as the Angel of God in time past met in the way with a sword drawn, the prophet Balaam going to curse God's people: so you (which are unwilling to execute justice, and therefore like the Angel of the Lord, and minister of power and office) would meet with a naked sword this said wicked man: which is far worse then Balaam, that he perform not that evil which he intendeth to the people.
First, I propound that the foresaid man, that nameth himself Boniface is no Pope, but wrongfully keepeth the fear which he hath in deed to the great damage of all the souls of God's holy Church. I say also, y t his entering was many ways faulty, and he entered not in at the door, but otherways, and therefore is to be judged a thief & a robber.
2. I propound also, that the said Boniface is a manifest heretic, and utterly cut off from the body of the holy Church, because of many kinds of heresies, which are to be declared in convenient time and place.
3. I propound also, that the said Boniface is an horrible simoniacall, & such a one as hath not been sithens the beginning of the world: and the mischief of this sin in him is so notorious to all the world (which thing is manifest to all that will plainly understand) in so much that he being openly slaūdered, said openly that he could not commit simony.
4. I propound also, that the said Boniface being wrapped in infinite manifest heinous sins, is so hardened in thē, that he is utterly not possible to be corrected: and lying in doungeon of mischief so deep, that he may not be suffered any longer without the overthrow of the state of y e church. His mouth is full of cursing, his feet and steps are swift to shed blood. He utterly teareth in pieces the Churches, which he ought to cherish, wasting wickedly the goods of the poor, & making much of wicked men that give him rewards: persecuting the righteous, and among the people not gathering but scattering, bringing in new sects of destruction that have not been heard of. Blaspheming the way of truth, and by robbery thinking himself equal to y t Lord Jesus Christ which is blessed forever. And he being most covetous thirsteth for gold, covereth gold, & by some devise getteth gold of every people: & utterly not regardig the worshipping of God, with sayned words sometimes by flattering, sometimes by threatening, sometime by false teaching, and all to get money withal, he maketh marchādise of us all: envying all things but his own, loving no man, nourishing war, persecuting & hating the peace of his subjects. He is rooted in all unspeakable sins, contrarying and striving against all the ways & doctrines of y c Lord. He is truly the abomination of the people which Daniel the Lord's Prophet described.
Therefore I answer that laws, weapons, and all the elements ought to rise against him, which thus overthroweth the state of the Church: for whose sins God plagueth the whole world. And finally, nothing remaineth to him being so insatiable to satisfy him w t all, but only the insatiable mouth of hell, and the fire that cannot be quenched, continuing forever. Therefore, seeing that in a general council it so becometh, and I see this wicked man to be damned, which offendeth both God and all men. I ask and require, as instantly as I can, and beseech you my Lord and King aforesaid, that ye would declare to the prelates, doctors, people, & princes your brethren in Christ, & chiefly to the Cardinals and all Prelates, and call a Council. In the which (when this foresaid wicked man is condemned) by the worshipful Cardinals: the church may be provided of a shephearde, & for that Council I offer myself ready, lawfully to pursue the foresaid things. And where as the said man being in highest dignity, in the mean time cannot be suspended of his superior, therefore he ought to be taken, suspended in deed for the things aforesaid, seeing his state, is called into judgment by the means aforesaid.
I beseech and require the said Cardinals by you, and I presently require them & the church of God, that this wicked man being put in prison, the Church of Rome may be provided of a Vicar, which may minister those things that shall appertain, until the Church of God be provided of a bishop, utterly to take away all occasion of a schism. And least the said wicked man should let and hinder the prosecuting thereof, I require these things of you my Lord king aforesaid, affirming you to be bound to do this for many causes. First for faithes sake. Secondly, for your kingly dignity, to whose office it belongeth to root out such wicked men. Thirdly, for your oth sake, which ye made for the defense of the Churches of your Realm, which the foresaid rauener utterly teareth in pieces. Fourthly, because ye be the patron of the Churches, & therefore ye are not bound only to the defense of them, but to the calling for again of their goods, which the foresaid man hath wasted. Fifthly, ye following the footsteps of your auncetors, ought to deliver your mother the Romish church, from so wicked a hand, wherein by oppression she is tied bound. I require that a public instrument may be made of these requests by the notaries here present, under the witness of the worshipful men that be here present. These things were done and spoken as is aforesaid at Paris in the Kings house • of Lupara.
After this protestation of master Nagareta, immediately ensued the appeal of the king, pronounced and published against the said Boniface, in form as followeth.
The appeal made by the king and the lovers of the Realm against Boniface.
IN the name of God. Amen. In the year of our Lord 1303 Indictione prima. 13. day of June, and the 9 year of the Popedom of Boniface Pope the 8. By the tenor of this public instrument be it unto all men known that the most noble prince and Lord Philip by the grace of God, king of France, the famous and reverend fathers in Christ, Archbishops & Bishops, religious men, Abbots and Priors here vndernamed, in the presence of us common Notaries here under written, especially called and required for this purpose, as it is contained in the subscriptions here under, the famous & noble men, the Lord Louis, son of the French king Guido of S. Paul, and John Drocem Earls, and William of Plesiano Lord of Vitenob knight: Moued as they said with a fervent faith, with affection of sincere love and zeal of charity to be shown to the holy Romish church, and having pity from their heart, on their mother the universal church, which as they said is oppressed dangerously under the rule of the said Lord Boniface, and suffereth outrageous defacing and loss: and pitying the right faith (as they say) in which stands the salvation of souls, & which (alas for pity) in their times miserably pineth away, & perisheth for the lack of wholesome government of the Church through all Christendom: and earnestly taking pains, as they said, for the repairing and enhaunsing of the Catholic faith▪ specially, seeing it was necessary for the same church, for the foundation of the faith, and health of the souls, that none should rule the fold of the Lord's flock, but the true and lawful shepherd: and also because the same Church was the spouse of Christ that hath no spot nor wrinkle, all error, offense, wickedness & wrong should be put away, and salvation, peace and quietness through God's mercy might be procured to the whole world, which they say lieth in wars and darkness by the wicked deeds, cursed works, and hurtful examples of the said Boniface: They said and laid against the said Boniface, heresy, and other diverse horrible & cursed faults, wherein they affirmed him to be tangled, and commonly and notoriously reported, the king himself being present, with Archbishops, Bishops and other Prelates and Churchmen (which were assembled for to entreat of their own matters, and matters of their Churches) beside Barons, Earls, and other noble men, whose names are under written.
The said William propounded & objected against him, swearing by the holy Gospel of God which he corporally touched, that he could prove all and every the premisses to be true. And the said William of Plesiano sware further this oath, that he believed he could prove the premisses, and that he would pursue to the full ende against the said Boniface in the general Council, where, when, and afore whomsoever of right it ought to be done: requiring earnestly the said Lord king as a champion of the faith, and defender of the Church: that for declaring of this truth to the praise of God's name, to the increase & promoting of the Catholic faith, to the honor and wealth of the universal Church and of all Christian people, and the congregation of the said general council: that he would help and bestow his profitable labor, with soldiers and other like, for the love of men, and zeal to justice (because his kingly house was ever a ruler of the truth) and that he would earnestly require the Archbishops, Bishops, & other Prelates, and that he would be effectually instant with them. The Earls & knights themselves besought earnestly many of the same prelates (as they were pillars of the Church & the faith) that they would help and effectually bestow their labor to the calling, and assembling of the said council, by all ways and means lawful according to the ordinances of the holy fathers and decrees of the canons. But when the prelates heard & fully understood such objections, oppositions, and requests, as is aforesaid: and considered that such a matter not only was most hard, but needed wise counsel, they departed out of the same place. But on the Friday next following i. the 14. day of the same month of June, the foresaid Lord king being present, and also the Lord's, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and many witnesses here under written the same time being present, and in the presence of us common Notaries here subscribed, and being specially called and required for this purpose: the foresaid William of Plesiano Knight said, propounded, affirmed, objected and read, as was contained more fully in a certain paper which he held in his hand, whose tenor was after this sort.
I William of Plesiano Knight, say, propound, and affirm, that Boniface which now ruleth the Apostolical sea is a rank heretic in heresies, and by heresies, outrageous deeds, and wicked doctrines hereafter to be declared, which things to be true, I believe I am able to prove: or else, such things as these shall be sufficient to prove him a full heretic, in a convenient place & time, and afore whom of right this can or ought to be done. This thing I swear on the holy Gospel of God presently touched of me.
First, that he believeth not the immortality of men and of christen souls, but thinking much like as the Saducies did believe, that there is no everlasting life, and y c men cannot get at the length joy, but all the lot and part of comfort and gladness to be in this world: and by this means he affirmeth, that it is no sin for the body to live daintely in all dainties. And out of the abundance of this leaven, he was not ashamed to say and openlie to confess, that he had rather be an asse or a dog or any other brute beast, rather than a Frenchman, which thing he would not have said, if he believed a Frenchmā had a soul that could enjoy everlasting life. This thing he taught many men, which knowledged this at the point of death, and the common report goeth on him thus in these things.
2. Also, he believeth not faithfully, that by the words ordained of Christ & spoken over the host, after the fashion of the Church by a faithful priest that is lawfully ordered, the body of Christ to be there: and therefore it cometh to pass, that he geneth no reverence to it (no not a little) when it is lifted up of the priest, yea he rises not to it, but turneth his back to it, and makes himself & his seat to be honored where he sitteth, rather then the altare where the host is consecrate: and he is commonly reported to do this.
3. Also, he is reported to say that whoredom is no sin, no more than rubbing of the hands together, & thus commonly runs the voice and brute.
4. Also, he said often, that to thrust down the King and Frenchmen (if it could not be otherways done) he would overthrow himself the whole world, & the whole Church. And when he had said so, some y t stood by said, God forbid, he answered God grant. And when good men that heard the words replied against him, that he should not say so, because the church of God & all Christian men should suffer great slander so: he answered, I care not what slanders soever come, so that the Frenchmen and their pride be destroyed: for it is necessary that slanders & offenses come.
5. Item, he called again & allowed a book made by M. Arnold of Newton, containing and smelling of heresy, condemned by the Bishop of Paris and reproved by the masters of divinity, and burned openly by Boniface himself: and in the full consistory of Cardinals being likewise reproved, condemned, and burned, yet he allowed it being written again, and containing the same fault.
6. Item, that he might make the most damnable remembrance of him perpetual, he caused his Images of silver to be set in the Church, by this means bringing men to Idolatry.
7. Item, he hath a private devil, whose counsel he useth in all things and through all things.
8. Item, he said once that if all men were on one side, and he on another, they could not deceive him neither in law nor in deed, which thing could not be done except he used a devilish ar • : and of this he is openly thus reported.
9. Item, he is a witch, asking counsel at soothsayers both men and women, and thus he is commonly judged.
10. Item, he said openly that the Romish pope could not commit simony, which is heretical to say. This is a sin reproved as well in the Old Testament, as in the new, and generally in the holy Councils. Also he is wont to make marchaundise of prelates livings, dignities, superiorities, and benefices, to the which holy orders be necessarely joined: and of absolutions and dispensations, like as userers and merchaunts use to buy and sell common things in the market, and of this the common brute reports him.
11. Item, he letteth with all his might among Christian men the special Embassade of Christ, made to his own sons, saying: Peace I leave to you, & soweth discord and wars: Wherefore ones it was said afore him, that certain parties would friendly agree after a good sort, but he letted the peace: and when the other parte did humbly beseech him, that he would give license to agree (he said) he would not: Yea if the son of God or Peter the Apostle would come down into the earth and command him: he would say, I will not believe thee.
12. Item, because the French nation (being manifestly a most Christian nation) followeth not his errors in the faith: he reckoneth and openly calleth all and every of them, Paterniani.
13. Item, he is infect with sodomiticall sin, keeping with him boys for cōcubines, and of this fault he is most commonly and openly reported.
14. Item, he hath caused many murders of Clerks to be done in his presence, & commending it rejoicing at their death: and if they were not deadly wounded at the first by his servant • , as oft as he law them smiting, he said smite, smite: by which example many were slain.
15. Item, when he had condemned a certain noble man, he forbad the Sacrament to be given him at the point of death, desiring it and being penitent: saying, that the Sacrament of penance was not necessary to salvation.
16. Item, he compelled certain Priests to show unto him the confessions of men, and he published them openly afterward contrary to the will of them, that were confessed to their shame & confusion, and compelled them to redeem their sins. In so much that ones he deposed a certain bishop of Spain, for the faults that he confessed to a certain Cardinal, confessing unto him a certain privy horrible fault under Benedicite, and compelled the Cardinal against his will to declare his confession: and yet afterward he restored the same Bishop again to his place for a little money. Wherefore he is thought to play the heretic in the Sacrament of penance.
15. Item, he fasteth not on the fasting days, nor Lent, but eateth flesh indifferently, & without cause suffereth his household and friends to eat, saying it is no sin. Doing in this thing against the general state of the holy church.
16. Item, he oppressed the order of the Cardinals, and hath oppressed the order of black & white monks, of gray Friers & preachers: and said oft, that the world was destroyed by them, & that they were false hypocrites, and that never good could chance to any that would be confessed to them, or would be familiar with them, or would keep them in their house, and he never said good word of any prelate, religious man, or clark: but ever rebuketh and slaūdereth them, taking away their good name, and to compel them to redeem their faults, he is glad of their accusations: and this is the common voice and report of him.
17. Item, of old time he going about to destroy the faith, conceived a hate against the French king, even to the abhorring of the faith: because of the light of faith which is there, and because of the great witness and example of christianity, is & hath ben there. And before he had this seat he is proved to have said, y t if he were Pope: he would rather overthrow all christendom, but he would overthrow and destroy the nation, which he calleth the pride of French.
18. Also he is reported, that when the Ambassadors of the king of England, in the name of the said king did require and entreat for the tenth of the realm of England to be given him: he answered, that he would not give them the tenth, but on this condition, that he would make war with them against the French king. And beside this, he is reported to have given great sommes of money to certain persons, to hinder that peace should not be betwixt the said kings. He himself also withal his might hath letted it, by messengers, letters, and otherways that he could, yea by giving bribes.
19. Item, he is reported also to have commanded Fridericke which keepeth the I will of Cicil, that if he would betray Charles the king and break the peace which he made, and swear that he would keep with him, and would stir against the king, and kill the Frenchmen: that then he would give him aide, help, and counsel, & for so doing he would give and grant him the said kingdoms.
20. He confirmed also the king of Almaine to be Emperor, and said openly that he did it to destroy the nation, which he calleth the pride of the French men: which say, that they are subject to none in temporal things. Wherein saith he, they lied on their heds, declaring moreover, that whosoever (yea if it were an Angel from heaven) would say that all kings of the world were not subject to the same king of Almaine, he were accursed.
21. Further, he brake the agreements of peace betwixt the king of Alamine and the French king: in which, either of them should have their own saved. And what encrochings so ever had been on either side, should be brought to a due state, and under an oath orderly given and taken: he is reported to have commanded the same king of Almaine, that he should not keep these conditions of peace, but be an enemy and go about to sow debate among christen men.
22. Itē, he is openly reported, that the holy land was betrayed through his fault, and came to the enemies of God and of faith: and that he suffered this for the noust, & denied to give aide to the Christians which defended it: spending the treasures and money of the church, (which should have been bestowed on that use as the patrimony of Christ) in persecuting of faithful Christians and friends of the church, and therewith would enrich his friends.
23. Item, he is openly reported to use simony, not only in bestowing of benefices, but in giving of orders, & making dispensations. He hath set to sale all benefices of the church, and would bestow the church commonly on him y t would offer most: and he made his servants Prelates of the Church, not for wealth of the faith, nor to thrust down infidels, but to oppress the faithful, and to enriche his kindred by the church goods and of the patrimony of him that was crucified: and presumed to make them Marquesses, Erls, and Barons, and was not afraid to build them strong holds, rooting out & oppressing many noble men & other.
24. Item, it is commonly reported, that he hath deuorced many marriages lawfully made, to the contempt, hurt, and slander of many: and he did promote his nephew to a cardinalship, being married, unlearned, and all together unworthy to live: and openly married one that was divorced & compelled him to make a vow of chastity: and after that he is reported to have had two bastards by her, and so goeth the common brute of him.
25. Item, he is commonly reported, that he handled vngently his predecessor Celestinus of holy memory, leading a holy life (peradventure knowing in conscience that he could not forsake his Popedom, & therefore Boniface himself had no lawful entrance to the sea) and prisoned him, & there quickly and privily caused him to die. And of this the common brute and report is through at the world, that he caused many and great learned mē living a regular life (which disputed of this, whether he might renounce the Popedom or not) to be set in prison and there to die.
26. Itē, he is reported to have railed at religious persons leading a regular life without a reasonable cause to the world, to the slander of many.
27. Item, he is rep • rted to have said that he would within short time make all the Frenchmen either Martyrs or forsakers of their faith.
28. Item, he is commonly reported, that he seeketh not the health of the souls, but the destruction of them.
These things being propounded and red, the same William protested, said, declared, appealed, and added these words, reading them in writing.
I William of Plesiano knight, protest that I do not propound nor speak the foresaid things for any special hate of Boniface himself (for I hate not him, but his foresaid evil deeds) nor I seek not his injury nor slander, nor any man's else: But I speak it for the zeal of the faith, and for the deuotiō that I have to the holy church of God, and y c holy Romish see, as well for those things that I have seen and heard of credible men of his doings, and by likely presumptions gathered of the foresaid things, and many diverse other things to be declared in his due place & time. And I swear by the holy Gospel of God (which I touche with my hand) that I believe him to be a rank heretic, & that I also believe that the foresaid things and such other may prove against him such things as shall be sufficient to prove him an heretic, according to the state of the holy fathers. I swear also that I will pursue against him by the laws, the foresaid things in the general counsel that shall be assembled, in a place that shall be safe & sure for me, to the honor of God, & increase of the Christian faith, saving the right honor & state of the holy Apostolical see, in all things. Wherefore, earnestly and with reverence I require you my Lord the king (to whom belongeth the defense of the holy mother the church, and the Catholic faith, for of that ye shall make account in the last judgment) and you my lords the Prelates which be the pillars of the faith, and which ought to be judges of the foresaid things together, with other reverent fathers, the Catholic Prelates of the holy church, in the general council to be assembled: that ye would procure and take diligent pain that a general council may be gathered in a fit and safe place, and couenient time, afore which the foresaid things may be propounded, brought forth, & proved against the said Boniface, as is premised. And I earnestly also require you my Lord king, that ye would require the same prelates present & absent, in what country so ever they be, or to whom it belongeth: and that ye would effectually induce them manfully to labor, and to require other faithfully, that the foresaid counsel by the foresaid matters might be gathered in such sort as is aforesaid. And because so long as this is deferred to prove, I suspect Boniface himself, le • t he being angry and moved for the foresaid things against me and my partakers, procurers and helpers, my friends and familiars, should go about by some means, whereby to stay and stop my good purpose and theirs for going forward. Therefore, by these writings afore you my lord the king, and diverse prelates, and afore your common notaries here present: I provoke and appeal to the said holy general counsel Apostolical and Catholic that shall be, and to the holy Apostolical see, and to him and them to whom of right I may or ought: and I earnestly require, once, twice, and thrice, that testimonial letters may be given me from you: supposing myself, my followers, favorers, familiares, friends, my procurers, and all them that will hereafter follow me, my goods and theirs to be under the protection & keeping of S. Peter and Paul, and the said holy Council to be assembled by the holy Romish see, & the catholic Apostolical Pope that shall be: sticking nevertheless and willing to stick to the appellation and appellations, process and processes made hereupon, by the noble man M. William of Nagareta knight, in as much as they shall be found & made lawful, and yet not forsaking this present appellation.
When these things were thus red and done, the foresaid king answered and required the foresaid Prelates, provoking and appealing and making request, provocation and appellation, as is contained in the paper vnderwrytten, both there and then with other Prelates: which things all are more fully contained in these writings following, and were red to them that heard it, whose tenor is such.
We Philip by the grace of God, hearing and understanding the objections propounded by our beloved faithful knight, W. of Nagareta, against Boniface now having the regiment of the Romish Church: although we would gladly cover with our own cloke, the filthy partes of such a father: yet for the love of the Catholic faith and great devotion that we bear to the holy Romish and universal Church our mother, and all faithful men and spouse of Christ, following the steppes of our ancestors, which doubted not to shed their own blood for the increase and defense of the Churches liberty and the faith: and coveting to provide for the purity of faith and the state of the Church, as also to avoid the hurt of the general slander, being not able to pass over any longer the premisses with wincking and dissembling, and my conscience driving to the same, seeing this estimate & opinion of him in these matters, is not rashly of us conceived, but vehemently and plainly increased by many and continual cryings of credible men, and great authority oft and oftentimes beaten unto us, fearing moreover the destruction of the faith, both of us and of all other subjects, and specially of kings and princes of the world, which ought to reprove negligence, which acknowledge that we have received power given us from the Lord, to the promoting and increasement of it, we agree to your requests in this behalf; and to the calling and assembling a council for the glory of God (saving the honor and reverence that is due to the holy Romish church in all things) whereby the truth may appear in the premisses and all error avoided: that the state of the universal Church and all Christianity and the matters of faith, and the holy land may be provided for, & the slaūders & ieoperdies hanging over us may be withstanded: we be ready & offer our selves gladly, as much as in us is, to bestow our labor and diligent pain therabouts. Earnestly requiring and beseeching in the merciful bowels of Jesus Christ, you Archbishops and other Prelates here present, as children of the Church and pillars of faith, called of the Lord to the promoting, increase and preserving thereof, to care for the same: that with all diligence ye would give heed, as becometh you, and effectually you would labor by all ways and fit means, to the calling and assembling of this council, in which we intend to be personally present. And left the said Boniface, which hath boldly and wrongfully many times threatened to proceed against us, stopping and hindering our purposes and intent: •• ast any of his works of darkness (if there be any) should come to light, directly or indirectly hindering the calling and gathering of this council: or least any state being in the same realm that will in deed proceed against us, or our state, churches, Prelates, Barons, & other faithful vassals, our subjects, our lands, or our realm, and the state of the realm: by abusing any spiritual sword, in excommunicating, suspending, or otherwais by any means for us and our welwillers, and them that will follow us: we provoke & appeal in writing to the foresaid general council (which we instantly desire to be called) and to one law • ull chief Bishop that shall be, or to any other to whom we should appeal: and yet not going from the appellation made by M. William of Nagareta, to whom we sticked then, and also yet stick: requiring earnestly, a witness of our appellation of you Prelates & Notaries, expressedly to renew such provocation and appellation when and afore whom it shall be thought meet to you.
Then the Archbishops within written, bishops, Abbots, and Priors, answered the premisses (as it is found in the acts) provoked and appealed, agreed to, and protested, and made provocation, and appellation, agreement, and protestation, as is contained more fully in a certain paper there openly and plainly red, whose tenor followeth with these words.
We Archbishoppes of Nicosen, Remen, Senoren, Narbonen, Turonen, and bishops of Landuiren, Belnacen, Catolacen, Antisiodorem, Meldimen, Nurmen, Carnotem, Aurelianen, Ambiauen, Morinen, Silanen, Andeganen, Abricen, Constant, Ebroicen Lexonicen, Sagien, Caloromont, Lemonicen, Auicen, Masticoren. And we Abbots of Cluniac, promostraten of the greater monastery of the court of S. Dionise in France, Camped S. Victors, S. Genoueue, S. Marten, Landmoen, Figiacem & Bellicem in Lemociuio, and Frier Hugh, visiter of the houses of the order of knights of S. John in Jerusalem in France, and the father Prior of S. Martin in the fields, hearing these things which were said, propounded, and objected yesterday, & today, by you the Lord's, Earls, and William aforesaid, against the Lord Boniface the 8. and Pope, being moved with such sayings, purposes, assertations, and your oaths, your request and other lawful causes: and were compelled by need, considering that the matter of our faith which is Christ's, is handled in the premisses. We that be called to part of this care, to the defense and maintenance of the faith of souls of the realm, although unworthy, yet coveting to with stand the ieoperdies that hang over us by reason of the premisses and other causes, thinking the calling & gathering of the said Council profitable & necessary, that the innocence of the Lord Boniface himself may clearly be discussed, as we desire (our consciences bearing witness) that it may be determined on him by the Council, touching such things as are laid against him, and that may be done which they decree according to the Canons. We answer you our Lord king, and you our Lord's, Earls, and William, that (the honor & reverence of the holy Romish church salued in all points) we agree to your due requests in this behalf for the calling of the Council, and are ready to give help and diligent labor to the calling and gathering of the said Council, according to the decrees of the holy fathers, and to the lawful orders of the Canons: not intending by any means, to make parties of this matter, nor to stick to any that maketh parties. Yet least the said Boniface being moved or provoked by these things, as we fear by likely conjectures and threatenings made, against us for the foresaid things, that he will proceed against our parish Churches and our subjects by some means, or cause to proceed against us by some authority of his own or others by excommunication, suspension, interditing, deposing, depriving, or by some other means and color sought to some impeachment or trouble of the said Council; and that we may sit in the same Council to judge and do all other things, that belong to the office of Prelates: that our friends that stick to us & would stick to us in all things may remain safe, for our selves, our parish Churches, our subjects and them that stick to us, or would stick to us, in this behalf: we provoke and appeal in writing to the foresaid Council, that is to be gathered, and to him that shall be the true and lawful highest Bishop, and to him or them to whom of right we should appeal too, and earnestly require our appellations, committing us, our parish churches, our subjects, friends, and them that stick to us, our state and theirs, our right goods, to the godly defense of the foresaid council, and of him that shall be the true and lawful highest bishop: and we protest to renew this appellation, where, when, and afore whom, it shall be thought meet.
This was done at Paris at Lupara in the chamber of the said Lord our king. Indictione prima, the 9. year of his popedom, the days of thursday and friday aforesaid these noble men being present, the Lord's of Auia and Bolone, the Lord's Martins and other Earls named afore, Matthew Dotera, Peter the Lord chamberlane, Phillip the Lord of Wirtmos, and Henry of Bolone knight, and also M. Philip Archdeacon of Bengem, Nicholas archdeacon of Remem, William treasurer of Anioy, Philip Beaspere. Rainolde of Bourbon and John Montagre, and many mo both clearkes and other specially required and called to be witness to this.
After these things thus in the Parliament decreed and agreed, the Prelates of the clergy consulting with themselves what was to be done in so doutfull a matter: and dreading the Popes displeasure, for this which was done already, to clear thenselves in the matter contrived among themselves a letter to the Pope partly to certify him, what there was done, and partly also to abmonish him what he should do: the tenor of which their letter contained these words following.
The form of a Letter, which the Prelates of France, as well secular as religious sent to Boniface, that he should cease his enterprise, wherein he proceeded against the King.
WE are compelled, not without sorrow of heart and bitter tears to signify unto your holiness, that the most famous Prince our most dear Lord Phillip, by the grace of God, the noble king of France: when he heard and saw the Apostolical letters sealed, which were sent to him of late, from your behalf by the worshipful man the Cardinal of Narbo your Notarie & messenger, and were presented by the same Cardinal to him, & certain other of his barons Upon the sight and perusing of which so bloody letters being read and declared to them sitting by him: both our Lord the king and the barons themselves were highly moved with great maruelling and great trouble. In so much that the said our Lord the king by the advice of his barons, commanded to be called afore him the other barons then absent, and us also: that is to wete: all Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, conuentuals, deanes, prouosts, chapters, conuents and Colleges, as well of Cathedral or collegiate churches, regular and secular, & also all the universities and communalties of the towns of his Realm: that we Prelates, Barons, Deans, Prouostes, and two of the learnedst of every Collegiate and Cathedral Church, should appear personally, and should procure the rest likewise to appear, by their Stewarde, Officers and sufficient proctours, with full and sufficient Commission at the appointed place and term. Further, when we and the other Ecclesiastical persons aforesaid, and also the barons, stewards, officers, and proctours, and other of the comminalty of the towns that were thus called: and when according to the form of the foresaid calling by the kings commandment, we stood afore the king this wednesday, the tenth of this present of April, in S. Mary's Church in Paris: Our Lord the king caused to be propounded openly and plainly to all men, that it was signified to him, from you among other things by the foresaid Cardinal & letters: that for his kingdom (which he and his auncetours hitherto do acknowledge they hold of God only (now ought in temporalties to be subject to you and hold of you, and that ye were not content with these so marvelous and strange words, and not heard of from the beginning of the world of any dwellers within the same realm, but that ye went about to put them in practice. And that ye called to appear afore you, the prelates of the said realm, and doctors of divinity, and such prosessours of both laws, as were borne with in the said realm, for the correcting and amending of such excesses, faults, arrogancies, wrongs, and harms, as ye pretend to be done to the ecclesiastical Prelates and persons ecclesiastical both regular and secular, abiding within the Realm & else where, by our lord the king himself and his officers or bailiffes, by his peers, Earls, Barons and other nobles, with the communaltie & people of the said realm: To the intent by this means, the foresaid realm might be made strong, with precious rewels and durable treasures, which are to be preferred before the bucklers or any armor of strong men, that is to say, by the wisdom of Prelates, and wise men, & others: through whose ripe faithful counsel, and circumspect foresight, the realm might be ruled and governed, the faith might be stablished, the ecclesiastical Sacraments might be ministered, justice might be executed: which by them being robbed of their goods and richesse and utterly spoiled, is in a doubtful case, and in ioepardie of miserable decay & forever to be destroyed.
Among these and diverse other griefs which were done by you and the Romish church, to him, to his realm and the French church, both in reserving and willful ordering of Archbishopprickes, Byshoprickes, and bestowing of great benefices of the Realm upon strange and unknown persons, yea and oft upon suspect persons, never being at the churches or benefices aforesaid. By reason whereof the decay of God's worship ensued, the godly wills of the founders and givers are defrauded of their godly purpose: the accustomed alms giving is withdrawn from the poor of the said Realm, the pouerishing of the Realm followeth, and churches run in danger to be defaced, while they remain destitute of service: the Prophets being taken away, & the fruits of them that serve them, be appointed to the commodity of strangers. And while prelates have not to give, yea to reward men for their deserts: noble men (whose ancestors founded the Churches) and other learned men, cannot have servants: and that for these causes, devotion began to be cold, there was none at these days that would stretch out a liberal hand towards the Churches, and farthermore by the premisses an evil example was given. Also he complained of new taxes of pensions, newly laid on the Churches, of immeasurable bondages, exactions, & diverse extortions with other prejudicial & hurtful novelties, by which the general state of the Church is changed, in giving suffragans, as helpers to the higher prelates, whereby neither the Bishops themselves nor the suffragans can do their duties, but for them they might run with gifts to the Apostolical see. He complained also of diverse causes and some articles long since, but true in the time that they were presented, that were done and be done continually: and also not purposing to suffer so great a disheriting of him and his successors from the realm, and so manifest a grief, they could not suffer any longer the evident loss of the honor of him and the realm, and said: that he was certain, that it was known to the whole world, and that he did maintain in this matter a just cause as he had learned by the agreeable sentence of doctors in Divinity and masters of both Laws, that were borne within his Realm and others, which among the Doctors and cunning men of the world were counted of the learned sort and more famous. Therefore he required us, all and everyone, both Prelates and Barons, and other, earnestly as our Lord: he prayed and gently begged as a friend: to consult and take diligent pain, that he might ordain wholesome things, both for the keeping of their old liberty, the honor and state of the realm and of the inhabitants thereof, for the easing of the griefs aforesaid, for redressing of the realm and the French Church, by our counsel and his Barons to the praise of God's name, the increase of the Catholic faith, the honor of the universal church, and promoting of God's religion: specially seeing such griefs were done by his officers & others of the Realm, to the Churches and churchmen, for the which he purposed a remedy of wholesome correction, afore the coming of the foresaid Cardinal, & would now have put it in execution effectually, but that he might be thought to have done that for fear, or at your commandment, which thing ye cannot ascribe to yourself. Furthermore, he would spend not only his goods but also his realm, yea his children if the case required: and therefore we should regard to be ready with counsel and help in season as we are bound by the duty of fidelity in these things: wherein it is manifest, that as all and every man's case is handled, generally and particularly their cause is promoted, and every man's own interest is touched And then he demanded by and by to be answered plainly and finally in these things, of all and everyone.
Then the Barons sitting aside with the officers and Proctors aforesaid, at the length after they had taken counsel coming to our foresaid Lord the king, and praising greatly, and heartily thanking him for his laudable purpose and good will, answered with one voice: that for those things they were ready, not only to spend their goods, but offered the same goods, riches, & also their persons to death, and not to flee any kind of torment. And said further with one voice, that if our foresaid Lord the king would (as God forbid) suffer, or else willingly pass over those, they thenselves would in no case suffer it.
Then when answer was asked of us afterward, although we desired longer respite of deliberatiō of the king himself our Lord, and of the greatest of the forsayd Barons, and that for this intent: that in the mean while the Popes letters might have come to our Lord the king, we answered that we would not offend against the liberty of the realm, or by some means to innouate things contrary to the kings honor in this behalf.
We went about also to inform him with many godly words, with earnest persuasions, and with many kinds of help, and by sundry ways, to bring him to keep the special bande of unity, which is known to have continued to these present days, betwixt the holy Romish church, and his predecessors. But when we were denied any longer delay, and it was plainly and openly told to all men, that if any man were of a contrary mind, from thenceforth he should be manifestly counted for an enemy of the king & the realm. We considering warely, & seeing plainly, that except our lord the king, and the Barons aforesaid were content with our answer, beside other dangers & great offenses (whereof there could neither be number nor end) and that the devotion both of the Romish and French church, and also the whole obedience of the laity and all the people from thence forth should be, taken away without recovery, not without great fear & doubt, we thought good to answer thus.
That we would help our Lord the king with due counsel and convenient help for the preserving of his person, and of his earthly honor, and the liberty and laws of the said realm, like as we were (certain of us) by the duty of allegiaunce bound to him, which hold of him Dukedoms, Earledomes, Baronies, fees, and other noble partes of the said Realm, by the form of the oath, as all other do: yet we made humble suit to the same our Lord the king, that seeing we were bound to obey the Popes holiness and your holy feet, he would suffer us to go according to the tenor of your foresaid calling.
Then on the Kings and Barons behalf followeth answer, that in no case they would suffer us to go out of the Realm: and that by no means they would bear to be handled so dangerously, yea rather to be altogether wasted.
Then we considering so great an anger, & trouble so ieopardous, & so great that none could be greater, both of the King, the Barons & other lay people of the realm: & now knowing plainly, that the old enemy of peace, which goeth about from the beginning of his fall, with sowing of Darnel, to break the unity of the Church, by troubling of peace: would break charity, and infect the sweetness of good works, with the poison of bitter envy, and would overthrow mankind utterly, and would trouble with wickedness the band of lovely unity, & singular friendship, which hitherto have had a happy increase betwixt the Romish Church and our Lord the King, and his predecessors, and the realm: to the praise of the highest God, the increase of Christian faith, and the setting forth the honor of the Church, of the king and the realm. But now (alas) a door was open to the lamentable breaking and pitiful separating of great offenses to rise on every side, dangers are attempted against Churches and Churchmen, to spoil their goods and richesse, with ieoperdie of life, seeing that the laity now do abhor and utterly flee the obedience of clearkes, utterly banishing them from their counsails and doings, and have taken courage to condemn the Ecclesiastical censure and process. All which ieoperdies with other sundry and diverse dangers (which neither tongue is able to tell, nor writing can declare) we seeing at hand • : thought good in this point of greatest necessity to run with weeping voice, & lamentable sighs to the circumspect wisdom of your holiness. Beseeching your fatherly mildenes, and humbly praying you: that some wholesome remedy may be provided in the premisses. By which, the sound profitable agreement and mutual love, which hath continued so long time betwixt the church, the king, and the realm, might be maintained in that old sweet concord: the state of the French church might continue in godly and quiet peace: that ye would vouchsafe to foresee how to withstand the dangers and offenses aforesaid: that we and our states may be provided for, by the foresaid commandment of your calling, by the study of your Apostolical wisdom, and fatherly love. The almighty preserve your holiness to his holy church a long time.
These things thus discoursed and done, then followed the year of our Lord 1304. In the which year about the nativity of our lady, came a garrison of harnessed soldiers well appointed, sent partly by y e French king, partly by the Cardinals of Columpua, whom the Pope before had deposed, unto the gates of Anragū, where the Pope did hide himself, because he was borne in the town. The captains of which army was one Shaira, brother to the foresaid Cardinals: And another William de Longarero, high steward to y e French king. Who invading the popes town, and finding the gates open, gave assault to the popes frontire: where the Pope with his nephew a Marques, and 3. other Cardinals were immured. The towns men seeing all their intent & strength to be bent against the Pope: caused the common bel to be rong, & so assembling themselves in a common counsel, ordained Adulphus one of the chiefest rulers of the town for their captain, who (unknowing to them) was a great adversary to the Pope. This Adulphus bringing w t him Reginaldus de Supine a great lord in Campania, & the 2. sons of John Chitan a noble mā, whose father the pope had then in prison: at length joined him w t the French company against the Pope, and so beset his palace on every side. And first, setting vpō the palacies of the 3. Cardinals which were then chief about the pope, rifled & spoiled all their goods. The Cardinals by a backedoore hardly avoided their hands: but the Popes palace, through munition & strength of the Marques was something better defended. At length, the Pope perceiving him self not able to make his party good, desired truce with Schaira & his company, which was to him granted, from one til nine. During which time of truce, the Pope privily sendeth to the townesmen of Aruagium, desiring them to save his life: which if they would do, he promised so to enrich them, that they should all have cause never to forget or repent their benefit bestowed. To this they made answer again, excusing themselves, y • it lay not in their hability to do him any good, for that y e whole power of the town was with the captain. Then the Pope all destitute & desolate, sendeth unto Schaira, beseeching him to draw out in articles, wherein he had wronged him, and he would make him amends to the uttermost. Shaira to this maketh a plain answer, signifying to him again: that he should in no wise escape w t his life, except upon these 3. conditions. First to restore again the 2. Cardinals of Columpna his brethren whom he had before deprived, with all other of their stock and kindred: secondly, that after their restitution, he should renounce his papacy, thirdly, his body to remain in his power & custody. These articles seemed to y e pope so hard, that in no case he would agree unto them: wherefore the time of truce expired, the captains & soldiors in all forceable means bending themselves against the bishop, first fired the gates of the palace, whereby the army having a full entrance, fell to rifle & spoil the house. The Marques upon hope to have his life, & the life of his children, yealdeth him to the hands of Schaira & the other captain: which when the Pope heard, he wept and made great lamentation. After this through windows and doors, at length w t much a do they brast into the pope, whom they entreated with words & threats accordingly. Vpō this he was put to his choice, whether he would presently leave his life, or give over his Papacie. But that he denied stiffly to do, to die for it: saying to them in his vulgar tongue. Eccle col, eccle cape. That is, lo here my neck, lo here my head: protesting, that he would never while he lived renounce his Popedom. Then Schaira went about, and was ready to slay him, but by certain that were about him he was staide: whereby it happened that the pope received no harm, although diverse of his ministers and servants were slain. The soldiers which ranged in the mean time through all the corners of the Popes house, did lade themselves with such treasure of gold, silver, plate, and ornaments: that the words of my autor (whom I follow) do thus express it. Quod omnes reges mundi non possent tantum de thesauro reddere infia vnum annum, quantum fuit de papali palatio asportatum, & de palatijs trium Cardinalium, & Marchionis. That is, that all the kings of the earth together were not able to disburse so much out of their treasury in a whole year: as then was taken & carried out of the popes palace, and of the palace of the three Cardinals, and the Marques. Thus Boniface bereued of all his goods, remained in their custody 3. days. Duryng the which space, they had set him on a wild and unbroken colte, his fate turned to the horse tail, causing the horse to run and course, while the Pope was almost breathless. Moreover, they kept him so without meat, that he was thereby near famished to death. After the 3. day: the Aruagians and people of the town mustering themselves together (to the number of x. M.) secretly brast into the house where the Pope was kept, and so slaying the kepers, delivered the Pope by strong hand. Who then being brought into the middle of the town, gave thanks with weeping tears to the people for his life saved: promising moreover, that for so much as he was out of all his goods, having neither bread nor drink to put in his mouth, gods blessing and his, to all them, that now would relieve him with any thing, either to eat or drink. And here now to see what poverty and affliction can work in a man. The Pope before, in all his pomp & most ruffling wealth was never so proud, but now was as humble & lowly: that every poor simple man (as mine author testifieth) might have a bold and free access to his person. To make the story short, the Pope in that great distress of famine was not so greedy of their vitails, as they were greedy of his blessing. Whereupon, the women & people of the town came so thick, some w t bread, some with wine, some with water, some w t meat, some with one thing, some with another: that the Popes chamber was too little to receive the offering, in so much that when there lacked cups to receive the wine, they poured it down on y t chamber flour, not regarding the loss of wine, to win the popes holy blessing. Thus Pope Boniface being refreshed by the town of Aruagum, took his journey from thence accompanied w t a great multitude of harnessed soldiors to Rome: where he shortly upon the same, partly for fear which he was in, partly for famine, partly for sorrow of so inestimable treasure lost, died. After whom succeeded Benedictus the 11. of whom these verses are written. A re nomen habe, benedic, benefac, benedicte. Aut rem peruerte maledic, malefac, maledicte. &c. And thus have ye the whole story of Pope Boniface the 8. author of the Decretalles. Which story I thought the more diligently to set forth, that all the Latin Church might see, what an author he was, whose laws and decretals so devoutly they follow.
Now after the long debating of this matter between the French king and pope Boniface, let us proceed in our English story. About this time, in the days of king Edward, the Church of Rome began daily more and more to rise up and swell so high in pride and worldly dominion: that no king almost in his own country could do anything, but as pleased the Pope: who both had and ruled all, in all countries, but chiefly here in England: as partly by his intolerable tallage and pillage before signified may appear, partly by his injunctions and commandments sent down, also by his donations and reservations of benefices and church livings: also in deposing and disposing such as him listed, in place and office to bear rule. In so much, that when the king and the church of Cant. in their election had chosen one Robert Burnell bishop of Bathe, to be Archbishop of Canterbury: Pope Boniface of his own singular presumptuous authority, ruling the matter after his pleasure, frustrated their election, and thrust in another named John Pecham. For among all other, this hath always been one practice of the court of Rome: ever to have the Archbyshop of their own setting, or such one as they might be sure of on their side, to weigh against the K. and other, whatsoever need should happen. To this John Peckham, Pope Boniface directed down a solemn Bul from Rome, as also unto all other quarters of the universal church. In the which Bul was contained & decreed, directly against the rule of Scripture and Christian obedience: that no church, nor ecclesiastical person should henceforth yield to his king or temporal Magistrate, either any giving or lending, or promising of tribute or subsidy, or portion whatsoever, of the goods and possessions to him belonging: but should be clearly exempted and discharged from all such subjection of tallage or subuention to be exacted of them in the behoove of the Prince and his affairs. Which decree manifestly rebelleth against the commanded ordinance of God, and the Apostolical canon of S. Peter and all other examples of holy Scripture. For as there is no word in the Scripture that excludeth spiritual men more then temporal from obedience and subiectiō of princes: so if it chance the Prince in his exacting to be too rigorous or cruel in oppression: that is no cause for the clergy to be exempted: but to bear the common burden of obedience, and to pray to God to turn and move the Princes mind, and so (with prayer & patience, not with pride and disobedience) to help & amend that which is amiss. Concerning the Bull of Boniface, if any there be that either do not credit the same, so to contain, or would for his mind see and read the same, the words thereof here follow.
The copy of the Popes Bull, wherein the Clergy is exempted from giving tribute to Kings and Princes.
BOnifacius, &c. Ad sempiternam rei memoriam. Clericis, laicos infestos oppido tradidit antiquitas. Quod & presentium experimenta temporum manifest declarāt, dum suis finibus non contenti nituntur in vetitum & ad illicita sua frena relaxant, nec prudenter attendunt quomodo sit eis in clericos ecclesiastic sáue personas, & bona interdicta potestas. Quinimo ecclesiarum praelatis, ecclesijs ecclesiasticis{que} personis regularibus & secularibus imponuntur onera grauia, ipsos talliant, & eis collectas imponūt, & ab ipsius suorum{que} prouentuum, vel bonorum dimidiam, decimam, seu vicesimam, vel quamuis aliam portionem, quo tam exigunt & extorquent eosque moliuntur multipharie subijcere seruituti, suae{que} subdedere ditioni. Et quod dolenrer referimus, nonnulli ecclesiarum praelati, ecclesiasticaeque personae trepidantes, vbi trepidandum non est, transitoriam pacem quaerentes: plus timentes maiestatem temporalem offender, quàm aeternam, talium abusibus non tam temerarie, quàm improuide acquiescunt sedis apostolicae authoritate non obtenta. Nos igitur talibus actibus obuiare volentes, de fratrum nostrorum consilio Apostolica authoritate statuimus: quod quicunque praelati, ecclesiasticaeue personae, vel seculares quorumcunque ordinum conditionis, seu status, collectas vel tallias, dimidiam, decimā, vicesimam, seu centesimam suorum & ecclesiarum suarum prouentuum vel bonorum laicis soluerint, vel promiserint, vel se soluturos exceslerint, aut quamuis aliam quantitatem, porcionem, aut quicquam ipsorum prouentuum vel bonorum aestimationem vel valorem ipsorum subuentionis, subsidij, vel doni nomine, seu quouis alio timore, vel modo, vel quaesito color absque autoritate sedis eiusdem: Nec non imperatores, reges, seu principes, duces, leu comites, vel barones, potestates, capitaneas, officiales vel rectores quocunque nomine censeantur, ciuitatum, castrorum, seu quorumque locorum constitutorum vbilibet, & quis alius cuiuscunque praeeminētiae, cōditionis & status, qui talia imposuerint & exegerint, vel receperint, aut apud aedes sacras deposita ecclesiarū vel ecclesiasticarum personarum vbilibet arestauerint saysierint seu occupare praesumpserint, vel arestari, saysiri, aut occupari mandauerint, aut occupata, saysita, seu arestata receperint: nec nō omnes qui scienter in praedictis dederint consilium, auxilium, vel fauorem, publice vel occulte, eo ipso sent̄tiam excommunicationis incurrunt. Vniuersitates quoque quae in his culpabiles suerint ecclesiastico supponimus interdicto: praelatis, & personis ecclesiasticis supradictis in virtute obedientiae & sub poena depositionis district mandantes, vt talibus absque licentia expressa dictae sedis nullatenus acquiescant. A supradictis autem excommunicationis & interdicti sententijs nullus absolui valeat, praeterquam in mortis articulo absque sedis Apostolicae autoritate & licentia specially. &c.
This Bull being directed (as is said) from Rome to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and likewise thorough the whole universal Church, under the Popes authority: It chanced not long after, the king held his Parliament at S. Edmunds bury, where was granted to him of all cities and boroughs an right, and of the commons a • welf of their goods. Only the Clergy by virtue of this Bull, stood stout: denying to pay anything to the king. Thys answer not well pleasing the king, he willeth them to deliberate better with themselves upon the matter: and after long advisement so to give him answer thereof against the next Parliament, which should be holden the next Hillary term at London.
In conclusion, the Parliament came: the Clergy persisteth still in denial of their subsidy, alleging the popes bul for their warrant and discharge. Wherupon the king likewise secludeth them from under his protection & sa • egard of his laws. And as concerning the Archb. of Cant. above mentioned, because he was found more stubborn then the rest, and was the inciter to the other: he ceased upon all his goods, & caused an inuentorie of the same to be enrolled in the exchequer. Notwithstanding, diverse of the other bishops relented soon after to the king, and cōtributed the fifth of their goods unto him, and were received again to favor.
In the life of this kings father, it was declared before how the said king Henry the third, father to this king, after diverse wars and commotions had with his barons, had granted certain liberties and freedoms written and contained in Magna charta, and in Charta de foresta. Concerning which matter, much business happened in this kings days also in the realm, between the king & his Barons and commons. The occasion was this. A pack of wool which before paid but a mark to the king, was now by this king raised up to xl.s. After this the King having a journey to make unto Flanders, sent to his Barons and diverse other, to give their attendaunce and service in the same, which they refused and denied to do. Notwithstanding (the king persisting in his purpose) with such a power as he had, prepareth toward his journey. To whom being in his way at Winchelsey, the foresaid Erles and Barons and commons sent certain petitions contained in writing under the name of the Archbishops, Bishops, abbots and Priors, Erles and Barons, with the commonality of y e realm. In which writing first lamenting and complaining of their afflicted state and misery, after humble manner they desired their Lord the king to redress and amend certain grievances among them. And first declared in the name of the whole commons, that the premonition or writs directed to them for their attendaunce upon his grace into Flaunders, was not sufficient: for that there was no certain place in the said writs specified unto them whether to come for making their provision, and preparing money & other things according to the same. And if the place had been to thē signified, yet because none of their aūcesters ever served the king over into Flaūders before, the commons therefore thought themselves not bound to any service in y t country. And albeit they had been so bound thereunto, yet they were not able to do it, being so heauyly oppressed w t so many tallages, taxes, tolles, customs, & prices of corn Ores, Tinne, Wood, Lether, Oxen, Ryne, Flesh Fish. &c. And besides all this, having no penny of wages givē them to relieve their charges: Ouer and besides the lack of the kings wages not paid them, their own poverty like an heavy burden did so miserably lie upon them, that some of them had no sustentatiō, some of them were not able to till their own ground. The alleged moreover, that they were not now handled after the old laws and customs of the land, as their ancestors were wont. Many also found thenselves grieved in that they were not used according to the Articles contained in Charta magna, nor again that the Charta de foresta, was not observed nor kept as was wont to be. Wherefore, most humbly they beseeched the king both for his own honor and for the wealth of his people, that of these things they might find redress. For the custom moreover of wool, the whole commons bewailed to the king their grief: in that for every pack of wool was sined to the king xl. • . and for every sack of tosed wool, 7. marks. The which wool of England, as it doth rise up to the value of half the realm: so the tollage of the same surmounteth to the fifth part of the valuatiō of the whole land. And because therefore the commons wished the honor & preseruatiō of their king (as they were bound to do) they thought it not good for his grace to sail over to Flaūders, unless he had better assurance of their fidelity, especially at this time the Scots being so busy: Who if they began to rebel he being at home in his land, much more were they like to stir, he being abroad out of the land. And that not only for the Scots: but also for that the like peril was to be doubted of other foreign nations and kingdoms, which as yet were in no firm peace with England. &c.
To these petitions, the king said that he could as yet make no resolute answer, for that his counsel, some was gone over already to Flaunders, some were yet at Londō. Notwithstanding, at his return again from Flaunders (which he trusted should be speedily) they should thē hear his answer and know more of his mind concerning the same. In the mean time this he required of them, to keep good rule at home while he was forth. What answer the king had minded to make them at his return, it is uncertain, which peradventure had turned to a bloody answer: but occasion served otherwise, and turned all to agreement. For the Scots with their captain William Waleys above specified, in the time the king being absent, invaded the Realm with such violence: that Prince Edward the kings son, who was left to rule in his fathers stead, was forced to assemble a Parliament, and to call for the Earl of Hereford, the Earl of Norfolk, high Marshall of England, Earl of Essex high Constable, with other Earls, Barons, Knightes, and Esquirs, to entreat peace and concord between his father and them. Who coming up to London with 1500. Well armed soldiers, and obtaining the gates of the City with their own men, fell at length to agreement with the Prince, upon composition to have the Articles of magna Charta and of Charta de foresta, confirmed, and that by his means & mediation they might be assured of the kings displeasure to be removed from thē. The which forsayd articles of Magna Charta with y e other articles adjoined withal, here follow under written.
First, no tollage or subsidy by the king or his heirs to be imposed or levied hereafter within the realm of England, without the common assent of the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots & other prelates, Earls, Barons, Knights, Burgeses, and Commons of the realm.
Item, no taker or seruiture of the king or of his heirs henceforth within this realm, to take grain, wool, lether or any goods of any man, without the will and consent of him which is the owner.
No taking to be hereafter, in name of tribute, for any pack of wool.
Item, to be granted by the king and his heirs after him, both to the clergy and laity of this foresaid Realm: to have and to enjoy their laws, liberties & customs, •• as ample manner as they were went at any time heretofore.
Item, if any decrees or statutes shall hereafter be made and set forth contrary to these foresaid articles: the same to stand void and of no effect forever.
Besides these articles also in the same compositiō was contained: that all grudge and displeasure between y e king and the Barons for not going to Flaunders ceasing: the Earls and Barons might be assured to be received again into the kings favor.
These things thus agreed upon, and by mediation of the Prince also confirmed and sealed with the kings seal his father: so was all the variance pacified, to the great comfort of the people, and no less strength of the Realm against their enemies: And most chiefly to the commondation of the gentle and wise nature of the king: Who as he was gentle in promising his reconcilement with his subjects, so no less constant was he in keeping that which he had promised.
After the death of John Peckham Archb. of Canterbury above mentioned, who in the Parliament had resisted the king in the right of certain liberties perteing to the crown, touching patronages and such Church matters: succeeded Robert Winchelsei, w t whom also the king had like variance: and accused him to the Pope for breaking the peace, and took part with them that rebelled against the king about usages and liberties of the Realm. Wherefore, the king being cited up to the court of Rome, was there suspended, by y e means of the said Archb. directed his letters again to the Pope taken out of y e parliament rolles where I find diverse letters of the king to P. Clement against the said Robert Archbishop of Canterbury the contents whereof here followeth videlicet qualiter idem. And as this king was troubled in his time with both the Archbishoppes, John Peckham, and also Rober Winchelsey, so it happened to all other kings for the most part, from the time of Lancfrancus (that is from Pope Hildebrand) that every king in his time had some business or other with that see. As William Rufus, and Henry the first were troubled with Anselmus: Henry the second with Thomas Becket: King Richard and all England, with William Bishop of Eli the Popes Legate: King John with Stephē Langthon: King Henry the third with Edmund Archbishop, called S. Edmund. Polic. lib. 7. Likewise this king Edward the first, with John Peckham & Robert Winchelsey aforesaid. And so other kings after him, with some Prelate or other: whereby ye have to understand, how & about what time the church of Rome, which before time was subject to kings and Princes, began first to take head above, and against kings and rulers, and so have kept it ever since.
By this John Peckam afore mentioned, was ordained: that no spiritual minister should have any mo benefices then one, which also was decreed by the constitutions of Octo and Octobonus, the popes Legates the same time in England.
About the beginning of this kings reign, after the decease of of Walter Archbishop of York: William Wicewanger succeeding in that sea, minding to go on visitatiō: came to Duresme to visit the Church and Chapter there. But the clergy and the people of the City, shoot the gates against him, and kept him out, whereupon rose no small disturbance. The Archb. let fly his curse of excommunicatiō and interdiction against them. The Bishop of Duresme again with his clergy, despised all his cursinges, grounding themselves upon the constitution of Innocentius y e fourth, De censibus & ex actionibus. And so they appealed to Rome, saying: that he ought not to be received there, before he had first begun to visit his own Chapter & diocese, which he had not done. For to say the words of the constitutions: We ordain and decree that every Archbishop, that will visit his province, first must procure to visit his own Church, City, and Dioces. &c.
Among other things in this king to be noted, that is not to be passed over: that where complaint was made to him of his officers, as Justices, Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Excheters, and such other: who in their offices abusing themselves, extortioned and oppressed the kings liege people, otherwise then was according to the right & conscience: the said king not suffering such misorder to be unpunished, did appoint certain officers or inquisitors to the number of 12. which inquisitiō was called Traibastō, or Trailbastoun: by mean of which inquisition, diners false officers were accused, & such as were offenders were either removed from their place, or forced to buy again their office at the kings hand: to their no small loss, and great gain to the king, and much profit to the common wealth.
In the Chronicle of Robert Amesbury it is recorded of the said king, that he being at Amesbury to see his mother (who was then in that monastery professed) there was a certain man that feigned himself blind a long time, brought to the presence of the said Alinore the kings mother: saying, how that he had his sight again restored at y • tomb of king Henry her late husband, in so much that she was easily persuaded in the miracle to be very true. But king Edward her son, knowing the man a long time to be a vile dissembler, and a wicked persō, used to lying and crafty deceiving: dissuaded his mother not to give credit to the vile vagabon, declaring that he knew so well of the justice of his father, that if he were alive, he would twice rather pluck out both his eyes: then once restore him one, Notwithstanding, the Queen the mother remaining still in the former fond persuasion, would hear or believe nothing to the contrary, but was so in anger with her son, that she bid him depart his chamber, and so he did. By the example whereof may easily be conceived, how and after what sort these blind miracles in those days and since have come up among the blind & superstitious people. For had not the king here been wiser thā the mother, no doubt but this would have been roong a miracle, & percase king Henry been made a Saint.
But as this was feigned a miracle and false no doubt so in the same author we read of another manner of miracle, sounding more near the truth, and so much the more likely, for that it served to the conversion unto Christian faith: to which use properly, all true miracles do appertain. The miracle was this. In the reign of this king, and the latter yere of his reign, Cassanus king of y e Tartarians (of whom cometh these whom now we call Turks) which fighting against the Souldan king of the Saracens, in the plain of Damascus, slew of them 100000. of Saracens: and again at Babylon fighting with the said Souldain: slew him in the field, & 200000. of his Saracens, calling upon the help of Christ, and thereupon became Christiā. This Cassanus I say, had a brother a Pagan, who being in love with the daughter of the king of Armenia a Christian woman, desired of her father to marry with her. Whereunto the king her father would not agree, unless he promised to be a Christian. Notwithstanding, the other being stronger in power and threatening to get her by war: the king at length was forced to agree. In conclusion, it happened that the child being borne betwixt them was ouergrowen & all rough with hair, like the skin of a Bear. Which child being brought to the father, he commanded it to be thrown in the fire & burned. But the mother desiring first to have the child baptized, caused all things thereunto to be prepared. The infant being 3. times in water plunged, after the Sacrament of holy baptism received: incontinent was altered and turned from all his hairy roughness, and seen as fair and smooth skinned, as any other. The which thing after the Father saw and beheld, was Christened himself and all his house. &c.
In the reign of this king, Walter Merton Bishop of Rochester, built Merton college in Oxford. In whose reign also lived, Henricus de Gaudano, Arnoldus de villa noua, Dantes, and other mo. And Scotus called Duns. Who in his 4. book of Sent Dist. 18. complaineth of the abuse of excommunication & of the Popes keys. Whereas before, excommunication was not used, but upon great and just causes, & therefore was feared: now saith he, it is brought forth for every trifling matter, as for not paying y • Priests wages. &c. & therefore saith he, it groweth in contempt. Under the same king about the beginning of his raygn, was the year so hot and so dry: that from the month of May until the month nere of Septēber fell no rayn, in so much that many died for heat, & the vulgar people in their reckoning of years, did count the time from the said dry year long after.
After P. Benedictus above mentioned, succeeded Pope Clement the 5. who translated the Popes court to Avigno in France, where it remained the term of 74. years after. At the coronation of this Clement, was present Philip king of France. Charles his son and Duke John Duke of Britany, with a great number of other men of state and Nobility. At which coronation they being in the middle of the pomp or processiō, a great wall brake down and fell upon thē: by the fall whereof, Duke John with 12. other were slain, king Philip hurt & wounded, the Pope stricken from his horse, & lost out from his mitre upon his head a Carbuncle, esteemed to the value of 6000. florence Plat. de vit. Pont. By this Clement was ordained, that y e Emperor, though he might be called king of the Romans before, yet he might not enjoy the title & right of the Emperor, before he was by him confirmed. And that the Emperors seat being vacant, the Pope should reign as Emperor, till a new Emperor was chosē. By him the orders of the Tēplaries (who at that time were too abhominable) was put down at the Counsel of Uienne, as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared. He also ordained and confirmed the feast of Corpus Christi, assigning indulgences to such as heard the service thereof. And as pope Boniface afore heaped up the book of Decretals. called Sextus Decretalium, so this Clement compiled the 7. book of the decretals, called of the same Clement the Clementines. In y e time of this Pope Hēricus the 6. of that name Emperor. was poisoned in receiving the Sacrament by a false dissembling Monk called Bernard, that feigned himself to be his familiar friend, which was thought to be done not without the consent of the Popes legate. The Emperor perceiving himself poisoned, warned him to flee & escape away, for else the Germans would sure have slain him, who although he escaped himself, yet diverse of his order after that with fire and sword were slain.
As this Pope Clement the 5. had well provided now (as he have heard) against the Empire of Rome to bring it under his girdle: insomuch that without the Popes benediction, no Emperor might take the state upon him. &c. Now he proceedeth farther to intermeddle with y e Empire of Constantinople. Where he first exerciseth his tyranny & power of excommunicatiō, against Andronicus Palcologus Emperor of Constantinople, an. 1327. declaring him as a schismatic, and heretic, because he neither would nor durst suffer the Greciās to make their appeal from y e Greek Church to the Pope, neither would acknowledge him for his superior. &c. Whereby it may appear that the Greek Church did not admit the Popes superiority, as yet nor at any time before. Save only about the time of Pope Innocent the 3. an. 1202. at what time the French men with their Captain Baldwinus Earl of Flaūders, joined together with the Uenecians: were set against the Grecians, to place Alexius to the right of the Empire of Constantinople, vpō conditiō (as writeth Platina) to subdue the Greek church, under the church of Rome. Which Alexius being restored, and shortly after slain: the empire came to the Frenchmē, with whom it remained the space of 58. years, till the coming of Michael Paleologus in the days of Pope Gregory the 9. Who restored the Empire frō the Frenchmen, unto his pristine state again. During all which time of the French Emperors, the Greek church was subject to Rome, as by the decretals of Pope Gregory the 9. may appere. Then followed after this, that the foresaid Michael Emperor of Constantinople being called up to a council at Lions by Pope Gregory the 10. about the controversy of proceeding of the holy Ghost (as is above specified) and obedience to the Church of Rome: there, because the said Michael the Emperor did submit himself & the Grecians, to the subjection of Rome (as testifieth Baptist Egnat.) He thereby procured to himself such grudge and hatred among the Greek Monks and Priests: that after his death they denied him the due honor & place of burial. The son of this Andronicus was Michael Paleologus above mentioned: who, as ye have heard before, because he was constrained by the Grecians not to admit any apellation to the Bishop of Rome: was accursed by the popes censures for an heretic. Whereby appeareth, that the Grecians recovering their state again, refused all subjection at this time unto the church of Rome, which was the year of our Lord. 1327. &c. After this Clement the 5. followed Pope John the 22. with whom Ludouike the Emperor had much trouble. After whom next in course succeeded Pope Benedict the 12. Which Benedict vpō a time being desired to make certain new Cardinals to this answereth again: that he would gladly so do, if he also could make a new world. For this world (said he) is for these Cardinals that be made already. Ex scripto Engethusensis. And thus much of the Popes, now to return alitle back to the kings story again.
In the year of our Lord 1307. Which was 34. of the reign of this king, in the beginning of Hillary term: the king kept a Parliament at Carliel, where great complaints were brought in by the nobles and ancients of the Realm, concerning the manifold and intolerable oppressions of churches and Monasteries, and exactions of money by the Popes Legate William Testa (otherwise termed Mala Testa) lately brought into the realm of England. The coming of which William Testa was vpō this occasion, as followeth. Pope Clement, who as ye heard before, had translated his Court from Rome into France, where he had been Archbishop before, because he cōtēned to come & remain at his own sea: the Princes of Rome thought him therefore unworthy to enjoy Peters patrimony. And so by that means falling in barenes & poverty, lived only of such money of Bishops, as came to him to be confirmed, and with such other shifts and gifts. So that by this means, partly of Bishops & other religious men & persons, partly under the name of curtesy and benevolence, partly under y • pretence of borrowing: he had within the first year 9500. marks of silver, all his other charges and expenses, which he largely that yere bestowed, clearly borne. Besides this, he sent moreover the foresaid Legate William Testa into England with his Bulls: in the which he reserved the first fruits of the first year of all Churches being vacant, at any time, or by any man within the realm of England, Scotland, Wales, and Irelād, and also the fruits of Abbayes and Priories within the said •• ealmes. &c. Whereupon, the king with his nobles seeing the inconvenience and harm thereof ensuing to the whole realm: In the foresaid Parliament holden at Carliell withstood the said Legate, charging and commanding him by the assent of the Earls & Barons, that henceforth he should abstain from all such exactions. And as concerning his Lord the Pope, he would direct certain his mess̄gers unto him, purposely for y e same matter appointed: by the which Ambassadors, the king wrote unto the foresaid Pope declaring, & monishing the Pope, as right and reason was: that he should not exact the first fruits of Churches and Abbayes, by his predecessors & noble men of the land founded, for the honor & maintenance of God's service, for alms & hospitalitye: which otherwise in so doing, should all be overthrown. And so by this means the Pope at that time changed his purpose as concerning Abbayes. But after that, the fruit of English churches was granted to the king for 2. years: In which space he obtained the fruits of the foresaid Churches. &c.
During the which Parliament afore specified, as men were talking many things of the popes oppressions, which he began in the English Church, in the full of the Parliament: suddenly fell down, as sent from heaven, among thē a certain paper, with this superscription.
An Epistle of Cossiodorus to the Church of England, concerning the abuses of the Romish Church.
To whom shall I compare thee, or to whom shall I liken thee O daughter Jerusalem: to whom shall I match thee, O daughter of Zion? Great is thy perturbatíon, like unto the sea. Thou sittest alone without comfort all the day long, thou art confounded & consumed with heaviness. Thou art given up into the hands of him from whence thou canst not rise without help of one to lift thee up: for the Scribes and Pharisees sitting upon the chair of Moses, the enemies of the Romaines are as thy heads and rulers: enlarging their guarded philecteries, and seeking to be enriched with the marrow of thy bones, laying heavy burdens, and not able to be borne, upon thy shoulders and of thy ministers, and they set thee under tribute (which of old time hast been free) beyond all honesty or measure. But marvel not thereat, for thy mother, which is the Lady of people, like a widow having married and coupled her self to her subject, hath appointed him to be thy father, that is to say, the Byshoppe of Rome, who showeth no point of any fatherly love towards thee. He magnifieth and extendeth to the uttermost his authority over thee: And by experience he declareth himself to be the husband of thy mother. He remembereth oft with himself the Prophetical saying of the Prophet, and well digested the same in the inward part of his breast. Take to thee a great book, and write therein quickly with the pen of a man, take the spoil, rob quickly: But is this it, which the Apostle saith, that he was appointed for, where he writeth thus? Every Bishop taken from among men, is appointed for men in those things that belong to the Lord: not to spoil, not to lay on them yearly taxes, not to kill men, but to offer gifts and sacrifices for sins: and to sorrow with them, that be ignorant and do err. And so we read of Peter the Fisher (whose successor he boasteth himself to be) that after the resurrection of Christ he returned with other Apostles, to the office of fishing: who when he could take nothing of the left side of the ship, at the bidding of Christ, turned to the right side, and drew to the land a net full of fishes. Wherefore the profitable ministry of the Church is to be exercised on the right side, by the which the Devil is overcome, and plenty of souls be lucrified and won to Christ. But certaynely, the Labourer on the left side of the ship, is far otherwise: for in it the faith stumbleth, heaviness beareth rule, when that thing that is desired by seeking, is not found. For who is so foolish to thinkee that he can both at one time serve God and man, and to satisfy his own will, or to stick to the revelations of flesh and blood, and to offer worthy gifts to Christ? And doubtless, that shepherd that watcheth not for the edifying of the flock, prepareth another way to the roaring Lyon, and seeking whom he may devour. And now behold, I say; O daughter, the needs of him that is called thy father, such as have not been heard of before: he driveth away the good shepherds from the sheepfold, and placeth in their stead Bishops, to rule, but not to profit (his Nephews, Cosins, and Parentes) some that know no letters, and other some dumb and deaf, which understand not the plain voice of the sheep, nor curing their wounds that be hurt of the Wolves: but like hirelinges plucking of the flieses a pase, and reaping that which other men have sown, whose hands-moreover be always ready in their baskets and powches, but their backs are turned from their burdens. By which things it is manifest, that the Priesthood is clean changed at these days, the service of God decayd, alms diminished and brought to naught, the whole devotion of kings, princes, & Christians is banished. May not this be thought wonderful in the eyes of all men, that where as Christ commanded tribute to be paid too kings for him and for Peter, he now goeth about dominiō of his style, to subdue to him, both Realms and princes of realms (against his will, whose Vicar he saith he is, and who refused the Realms and judgments of the world) which this Bishop contrary wise challengeth, claiming all that which he in his style writeth to be his. Alacke, O daughter, what doth he yetmore against thee mark, he draweth from thee whatsoever pleaseth him, and yet he thinketh not himself content, to have the tenth part only of thy goods from thee: except he have also the first fruits of the benefices of the Ministers, whereby he may get a new patrimony as well for himself as for his kindred, contrary to the godly willes of the first founders. Ouer & beside all this, he inferreth other excrable taxes and stipendes for his Legates and messengers, whom he sendeth into England, which not only take away the feeding and clothing of thee and thine, but also tear in pieces like dogs your flesh and skins. May not this prince be compared to king Nabuchodonoser, which destroyed the temple of the Lord, and robbed away the silver and golden vessels thereof? The very same doth this man also he robbed the ministers of God his house, and left destitute of due help. In like manner doth he: Truly they be better that are killed with the sword, thē they which be pined with hunger: for they are dead straight, but these are wasted with the bareness of the earth. O daughter, all they that pass by the way, let thē have pity & cōcōpassiō on thee, for there is no sorrow like thy sorrow. For now thy face is blacker then coals through much sorrow and weeping, and thou art no more known in the streets: thy foresaid ruler hath placed thee in darkness, and hath given the worm wood and gall to drink. O Lord hear the sorrow and sighinges of thy people behold Lord, and descend, for the heart of this foresaid man is more indurate then the heart of Pharaoh. For he will not suffer the people to depart, except in the fortitude only of thy hand. For he scourgeth them not only miserably upon the earth, but also after their death he intendeth to incroch the goods of all Christians under the name and title to die intestate or making no will. Therefore let the chiualry of England well remember, how the Frenchmen in times past, directing their greedy eyes on the Realm of England, labored with all their power how to bring the same under their subiectiō But it is to be feared least the new devises and practice of this new enemy, supply that which hitherto hath been lacking in them. For in diminishing of the treasure of the Realm, and spoiling of the Churches goods: the Realm shall be brought into such inhability, that it shall not be able to help it self against the enemy. Therefore O daughter and you the ministers thereof, suffer not yourselves to be lead anymore into such miserable bondage. Better it is for the wealth of thee and thine, that the Christian king and the powers of the Realm which have endued thee with great benefits, and you also which are endued with their benefits, do labor with all your power how to resist the devises, conspiracies, arrogancy, presumption, and pride of the foresaid person: who not for any zeal of God, but for the enriching of his Parentes and for his own kindred (exalting himself like an Eagle) by these and such other exactions goeth about after a new kind of extortion to scrape up and devour all the money and treasure of England. Now least the dissembled simplicity of the Realm in this behalf do bring utter subversion, and afterward be compelled to seek remedy when it is to late: I beseech the Lord God of hoastes to turn away the vale from the heart of that man, and to give him a contrite and an humble mind, in such sort as he may acknowledge the ways of the true God, whereby he may be brought out of darkness, and be enforced to relinquishe his old sinister attempts: and that the vineyard which the Lord's hand hath planted, may be replenished continually with the preachers of the word. Let the words of the Lord prophesied by the mouth of Jeremiah, stir up your minds to withstand & resist the subtle practices of this man, by the which words the Lord speaketh: O thou Pastor which hast scattered my people, and hast cast them out of their habitations, behold I will come and visit upon thee, and upon the malice of thy studies: neither shall there be any of thy seed which shall sit upon the seat of David, neither which shall have power anymore in Judah. So that thy • east shall become barren, and utterly subverted like Sodom and Gomer.
And if he being terrified by these words do not leave of frō this which he beginneth, and doth not make restitution of those things which he hath received, then let all and singular persons sing for him being indurat, to him that seeth all things, the Psalm 108. Deus laudem. &c. For truly as favor, grace and benevolence, remitteth and neglecteth many things: so again the gentle benignity of man being too much oppressed and grieved, seeking to be delivered and freed from the same, striveth and searcheth to have the truth known, and casteth off that yoke by all means possible that giveth him.
&c. Haec Cassiodorus.
What effect this letter wrought in them, to whom it was directed, is not in story expressed. This by the sequel may be conjectured, that no reason or persuasion could prevail, but that the Pope retained here still his exactions, whatsoever was said or written to the contrary notwithstanding.
And thus much being written hitherto of these acts and doings here in England, now to slipp a little into the matters happening the same time in France, under the reign of the foresaid king Philip above mentioned: forsomuch as about this time, an. 1329. was commensed a parliament, by the said king of France, against the Pope, touching the jurisdiction both temporal pertaining to princes, and ecclesiastical belonging to the church: I thought it not unprofitable for the reader, to hear & learn the full discourse and tractation hereof, according as we have caused it to be excerpt faithfully out of the true copy and records of Peter Bertrand Bishop of Eduenen, and chief doer & prolocutor in the said parliament upon the Popes side, against the king and state temporal.
For so much as the high Prelate of Rome, otherwise called Antichrist, being thē in his chief ruffe, extolling him self above all princes and potestates of the world, as in other countries, so also in France extended his usurped iurisdictiō above the princely authority of the king, claiming to himself full government of both the states, as well secular as also ecclesiastical The king therefore not suffering the excessive proceedings of Pope Clement the 5. above specified, directeth his letters mandatory to the Prelates and Barons of the realm of France, to connēt & assemble themselves together at Paris, about the beginning of December, the year above prefixed. The tenor of which letters of the king directed to the Prelates, followeth in this form and manner.
The Sommons of a Parliament by Philip the French king.
The more sight and knowledge you have in diuinitye and the holy Scriptures of God, with the practice and experience of other good qualities and virtues: you know the better a great deal, how that the Clergy and layty of this our Realm (as members of one body) ought to cleave and stick together: and how by their helping hand, unity and peace should be maynetayned of all, and the contrary eschued and avoided, every state contēting it self, & not encroaching one upon another. And because we are advertised, how that our Barons and officers (as well in time past as of late) have diversely in diverse points injured you, as semblably you and yours in many causes have wrongfullye damaged them: by occasion whereof, the knot of unity and concord which ought to have flourished among you, is quite loosed and undone. To the end therefore by God's grace some good reformation and redress may be had herein: We most studious of unity and concord requere you, and by these our letters command you, to appear personally before us at Paris the 15. day of December next ensuing the dare hereof: and there before us to make relation of such wrong as ye have received at the laities hands. And we likewise straightly charge and command you our Barons, Bailiffs and officers not to fail, but to make your personal appearaunces before us, the day and place above written, & there to exhibit before us a bill, of such complaints wherewith you burden our Prelates and Clergy with their officials: that we with our counsel consulting thereupon, with due regard may see redress therein: whereby perpetual love and charity may ever hereafter reign and remain among them forever:
Geuen at Paris the first day of September an. 1329.
At the day in the letters above specified, the Prelates and Clergy assembled themselves before the King at his palace in Paris, that is to wit. The L. Baturicen, the L. of Auxitan, the L. Turonen, the L. Rothom, and the L. Senon, all Archbishops: The L. Beluaren, the L. Cathalan, the L. Laudun, the L. of Paris, the L. Nousonon, the L. Carnoten, the L. Constan, the L. Andegauen, the L. Pictauen, the L. Melden, the L. of Cameracen, the L. of S. Feri, the L. Brioce, the L. of Cabition, & the L. of Eduen, all Bishops. Where after due reverence done unto the Kings grace, there sitting in his own person, with his Barons and counsel about him: a certain noble and wise person Lord Peter de Cugnerijs, (being one of the kings counsel) rose up and openly in the Parliament house spake in the kings behalf on this wise, taking for his Theame. Reddite quae sunt Caesaris, Caesari, & quae sunt Dei, Deo : which is to say: give and render unto Caesar, which is his, and unto God which is God's: which he very artificially prosecuted and applied, deviding it into 2. partes. First that obedience and reverence is due unto the king, Secondly that there ought to be a difference between the jurisdiction of the clergy and laity, so that spiritual matters should be defined and ordered by the Prelates and spiritual men: and temporal causes ruled and determined by the king, his Barons, and temporal men. Which all he proved by many reasons both of fact and law, as more fully appeareth beneath in the answer of the Bishop of Eduen: finally he concluded, that the Clergy ought only to deal and have to do with spiritual matters: in defense whereof, the kings highness would stand their good Lord and maintayner. His Oration being ended, he repeated certain words in the French tongue which imported that the kings will and pleasure was in some points to renew the temporal state and jurisdiction: & therewith exhibited a certain bill in French, whereof also he gave a copy to the Prelates, containing certain pointes and articles under writ̄, the contents whereof he affirmed not to appertain to the order & jurisdiction of the spiritualty, but only to the temporalty: complaing that the Clergy had wrongfully proceeded in y • same. But notwithstanding the premisses, & for all this his complaint, he said that y • Prelates should have time to consult and deliberate thereupō with the king. The copy of which articles, with answers ensuing upon the same, and the grieuaunces of the kingdom of France, wrought by the clergy, and exhibited to the king, hereafter followeth.
1. First the cognition of causes real, whether they touch possession or their propriety or not, by commō law appertaineth to y • iurisdicion temporal. But the Prelates with their officials to y • end to infringe the temporal jurisdiction, take upon them the determination of such causes real, especially concerning possession and all other interdictes.