Acts and Monuments Volume 1

Variance between Pope Gregory the 9. and the Romans.

WHile peace thus between the king and the nobles was reconciled in England, dissension, and variance the same time and yere began in Rome, between the pope and the Citizens of Rome. The cause was, for that the citizens claimed by old custom and law, that the Bishop of Rome might not excommunicate any Citizen of the city, nor suspend the said City with any interdiction for any mauer excess.

To this the Pope answered again, Quod minor Deo est, sed quolibet homine major (to use the very words of mine author) Ergo, Major quolibet ciue, nae etiam rege, vel Imperatore. &c. that is, that he is less then God, but greater then any man. Ergo, greater then any Citizen, yea also greater then king, or Emperor. And for so much as he is their spiritual father, he both ought and lawfully may chastise his children when they offend, as being subjected to him in the saith of Christ, and reduce them into the way again, whē they stray out of course.

Moreover, the citizens allege again for themselves, that the Potestates of the City and Senators do receive of the Church of Rome yearly tribute, which the bishops of Rome were bound to pay unto them, both by new and also ancient law. Of the which yearly tribute, they have been ever in possessiō before this present time of this: pope Gregory 9.

Hereunto the pope answered and said, that although the Church of Rome in time of persecution, for their defense and cause of peace was wont to respect the head rulers of the Citty with gentle rewards, yet that ought not now to be taken for a custom: For that custom only ought to stand, which consisteth not upon examples, but upon right and reason.

Further and besides, the Citizens said, that they at y ^• commandment of the Senator would appropriate their country with new and larger limits, and infranches the same being enlarged with fines and borders.

To this the pope again made answer, that certain Lordshyps and cities and castles be contained within the compass of the said limites, as the City Uitterbium, and Moutcastee, which they presume to appropriate within their precinct: but to ascribe to them and usurp that which pertaineth to other, is against right and justice.

For these and such other controversies rising between the Pope and the Romaines, such dissention kindled, that the Pope with his Cardinals leaving the City of Rome, removed to Perusit • (as partly before is recited) thinking there to remain and to plant thenselves: but the Romans prevailing against h • m, overthrew diverse of his houses in the city. For the which, he did excommunicate thē. The Romans then flying to the Emperor, desired his aid & succor: but he, be like to pleasure the Pope, gathering an army, went rather against the Romans. Thē the popes army, whose Captains were the Earl of Toulouse (to purchase the Popes favor) and Peter the foresaid Bishop of Winchester (whom the Pope for the same had sent for frō england, partly for his treasure, partly for his practice and skill in feats of war) and the Emperors host ioyued together, and bordering about the Citty of Rome, cast down the castelies or mansions belonging to the citizens round about the Suburbes, to the number of 18. and destroyed all their vines and vineyardes about the City. Wherat the Romans being not a little offended, brast out of the City with more heat then order, to the number of 100000. (as the frorye reporteth) to destroy Uiterbium the Popes City, with sword and fire. But the multitude being vnordered and out of battle ray, and unprovided for ieoperdies which by the way might happen, fell into the hands of their enemies, who were in wait for them, and of them destroid a great mumber, so that on both parts were slain to the vew of 30000, but the most part was of the Citizens. And this dissention thus begun was not soon ended, but continued long after.

By these and such other stories, who seeth not, how far the church of Rome hath degenerated from the true Image of the right Church of Christ, which by the rule & example of the Gospel ought to be a daughter of peace, not a mother of debate, not a revenger of her self, nor seeker of wars, but a forgeuer of injuries, humbly and patiently referring all revenge to the Lord, not a raker for riches, but a winner of souls, not contending for worldly maistership, but humbling themselves as servants, and not Uicars of the Lord, but jointly like brethren serving together, Bishops with Bishops, Ministers with Ministers, Deacons with Deacons, and not as Masters separating themselves by superiority one from another, and briefly communicating together in doctrine and counsel, one particular church with another, not as a mother one over another, but rather as a sister Church one with another, seeking together the glory of Christ, and not their own. And such was the Church of Rome first in the old ancient beginning of her primitive state, especially while the cross of persecution yet kept the Bishops and Ministers under in humility of heart and fervent calling upon the Lord for help: so that happy was that Christian then, which with liberty of conscience only, might hold his life, how barely soever he lived. And as for the pride and pomp of the world, striving for patrimonyes, buying of Bishoprics, gaping for benefices, so far was this off frō them, that then they had little leisure and less list yea once to think upon them. Neither did the Bishops then of Rome fight to be Consuls of the City, but sought how to bring the Consuls unto Christ, being glad if the Consuls would permit them to dwell by them in the city. Neither did they thē presume so hye, to bring the Emperors necks under their gyrdles, but were glad to save their necks in any corner from the sword of Emperors. Thē lacked they outward peace, but abounded with inward consolation, God's holy spirit mightily working in their harts. Then was one catholic unity of truth and doctrine amongst all churches, against errors and secres. Neither did y ^• east and west, nor distance of place devide the church, but both the eastchurch and westchurch, the Greeks and Latynes made all one church. And albeit there were then 5. Patriarchal Seas appointed for order sake, differing, in regions, & peradventure also in some rites one from another, yet all these consenting together in one unity of catholic doctrine, having one God, one Christ, one faith, one baptism, one spirit, one head, and linked together in one bōd of charity, and in one equality of honor, they made altogether, one body, one church, one communion, called one catholic, universal, and Apostolical church. And so long as this knot of charity and equality did join them in one unity together, so long the church of Christ flourished and increased, one ready to help and harbor another, in time of distress, as Agapitus and Uigilius flying to Constantinople, were there aided by the Patriarch. &c. so that all this while neither foreign enemy, neither Saracen nor Souldane, nor Sultane, nor Calipha, nor Corasmine, nor Turk had any power greatly to harm it.

But through the malice of the enemy, this Catholic unity did not long continue, and all by reason of the bishop of Rome, who not contented to be like his brethren, begā to extend himself & to claim superiority above the other 4. Patriarchal Seas, & all other Churches in the world. And thus as equality amongst Christian bishops was by pride and singularity oppressed: so unity began by little & little to be dissolved, and the Lord's coat which the soldiers left whole, to be divided. Which coat of Christian unity, albeit of long time it had been now seamcript before by the occasion aforesaid: yet notwithstanding in some piece it held together in some mean agrement, under subiectiō to the sea of Rome, till the tune of this pope Gregory the 9. an. 1230. at which time this rupture and schism of the church brake out into a plain deuisiō, utterly disseuering the Eastchurch from the westchurch upon this occasion.

There was a certain archbishop elected to an Archbishopric among the Grecians, who coming to Rome to be confirmed, could not be admitted vules he promised a very great sum of money. Which when he refused to do, and detested the exectable simony of the court of Rome, he made his repair home again to his country vncōfirmed declaring there to the whole nobility of that land, the case how it stood. For y ^• more confirmation whereof, there were other also, which coming lately from Rome, & there had proved the same or worse, came in and gave testimony to his saying. Whereupon all the church of the Grecians the same time hearing this, departed utterly away from the Church of Rome, which was in the days of this Pope Gregory the 9. In so much that the Archbishop of Constantinople coming afterward to the general Council at Lions, there openlie declared, that where as before time he had under him above thirty Bishoprics and Suffragans, now he had not three, adding moreover that all y ^• Grecians & certain other, with Antioch and the whole Empire of Romania, cuē to the gates almost of Constantinople, were goue from the obedience of the Church of Rome. &c. Math. Paris. fol. 112. &c fol. 186.

By the occasion of which separation aforesaid, of the Grecians from pope Gregory, it happened shortly after, being the year of our Lord. 1237. that Germanus Archb. and Patriarch of Constantinople, wrote to the said Pope Gregory 9. humbly desiring him to study, and seek some means of unity, how the seamless coat of the Lord Jesus thus lamentably rent, not with hands of soldiers, but by discord of Prelates may be healed again, offering this moreover, that if he will take the pains to stir out, he for his part, notwithstanding his old age & seeble body would not refuse to meet him in the mid way, to y ^• intent that the truth on both sides being debated by y ^• scriptures the wrong part may be reduced, the slander stopped, and unity reformed between them.

This request of the Patriarke, as it was both godly & reasonable so it had been the bishops part again with like humility to have condescended to the same, and glad with all his might to help forward the reformation of Christian unity in the church of Christ, and so to have shown himself the son of peace But the proud Bishop of Rome more like the son of discord and dissention, standing still upon his majesty, refused thus to do, but writing again answer to his letters with great disdain, seeking nothing else but only how to advance his sea above all other churches: and not only that, but also shortly after sent forth his preaching Friers to move all Christians to take the sign of the cross & to fight against the Grecians no otherwise then against the Turks & Saracens: In so much that in the Isle of Cyprus many good men and Martyrs were slain for the same, as by the letters of the said Germanus Patriarke of Constantinople is to be seen.

The tenor of the which letter to the Pope, with the popes answer again to him, being long and tedious to read, are extant in the history of Math. Paris. there to be seen and found fol. 111. The summary effect whereof notwithstanding, I thought here briefly to notifye for the simple & unlearned multitude, which understanding not the Latin, may hereby perceive the fault of this schism not so much to rest in the greek church, as in the church of Rome as by the contents of his letter may appear.

The effect of the Patriarch of Constantinople his letter to Pope Gregory. 9.

IN the which letter the said Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople, writing to Pope Gregory, first after his reverend salutation and preamble following upon the same, entering the toward the matter, showeth the occasion of his writing, which was by 5. obseruaunt Friers repairing that ways, whom he gently receiving into his house, had conference with them touching this discord between the two Churches, how it might be reduced again to unity: and afterward perceiving the said Friers to make their journey towards to Rome, he thought therefore by thē to write his letters. Wherein he first lamenting this division in the house of God, and reciting the inconveniences which come thereof, by the example of Judah and Israel: Jerusalem and Samaria: Cain and Abel: Esau and Jacob: also of other such like, both private & public societies, where brother sighteth against brother, like as among fishes the greater devoureth the lesser, he proceedeth then further gently to exhort Pope Gregory to the study of unity.

And for so much as the Pope had accursed (belike) those Churches of the Greeks before, he therefore taking his ground upon the words of S. Paul, Gal. 1. where he accurseth every such person and persons, whatsoever they be either man or Angel of heaven, that shall preach any other Gospel then hath been preached. &c. willeth the Pope to stand with him upon the same ground of the Apostles accurse, so that if the stroke of that curse have light upon him or his churches, he desireth him to show the wound, and to help to wipe away the blood, to minister some spiritual emplaister to bind up the sore, and to save his brethre from perishing which lay in danger, according to the saying of the wise man: A brotherly friend is tried in adversity, &c.

But if we (saith he) of the Greek Church be free from the stripe of this accurse of the Apostle, and that you Italians & of the Latin Church be stricken therewith, and lie thereby in danger of destruction, I trust that you through ignorance and willful obstinacy will not so suffer yourselves to be separated from the Lord, but rather will suffer a thousand deaths before, if it were possible for a man so often to die.

And as touching this great discord between us, if either cōtrarietie of doctrine or swerving frō the ancient Canons, or diversity of rites received of our forefathers be any cause thereof, we here take heaven and earth to witness, that we for our partes are ready, and desire also upon due trial of profound truth by God's word and invocation of the holy Ghost to join hands with you, or you to join with us. But to say the very truth and to tell you plain, this we suppose, that many mighty and noble potentates would sooner incline to your obedience, were it not that they feared your unjust oppressions, your insatiable exactions, and inordinate oppressions wherewith you wring your subjects. By reason whereof have risen amongst us cruel wars, one fighting against another, desolation of Cittyes, Bulls and Interdictions set upon Church doors, division of brethren, and Churches of the Grecians left without service, where God should be praised. So that now only one thing lacketh, which I believe to be predefined and appointed from above long before to us Grecians, the time, I mean, of martyrdom, which also now hasteneth fast upon us, that the tribunal of tyrants should be opened and the seats of torments be set, that the blood of Martyrs should be spilled, & we brought to the stage of Martyrdom, to fight for the crown of glory.

This that I do speak, and wherefore I speak it, the noble Island of Cyprus doth already know and feel, which hath made many new Martyrs, and hath seen valiant soldiers of Christ, which of long time before passing by water and tears of sorrow, now at last have also passed through fire, and so entered into the heavenly rest. How say you, be these good and seemly, O holy Pope, the successor of S. Peter the Apostle? Is this the bidding of that good Peter, the meek and humble disciple of Christ? Doth he thus instruct the Seniors and Elders in his Epistle, where he writeth in this wise: The Elders which are amongst you, I beseech which am also a fellow Elder with them, and witness of the sufferings of Christ, and also a partaker of the glory that shall be opened: feed the flock of God which is amongst you, having care & sight over it, not of a coaction as compelled against your willes, but willingly of your own accord, nor for filthy lukere sake, but freely and heartily, neither as bearing dominion and Lordship over the Church, but showing yourselves as an example to the flock, and when the chief Pastor shall appear, you shall receive an incorruptible crown of eternal glory. &c. And this is the doctrine of Peter, as they shall se, which do not obey it. As for us the other part of the said Epistle is sufficient. Wherein he willeth thē to rejoice which are in heaviness through manifold temptations, that the trial of their saith being much more precious thē gold that perisheth, and is tried in fire, may be their laud, honor, and glory, at the appearing of the Lord Jesus. &c. But bear with me I pray you (O holy Father, and of all your Predecessors most meekest) and suffer my words though the seme something sharp: for they be sighings of a sorrowful heart.

Wherefore gird about your loins with fortitude, and light up the candle of your descretion, and seek the groat that is lost, of the unity, I mean of saith. And we will also with like compassion join with your holiness, and will not spare this weak body of mine, in pretending any excuse either of age or length of the way. For the more laborous the travel is, the moe crowns it bringeth. And S. Paul saith: Every man shall receive reward according to his travel. &c.

Neither are we ignorant (if it please your holiness) that like as we Grecians for our partes do labor in all respects to keep and observe the sincerity of true saith and doctrine, not to err ne swerve in any part or point from the statutes of the blessed Apostles and ancient fathers: so the Church likewise of old Rome, doth for her part labor also (we know well) to follow the sincere verity of Christian doctrine, and thinketh her self to err in nothing, nor to need any remedy or reformation. And this we know, is the judgment and saying of both the Churches, as well of the Greeks, as of the Latins. For no man can see any spot in his own face, without he stoop down to the glass, or else be admonished by some other, whether his face be blotted or no. Even so have we many great & sayre glasses set before us, first the clear Gospel of Christ, the Epistles of the Apostles, and divinity books of ancient writers. Let us therefore look in them well. They will show every man's mind and judgment, whether he go right or wrong. The God of peace tread down Satan speedily under our feet. The author of peace confound the sower of discord. He that is the cause of all goodness destroy the hater of that which is good, and which giveth cause of offense and slander. And he which is God of all joy and peace, send to us, which are the shepherds of his sheep reasonable, the angel of peace and messenger of great glad tidings, as he did in the Natiuitye of Christ, to the shepherds of brute sheep and unreasonable, and make us worthy to sing that joyful song of God's praise: Gloria in excelsis Deo, & in terra pax, hominibus bona voluntas, and to receive one another with an holy kiss. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the peace of God the Father, and the communion of the holy spirit be with you always. Amen.

An other Epistle of the said Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople, and Primate of the Greek Church, to the Cardinals of Rome.

AN other letter the said Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople, wrote also the same time, to the Popes Cardinals, wherein he first commending them for their wisdom and counsel, and showing what utility cometh by good counsel giving: for so much as God (saith he) many times that he hydeth from one, inspireth to another, so that that good thing which by the almighty God is sonderly dispensed to diverse, through common counsel and conference, spreadeth to the public utility of many. &c. After this, eftsoons he beginneth to exhort them, that they like charitable ministers and discrete counsellors, will take in hand the spiritual armor of God, to cast down the stop & partition walle of the old discord between the Greeks and Latin Church, & that they will be a means to the Bishop of Rome, that they which so long have been disseuered by dissention, may now be conjoined in unity of peace, in brotherly charity and communion of faith.

Concerning which matter, I have (saith he) already written to his holiness. And now I beseech the king of heaven, which took the shape of a servant, to help his miserable servants: and was exalted upon the cross, to raise them up which were fallen into the profundity of desolation, that he will vouchsafe to put from your hearts all elation of mind, extolling it self over and above the unity of your brethren and fellow servants, and to lighten your consciences with the true light of understanding that we may altogether agree in one, & that there be no schism amongst us. Let us therefore as we are instructed, so abide in one mind, that it be not said of us, as it was of the Corinthians before us: I hold of Paul, I of Apollo, I of Coephas, and I of Christ? but that all we, as we hold the name of Christ, and are all called Christians, so may also abide in that wherein we are instructed in one mind, that is, to follow love and charity in Christ Jesus, having always in our hearts the words of the Apostle, saying: One Lord, one Faith, one Baptism.

And now to be plain with you in that I have to say, I shall desire you not to be offended with me in uttering the truth as a friend unto you. The words (saith Solomon) of a wise man telling truth, be like to nails which be driven in deep. And truth for the moste parte, breedeth enemies. And therefore though I am partly afraid, yet will I simply confess the truth unto you. Certes this division of Christian unity amongst us, proceedeth of no other cause but only of the tyranny, oppression, and exactions of the Church of Rome: which of a mother is become a stepdame, and hath put her children from her whom long time she nourished (after the manner of a ravening bird) which driveth her young from her:) which children how much the more humble and obedient they are to her, the less she esteemeth them, and treadeth them under foot, not regarding the saying of the Gospel: Who so humbleth himself shall be exalted.

Let modesty therefore something temper you, and let the avarice of the Court of Rome, although it cannot well out of the flesh which is bred in the bone, yet surcease a while, and let us together condescend to the trial of the truth: which truth being found out on both sides, let us constantly embrace the same.

For why, we have been altogether sometimes both Italians and Grecians in one faith, and under the same Canons: having peace each with other, and defending one another, and confounding the enemies of the Church At what time many flying out of the west partes (whilst that the tyranny of the heretics endured) made their concourse to us, and were recaiued, and part fled unto you, that is, old Rome, as to a strong tower of refuge: and so received they comfort in both places, and one brother was thus received into the bosom of another, by mutual love for their defense.

Then after, when Rome had been often distressed by the barbarous and heathen nations, the Grecians were ever ready to rescue and deliver them. Did not Agapitus and Vigilius fly unto Constantinople by reason of the dissensions then at Rome, and being honourablye received, were here desended under our protection' although the like kindenes was never yet shown of your part to us again in our like necesities. Notwithstanding we ought to do good to them also that be vngrateful: for so doth the Sea participate her sinoth and calm tides even unto the Pirates. And so God causeth the sun to shine upon the lust and unjust. But (alas for sorrow) what bitter division is this that hath thus sequestered us a sonder? One of us detracteth another, shonning the company one of another, as the damnation of his soul. What a mortal hatred is this come amongst us? if you think we are fallen, then do you help to lift us up: and be not to us as a stombling block to our bodily ruin, but helpers unto the spiritual resuvrection of our souls. So shall we acknowledge our selves bound unto you to give you condign thanks accordingly.

But if the blame and first origin of all this offense proceedeth from Rome, and the successors of Peter the Apostle: then read you the words of S. Paul to the Galatians: saying. When Peter came unto Antioch, I withstood him in the face, because he was to be rebuked, &c. Howbeit this resistance was no cause of any discord or breach between them: but the cause rather of further search and profounder disputations, provoking temporal agrement. For they were fast joined together in the bond of charity in Christ, agreeing in faith and conformity of doctrine separated by no ambition or avarice. In which points would God we also were like unto them. This to us in our minds gendereth a great offense, that your gaping so greedyly after terrene possessions, scrape together all that you can scratch and rake. You heap up gold and silver, and yet pretend that you be the Disciples of him which said: gold and silver I have none. &c. You make whole kingdoms tributary to you, and kings and princes your vassals. You augment your money by usury, & by feats of marchaundise. You vnteache by your deeds, that which you teach in words.

Moderate yourselves therefore with more temperaunce, that you may be an example to us and to all the world. You see how good a thing it is one brother to help another. Only God alone needeth no help or counsel, but men need one to be holpen one of another. And were it not that I do reverence the blessed Apostle Peter, the chief of Christ's Apostles, the rock of our faith, I would here put you in remembrance how greatly this rock was shaken and removed from the foundation, at the sight of a seely woman: and Christ of his secret purpose permitted the same, which by the crowing of the cock brought him again to remembrance of that which was foretold him, and raised him from the slumber of desperation. Then he being thus waked, washed his face with tears, confessing himself before God and all the world, to be a true pattern of repentance, which before bare the keys of the kingdom, as saying thus unto us: May not he which falleth, rise again? Oh you which are fallen, rise up & behold me, & hearken unto me, traveling toward Paradise. The gates whereof to open I have received power.

And thus do I write unto you, not for any instruction, but only to put you in remembrance: for I know how God hath endued you with all wisdom and knowledge. As Solomon saith: Geue only occasion to the wise, and he will learn wisdom: Teach the just man, and he will be glad to take instruction.

This one thing more I will say and so make an end. There be great and mighty nations that are of like mind and opinion with us. First the Ethiopians that inhabit the chiefest part of the East. After that the Sirians: and other moe of greater number thē they: and more disposed to vertūe, as the Hyberi, Aloní, Gothi, Chaiari with innumerable people of Russia, and the kingdom of great victory of the Vulgarians. And all these are obedient unto us as their mother Church, persisting hitherto constantly in the ancient and true orthodoxasticall faith immouáble.

The God of all holiness which for our sakes became man, and which only is the head of his Church and congregation, vouchsafe to gather us again together in unity, and grant, that the Grecian church together with her sister church of old Rome may glorify the same Christ, the prince of peace, by he unity of faith, to the restitutiō of sound & wholesome doctrine, wherein many years agone they have agreed and were united. God grant unto you brotherlike charity, and the hand of the most mighty God govern you all (holy Cardinals) till that joyfully ye arrive in the heaven of everlasting trāquility. The grace of God be with you all, Amē. Ex Math. Parisiens. fol. 111.

Shortly after the sending of these letters, Pope Gregory prepared to send men of war signed with the cross to fight against the Grecians. Wherupon the Archbishop of Antioch, with the said Germanus solemnly excommunicated the Pope, after he first had excommunicated them, Par. fol. 118. In the mean time by the tenor of these letters of the Patriarch sent to the Pope and to the Cardinals, it is evident to all men that have eyes in their heads, to see: first how the whole universal church of Christ, frō the east partes to the west, in ancient times were altogether united in one consent of doctrine, & linked together in brotherly charity, one Church brotherly to help another, both with temporal aid & spiritual council, as case required. Neither was then any one mother Church above other Churches, but the whole universal Church was the mother Church and spouse of the Lord, to every faithful beleuer. Under which universal Church in general, were comprehended all other particular Churches in special, as sister churches together, not one greater thē another, but all in like equality, as God gave his gifts so serving one another, ever holding together the unity of faith and Sisterly love. And so long was it and rightlye might so be called the catholic church, having in it true unity, uniuersality, and free consent. Unity in doctrine, universality in communicating and joining together of voices, consent in spirit and judgment. For whatsoever was caught at Rome touching faith and salvation, it was no other then was taught at Antioch, Siria, &c.

Secondly, how in process of time, through occasion of the Bishop of Rome's tyranny and violent oppressiō, this ring of equality being broken all flew in pieces, the East church from the west, the Greeks from the Latins, and that which was one before, now was made two: unity turned to division, universality to singularity, and free consent to dissention.

Thirdly, here is also to be noted, after this pitiful breach of equality, how many & what great nations departed frō the communion of the Church of Rome, and especially about this time above specified of pope Gregory 9. an. 1230 so that both before and after that time many councils were holden, and many things concluded in the westchurche, whereunto the one half of Christendom lying in the east partes, did never agree: and contrary, many councils holden with them, which in the Latin church were not received. So that the church now as she lost the benefit of vniuersail consent, so also she lost the name Catholic. Whereupon this question is to be asked, that when the coū cell of Lateran under Pope Innocent 3. ordained the doctrine of transubstantiation and auricular confession here in the westchurch, without y ^• free consent of the eastchurch whether the same doctrine is to be counted Catholic or not?

Fourthly, in the departing of these churches from the Bishop of Rome, here also is to be noted, that the same churches of the Greeks, notwithstanding they sequestered themselves and fell out with the church of Rome, and that justly: yet they kept their unity still with their God, and retained still the true 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That is, the true and sincere doctrine of faith. ready to debate and try the truth of their religion by the scriptures, as they here in their own writings desire to have the truth examined, according as ye have heard. Wherefore the church of Rome hath done them open wrong, which being offered so gently to try and to be tried by the truth of God's word, not only would stand to no trial, nor abide conference, but also hath excommunicated them as heretics, which appear here to be more orthodorasticall Christians, then they themselves.

Fifthly, these things thus standing, then have we to conclude that the church of Rome falsely pretendeth it self to be catholic. For if the name of Catholic must needs import an universal consent of the whole, how can that be catholic where the consent of so many famous and true Christian churches hath been lacking, & furthermore where the consent that hath been amongst themselves, hath rather been coacted, then any true or free consent? Which is easy to be proved. For let these fires and fagottes cease, let kings and princes leave to press their subjects with the popes obedience, but let the scripture, and the bishops alone everyone his own Dioces to govern their stock after the rule of God's word, and how few be there in this west end of y ^• world (from you) y ^t would not do the same that these Grecias, Ethiopians, and Syrians have done before us? And thus much by the occasion of this Patriarchs letters sent to pope Gregory, concerning the Grecians.

Whose doings when I consider, as I cannot but commend their wisdom & judge their state happy and blessed, in shaking off from their necks the miserable yoke of the popes tyranny: so on the other side considering with myself the wretched thralldom of these our churches here in the west part of the world, under the bishop of Rome, I cannot tell, whether more to marvel or to lament their pitiful state, who were brought into such oppression & slavery under him, that neither they could abide him, nor yet durst cast him of. So intolerable were his exactions, so terrible was his tyranny, his suspensions & excommunications much like to a mad man's dagger, drawn at every trifle, that no christen patience could suffer it, nor natiō abide it. Again, so deep did he sit in their consciences, falsely believing him to have the authority of S. Peter, that for conscience sake neither king nor Caesar durst withstand him, much less poor subjects once mute against him. And although his takings and spoylings, namely in this realm of england were such, that neither the laity nor spiritualty could bear them: yet was there no remedy, bear thē they must, or else the Popes sentence was upon them, to curse them as black as pitch.

In reading the histories of these crimes, any good heart would lament and rue, to see the miserable captivity of the people, what they suffered under this thralldom of the Bishop of rome, whereof part hath been shown before, more (God willing) shall follow hereafter, and some part here presently I mind to express.

* A brief table or declaration of the Popes unreasonable gatherings, exactions, and oppressions in the Realm of England.

ANd first to begin with the elections of the Bishops, Abbots, Deans and Priors within this realm it cannot be told what mas of money grew to the popes coffers thereby, especially in this kings days: for so much as in his time lightly no election happened either of Archbishopp Bishop, Abbot, or any room of dignity, but when the Convent or Chapter had chosen one to their mind, the king who had married a stranger, and sought therefore to prefer strangers, would set up another. By reason whereof, whē the other part was sayne to appeal to Rome and there to plead the case, no small rivers of english money besides expenses and travel by the way, went flowing to the popes sea. And though the election went never so clear, yet the new elect must needs respect the holy father with some gentle reward, and further by his oath was bound every 3. years, either in his own person or by another to visit Limina Apostolorum.

So in the house of S. Albones, when John Herford was elected Abbot, their public electiō was not enough, but for the confirmation of the same, the Monks were fain to send Reynold the Phisitiō, & Nicholas a Monk, to Rome with a sufficient vag of money, through the mediation whereof the election might stand, and the new Abbot sworn every third yere by himself, or another to visit the doresels of the Apostles.

An other such like contention happened between the king and monks of Winchester about the election of W. Rale: whom the Monks had chosen, but the king refused, willing to place a stranger, and therefore sent to Rome his messengers, Theobald a Monk of Westminster, and M. Alexander a Lawyer with no small some of money: to euacuate the election of the foresaid W. Rale: Commaunding moreover, that y ^• gates of Winchester should be shut against him, and no man so hardy there to receive him in his house, whereupon the said w. being excluded, after he had said his curse upon the whole city of Winchester, made his repair to Rome, wherefore 8000. Markes being promised to the pope, his bishopric spite of the kings heart, was confirmed and he received. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 164. & 240.

After the death of Stephen Langhton Archb. of Canterbury, ye heard before how the monks had elected walter a Monk of Launterbury. But the king to stop that election, sent up his Proctors, M. Alexander stanes, and M. Henry Sandford bishop of Rochester to the Pope, to euacuate that election, and to place Richard Chancellor of Lincoln. Which Proctors perceiving at first the Pope and Cardinals, how hard & unwillingly they were thereunto, & considering how all things might be bought for money, rather then the king should fail of his purpose, they promised on the kings behalf to the pope for maintaining his wars against Frederick the Emperor a disme, or tenth part of all the moveables in the Realm of England and of Ireland. At the contemplation of which money the Pope estsoones thinking to pass with the king, began to pick quarrels with the foresaid Gwalther, for not answering rightly to his questions about Christ's descēding to hell: making of Christ's body on the altar: the weeping of Rachel for her children, she being dead before about the sentence of excommunication, and certain causes of Matrimony. His answers whereunto when they were not to the Popes mind, he was therefore put back, and the kings man preferred, which cost the whole realm of England and Ireland, the tenth part of their movable goods. By reason whereof, what money was raised to the Popes Gazophylacium, I leave to the estimation of the Reader, an. 1229. Ex Mat. Paris. fol. 71.

And yet for all this the said Richard the costly Archbishop of Canterbury, within less then two years after, falling out with the king about the castle and Lordship of Tunbridge, went and complained of him to the Pope. In the trauers whereof it cost the king a great piece of money besides, and yet mist he his purpose. In the which journey the said Archbishop in his return homeward by the way departed. an. 1231.

Of the like dissentiō ye heard before between the king and the convent of Durham, for not choosing M. Lucas the kings Chaplain. About the suit whereof, when much money was bestowed on both sides welfauoredly, the pope defeiting thē both, admitted neither M. William nor M. Lucas, but or deined the Bishop of Sarum to be their bishop. an. 1228 Ex Paris.

Betwene the Monks of Coventry and the canons of Liechfield, rose another like quarrel, which of them should have the superior voice in choosing their bishop. In which suit, after much money bestowed in the court of Rome, the pope to requallify again ech part w ^t some retribution for their money received, took this order indifferently between them, that each part by course should have the choosing of their bishop. an. 1228. Ex. Paris. fol. 68.

What business fell likewise between Edmund Archb. of Canterbury, and the Monks of Rochester, about the electiō of Richard Wēdour, to be their bishop? And what was the end: first the Archbishop was sayne to travel • himself to the Pope: and so did the Convent also send their Proctors. Who be like being better moved, weighed down the cause, so that the good Archbishop in that cause against the Monks: and partly in another cause against the Earl of Arundell, was condemned of the Pope in a thousand Markes. Whereof the greatest part (no doubly redounded to the Popes coffers. an. 1238. Math Parisiensis. fol. 114.

After the returning of the said Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury again from Rome, it chanced, that the Monks of Canterbury had elected their Prior without his assent: for the which he did excommunicate the monks, and euacuate their election. Not long after this the popes exactours went about to extort from the churchmen the fifth part of their goods to the Popes use fighting then against the Emperor. This cruel exaction being a great while resisted by the Prelates and Clergy, at length the foresaid Archb. thinking thereby to get the victory against the monks, was contented to grant to the said exaction, adding moreover of his own for an overplus 800. marks whereupon the rest of the Clergy was fain to follow after, and contribute to the popes exactors, an. 1240. Ex Mat. Paris fol. 132. b.

In the church of Lincoln (whose sea before the conquest was in Dorkester, and afterward by williā Rufus translated from thence to Lincoln) rose a grievous contētiō beweene Rob. Grosted then bishop, and the canons of the cathedral church, about their visitation, whether the bishop should visire them, or the Dean: which matter being put to arbiters, could not so be composed: before the B. and the chapter after their appeal made to the Pope. went both to Rome, and there after they had well wasted their purses, they received at length their answer, but paid full sweetly for it. an. 1239. Paris. fol. 119.

At what time the Canons of chichester had elected Robert Passelew to their bishop at the kings request, the Archb. with certain other bishops taking part against the kings chaplain, repelled him and set up Richard Wirch. Upon this what sending and going there was to Rome, and what money bestowed about the matter, as well of the kings part, as bishops, read the story thereof in Mat. Paris. fol. 182. 184. 186.

Robert Grosted bishop of Lincoln (of whom relation was made before) having a great care howe to bring the privileged orders of religious houses within his precinct, under his subiectiō and discipline, went to Rome, & there with great labor & much effusion of money as the story saith, procured of the pope a mandate, whereby all such religious orders were commanded to be under his power and obedience. Not long after, the Monks not abiding that, (who could soon wey down the Bishop with money) sent their factors to the Pope, who with their golden eloquence so persuaded him and stirred affections in such sort, that soon they purchased themselves, freedom from their ordinary Bishop, whereof Robert Grosted having intelligence, made up to Rome, and there complaing to the pope, declared how he was disappointed and confounded in his purpose, contrary to promises and assurance made to him before. Unto whom Pope Innocent looking with a stern countenance, made this answer again: Brother (said he) what is that to thee? Thou hast delivered and discharged thine own soul. It hath pleased us to show favor unto them. Is thine eye evil, that I am good: And thus was the Bishop sent away with a flea in his care, murmuring with himself, yet not so softly, but that the Pope heard him say these words: O money, money what canst not thou do in y ^e court of Rome? Wherwith the Pope being somewhat pinched, gave this answer again: D ye Englishmen, Englishmen, of all men most wretched. For all your seeking is how ye may consume & devour one another. &c. anno. 1250. Ex. Math. Parisiensi. fol. 230.

It happened moreover the same year, that the said Robert Grosted excommunicated and deprived one Ranulphus a benoficed person in his Dioces, being accused of incontinency, who after the term of xl. days, refusing to submit himself, the Bishoppe wrote to the Sheriff of Rutland to apprehend him as contuinax. which Sheriff because he deferred, or refused so to do (bearing favor to the party) and being therefore solemnly excommunicate by the bishop, uttered his complaint to the king, whereat the king taking great displeasure with the Bishoppe for excommunicating his Sheriff, and would not first make his complaint to him, sendeth forthwith a substantial messenger (M. Moneta) such as he was sure would speed unto Pope Innocent, by virtue of whose words the Pope easy to be entreated, sendeth down a proviso to the Abbot of Westminster, charging that no Prelate nor Bishop in the Realm of England should molest or enter action against any of the Kings Baylisses or Officers, in such matters as to the kings jurisdiction appertained. And thus was the strife ended, not without some help and heap of English money, so that no wind of any controversy here stirred in England, were it never so small, but it blew some profit for the Popes advantage, an. 1250 Ex Paris. fol. 231.

In like manner no little treasure grew to the Popes coffers by the election of Boniface the Queens Uncle a Frenchman to be Archb. of Laut. an. 1243. and of Ethelmare the Queens brother, to be Bishop of Winchester, against the wills of the Prior and Convent there, an. 1250. besides many such other exchetes, which made England poor, and the Pope rich.

I come now something likewise to touch briefly of the popes dispensations, provisions, exations, contributions and extortions in England in this kings days: for to discourse all it is not one book will hold it.

Simon Montfort Earl of Lecester had married Alinore the kings sister and daughter of king John, who by report of • oryes, had taken the mantell & ring; wherefore the king and his brother Richard Earl of Exceter, were greatly offended with the Marriage, which seeing the Earl Simon made a hand of money, and nothing over to Rome, after he had talked a few words in Pope Innocentes ear, the marriage was good enough: and letters sent to Dths the Popes Legate here, to give sentence solemnly with the Earl. Notwithstanding the Dominick Friers and other of the like religious fraternitye, withstood that sentence of the Pope stoutly saying, that the Popes holiness was therein deceived, and souls in danger, that christ was jealous over his wife, and that it could not be any wise possible, that a woman which had vowed her marriage with Christ could afterward mary with any other; &c. an. 1238. Ex Paris. fol. 114.

As there was nothing so hard in y ^• wide world wherewith the Pope would not dispense for money: so by the said dispensations much mischief was wrought abroad. For by reason thereof, the people trusting upon the Popes dispensation, little regarded what they did, what they promised, or what they sware. As well appeared by this king Henry. 3. who being a great exactor of the poor commons, as ever was any king before him or since, and thinking thereby to win the people sooner to his devotion, most saythfully promised thē once or twice, and thereunto bound himself with a solemn oath, both before the clergy and layty, to grant unto them the old liberties and customs as well of Magna charta, as Charta de Foresta perpetually to be observed. Whereupon a Quindecim was granted to the king. But after the payment was sure, the king trusting by the Popes dispensation for a little money to be discharged of his oth and covenant, went from that he had promised and sworn before.

In like manner the said king another time, being in need of money, signed himself with the cross, pretending and swearing deeply in the face of the whole parliament, that he would himself personally fight in the holy land against the Saracens. But as soon as the money was taken, small care was taken for performance of his oath, being so put in the head by certain about him, that he needed not pass of that perinye, for so much as the Pope for an hundred pounds or two would quickly discharge him thereof, Ex Math. Paris. fol. 273.

Out of the same corrupt spring of these popish dispensations, have proceeded also many other soul absurdities. For where many young men were in those days, which enjoyed benefices, and were no priests: and when by the procurement of Robert Grosted Bishop of Lincoln the said young men should be forced, whether they would or nor, to enter orders, they laying their purses together, sent to Rome, and obtained of the Pope a dispensation to remain still as they were, that is, to have the fruits of benefices to find them at school or university, and yet themselves neither ministers to take charge, nor yielding any service for their prosites taken. Ex Math. Paris. fol. 256. Besides innumerable heaps of enormities moe, proceeding of the Popes dispensations, as dispensing one man to have sundry bishoprickes, to encroch pluralities of benefices to make children Parsons, to legitimate bastards, with such other like, the particulars whereof, for brevities sake I do omit to further opportunity.

The intolerable oppression of the Realm of England, by the Popes exactions and contributions and other sleights here used in the time of K. Henry 3.

ALthough these • moluinentes thus rising daily to the Popes purse by Simony and brybery, by electious & dispensations, might seem sufficient to satisfy his greedy appetite, yet so insatiable was the avarice of that see, that he not yet contented here with, over and besides all this, sent every yere almost some Legar or other into this realm to take for his advantage. In so much that during all this kings time, the Realm was never lightly without some of the Popes liegers with all violence exacting and extorting continual provisions, contributions, and sums of money to be leaued out of Celles, Abbayes, priors, fruits of benefices, and Bishoprics, and also lay men's purses, to the miserable empouerishing both of the clergy and tēporalty, as hereunder followeth.

First after Pandulphus, was sent into this Realm Cardinal Otho, procured by the king without the assent of his nobles, to the intent to assist him in certain affairs, he had to do. At receiving of which Legate, great preparaunce was made, many rich and precious gifts in scarlet, in plate, in jewels, in money and palfreyes were given him. Whom the king also himself went as far as the Sea side to receive, bowing down his head in low coursye to the cardinalles knees. To whom also the bishop of winchester for his part gave toward keeping of his house, fifty fat Dren, a hundred semes of wheat, and 8. great vessels of pure wine. This Legate at his first coming beginneth first to bestow such benefices as he found vacant, upon thē whom he brought with him without respect, whether they were meet, or unmeet. Ex Paris. fol. 103.

After this the Pope hearing how the nobles and commons of the Realm began to stomach the Cardinal for his excessive procurations & exactions, sent for him home: but the king, by reason he stood in fear of his nobles, and thought to have a stay by the Cardinal against all occurrentes, entreated him to stay while he wrote to the Pope, to obtain further license for him to tarry: & so did, notwithout some English money, ye may be sure.

In this mean time of vacation, Otho thinking to lose no time, but to gather also come crōmes in Scotland, made as though he would set things there in order, which were in the church of Scotland to be reformed, and so cometh to the king of Scots, being then in York with king Henry, to have leave to enter. Unto whom y ^• king thus made answer, that he never saw, to his remembrance, any popes Legate in his land, neither was there any such need (God be prayed) for any such to be sent for. Matters there were well enough, and needed no help of his. And as he could never learn either in y ^• days of his father, or any his predecessors, that any such entrance to any Legate was granted, so he for his part would not now begin. But yet notwithstanding, for so much as I hear (said he) that you are a good man, this I tell you before, that i • ye will needs adventure in, do it warely, and take heed to yourself, lest it happen to you otherwise, then I would wish: for they be a savage and unruly people, given much to murder, & shedding blood, whō neither I myself am scarce able to vridle, so that if they fall upon you, I shall not be able to help you. And how they also invaded me, and sought to expel me frō my kingdom, ye heard alate. And therefore, I warn you before, take heed by time, what ye think best to do. After the Cardinal heard the king speak these words he plucked in his horns, & durst proceed no further but kept him still by the side of king Henry. Notwithstanding shortly after, the same Legat coming to the borders of Scotland, there called the Bishops to him, & so when he had well filled h s bags came back again. Ex Mat. Paris. fol. 106.123. b.

It was not long after, but license came from Pope Gregory to his Legate. Otho, for his longer abode here in the realm (as welcome as water in the ship) with new authority also to proceed in the Popes assayres. Who first showing to the Bishops and the Clergy his letters of longer tarrying, required of them, for so much as no mā (said he) warreth of his own charges, to be supported w ^t new procuratiōs, which was to have of every able church 4. Markes, and where one Church was not able to reach thereto, that other churches should join with all, to make the said money. Notwithstanding the Bishops a great while stood in denial thereof Parisiens. fol. 123.128.132.

Besides he assembled together all black Monks of S, Benedictes order, giving to them strait orders, which shortly after for money, he released to them again, Parisiens. fol. 116.119.

Moreover by the said Otho, and other the Popes exactions with special Bulls directed down for the same, collation of benefices being taken out of the hands of the patrons, were given to light and vile runnagats, coming from Italy and other places, such as pleased the pope and his Legate to bestow them upon, to the great prejudice of the ancient liberty and right of the true patrons thereof. Whereupon the Earls and Barons and nobles of the realm addicted letters unto pope Gregory, by Syr Robert Twing knight, for redress of such wrong & injuries, who otherwise should be forced (they said) to invocate the succor of their king, who both was able and no less was willing according to his duty (they trusted) to reform such eno • mities, and to defend the liberties of his Realm. The tenor of whose writing is to be read in Mat. Parisiens. fol. 128. a.

Not long after the same, in the yere of our Lord. 1240 came a new precept from Pope Gregory, by Petrus Rubeus the popes nuncio, to the foresaid Otho, that all beueficed men in the Clergy as well in England as France, should pay to the Pope the fifth part of their revenues. Whereupon whē the Clergy men made their complaint to the king, seeking to be relieved by him, the king answered them again that he neither would, ne durst stand against the pope in any case, and so without all hope of succor sent them away Parisiens. fol. 132. Then were the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbats, and Prelates of the Church commanded to assēble to gether at Reding, there to hear y ^• Popes pleasure and commandment, concerning the payment of this fifth part. Wherein the end thus the matter, concluded, y ^• the prelates desired a further time to be given them to advise upon the matter, and for that season the assembly brake up. Parisens. 122. b.. Notwithstāding at last after many excuses and exceptions laid in by the Clergy, first that because the money was gathered to fight against the Emperor, they ought not to contribute their money contrary to the liberties of the church. Item forsomuch as they had paid a tenth not long before unto the pope, upon conditiō that no mo such payments should be required of thē, much less now the fifth part should be exacted of them, because an action twice done maketh a custom. Item, seeing they had oftentimes to repair to the Court of Rome, if they should give this money against the Emperor, it would turn to their danger coming through his land. Item seeing their king had many enemies, against whom they must needs relieve the king with their money, they could not so do, if y ^e realm were thus impoverished &c. All which excuses to diverse other moe notwithstanding, they were compelled at length to conform themselves to the popes good pleasure, through the example given of Edmund Archb. of Cannterbury who to obtain his purpose against the Monks of Canterbury (with whom he was then in strife) began first to yield to the Legates 800. Marks for his part. Whereby the rest also were sayne to follow after. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 132.136.

Furthermore the same year the Pope agreed so with the people of Rome, that if they would aid him against Frederick the Emperor, look what benefices were to be givē in England, the same should be at their arbitremēt to be bestowed upon their children. Whereupon commandment was sent to the foresaid Edmund Archbishop, to y ^e bishops of Lincoln and Sarum, that all collations of benefices within the realm should be suspended till provision were made for 300. children of the Citizens of Rome, to be first served. Upon the which so miserable request the said Edmund Archb. of Canterbury for sorrow to see the church so oppressed departed the Realm, and so continued in France, & died at Pontinia. Ex Mat. Parisi. fol. 134. b. which Edmund was afterward made a Saint, and canonised by Pope Innocent. 4.

This done, then went Petrus Rubeus the popes nūcio, and Ruffinus into scotland, frō whence they brought with them 3000. pounds, to the popes use about all hallowtide the same year. At which time moreover cometh another harpar from the Pope to England named Mumelius, bringing with him 23. Romaines here into the Realm to be beneficed. Thus, what by the king on the one side, and what by Cardinal Otho, Petrus Rubens, Ruffinus and Mumelius on the other side, poor England was in a wretched case. Mat. Parisiens. fol. 137.

An other pretty practice of the pope to prolle for money, was this. The foresaid Petrus Rubeus coming into religious houses and into their Chapters, caused thē to contribute to the Popes holiness, by the example of this Bishop and that Abbot, pretending that he & he of their own voluntary deuotiō had givē so much & so much, & so seduced them. Paris. fol. 134 Also the pope craftily subborned cer teine Friers authorised with full indulgence, that whosoever had vowed to fight in the holy land, and was disposed to be released of his vow, needed not to repair to Rome for absolution, but paying so much money as his charges would come to going thither, he resorting to the said Friers might be assoiled at house.

The next year following, which was 1241. came a commandment Apostolical to the house of Peterborow, that they at the Popes contemplation must needs grant him some benefice lying in their donation, the fruits whereof at least being worth an hundredth pounds, and if it were more it should be the better welcome, so that they should be as the fermers, & he to receive the profits. In fine, the Louent, excused themselves by the Abbot, being then not at home. The Abbot when he came home excused himself by the king, being the patron and foūder of the house. The king being aggrieved with the unreasonable ravening of these Romanists, utterly forbad any such example to be given. Ex Parisiēs. fol. 143. But what happened: The Abbot being therefore accused to the Pope by one of the Legates, and coming up about four years after in the time of Pope Innocent, to the Council of Lions, was so rated and reviled, & so shamefully thrust out of the popes court, that for sorrow he fell sick upon the same, and there died. Parisiens. fol. 184.

In the time of which council of Lions, Pope Innocent 4. (for so much as the instrument or obligatiō whereby the realm of England stood tributary to the pope, was thought to be burned in the popes chamber, a little before) brought forth either the same, or another charte like unto it, whereunto he straitly charged & commanded every english Bishop being there present at the council severally to set to his band & seal. Which vnresonable petition of y ^• pope, albeit it went fore against y ^• hearts of y ^e bishops, yet (see in what miserable subjection the pope had all the bishops under him) none of them durst otherwise do but ac complish the Popes request therein, both to their own shame, & prejudice to the public freedom of the Realm. Amongest which Bishops, the longest that held out, and last that put to his seal was the Bishop of Londō. Which Act when the king and the nobility understood, they were mightily, and worthily therewith all offended. Ex. Parisiens. fol. 192. an. 1245.

After what time Cardinal Otho was sent for by pope Gregory in all haste to come to the general council. 1. other in his room here reimayned, whose names were Petrus Rubeus, and Petrus de Supino. Of whem the one bearing himself for the Popes kinsman, brought out his B • lles and Bulls under the Popes authority, to such an Abbot or to such a Prior, or to such and such a Bishop, and so extorted from them a great quantity of gold and silver. The other, to wit, Petrus de Supino, say • ed to Ireland, from whence be brought with him a thousand and 5. hundredth marks to the popes use. an. 1241. Ex Par. fol. 247. b. All which money notwithstanding gotten by both the collectors, in the carriage up to Rome, about the death of Pope Gregory, happened into the hands of Frederick the Emperor, who caused it again to be restored as near as he could, to them of whom it was taken. Parisiens. fol. 151.

After these, came in then M. Martinus a new Marchaunt from the new pope Innocent the fourth. an. 1244. armed with full power to suspend all Prelates in England from giving benefices, til the popes kinsmē were first pre ferred. Neither would he take the fruits of any benefice, unless it were above the value of 30. marks. At his first coming he required of prelates & especially of religious houses to furnish him with horses & palfryes, such as wer convenient for the popes especial chaplain and Legate to sit upon. Also with plate, raiment, provision for his kitchen and cellar, &c, and such as denied or excussed, he suspēded, as the Abbot of Malinesbury, and the Prior of Merton. All prebendes that were void he sought out & reserved them for the Popes behoove. Among which was the golden prebend of Saruin, belonging to the Chancellor of the Queere, whom he preferred to the Byshopricke of Bathe, and so seised upon the prebend being void, against the willes both of the Bishop and the Chapter. Paris. fol. 167.180 Moreover he brought with him blanks in paper & parchment sigued in the popes chamber with his stamp and seal, wherein he might afterward write to whom, and what he would. Parisiens. fol. 178. b. requiring furthermore of the king in the popes behalf, to help his holiues with a contribution to be taxed amongst his Clergy, at least of 10000. Markes, Ibid. And to the end that the Pope might win the king sooner to his deuotiō, he writeth in y ^• kings behoove to the nobles and commons of the Realm, that they should not fail, upon payue of his great curse, to confer such subsidy of money to the subuention of the king, as he then had demanded of them, but they stood striffe in not granting to him.

While the insatiable avarice of the pope thus made no end in gathering riches and goods together in England, the nobles & Barons, with the community as well of the Clergy as the laity, weighing the miserable state of the Realm, and namely of the church, which now neither had liberty left thē to choose their own ministers, nor yet could enjoy their own livings, laid their heads together, and so exhibited an earnest intimatiō to y ^• king, beseching him to consider the pitiful affliction and oppression of his subjects under the popes extortion, living in more thraldōe, thē ever did the people of Israel, under Pharaoh. Wherupon the king beginning at last to look up, & to consider the injuries and wrongs received in his Realm through the avarice of the court of Rome, directeth to pope Innocent 4. this letter in tenor as followeth.

A man would think that this so gentle and obedient letter of the king to the Pope, would have wrought some good effect in his Apostolical breast, to withdraw his provisions, and to have tendered the kings so reasonable and honest request: but how little all this prevailed to stop his insatiable gredines, and intolerable extortions & oppressions, the sequel well declareth. For besides that shortly after the Pope sent M. Martin with blanks being bulled for contribution of 10000. Marks in all haste to be paid also even immediately upon the receiving of this letter, it followeth in mine author, that the said pope Innocēt the 4. after all this great submission of the king and so manifold benefits and payments yearly out of this Realm received, was not ashamed to take of David prince of north Wales, 500. marks by year, to set him against the king of England, and exempted him from his feairy and obedience due to his own liege Lord and king, to whom both he and all other welchmen had sworn their subjection before, as by the seals and obligations, as well of that David himself, as other welch Lord's in this behalf, doth appear. In Mat. Paris. fol. 172.

Neither did M. Martinus in the mean while sleep his business in making up his market for the popes money of 10000, marks, but still was calling upon the prelates and clergy. Who first excusing themselves by the absēce of the king and the Archb. of Cant. afterward being called again by new letters, made their answer by the Dean of Paul's their Prolocutor.

First that the poverty of the Realm would not suffer them to consent thereto.

Item, where as they had given before a coutribution to Cardinal Otho, for paying of the Popes debts & knew the said money to be employed to no such end as it was demanded for, more cause they had now to misdoubt, least this contribution, in his hands which was a much more inferior messenger thē the Cardinal, would come to the same or a worse effect.

Item, if they should now agree to a new contributiō, they feared least it would grow to a custom, seeing that one action twice done maketh a custom.

Item, for so much as a general council is shortly looked for, where every Prelate of the Realm must needs bestow both his travel and expeuses, and also his presence to the Pope, if the Prelates now should be bound to this rare, they were not able to abide this burden.

Item, seeing it is alleged, that the mother Church of Rome is so far in debt, reason and right it were, that the mother so oppressed should be sustained of all her devout children meeting together in the general council, whereas by helps of many more relief might come, thē by one nation alone.

Item, last of all they alleged, that for fear of the Emperor and his threatenings, they durst not consent to the said contribution.

While these things were thus in talk between the Popes priest and the clergy of England, cometh in John Marshall and other messengers from the king, commaūding in the kings name, that no Bishop that held his Baronage of the king, should infest his leseode to the court of Rome, which they ought only to him. &c. Ex Parisiens. fol. 139. anno. 1243.

Not long after this, in the year of our Lord. 1245. the whole nobility of the Realm by general consent, and not without the kings knowledge also, caused all the Portes by the Seaside to be laid, that no mess̄ger with the popes letters and Guls from Rome, should be permitted to enter the Realm. Whereupon some were taken at Dover, and there stayed. Notwithstanding when complaint thereof was brought to the king by M. Martinus the Popes legate, there was no remedy but the king must needs cause these letters to be restored again, and executed to the full effect. fol. 185.

Then the king upon advise, caused a view to be taken through every shyre in England, to what sum the whole revenues of the Romans and Italians amouted, which by the Popes authority went out of England: the whole sum whereof was found yearly to be three score thousand Markes: to the which sum, the revenues of the whole crown of England and not extend: Ex Math. Parisiens fol 185. a.

The Nobles then understanding the miserable oppression of the Realm, being assembled together at Dinistable for certain causes, sent one Fulco in the name of the whole nobility, unto M. Martinus the Popes Marchaunt with this message, that he iudelayedly upon the same warning should prepare himself to be gone out of the realm, under pain of being cut all to pieces. At which message the Legate being sore aga • , went straight to the king, to know whether his consent was to the same or not. Of whom when he found little better comfort, he took his leave of the king, who had him adue in the devils name (faith M. Paris. ) and thus was the realm rid of M. Martinus. Ex Mat. Paris. 185. b. an. 1245.

As soon as Pope Innocent had hereof intelligence by the cōplaynt of his Legate, he was in a mighty rage: And furthermore remembering how y ^• french king & the king of Aragon, not long before had denied him entrance into their land, and being therefore in displeasure with thē likewise, began in great anger to knit his brows, and said: it is best that we fall in agreement with our prince, whereby we may the sooner bring under these little petty kings, and so the great Dragon being pacified, these little serpents we shall handle at our own pleasure as we lift.

After this immediarly thē followed the general council of Lions, to the which council the states and Lord's of the Realm, with the consent of the communaltye, sent two Bulls: One containing a general suplication to the Pope and the council: the other with the Articles of such grievances which they desired to be redressed, whereof relation is made sufficiently before, pag. 267. The other bill of the Supplication because it is not before expressed, I thought here to exhibit for two causes: First, that men now in these days may see the pitiful blindness of those ignorant days, wherein our English nation here did so blindly humble themselves, and stand to the Popes curtesy. Whom rather they should have shaken of, as the Grecians did. Secondly, that the pride of the Pope might the better appear in his colors, who so disdaynefully, rejected the humble suit of our Lord's and Nobles, when they had much more cause to disdain rather, & to stamp him under their feet. The tenor of the Supplicatiō was this.

This supplication being sent by the hands of Sir R. Bygot Knight, and W. de Powike Squier, Henry de la Mare, with other knights and Gentlemen, after it was there opened and red, pope Innocent first keeping, silence, deferred to make answer thereunto, making hast to proceed in his detestable excommunication and curie against the good Emperor Frederick. The with curle being done, and the English ambassadors waiting still for their answer, the Pope then told them flat, they should not have their request fulfilled. Wherat the English men departing iu great anger away, sware with terrible oaths, that they would never more suffer any tribute, or fruits of any benefices, namely whereof the noble men were patrons, to be paid to that insatiable and greedy court or Rome worthy to be detested in all worlds. Ex Math. Paris. fol 193.

The Pope hearing these words, all be it making then no answer, thought to watch his time and did. First, incontinent upon the same, during the said Counsel, he caused every Bishop of England to put his hand and seal to the obligation made by king John for the Popes tribute, as is above specified. Threatning moreover, & saying, that if he had once brought down the Emperor Frederick, he would bridle the insolent pride of England well enough.

After this Council ended, in the beginning of the next yere following. An. 1246. Pope Innocent came to Cluniake, where was then appointed a secret meeting or colloquy between the Pope and Louis the French king (who was then preparing his voyage to Jerusalem) in which colloquy the pope sought all means to persuade y ^e French king, in revengement of his miurie, to war contra Regulum (as he termed him) that is, against the weak and scule king of England, either to drive him utterly frō his kingdom, or else so damnitie him, whereby he should be constra • ned, whether he would or no, to stoop to the Popes will and obedience: Wherein he also would assist him with all the authority he could do. Nevertheless, the French king to this would not agree, first for the consanguinity that was between them (for there 2. Queens were sisters) And also for the truce that they had taken. Thirdly, for fear of the Emperor, least he should take his part. Item, for that it could not be without the spilling of much Christian blood. And lastly, because he was preparing his voyage to y ^e holy land, where his coming was already looked for. And thus the French king denying the Popes bloody request, refused not only to enter war against the king and the realm of England, but also shortly after concluded with him longer truce. An. 1246. Ex. Math. Paris. sol. b.

Straight upon the neck of this, followed then the exaction of Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury, that he had bought of the Pope: which was, to have the first years fruits of all benefices and spiritual linings in England for the space of 7. years together, until the sumine should come of • en thousand Markes. Whereat the king first was greatly aggrieved. But 〈◊〉 eonclusion, he was fain at last to agre • with the Archbyshop, and so the nibney was gathered. Paris. fol. 197.

Ouer and besides all other exactions, wherewith the pope miserably oppressed the church of England, this also is not to be ••• lenced, how the Pope sending down his letters 〈◊〉 the se • Apostolic, charged and commanded the prelates to find him, some 10. Tome 5. and some 15. able men well furnished with horse and harneis, for one whole yere, to fight in the popes wars. And lest the king should have knowledge thereof, it was enjoined them under pain of excommunication that they should reuease it to none, but to keep it secrete only to themselves. Paris. fol. 200.

The pope yet notw ^t standing, partly being labored by si • ers, partly of his own mind thinking good somewhat to give to the king & people of England, as fathers are woe •• to give solsterhing to their babes to play with all to kee •• them still, sent down this releasment to the king, y ^• hereafter whensoever any of the popes nephews or of his Cardinals were to be beneficed many church of England, either he, or the Cardinals should first make the king privy theeof, and instantly cra •• e his good-will in obtaining the prōtutation, or else the same to stand in no effect. &c. Parisiensis sol. 202. howbeit all this seemed to be don 〈◊〉 of a policy, to get the kings • auour, whereby he might be suffered more freely to pass with greater exactions, as afterward appeared.

For whē the foresaid Pope Innocent 4. had knowledge the same time of certain rich Clerks leaving great substance •• niony, which died intestate as of one Rob. Hailes Archdeacō of Lincoln, which died leaving thousands of Marks and inush plate behy • de hyin, all which because no will was made, ea ••• to temporal men's hands: also of M. Almarick Archdeacon of Bedford, being found worth a great substance when he died: and likewise of another M. John Hotosp Archdeacō of Northampton, who died suddenly intestate, leaving behind him 5000. Markes, and 30. standing pieces of plate, with other infinite jewels besides: sent forth vpō the same • statute to be proclaimed in England, that whatsoever ecclesiastical person henceforth should decease in England intestate, that is, without making his will, all his goods should redound to the Popes use. Paris fol 203.

Furthermore, the Pope yet not satisfied with all this, addresseth new letters to the bishop of Winchester, and to w. bishop of Norwich, for gathering up amongst the clergy, and religious houses in England 6000. Markes to the behouse of holy mother the Church, without any excuse or delay, by virtue of obedience. Which tailage being greatly grudged of the Clergy, when it came to the kings ear, he • f • soones directeth contrary letters to all the Prelates and everyone of them, commanding them vpō forfeyting their temporaities to the king, that no such subsidy of money should be gathered or transported out of the Realm. But the Pope again hearing thereof, in great anger writeth to the prelates of England, that this collection of money, upon pain of excommunication and suspension should be provided, and brought to the new Temple in London, by the feast of the Assumption next ensuing.

And furthermore, forasmuch as he perceived the king to go about to gamestand his proceedings, taking thereat great disdain, he was about the same time to interdict the whole land. To whom then one of his Cardinals, called Johannes Anglicus, an Englishman borne, speaking for the realm of England, desired his fatherhood for God's cause to mitigate his modie ire, & with the bridle of temperance to assuage the passion of his mind: which (said he) to tell you plain, is here stirred up to much without cause. Your fatherhode (quod he) may consider that these days be evil. First the holy lande lieth in great pearils to be lost. All the Greke church is departed from us. Frederick the Emperor is against us, the mightiest prince this day in all Christendom. Both you and we which are the peers of the Church are banished from the Papalisea, thrust out of Rome, yea excluded out of all Italy. Hungary with all the coasts bordering about it, looketh for nothing but utter subversion by the Tartarians. Germany is wasted and afflicted with inward wars & tumults. Spain is fierce & cruel against us, even to the cutting out of the Bishops tongues. France by us is so impoverished, y ^• it is brought to beggary, which also conspireth against us. Miserable England being so often̄ plagued by our manifold injuries, even much like to Balaam's asse, beaten and bounst with spurs and staves, beginneth at length to speak and cōplain of her intolerable griefs & burdens, being so wearied and damnified, that she may seem past all recovery: And we, after the manner of Ishmael hating all mē, provoke all men to hate us. &c. Ex Paris. fol. 207.

For all these words of John. Anglicus his Cardinal, the Popes cholerike passion could not yet be appeased, but forthwith he sendeth commandment with full authority to the bishop of Worcester, that in case the king would not speedily surcease his rebellion against his Apostolical proceedings, he should interdict his land. So that in condusion the king for all his stout enterprise was fain to relent at last, and the Pope had his money. Anno 1246. Ex Pariens. fol. 204.

Ye heard before of the Greke churches under the Empire of Constantinople, howe they sequestered themselves from the company of the Romish church. In so much that Germanus the Patriarch of Constantinople, and the Archbyshop of Antioch did excommunicate the Bishop of Rome. And after the said Germanus another Archbishop of Constantinople at the Council of Lions protested, that where as before were 30. Suffragans belonging to that province, now there were not 3. that held with the Church of Rome. And this breach, albeit it chiefly • ast out in the tune of Pope Gregory the 9. Anno 1230. to open war and bloodshed, yet the same had begun, and so continued long before, in such forte as in the time of the Pope Innocent the third, if any Priests had said Mass in their Churches, they would wash the altar afterward: as appeareth by the acts of the Lateran Council. Capit. 4. Wherefore Pope Innocent now (as his other predecessors had done before) bearing an old grudge against those churches of the Greeks, and neither willing by conference to try with them, nor able by learning to match with them, thought by force of arms to subdue them, sent the provincial of the gray Friers, with other associates of the same order into England with his precept authentical, containing in it these Articles.

• 1. First, that the said provincial, or his Friers should inquire upon all userers being alive, and of all such evil gotten goods gained. per • surariam prauitatem, should make attachement for the use and preparation of this war against the Greeks, excommunicatyng all them by district censures of the Church that repugned against it.
• 2. That all they, which took the badge of the Cross, for the recovery of the said Empire of the Greeks, or with goods and cattle would help sufficiently unto the same, should be absolved of all their sins.
• 3. Item, that all the goods left in the Testaments of them that were departed, being gotten by vsur • e, should be taken up to the subsidy of the Empire aforesaid, and whosoever repugned against the same, should be excommunicated.
• 4. Item, that such goods as in the Testaments of the dead, left or which should be left three next years to come, for restitution of such goods as the dead had evil gotten, they should take up for the subsidy of the Empire aforesaid, excommunicatyng. &c.
• 5. Item, such goods as were left to be distributed in godly uses, after the arbitrement of executours, by the willes of the dead, or were not in their willes deputed to any certain places or persons named, nor yet were bestowed by the said executors to the foresaid uses, they should collect to the use and subsidy aforesaid, and give certificate to the sea Apostolic of the quātitle thereof, excommunicating all repugners and rebellers against the same.
• 6. Item, that they should diligently inquire of such men's goods evil got̄ or evil come by, as were alive, and them they should attache for the subsidy aforesaid, in case the parties which ought to be satisfied for those goods evil gotten, could not be found, giving certificate thereof, and excommunicatyng. &c.
• 7. Item, that the said provincial or his Friers, should have full power to absolve those that were excommunicated, which wittyngly had done any fraud touching the collection aforesaid, so that the said persons did make due satisfaction to the deputies aforesaid. Ex Math. Pariens. fol. 205.

What man having eyes is so blind, which seeth not these execrable dealings of the Pope to be such, as would cause any nation in the world, to do as the wise Grecians did, and perpetually to abrenounce the Pope, and well to consider the usurped authority of that sea not to be of God. But such was y ^e rude dullness then of miserable England, for lack of learning & godly knowledge, that they feeling what burdens were laid upon them, yet would play still the asse of Balaam, or else the horse of Esope, which receiving the bridle once in his mouth, could afterward neither abide his own misery, nor yet recover liberty. And so it fa • ed with England under the popes thralldom: as partly by these stories above hath ben declared, partly by other in like case following is to be seen.

For so it followeth in the history of the said Matth. Paris. howe the Pope taking more courage by his former abused boldness, & perceiving, what a tame asse he had to ride upon, ceased not thus, but directed a new precept the same year 1246. to the Prelates of England, commanding by the authority Apostolic, y ^• all beneficed men in the realm of England, which were Resident upon their benefices, should yield to the Pope the third part of their goods, and they which were not resident, should give the one half of their goods, and that for the space of 3. years together: with terrible comminations to all them that did resist: and ever with this clause with all, Non obstante, which was like a key that opened all locks. Which sum cast together was found to amount to lx. M. pounds: which sum of money could scarce be found in all England to pay for King Richardes ransom. Paris. fol. 207. The execution of this precept was committed to the bishop of London: who cōferring about the matter with his brethren in the Church of Paul's, as they were busily consulting together, and bewailing y ^e importable burden of this contribution, which was impossible for them to sustain, suddenly cometh in certain Messengers from the Kyng: Sir John Lexintune Knight, and M. Laurence Martin the kings chaplain, straightly in the kings name, forbidding them in any case to consent to this contribution, which should be greatly to the prejudice and desolation of the whole Realm. Parisiens. fol. 207.

Thys being done about the first day of December, in the year abouesayde, shortly after in the beginning of the next year 1247. about February the king called a Parliament, where by commonn advise it was agreed, that certain Ambassadors should be sent to Rome, to make manifest to the Court of Rome the exceeding grievances of the Realm, delivering moreover these letters to the Pope in the name both of the Temporaltie and also of the Clergy, as here followeth.

The like letters were sent also unto the Cardinals to the same effect. The Pope understanding these things, and perceiving that there was no striving against such a general consent, and yet loath to forgo his sweet harvest, which he was wont to reap in England, craftily devised to send this answer again to the King, much like to the same which he sent before: which was, that although the Pope in time past upon his own will and pleasure to the importable greeuance of the Realm of England, hath everywhere and without respect, through the whole lande made his provisions, in giving their benefices unto his Italians: yet now the Lord be praised, that tempest (said he) is ouerblowen: so that hereafter if the Pope shall grant his provision for any of his nephews or of his Cardinals, they shall come first and make their instant suit unto the king, without all enforcement, so that it shall stand wholly in the kings free arbitrement to do herein what he thinketh good. &c. Paris. fol. 209. b.

This answer of the Pope, all be it it was but a subtle shift for the time: yet neither did he long stand to that he had thus promised to the King. For shortly after, and within few days upon the same, and in the time also of the said Parliament holden at Winchester, the Pope sent two English Friers into the realm, whose names were John and Alexander, with full authority after the largest sort, for new contributions. Who first pretending lowly submission to the King, while they had leave granted to range about the Realm, afterward coming to the Bishops and rich Abbots, shown themselves forth in their full authority, in such sort, as they became rather tyrants then extortioners.

Amongest other, coming to Robert bishop of Lyncolne, who of all other bare a special mind to the order of Obseruauntes, these two Friers as proud as Lucifer, bringing forth the terrible Mandate, with the Popes Bulls, required, and eke commanded under the Popes mighty curse, to have the gathering in his Diocese of vi. thousand marks. Likewise of the Abbot of s. Albons they required iiii. hundred Markes, under great penalty, and that in short time to be paid.

The Bishop although well liking before that order of those Friers, yet seeing the impudent behavior, and more impudent request of those Marchauntes, thus answered to them again: that this exaction (saving said he, the Popes authority) was never heard of before, and neither was honest, nor yet possible to be performed: and moreover was such as did not only concern him, but the whole public state of the Clergy, and of the whole Realm in general, and therefore it should be absurdly and rashly done of him to give them answer herein, before the king and the rest of the Counsel, with other, to whom the matter generally did appertain, were made privy thereunto, &c. and so for that time he shoke them of. Paris. fol. 210.

Furthermore, as touching the Abbot of S. Albones, when he also alleged the same causes, he pretended moreover that he would appeal, and so did, to the Pope and his Cardinals. Whereupon immediately was sent down from Pope Innocent, another Legate called Johannes Anglicus, an English Frier and Cardinal, who bringing down a new special precept to the foresaid Abbot, cited him either to appere at London the morrow after S. Giles day, or to disbourse to the use of the Pope the foresaid 4. hundredth marks. By reason whereof the Abbot was driven to send his Proctors again, with a new supplication to the Pope at Lions, who in the ende through great instance of monyed friends, agreed with the Abbot for two hundredth marks, besides his other charges born • , & so was that matter compounded, little to the Abbots profit, Parisiens. fol. 213.

To recite all damages and grievances received by the B. of Rome in this realm of England, neither is any history sufficiently able to comprehend, nor if it were, vnueth is there any that would believe it. Notw ^t standing to those above declared, this one I thought to commit like wise to memory, to the intent, that they which live in this age now may behold and wonder in themselves to see in what miserable slavery, passing all measure, not only the subjects, but kings also of this Realm were brought unto, under the intolerable yoke of the popes tyranny, which in those days neither durst any man cast of, nor yet was able to abide. As by this example ensuing, w ^t infinite other like to the same, may appear.

In the year of our Lord 1248. after that Pope Innocent the 4. had taken such order in the Realm, that all Prelates of the Church were suspended from collation of any benefice, before the Popes kinsfolks and Clerks of Italy had ben first provided for: It happened vpō y ^e same, that the Abbot of Abingdon had a commandment from the pope, to bestow some benefice of his Church in all hast, to a certain Priest of Rome, which the Abbot as an obedient child to his father the Pope, was pressed and ready to accomplish accordingly. But the Roman priest not contented with such as fell next hand, would tarry his time, to have such as were principal and for his own appetite, having a special eye to the benefice of the church of S. Helene in Abingdon, which was then esteemed worth an C. marks by yere, besides other veils and commodities belonging to the same: the collation whereof the priest required by the authority Apostolical to be granted to him.

As this past on, it chanced at last, the incumbent to die, and the benefice to be empty. Which estsoones being known, the same day cometh a commandment, with great charge from the King to the Abbot, to give the benefice to one Aethelmare the kings brother by the motherside, who at the same time was possessed with so many benefices, as the number and value thereof was unknown. The Abbot here being in great perplexity, and not knowing what to do, whether to gratify his king, or to obey the Pope, took counsel with his friends. Who well advising the matter, gave him counsel rather to prefer the brother of his Prince and patron, so that the king would undertake to stand in his defense against the Pope, rather then the Romish priest, whom always he should have lying there as a spy and watcher of him, and like a thorn ever in his eye: and so the king assuring the Abbot of his undoubted protection, and indemnity against all harms, the benefice was conferred foorthwyth to the kings brother.

The Roman priest not a little agreued thereat, speedeth himself in all hast to the Bishop of Rome, certifying him what was done, and partly also (as the manner is of men) making it worse then it was. Uppon whose complaint the Pope estsoones in great anger cited up the Abbot personally to appear before him, to answer to the crime of disobedience. The abbot trusting upon the kings promise and protection, which neither could help him in that case, neither durst oppose himself against the Pope, being both aged and sickely, was driven to travail up to the Court of Rome, in great heaviness and bitterness of mind. Where in conclusion after much vexation and bitter rebukes, besides great expenses, he was fain to satisfy the Pope after his own will, compounding to give him yearly 50. marks in part of making amends for his trespass of disobedience. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol 222.

To this also may be added another like fact of the pope as outrageous as this, against the house of Binham. For when the benefice of Westle in the Diocese of Eley was void by the death of the incumbent, who was an Italian & one of the popes chamber, the donatiō of which benefice belōged to the priorie of Binham, another Italian which was a bastard and unlearned, borne in the City of Ianua, called Herrigetto de Malachana de volta, brought down the popes letters to M. Berardo de Nympha the Popes agent here in England, with strait charge and full authority, commanding him to see the said benefice to be conferred in any case to Herrigetto. Yea and though the benefice had been given already, yet notwithstanding the possessor thereof should be displaced, and the said Herrigetto perferred: Yea also, non obstante that the said Pope himself had before given his grant to the king & realm of England, y ^• one Italian should not succeed another in any benefice there, yet for all that the said Herrigetto upon pain of excommunication, to be placed therein. Ex Paris, fol. 240.

And thus much hitherto of these matters, through the occasion of the East churches and the Grecians, to the intent all men that read these stories, & see the doings of this Western Bishop, may consider what just cause these Grecians had to seclude themselves from his subjection, and communion. For what Christian communion is to be joined w ^t him, which so contrary to Christ and his gospel, seeketh for worldly dominion, so cruelly persecuteth his brethren, so givē to avarice, so greedy in getting, so injurious in oppressing, so insatiable in his exactions, so malicious in revenging, stirring up wars, depriving kings, deposing Emperors, playing Rex in the Church of Christ, so erroneous in doctrine, so abominably abusing excommunication, so false of promise, so corrupt in life, so void of God's fear: and briefly, so far from all the parts of a true Evangelical Bishop. For what seemeth he to care for the souls of men, which setteth in benefices, boys and outlādish Italians: and further, one Italian to succeed another which neither did know the language of y ^e flock, nor once would abide to see their faces. And who can blame y ^• Grecians then for diffeuering themselves from such an oppressor and giant against Christ.

Whose wise example if this Realm had then followed, as they might, certes our predecessors had been rid of an infinite number of troubles, injuries, oppressions, wars, commotions, great trauails, & charges, besides the saving of innumerable thousand of poūds, which the said bishop full falsely hath raked and transported out of this Realm of ours. But not to exceed y ^e bounds of my history, because my purpose is not to stand upon declamations, nor to dilate common places, I will pass over, leaving the judgment thereof to the further examination of the reader. For else if I lifted to prosecute this argument so far as mater would lead me, & truth peradventure would require me to say, I durst not only say, but could well prove, the Pope & court of Rome to be the only fountain & principal cause, I say not of much misery here in England, but of all the public calamities and notorious mischiefs which have happened these many years through all these West parts of Christendom, & especially of all the lamentable ruin of the church, which not only we, but the Grecians also this day do suffer by the Turks and Saracens. As whosoever well considereth by reading of histories the course of times, and vieweth with all the doings and acts passed by the said bishops of Rome, together with y ^e blind leading of his doctrine, shall see good cause not only to think, but also to witness the same. Only one narratiō touching this argument, and yet not transgressing the office of my history, I mind (the Lord willing) to set before the Readers eyes, which happened even about this present time of this king Henries reign, in the yere of our Lord. 1244.

In the which year it chanced, that Louis the French king son to Queen Blanch, fell very fore sick, lying in a swounde or in a trance for certain days, in such sort as few thought he would have lived, & some said he was gone already. Amongst other, there was with him his mother, who sorowing bitterly for her son, and given somewhat (as commonly the manner of women is) to superstitiō, went & brought forth a piece of the holy cross, with the crown and the spear, which piece of the holy cross Baldwynus Emperor of Constantinople (whom the Grecians had deposed a little before for holding with the bishop of Rome) had sold to the French king for a great sum of money, and blessed him with the same, also laid the crown, & the spear to his body, making a vow w ^t all in the person of her son, that if the Lord would visit him with health, and release him of that infirmity, he should be croysed or marked with the cross, to visit his sepulcher, and there solemnly to render thanks in the lande which he had sanctified with his blood. Thus as she, with the B. of Parys, and other there present were praying, behold the king which was supposed of some to be dead, began w ^t a sigh to pluck to his arms and legs, and so stretching himself, began to speak, giving thanks to God, who from an high had visited him & called him from the danger of death. Which as the kings mother, w ^t others there toke to be a great miracle wrought by the virtue of the holy crosie: so the king amending more and more, as soon as he was well recovered, received solemnly the badge of the cross, vowing for a freewill sacrifice unto God, that he, if the counsel of his realm would suffer him, would in his own person visit the holy land: forgettyng belike the rule of true Christianity, where Christ teacheth us otherwise in the gospel, saying: That neither in this mount, nor in Samaria, nor at Jerusalem the Lord will be worshipped, but seeketh true worshippers, which shall worship him in truth and verity &c. An. 1244. Pariens. fol. 182.

After this was great preparaunce and much a do in France toward the setting forth to the holy land. For after the K. first began to be croysed, the most part of the nobles of France, with diverse Archbishops and Bishops, w ^t Earls, and Barons, and Barons, and gentlemen to a mighty number, received also the cross upon their sleeves. Amongst whom was the Earl Atrebacensis the kings brother, the Duke of Burgundy, the Duke of Brabant, the Countess of Flaunders with her two sons, the Earl of Britain with his son, the Earl of Barrēsis, Earl of Swesson, Earl of S. Paul, Earl of Druis. Earl Retel. with many noble persons mo. Neither lacked here whatsoever the Pope could do, to set forward this holy business, in sending his Legates and Friers into France, to stir the people to follow the king, & to contribute to his journey. Wherupon was granted to the King, to gather of the universal church of France by the popes authority, the tenth part of all their goods for 3. years space together, upon this condition, that the king likewise would grant to the Pope the 20. part, for so many years after, to be gathered of the said Church of France. Which was agreed. An. 1246. Ex Mat: Parisiens. fol. 204 b.

Shortly after this, in the year of our Lord 1247. followed a Parliament in France, where the king with his nobles being present, there was declared, how the king of Tartarians or Turks hearing of the viage of the French king, writeth a letter to him, requiring that he will become his subject. In the which Parliament, time was prefixed for taking their journey, which should be after the feast of S. John the Baptist, the next year ensuing. Also they that were croysed, were sworn to persist in their purpose and sentence of the popes great curse denounced to all them that went from the same. Parisiens. fol. 211. Furthermore, for the better speed in his journey, the king through all his realm caused it to be proclaimed, that if any marchāt or other had been injured at any time by the kings exactours, either by oppression, or borrowing of money, let him bring forth his bill showing how or wherein, and he should be recompensed. At which time William Longspatha a worthy warrior, with the Bishop of Worcester and certain other great men in the Realm of England, moved with the example of the Frenchmen, prepared themselves likewise to the same journey.

The next yere after this ensuing, which was 1248. the French king yet still remaining in his purposed journey, Lady Blanche his mother, also the Bishop of Paris his brother, with the Lord's of his counsel, & other nobles, and his special friends advertised him with great persuasions, to alter his mind touching that so aduenturous and so dangerous a journey, for that his vow (said they) was unadvisedly made, and in time of his sickness, when his mind was not perfectly stablished: and what ieoperdies might happen at home it was uncertain, the king of England being on the one side, the Emperor on the other side, and the Pictauians in the midst so fugitive, and unstable: and as concerning his vow, the pope should friendly dispense with him, considering the necessity of his realm, and weakness of his body. Besides all this, his mother upon her blessing required him, his brethren of all loves desired him to stay at home, and not in his person to aduēture, other might be sent in his room, with no less furniture to achieve that enterprise, and to discharge him of his vow, especially seeing at y ^e making thereof his senses were feeble, his body weak, and reason through sickness, and very death almost, decayed.

To whom the K. again: for so much (said he) as you say, that for feebleness of my senses I took this vow upon me, loe therefore as you here will me, I lay down the cross that I took, and putting his hand to his shoulder, tare of the badge of the cross, saying to the Bishop, here syr I resign to you the cross wherew ^t I was signed. At the sight whereof there was no small rejoicing to all that were there present. To whom the king then both altering his countenance and his speech thus spake: My friends (said he) whatsoever I was then in my sickness, now I thanke god, I am of perfect sense, and reason sound, and now I require my cross again to be restored unto me: Saying moreover that no bread should come in his head, before he were recognised again with the same cross, as he was before. At the hearing whereof all there present were astonied, supposing that God had some great matter to work, and so moved no moe questions unto him.

Upon this drew nigh the feast of John the Baptist, which was the time set for the setting forth. And now being in a readiness, the king in few days after was entering his journey. But yet one thing lacked. For the King perceiving the mortal variance between the pope, and good Frederick the Emperor, thought best first before his going to have that matter appeased, whereby his way both might be safer through the Emperors countries, and also less ieoperdy at home after his departure, and therefore upon the same, took first his way to Lions, where the Pope was, partly to take his leave, but most especially to make recōcilement between the Emperor and the Pope.

Where is to be noted by the way, that as touching the good Emperor there was no let nor stay. Who rather sought all means how to compass the popes favor, & never could obtain it. In so much that before he should be excommunicated in the Council of Lions, he not only answered sufficiently by Thadeus his atturney, discharging himself against whatsoever crimes or objections could be brought against him, but so far humbled himself to the Pope and the Council, that for all detriments, damages, losses, or wrongs done of his part, what amends soever the Pope could or would require, he would recompense it to the uttermost. This would not be taken.

Furthermore, if the Pope (he said) could not abide his tarrying in his own dominions and Empire, he would go fight against the Saracens and Turks, never to return into Europe again, offering there to recover lands & kingdoms whatsoever did at any time belong to Christendom, so that the Pope only would be contented that Henry his son (which was then nephew to king Henry here in England) should be Emperor after him. Neither could this be admitted.

Then he offered for truth of his promise to put in the French king and the king of England to be his Suerties, or else for trial of his cause to stand to their award and arbitrement. Neither would that be granted.

At least he desired, that he might come himself and answer before the council. But the proud Pope in no case would abide that, saying: that he did not yet find himself so ready and meet for Martyrdom, to have him to come thither to the Council: for if he did, he would depart himself. &c. Ex Math. Paris. fol. 187. An. 1245.

This obstinate rancor and deui • ish malice of pope Innocent, and his predecessor against that valiant Emperor, and against the Grecians, what disturbance and mischief it wrought to the whole Church, what strength it gave to the Saraceus and Tartarians, howe it impaired Christian concord, and weakened all Christian lands, not only the host of the French king did find shortly after, but Christendom even to this day may and doth feel and rue. Neither can in stories be found any greater cause which first made the Turks so strong, to get so much ground oner christendom as they have, then the pestilent working of this pope in deposing & excommunicating this worthy Emperor. For as there was never no Emperor of long time, which more victoriously prevailed in bridling and keeping under these enemies of Christ, or would have done more against them, then the said Fred. if he might have ben suffered: so after the deposing & excommunicating of him, when the French king neither would abide at home, as he was counseled, neither was yet able, w ^t out the help of other, to withstand the force and multitude of the said Saracēs and Tartarians being now joined together, neither yet could the Emperor be suffered by the pope to rescue the king, it followed thereof, that the good king being taken prisoner, & all his army destroyed, the Turks thereupon got such a hand, and such a courage against the Christians, that ever since they have brast in farther upon us, and now have prevailed so far as neither the power of the Pope, nor of all Christendom is able to drive them out, as hereafter by sequel of story, is further to be declared.

In the mean time, to return where before we left, when the french king coming thus to the pope at Lions, to entreat for the Emperor, could find no favor, he took his leave, and with great heaviness departed setting forward on his journey to Marsilia, and so failed to the Ille of Cyprus, where he remained all that winter, so that falling into penury and lack of victual, he was fain to send to the Uenetians and other Islands by, for help of provision. The Uenetians gently sent unto him 6. great ships laden with corn, wine & other victuals requilite, besides the relief of other Islands mo. But especially Frederick the Emperor understanding of their want, so turnished the French campe with all plenty of necessaries, that it had abundance. Whereupon the French king m • oued with the kindness of the Emperor, wrote his special letters to the Pope in the Emperors behalf, but the hard heart of the Pope would not relent. Blanchia the Kings mother in France, hearing what the emperor had done to her son, sent him most hearty thanks, with presents and rewards manifold. Math. Paris. fol. 226.

In this mean time about the beginning of October, the French men got Damiata, being the principal force or hold of the Saracens in all Egypt. All. 124. 9. fol. 228. After the winning of Damiata, the Prince and people of the Saracens being astonied at the loss thereof, offered to the Christians great ground and possessions more then ever belonged to Christendom before, so that they might have Damiata to them restored again. But the pride of the cry of Artoys the kings brother would in no case accept the offers of the Saracens, but required both Damiata and Alexandria the chief Metropolitan City of all Egypt to be delivered unto them. The Saraceus seeing the pride & gredines of • French men, in no case could abide it: which turned after to the great detriment of our Christians, as in the ende it proved, Ex Mat. Paris. fol. 229.

First, in the Isle of Cyprus and in the journey before died the Earl of Palatine, & one of the 12. peers of France, also the Earl of S. Paul and Bless, who had under him 50. ensigns. Which were all after his death scattered abroad and dispersed. Also died Johannes de Denis a valiant Captain, with many other noble personages both men and women, which by altering the air and diet, there deceased. fol. 229.

The next year eusuing, which was 1250. about Ashewednesday, the French men issuing out of their tents by the City of Damiata, flew upon the Saracens, which besieged them, and so after a great number of the enemies stain, with victory and great spoils, returned to their tents again. Now within the City of Damiata, was the Queen with her Ladies, the Popes Legate, and bishops, with a garrison of horsemen and footmen for the defense of the City strongly appointed. The next day, the Frenchmen supposing to have the like hand of the Saracens, as they had the day before, gave a fresh assault upon them: but in that conflict, the Saracens had so strongly appointed themselves, that the French men lost ten times more then they got the day before, & so after a great slaughter of their men, retired to their tents again: whereupon the Saracens began to take great heart & courage against our men, stopping also the passages round about the City of Damiata, that no vitaile could pass unto them. In like manner the Soldan also gathering all the galeys about Alexandria and all the lande of Egypt, so enclosed the S • as, that no intercourse should be to them by water. fol. 231.

At length after long talk and consultation between them on both sides, the Soldan advised them betune to resign to him the City of Damiata, with the furniture which they found therein, & they should have all the country about Jerusalem, with all the captives of the Christians friendly restored unto them. Wherwith the Christians (said he) ought to be countented, and to seek no farther, but only to have the lande of Jerusalem, which being grnnted to them, they should not encroch into other lands and kingdoms, whereto they had no right. Thys form of peace, as it liked well the meaner forte of the poor soldiers and diverse other of the sage counsel and nobility: so the proud Earl of Artoys the kings brother, in no cause would assent thereto, but still required the City of Alexandria to be yielded to them. Whych the Egyptians by no means would agree unto.

From that time the French army being compassed by sea and by lande, began every day more and more to be distressed for lack of victual and famine, being drivē to that misery, that they were fain to eat their own horses in the Lent time, which should have served them to other uses. Neither could any Christian, nor Frederick being deposed by the Pope, be able to send them any succor. Furthermore the more miseries y ^e Christians were in, the more fiercely did the Saracens press upon them on every side, detesting their forward willfulness. In so much that diverse of the Christian soldiers not able to abide the affliction, privily conveyed themselves, as they could, out of the campe, to the Saracens, who were gladly received and relieved, and some suffered still to keep their faith: Some marrying wives amongst them, and for hope of honor did Apostatate to their law, and so wrought no little harm to the Christians.

The Soldane being perfectly instructed by these fugitiues of all things belonging to the kings army, sent him word in derision, asking, where were all his mattockes, forckes, & rakes, his sithes, plows, and harowes, which he brought over w ^t him? or why he did not occupy them, but let them lie by him to rust and canker? All this and much more, the King with his French men were fain to take well in worth. It happened shortly after, that this Soldan died, being poisoned of his own servants. which was to the Christians a more heaping of their miseries. For albeit the said Soldan had been a cruel tyrant to the Christians, yet was he hated of his own people, whereby his strength was the less: After whom succeeded another much more cruel. who as he was better loved, so he became much stronger by a general confederacy of all the Saracens which were in the East parts, joining now together. So that when the Christians desired now to have the form of peace before proffered, be precisely denied them. And so the French host which at first began to be feared, by their pride and overmuch gredines grew more & more in contempt amongst their enemies, and now was utterly despised.

The Christians thus seeing all things to go backward with them, and how the infidel Saracens daily did prevail, began to murmur against God, and some also which were well settled before, to stacker in their Religion, casting out these words of infidelity: howe is this (said they) that the Lord hath left us in whose cause we fight? how often within the time of remembrance, have we been confounded by these Saracens and infidels, who with shedding of our blood, have enjoyed great spoils & victories? first this City of Damiata, which we Christians had gotten dearly with effusion of so much Christian blood, afterward we were constrained for naught to resign up again. After that the army of the templaries, fighting for the holy Temple against the Saracens, near to Antioch, was vanquished, and the standard bearer slain in the field. Again within these few years, our Frenchmen fighting in like manner against the Saracens at the City of Bazara, were put to the worse, and many afterward out of captivity ransomed, by Richard duke of Exceter, brother to the K. of England, Henry 3. Then came in the Chosmorins, sent by the Soldan of Babylon, which by a wile invaded the Christians in y ^e City of Jerusalem, where almost all the Christian army being in the holy land, were destroyed. And now here our most Christian king together with the whole nobility, is like to be in danger, utterly to be overthrown. And how is it, that the Lord thus standeth against us, and fighteth with them? hath he more regard of them, then of us? &c. Mat. Parisiens. fol. 231. Such murmuring words of an unstable faith, many there began to cast out, as taking displeasure for their sufferings, but not considering on the other side what Idolaters they were, what pride and discord was amongst them, what cruelty and murder they had shown at home in persecuting the poor Albigenses, what superstition they first brought out with them, with what idolatry they proceeded, putting their trust inmasses, in the popes indulgences, in worshipping of images, and praying to saints. And what help then could they look for at God's hand, which had Images in their temples, to fight against them which had none? Or what marvel, if the Lord of hosts went not with their army, committing such idolatry every day in their pauilions to their Sacramental bread and wine as they did, and fighting with the strength of their own merits, and not only by the power of their faith in Christ, which is only the victory that overcometh the world? John 1. and finally having in their campe the Legate of him whom the Lord taketh to be his enemy? As by example of Frederick the Emperor may be well perceived who after he was accursed by pope Bregorie a little before, coming the same time in war against the Saracens in Palestine, Boddes blessing wrought so mightily with him, y ^t without any bloodshed he recovered Jerusalem, and set all the country about it in great quietness, till at last the popish Templaries, which at the popes setting on, went about to betray him, to y ^t Soldan of Babylon, & so lost all again by their own malicious mischief that the Emperor before had gotten. tEx Mat. Paris.

But let us proceed further in this holy progress. The French king with his army, seeing himself distressed, and no good there to be done against the Soldan of Egypt, after he had sufficiently fortified the City of Dannata, with an able garrison left with the Duke of Burgundy, he removed his tents from thence, to go Eastward. In whose army also followed William Longspath (of whom mention was touched before) accompanied w ^c a piked number of English warriors retaining unto him. But such was y ^e disdain of the French men agains this William Longspath and the Englishmen, that they could not abide them, but flouted them after opprobrious manner, with English tails: in so much that the good king himself had much ado to keep peace between them.

The original cause of this grudge between them, began thus. There was not far from Alexandria in Egypt, a strong fort or Castle, replenished with great Ladies, and rich treasure of the Saracens. The which hold it chanced the said William Longspath, with his company of english soldiers to get more by good luck and political dexterity, then by opē force of arms, whereby he with his retinue were grearly enriched. when the Frenchmen had knowledge hereof, they being not made privy thereto, began to conceive an hartburning against the English soldiers, & could not speak well of them after that. It happened again not long after, that the said William had intelligence of a company of rich Merchants among the Saracens going to a certain fair about y ^e partes of Alexandria, having their Camels, Asses, and Mules, richly loden with silks, precious jewels, spices, gold and silver, with cart lodes of other wares, besides vitaile and other furniture, whereof the soldiers then stood in great need. He having secret knowledge hereof, gathered all the power of Englishmen unto him that he could, and so by night falling upon the Merchants, some he flew with their guides and conductours, some he took, some he put to flight. The Cartes with the driuers, and with the Dren, and the Camels, Asses, and Mules, with the whole carriage and vitailes he took and brought with him, losing in all the skirmish but one soldier, and 8. of his seruitures. Of whom notwithstanding some he brought home wounded, to be cured.

This being known in the campe, forth came y ^e French men, which all this while loytred in their pauilions, & meting their carriage by the way, took all the foresaid pray whole to themselves, rating the said w. and the Englishmen, for so adventuring and issuing out of the camp w ^t out leave or knowledge of their general, contrary to the discipline of war. William said again, he had done nothing, but he would answer to it, whose purpose was to have the spoil divided to the behoove of the whole army. when this would not serve, he being sore grieved in his mind so cowardly to be spoiled of that, for which he so aducnturously had travailed for, went to the king to complain. But whē no reason nor complaint would serve, by reason of the proud Earl of Artoys the kings brother, which upon despite & disdain stood against him, he bidding the king farewell, said he would serve him no longer. And so William de Longspath, w ^t the rest of his company, breaking frō the French host, went to Achon. Upon whose departure, then said the Earl of Artoys: tNowe is the army of French men well rid of these tailed people. Which words spoken in great despite, were evil taken of many good men that heard him. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 233.234.

Before the ariuing of the French army in the lande of Egypt, the Soldan of Babylon having before intelligence of their coming committed the custody of Damiata to & certain prince of his, whom he specially trusted, committing also to his brother the keeping of Kaira & Babylonia. It followed now after the taking of Diamata, that the soldan of Babylon accused the Prince which had the custody thereof, before his nobles, of prodition, as giving the City unto the Christians. Who notwithstanding in indgement did sufficiently clear himself, declaring how he was certified that the king would land at Alexandria, and therefore bent all power to prevent the kings ariuall there. But by distress of weather, he missing of his purpose, and the king landing about Damiata, by reason thereof y ^e city was taken unprovided, he notwithstanding w ^t his company resisting as well as they might, till they could no longer, and so departed out, cursing, said he, Mahomet & his law. At which words the Soldan being offended, commanded him to be had away as a traitor and blasphemer, and to be hanged, albeit he had sufficiently purged himself by the judgment of y ^e court. His brother which was the keeper of Kayra and Babylonia, being therewith not a little agrieued, and bearing a good mind to the Christian religion, devised in him self, bow to give the said city of Kayra with Babylonia to the French king, & so in most secrete wise sent to the king, showing his full purpose and what had happened, and furthermore instructing the king in all things how and what he should do, & moreover requiring the Sacrament of baptism, meaning in deed good saith, and sending also away all the Christian captives, which he had with him in prison, The king being glad hereof, sent in all hast for william Longspath, promising a full redress of all injuries past, who upon hope of some good luck towards, came at the kings request, and so joined with the French power again.

* The lamentable overthrow and slaughter of the French armey fighting against the Infidels, through the sinister council of the Popes Legate.

TO make the story short, the king setting forward from Damiata, directed his journey toward Kayra, slaying by the way such Saracens as there were set to stop the vitailcs from Damiata. The Soldane in the mean time hearing of the courageous coming of the French host, as being in great hope to conquer all: sent unto the king by certain thrt were next about him, offering to the Christians the quiet and full possession of the holy land, with all the kingdom of Jerusalem, and more: besides other infinite treasure of gold and silver, or what else might pleasure them, only upon this condition they would restore again Damiata, with the captives there, and so would join together in mutual peace and amity. Also they should have all their Christian captives delivered home, and so both countries should freely pass one to another w ^t their wares and traficke, such as they lifted to occupy. Furthermore it was also firmly affirmed & spokē, that the Soldan, with most of his nobles were minded no less then to leave the filthy law of Mahomet, and receive the faith of Christ so that they might quietly enjoy their lands and possessions. The same day great quietness had entered (no doubt) in all Christendom, with the end of much bloodshed and misery, had not been for the pope and his Legate, who (having commandment from the Pope, that if any such offers should come, he should not take them) stoutly & frontose (as the words be of y ^e story) cōtradicēs, in no wise would receive the conditions offered Parisiens. fol. 233.

Thus while the Christians unprofitably lingered the time in debating this matter, the Soldan in the mean time got intelligence of the compact between the Tribune of Kayra, and the French king: whereupon he sent in all hast to the Citty of Kayra, to apprehend the Tribune till y ^e truth were fully tried. which seemed to him more aparēt, for that the Christian prisoners were already delivered. Hereupon the Soldan being in some better hope, and less fear, refused that which before he had offered to the Christians, albeit they with great instance afterward sued to the Soldan, and could not obtain it. Then the Soldan being wholly bent to try the matter by the sword, sent to the East partes for an infinite multitude of soldiers, giving out by Proclamation, that whosoever could bring in any Christian man's head, should have x. talentes, besides his standing wages. And whosoever brought his right hand, should have five. He that brought his foot, should have 2. talentes for his reward.

After these thiuges thus prepared on both sides to the necessity of war, the king cometh to the great River Nile, having gotten together many boats, thinking by them to pass over, as vpō a sure bridge. On the other side the Soldan pitcheth himself to withstand his coming over. In the mean time happened a certain feast amongst the Saracens, in which the Soldan was absent, leaving his tents by the water side. Which being foreseen by a certain Saracen lately converted to Christ, serving with the Earl Robert the kings brother, and showing them withal a certain shalow foorde in the River of Nile, where they might more easily pass over, the said Earl Robert & the Mayster of the Temple with a great power, esteemed to the third part of the armey, issued over the River, after whom also followed William Longspath with his band of English soldiers. These being together joined on the other side of the water, encountered the same day with y ^e Saracens remaining in the tents and put them to the worse. After this victory gotten, the French Earl surprised with pride and triumph, as though he had conquered the whole earth, would needs forward deviding himself from the main host, thinking to win the spurs alone. To whom certain sage men of the Temple, giving contrary counsel advised him not so to do, but rather to return and take their whole company with them, and so should they be more sure against all deceits and dangers, which there might be laid privily for thē. The manner of y ^t people (they said) they better knew, and had more experience thereof then he: Alledgists moreover their weryed bodies, their tired horses, their famished soldiers, & the insufficiency also of their number, which was not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies, especial at this present brunt, in which the adversaries did well see the whole state of their dominion now to consist either in winning all, or losing all: with ot • er such like words of persuasion. Which when the proud Earl did hear, being inflated with no less arrogance then ignorance with opprobrious taunts reviled them, calling them cowardly bastards, and betrayers of the whole country, objecting unto them the common report of many, which said, that the land of the holy Cross might be won to Christendom were it not for the rebellious Templarics, with the Hospitalaries and their fellows &c.

To these contumelious rebukes when the Master of the Tēple answered again for him and his fellows, bidding him display his ensign when he would, & where be durst, they were as ready to follow him, as he to go before thē: then began William de Longspath the worthy knight to speak, desiring the Earl to give care to those men of experience, who had better knowledge of those coūtries & people, then he had, commending also their council to be discrete & wholesome: & so turning to y ^e master of the temple began w ^t gentle words to mitigate him likewise. The knight had not half ended his talk, when the Earl taking his words out of his mouth began to fume & swear, crying out of these cowardly english mē with tails. What a pure army (said he) should we have here, if these tails, & tayled people were purged from it? w ^t other like words of great vilany and much disdain. whereunto the english Knight answering again: well Earl Robert (said he) where soever you dare set your foot, my step shall goc as far as yours: and as I believe, we go this day where you shall not dare to come near the tail of my horse, as in the event it proved true. Ibid. fol. 236.

In this mean time, the French king intending to aduannce forward his army, thought best to send away such as were feeble and lacked armor, to Damiata by boates. The Soldan hearing thereof, prepared a great number of boates to be carried by wayne and carte to the water side, which meeting them by the way, drowned and destroyed by wildefire everyone, so that of all that company of our Christians, of whom some were burned, some slain, some drowned, not one escaped alive, save one only English man named Alexander Giffard, who although he was sore wounded in the chase in five places in his body, yet escaped to the French canpe, bringing word to the king what was done. And this was upon the water.

Now vpō the land, seeing Earl Robert would needs set forward, weening to get all the glory to himself before the coming of the host: first they invaded a little village or castle, which was not far of, called Mansor. The country Bores and paganes in the villages by, seeing the Christians come, ran out with such a main cry and shout, that it came to the Soldans hearing, which was nearer then our men did think. In the mean while the Christians invading and entering into the munition incircumspectly, were pelted and pashed with stones by thē which stood above, whereby a great number of our men were lost, and the army sore maimed and almost in despair. Then immediately upon the same cometh the Soldan w ^t all his main power, who seeing the Christens army to be divided, and the brother separated frō the brother, had that which he long wished for, and so inclosing them round about, that none should escape, had w ^t them a cruel fight. Then the Earl began to repent him of his heady rashenes, but it was to late, who then seeing William the English knight dowrely fighting in the chief brunt of the enemies, cried unto him most cowardly to fly, seeing God (said he) doth fight against us. To whom the knight answering again, God forbid (saith he) that my fathers son should run away from the face of a Saracen. The Earl then turning his horse fled away, thinking to avoid by the swiftness of his horse, & so taking the river of Thasnis, oppressed with harnes, was there sokē and drowned. Thus the Earl being gone, the French men began to despair and scatter. Then William de Longaspatha, bearing all the force of the enemies, stood against thē as long as he could, wounding and slaying many a Saracen, til at length his horse being killed, and his legs maimed, he could no longer stand: who yet notw ^t standing as he was down, mangled their feet and legs, and did the Saracens much sorrow, till at last after many blows & wounds, being stoned of the Saracens, he yielded his life. After the death of him, then the Saracens setting upon the residue of the army, whom they had compassed on every side, devoured and destroyed them all, in so much that scarce one man escaped alive, saving two Templaries, one Hospitular, and one poor rascal soldier, which • brought tidings hereof to the king.

These things being known in the French campe to the king and his soldiers, first of their drowning which were sent to Damiata, then of the ruin and slaughter of the army, with the kings brother, by the town of Mansor, there was no little sorrow and heaviness on every side, with great fear, and doubt in themselves, what was best to doc. At last when they saw no remedy, but they must stand manfully to revenge the blood of their brethren, thē the king with his host past over the flood of Nile, and coming to the place where the battle had been, there they beheld their fellows and brethren pitifully lying w ^t their heads and hands cut of. For the Saracens for the reward before promised by the Soldan or Sultan, to them that could bring the head & hand of any Christian, had so mangled the Christians, leaving their bodies to y ^e wild beasts. Thus as they were sorowing and lamenting the rueful case of their Christian fellows, suddenly appeareth y ^e coming of the Sultan, with a multitude of innumerable thousands. Agaynst whom the French men estsoones prepare themselves to encounter, and so the battle being strocken up, the armyes began to join. But alacke for pity, what could the Frenchmen here do, their number first so maimed, their hearts wounded already with fear and sorrow, their bodies consumed w ^t penury and famine, their horses for feebleness not able to serve them? In conclusion, the Frenchmen were overthrown, slain, and dispatched, & seeing there was no flying, happy was he that first could yield himself. In which miserable conflict, the king with his two brethren, and a few that clave unto him, were taken captives, to the confusion of all Christian realms, and presented to the Soldan. All the residue were purto the sword, or else stood in the mercy of the Saracens whether to be slain, or to remain in woeful captivity.

And this was the end of that sorrowful battle, where in almost all the nobility of France was slain, neither was there one man welneare in all the multitude which escaped free, but either was slain, or taken prisoner. Furthermore, they that were slain or left half alive, had everyone his head and hand cut off, upon the Soldans proclamation above mentioned.

The Sultan or Soldan, after the taking of the French king, fraudulently suborning an army of Saracens, to y ^t number of the French army, with the arms and ensigns of them that were slain, made toward Damiata, where the Duke of Burgundy, with the French Queen, & Ddo the Popes Legate, and other bishops and their garrisons were remaining, supposing under the show of French men to be let in, but the captaynes mistrusting their hasty coming, and misdoubting their visages not like to the French men, shut the gates against them, and so returned they frustrate of their intent.

The purpose of the Soldan was, if he might have gotten Damiata, to send the French king hyer up in the East countries to Calipha the chief Pope of Damascus, to increase the titles of Mahomet, and to be a spectacle or gasing stock to all those quarters of the world. The manner of which Calipha was never left to any Christian prisoner come out, whosoever came once in his hands. But for so much as the Soldan missed his purpose, he thought by advise of counsel, to use the kings life for his own advantage in recovering the city of Damiata, as in the end it came to pass. For although the king at the first was greatly unwilling, and had rather die then surrender Damiata again to the Saracens, yet the conclusion so fell out that the king was put to his ransom, and the Citty of Damiata was also resigned, which city being twice won, and twice lost by the Christians, the Soldan or Saladine afterward caused utterly to be rased down to the ground. The ransom of the king, upon condition that the Soldan should see himself conducted to Achon (which I take to be Cesaria) came to 60000. marks. The number of Frenchmen, and others which miscaryed in that war by water and by land came to 80000, persons. tHaec Mat. Parisi. fol. 237.238.

And thus have ye the brief narration of this lamentable peregrination of Louis the French king. In which when the French men being once or twice well offered by the Soldan, to have all the kingdom of Jerusalem, and much more in free possession, they not contented with that which was reasonable and sufficient, for greediness to have all, lost all, having at length no more then there naked bodies could cover, lying dead vpō the ground: & all through the original cause of the Pope and Ddo his Legate. By whole sinister means and pestilent pride, not only y ^e lives of so many Christians were then lost, but also to the said Pope is to be imputed all the loss of other cities & Christian regions bordering in the same quarters: for a • much as by the occasion hereof, the hearts of the Saracens on y ^• one side were so encouraged, & the courage of the christias on the other side so much discomfited, that in short space after, both the dominion of Antioch and of Achon, with all other possessions belonging to the Christians, were lost, to the great diminishing of Christ's Church.

During the time of this good king lying at Achon • or Celaria, almighty God sent such discord between y ^t Soldan of Halapia, and the Soldā of Babylon, for letting the king so escape, that the said Soldan or Salidin of Babylon, to win the king unto his side, entered league with him (whom both his brethren, and all his nobles almost at home had forsaken) and remitted his ransom, and also restored unto him such prisoners as were, in the said battle found to be alive. Thus the Lord worketh, where man commonly forsaketh. Math Paris. fol. 261.

An other cause moreover, why the ruin of this French army may worthily be impured to the Pope, is this: for that whē Louis the French king perceiving what a necessary friend and helper Frederick the Emperor might be to him in these his affairs against the Saracens, and therefore was an earnest suitor for him to the Pope to have him released, yet neither he, nor the king of England by any means could obtain it. And although the Emperor himself offered to pope Innocent with all humble submission to make satisfaction in the Council of Lions, promising also to expugne all the dominions of the Saracens and never to return into Europe again, and there to recover whatsoever the Christians had lost, so that the pope would only grant his son Henry to be Emperor after him: yet the proud pope would not be mollified, but would needs proceed against him with both swords, that is, first with the spiritual sword to accurse him, and then with the temporal sword to depose him frō his Emperial throne. Through the occasion whereof, not only the French kings power went to wrack, but also such a fire of mischief was kindled against all Christendom, as yet to this day cannot be quenched. For after this overthrow of the French king and his army, the Christians of Antioch and of other Christian regions theraboutes, being utterly discouraged, gave over there holds and Cities. Whereby the Saracens, and after them the Turks, got such an hand over Christiandome, as to this day we all have great cause to rue and lament. Besides this, where diverse Christians were crossed to go over and help the French king, the pope for money dispensed with them to tarry still at home.

But as I said, the greatest cause was, that the Emperor, which could have done most, was deposed by the Popes tyranny, whereby all those Churches in Asia were left desolate. As touching the which Emperor Frederick, because we have diverse and sundry times made mention of him before, and for that his story is strange, his acts wondrous, and his conflicts tragical, which he sustained against iiii. or v. Popes one after another, I thought not out of story in a whole narration to set forth the same, for the reader to consider, what is to be judged of this Cathedral Sea of Rome, which had wrought such abhominable mischief in the world, as in the sequel of the story following faithfully translated out of Latiue into English is to be seen.

The whole tragical history of Frederick, 2. Emperor, translated out of the Latin book of Nich. Cisnerus.

FRedericke the second, came out of the ancient house of the Beblines or Gibillines: which Gibillines came of the most famous stock of the French king and Emperors.

He had Frederick Barbarossa to his Graundfather, whose son Henricus the 6. was Emperor after him: who of Constātia, the daughter (or as some write y ^e niece) of Roger the first, king of Sicily: begat this Frederick the second.

This Constantia was 50. years of age before she was conceived with him: whom the Emperor Henry 6. to avoid all doubt and surmise that of her conception & childing might be thought, and to the peril of the Empeir ensue: caused his regal tent to be pitched abroad in place where every man might resort. And when the time of his Queens travail approached, Constantia (in presence of diverse Ladies, and Matrons, and other Gentle women of the Empire, a great number was brought a bed and delivered of this Frederick: the vii. day before the Calendes of January, in the year of Christ's incarnation. 1193. who by inheritance was king of Naples, Apuha, Calabria, and Sicilia.

Henricus his father shortly after he was borne, obtained of the princes electors, that by their oth to hun given: they would choose his son Frederick for their Emperor after his discease, and so did, and immediately called him Caesar, being yet but in his cradle.

This Henry when he died (which was shortly after y ^e birth of Frederick) committed the protection of him to Constantia his wife, to Phillip his brother chief governor of Hetruria, and to the Bishop of Rome, then Innocentius the third.

Constantia, not long after the death of Henry her husband being sickely and growing into age, and thereby not so well able to govern the troubles and vnquiete state of the Empire, resigned, and willed by her testament, the safety both of her son Frederick and also of his dominions to the protectiō and government of Innocent 3. thinking thereby safely to have provided. &c.

This pope Innocent. assone as he had the protection of the young Emperor & his Segniories: became instead of a patron and protector, to him & to his dominions both an enemy and cōspiratour. The examples are many: One is, he persuaded Sibill the late wife of Tancredus (whō Henry put from the kingdom of Sicily) to recover y ^e same again, and that she should there unto require Phillip the French kings aid: whereupō one waltherus being of noble house of the Earls of Brenno, which in y ^e province of Barrencecis had great living, and marrying with Ateria the eldest daughter of Tacredus once king of Sicily (as is said) now by the instigation, counsel, & aid of the french king with the pope (well hoping to recover the kingdom) entered and invaded with great power Campania, & Apuha. At which time also, the same worthy protector Innocentius the third, sent his legates with letters of excommunication against all those that would not admit and take the said Waltherus for their king.

In other was, that where the princes Electors and other nobles as before is said had promised by their oath to Henricus, that they would make Frederick his son Emperor after his discease (whō the Pope saw to put their indenour thereunto to bring it to pass) absolved thē all frō the oath which they had taken and given for the election of Frederick the Emperor, as one not content he should obtain the same. And further, he raised slanders and defamations against Phillip, whom the electors had chosen to govern the Empire during the minority of Frederick his nephew. He wrote his Epistle (which is yet extant) to the Duke Barthold of Zaringia to be Emperor: who, for that he gave place to Phillip, he went about to procure, y ^t Otho the son of Henry Leo should be made Emperor, & y ^e the Princes & Lord's electors of Germany, would crown him forthw ^t after the manner of Aquisgrane. He deprived all such Bishops as he knew to favor Phillip as Emperor, in the defense of his nephews right. But Phillip, whose cause was better, his skill in martial affairs greater, & in power & strength mightier: after diverse and great cōflicts the marvelous disturbance and vastation of the whole Empire, by God's help put the other to the worse. All which calamities and mischiefs Conradus Lichtenanus at that time living, in his Annals most pitifully complaineth of: and accuseth the Bishop of Rome and his adherents to be the chief authors and deuisors of this great and lamentable mischief: as such that for to make themselves rich by the spoil thereof, sought by all means and desired the same.

Not long after a peace was concluded between Phillip & Otho, and Phillip reconciled again to the pope: who within a while after between Otho and him was murdered in his chamber and slain. And then was Otho again brought to the Imperial seat, and new elected for Emperor, with the counsel and consent of this Innocent the third: and so continued till that a great variance and discord chanced to rise between the said Otho & the pope. Whereupon Innocentius soughe by all means, howe against him likewise he might work mischief and bring him to his end. The occasion of this sudden change and alteration my author maketh no mentiō of, but that Otho (now being of great power) invaded and destroyed these dominions of Frederick: as Flamminia, Picenum, Umbria, Hetruria, but chiefly Campania, and Apulia, for that those properly appertained to the inheritance of Frederick.

Thus you see, how first by the counsel and consent of Pope Innocentius and by his instigation, besides his secret conspiracies: this good Frederick and his domininions were hurt and indamaged. Then again, through his default what damage he sustained by Otho, who by him and his means was made so strong as he was: notwithstanding the great trust he was put in for the protection both of Frederick and his dominions.

At this time. Frederick was come to the age of xx. years: who in his youth by the provision of Constantia his mother, was so well instructed in letters, and in other arts and virtues so imbued: that at these years there appeared and did shine in him, excellent gifts both of wisdom and knowledge.

He was excellently well scene in the Latin & Greek tongues, although at that time learning began to decay, & barbarousnes to increase. He had also the Germayn tongue the Italian tongue, and the Saracen tongue. He day exercised and put in practice those virtues which nature had planted in him, as piety, wisdom, justice, and fortitude: in so much, that well he might be compared and accounted amongst the worthiest and most renowned Emperors his predecessors.

Fazellus (the historician of Sicilia in this time) writeth, that Fredericus was again after this had in great honor and estimation with Innocētius: but yet notwithstanding, he had no sure confidence in him, for that he had the suspected name of Frederick his graundfather often in remembrance, and for that occasion was much desirous to have him far from Italy.

When Frederick had gathered his power, he purposet to set upon Otho his enemy: of which thing Otho hearing (as he was painful in travel) came out of Italy with his army into Germany, thinking to have met Frederick at the river of Rhene, and to have stopped his passage: but he was deceived of his expectation, and Fredericus was crowned as the manner of Aquisgrane is, before he came. And after that Frederick in the winter time took his iorny to Francosert, and after many meetings in Norico had, and that Otho was dead, he set the Empire in a stay and the whole country of Germany he in a manner appealed And then with all his nobles and princes he returned to Rome, and of Honorius the third was with great solemnity consecrated and called Augustus. which Honorius succeeded Innocentius 3. in the Papal Sea: and was a great help to Frederick (although he loved him not) in this behalf, to revenge him self upon Otho.

After the consecration of Frederick the second, he gave many great and liberal gifts, as well to the Bishop of Rome himself, as also to the court of Rome besides. Also he gave & assured, by his Charter to the Church of Rome, the Dukedom of Fundanum. For by the insatiable covetousness of the Romish Bishops, this wicked use and custom grew: that unless the Emperors elect & crowned would give unto thē such like great and large gifts: they could not obtain of them their consecration or confirmation which for that intent they devised.

Furthermore, Frederick the Emperor, willing to show himself more bountiful and liberal to the Church: neither yet to restrain any privilege that might benefit the same, gave & admitted those cōstitutiōs which the pope himself would desire, and are yet extant in their civil Law: By which his doings he delivered to their hands a sword as it were, to cut his own throat. For y ^e bishops of Rome, now having even what they lifted, & all in their own hands: might by the pain of proscription, bring what Emperor or king under coram nobis that them listed, and keep them by their own laws, as if it were bound in a certain bands, out of the which they might not start. For whatsoever he were, which for the diminution of the liberties of the Church were excommunicate, and so continued a years space: then he should be within the danger of this proscript, and should not be released before he had made satisfaction, and were admitted by the Pope to the Church and congregation of good men again. whereby it came to pass, that whatloeuer Emperor in the government of his dominions, should in any point displeased or do contrary to the lust of the Bishop of Rome: he then as enemy to the church, was excommunicate. And unless within a yere he were reconciled to them again (by this their principal law) he was in the proscript. And often it chanced, that Princes to avoid the pain of this proscript, were ready to do whatsoever the pope would have them, and command them to do.

After the consecration of Frederick was with great solemnity finished, and that the pope & Church of Rome in all ample manner (as is partly described) were gratified, and yet larger constitutions to them confirmed: he departed from Rome and went into Italy, there to set in order and stay the Cities and great towns, for the better tranquility of himself and safety of his subjects, and from thence into his own provinces and dominions: where he heard of certain, that began to raise and make new factions against him. Amongst whom, were found Thomas and Richard, the brethren of Innocentius the third, Earl of Anaquinos, that held certain castles in the kingdom of Neopolitanes from him by force: which castles, he besieged and beat down, and took from them all that he in them found. Richard he took, and sent as a prisoner into Sicilia: but Thomas escaped and came speedily to Rome, whither also repaired certain bishops and others that were conspirators against Frederick, as also such other as the fear of the Emperors laws, and their own gilty consciences caused to fly: and were (that notwithstanding) of this Bishop of Rome Honorius the 3. (to gratify again the liberality of the Emperor bestowed upon him) under his nose succored, maintained and defended. Which thing when Frederick understood, he began to expostulate with the Byshoppe, considering the vnseemlinesse of that his fact. Agaynst whom, the Pope on the other side was so chased & vexed, that he immediately without farther delay thundereth out against him like a tyrant his curses and excommunications.

Thomas Fazellus declareth, the detestation or defiance to happen between thē somewhat otherwise. There were saith he, amongst those which were found traitors to the Emperor certain Bishops, which fleyng to the pope, requested his aid: whereupon, the pope sent his Legates to the Emperor, and requested him that he would admit and receive to savor those Bishops, which he had banished and put frō their offices, and that he would not intermeddle with any Ecclesiastical charge wherewith he had not to do: And said further, that the correction and punishment of such matters pertained to the Bishop of Rome, and not to him: and moreover, that the oversight of those Churches in that kingdom, from the which he had expelled the Bishops, pertained and belonged to him.

Wherunto Frederick thus replieth: That for as much as now 400. years and more (from the time of Carolus Magnus) all Emperors and kings in their dominions might lawfully commit to apt and fit mē for the same, such Ecclesiastical functions and charges as within their territoryes and kingdoms fell: That he looked to have the like priuiliege & authority also, that other his predecessors before him had. And farther said, that he had the same and like authority in y ^e Empire that his father Henry, & Frederick his graundfather, and other his predecessors bebefore them had: neither had he so deserved at the hands of the Church of Rome: either of Honorius himself, to be deprived of those priueledges which his auncesters before him had had, and kept. And further, Friderick being chafed and moved with these demands of the Pope, breaketh forth and saith: how long will the Bishop of Rome abuse my patience? when will his covetous heart be satsfied? whereunto will this ambitious desire grow? with such like words more, repeating certain injuries and conspiracies, both against him and his dominions, as well by Honorius as Innocentius 3. his predecessor, as also other like injuries of Pope to his auncetours practiced. what man saith he, is able to suffer and bear this so incredible boldness and intolerable insolency of so proud a Bishop. Boe saith he (unto the Legates) and tell Honorius, that I will hazarde both the seignory of my Empire, and crown of my kingdom, rather then I will suffer him thus to diminish the authority of our majesty. Thomas Fazellus Lib. 8.

Now, because much disquictnes and controversy hath arisen (for the most part through all Christendom in every kingdom and realm severally) for and about the authority of choosing and depriving of Bishops (as may be seen by the example of this Fridericke) which the pope only and arrogantly challengeth to himself, and not to appertain to another: I thought good not with silence to over pass but somewhat to say: and to prove the authority of Christian kings & princes in this behalf, to be both sufficient & good: which thing, not only by the holy scriptures is right easy to be done, but also by Synodal decrees & councils (diverse and sundry) to be established and confirmed may easily be proved: as also by the ancient custom and manner of the primitive Church, may further be corroborated and made good.

Whereunto appertain certain places collected and gathered out of the decrees by Gratianus, & specially in these canons, 12, 13, 14, 26, 27, 32, and 63, distinction. Farthermore, when Christian kings and princes began to embrace Christ his religion, both for honor and orders sake it was granted: that when y ^e people desired such ministers as were convenient & by them thought meet: y ^t they which were then in the ecclesiastical functiou and chiefest in authority, should either confirm such as were presented, or else themselves to place fit men in their churches as need required. So did the Emperors of Constantinople (receiving the order and manner from Constantine the great) use and give the right of Ecclesiastical function, with the consent both of the people, and ecclesiastical persons, & long so retained they the same. As Honorious the Emperor unto Boniface. canon. 8. dist. 79. & canon. 2. dist. 97. Also of Pelagius and Gregorius Magnus: of the which one in the reign of Justinian the Emperor and Totila governing Italy) the other in the time of Maurice the Emperor (when the Lombardes possessed Italy) were appointed Bishops to the Church of Rome. can. 15.21, 24.

And where, as Bratianus in the beginning of the 96. and 97. distinction doth declare, that the rescript of Honorius the Emperor is void and of none effect, for that he determined the election of the bishop of Rome, contrary to the authority of the holy canons: when as yet, neither to y ^t civil magistrate, nor to any of the ecclesiastical order canbe read of any license given them for to dispence withal: each man may plainly see and discern his great folly and want of understanding. As though at y ^t time any decrees were made, which should debar Emperors for the consritituring of y ^t ecclesiastical ministers. Or that it were doubtful, whether the Emperors at that time had past any constitutions touching the causes of Ecclesiastical discipline, and the same laws then put in ure: when y ^t contrary most manifestly (both by the laws & histories of that age and time as well of the church as of the Empire) may appear. And that we need not seek far for the matter: this thing is sufficiently proved by these titles: De sacrosanctis Ecclesijs Episcopis, Clericis, besides other eccclesiasticall chapters, & matters touching religion. All which are to be seen in the books of the principal and chiefest constitutions, collected and set forth by Justinian. Amongst the which, many of the chapiters are said to be accepted and allowed of Honorius & Theodosius. So in like case, the 21. can. in the 63. distinction doth declare, that y ^e Grecian Emperors that next ensued after Justinian, did observe that manner of ordaining and election of the Bishop of Rome: although thē at that time interpellatum erat it was somewhat sporned at. Amongst whom mention is made of Constantine the fourth which was surnamed Pogonatus.

Carolus Magnus in like manner followed their steps and manner in the same, as in the 22. canon, and the same distinctiō is declared. And farther it was at a Synodal council in Lateran (Adrian being high Bishop where were convented and assembled 153. other Bishops) decreed: that the power and authority of creating the bishop of Rome, and ordaining of all other prelates & ecclesiastical orders, should be in the power and will of Carolus Magnus, as well in Italy as other his dominions and provinces: and y ^t whosoever was not promoted & allowed by him, should not be consecrated of any: And that those, which repugned and disobeyed this decree, should incur the most sharp pain of proscription and publication of law. The worthy example hereof is extāt in the 18. can. and 18. title. Yet notwithstanding, Stephanus the 4. author of this rescript against the said decree and w ^t out the Emperors consent was made Bishop of Rome. who to y ^e intent he might delude y ^e decreed & solemnised penalty, thereby to excuse himself: went into France to Ludouicus Pius the son of Carolus Magnus, & at Rheimis crowned he him w ^t the Imperial diademe. Neither could this Bishop here stay himself, but spying the great lenity of the Emperor, assayed to make frustrate the foresaid constitution. For his purpose was, & so brought it to pass, as in the 27. canon and the lame distinction appeareth) that it might be lawful for the Ecclesiastical order, with the people and senate of Rome (without the authority of the Emperor) to choose the Bishop of Rome: reserving, that he should not be consecrated without the will and consent of the Emperor. Thus is it manifest, that the Bishops of Rome themselves, not regarding but despising the strait penalty and sanction of the foresaid decree of the Lateran Council: were not only the first that brake the same, but also by contrary rescriptes and constitutions labored & endeavored to extol & set up themselves above all other.

Whereupon, Lotharius afterward being Emperor and nephew to Carolus Magnus, coming into Italy there to dissolve the cōspiracy and confederacy of Leo the fourth about the translation of the Empire: renewed & stablished again the Synodal decree of Lateran, touching the jurisdiction of the Emperor for the election of the Bishop of Rome and other ecclesiastical persons. And hereof it came, that those Epistles were written of Leo in the 16. & 17. canon, and the same distinction, which also as in the 9. canon and x. distinction, made a profession, that the same Imperial precepts should be kept in all ages. This Leo when he was reproved of treason and other evils, pleaded his cause before Ludouicus the 2. Emperor of Rome, and son of Lotharius above recited 2. q. 7. canon. 40.

But after this as time grew on, the bishops of Rome nothing relinquishing their ambitious desires: Otho the first Emperor of that name, deprived and put from the sea of Rome that most filthy and wicked Bishop John the xiii. both for diverse and sundry wicked and heinous acts by him committed, as also for his great treasons & conspiracies against his royal person: and did substitute in his place Leo. the 5. who calling a Synod at Lateran in the same temple and place where the other before was kept • did promulgate a new constitution w ^t consent of the Senate & people of Rome, concerning the Emperors jurisdiction in the foresaid election: which in the 23. canon is contained and 63. distinction. Whereby the old right and power of the Emperor in the election of the Bishop of Rome and other ecclesiastical prelates, was again with more sharper and straighter sanctiō confirmed & ratified. Again John the 18, whō Cressentius the Romayn (usurping y ^t Imperial crown) had made bishop by the consent of the people of Rome & the Ecclesiastical order: having his nose cut off, & his eyes put out, & so thrust out of the capitoll: was again of Otho 3. established and made Bishop. But when as yet notwithstanding, the Bishops of Rome would not alter their old accustomed disposition, but w ^t all their industry endeavored to abrogate that jurisdiction of the Emperor over the bishop of Rome (as people loath to be under subjection) Henry the 3. (then Leo y ^e 9 being constituted bishop) did once again ratify y ^t same, and caused the bishop which extolled himself before all his fellow bishops) to stoup and give place to Moguntinus.

So, after the death of Henry the 3. Emperor, Nicholas the 2. although in his decree (which in the first canon and 32. distinction is recited) gave the primacy for the electiō of the bishop of Rome by the means of the priests and people of Rome, unto the Cardinals: yet he would after that, that the prerogative therein should be reserved to Henry 4. the young Emperor, from whom the Empire afterward was for a time wrested and taken.

But now after this, whē Hildebrand which was called Gregory the 7. was Pope: This prerogative of the Emperors in their Election, which before in the creatiō of Alexander the bish. was neglected and broken: The bishops of Rome, not only did seek to diminish y ^e authority thereof, but also to euacuate, and quite undo the same. For he, not only aspired to that dignity, without the consent and appointment of the Emperor: but also made restraint that no Emperor, king, Duke, marques, Earl, or any civil Magistrate: should assign and appoint to any any ecclesiastical function and charge, neither that any of his Prelates so hardy, should take them at any of their hands, as q. 16. canon. 7.9. and 10. may be seen.

Yet notwithstanding, after that this horrible monster Hildebrand was proscript and thrust out of the papal seat, and Clement 3. put in his stead: Henry again challenged his Imperial prerogative of Election. But yet, when the Bishops which succeeded after this Hildebrand & led by his example, began to derogate from the Imperial prerogative of electiō: & Hen. on the other side by all means possible, sought to defend and maintain the same. By the subtle fraud & mischievous policy of the bishops which set the son against the father, and found means to steal from him the hearts of his nobles and subjects and to set them all against him, and especially the Princes of Germany: was deposed and disappointed of his purpose.

And although Henry the 5. (coming to Rome) brought Paschalis the second to that point, that he both in public concion, and in writing sealed, and also by oath confirmed, restored again to the Emperors of Rome y ^e prerogative of election, and of giving of ecclesiastical dignities: yet not withstanding, after that Henry the Emperor was gone from Rome: Paschalis the Pope, greatly repenting and sorrowing that he had done (in allowing and confirming the privileges of Emperors through fear) touching the giving and disposing of ecclesiastical functions, excommunicated the Emperor: And in a Sinodal council at Lateran ordained & decreed, that he should be had & accounted a wicked enemy, that would take any Ecclesiastical function or preferment at the hands of a civil Magistrate, whereupon were made these decrees qu. 16. chap. 7. 13.14.15. and 16.

Therefore, when these decrees touching the desiguatiō of bishops, in spite and contempt of the Emperor were practiced and put in ure: and when that uow (especially by the means and procurement of the bishops) intestine and civil wars begā to rise in the Empire: the Imperial jurisdiction in this matter was not only weakened and much debilitate, but also in manner utterly brokē and lost. For when Henry the v. Emperor was sharply of Lotharius and his vassals the Bishops, beset & laid unto by the provocation of the pope, and was mightily by the bishops that took his part on y ^• other side requested & entreated (in hope of public peace & tranquility) that he would condescend and somewhat yield to the Popes demands: He at length (the more was the pity) y ^t he might be reconciled and have peace with pope Calixtus the 2. In the city of Uangio departed from and with that his prerogative or iurisdictiō of giving ecclesiastical preferments to the pope and his prelates, now more then 300. years (frō the time of Carolus Magnus) in the hands of them Emperors of Rome, and until this time with great fortitude & princely courage, conserved and kept: which resignation turned to no small detriment both of the Church of Christ, and Christian common wealth.

Then first and never before, obtained the Bishop of Rome, and quietly enjoyed that prerogative of election, & bestowing of benefices: which he so long before with such great pollices (now secretly now openly, and now with force) had sought for. And with what sufficient and good authority Gratianus will prove, that before this time the same authority was given to the City of Rome for the election of the pope without the consent of the Emperor he showeth: as in the 29. and 30. Canon, and what good stuff he putteth in the latter, and howe subtly that Papistical flatterer or pontifical Parasite hath forged the same: Both Carolus Molineus sufficiently in diverse places hath noted, and by the obseruatiō of times may of a mean Historiographer that hath red the French and German histories, soon be espied & discerned. For first, five bishops one after another succeeded this Gregory 4. upon whom the 29. canon is entitled or fathered: that is, Sergius 2. John 8. Adrian. 2. John. 9. and Adrian the 3. which Adrian by force wresting the authority of the electiō from the people was made pope: when, as the Gregory (specially to be noted) would not take on him the Papacie, before that the Emperor had consented to his election. After this, Molineus compareth Raphell Uolateranus w ^t the 30. canon which again is suspected: For why, whē Eugenius was bishop which was the Successor of this Paschalis, with whom Ludouicus Pius is said to have made a league or paction: The same Ludouicus Pius with his son Lotharius together with the help of the king of Romaines, at Rome made laws both to all his subjects in the Empire, as also to the Romaines themselves: speaking nothing of y ^e renewing of the decree made by Lotharius. Thou again, how could Leo the fourth write to Lotharius and Ludouicus Emperors, that counterfeit or forged decree; beginning with Constitutio. &c. when in the same mentiō is made of Henricus Aucupes, & Otho the 1. which reigned more then 80. years after them, and Leo the 4. bishop of Rome.

Now with what face dare this fōd fellow Gratianus make Otho the first to be author of the 31. Canon, when as Otho deprived the same John the 12. of the Papacy: And not only took nothing from the Imperall jurisdiction concerning the election, nor from the city of Rome, nor any other bishops subject to the Romain Empire: but added somewhat more thereunto, as was said before. And yet notwithstanding, so shameless & senseless was this Gracian, y ^t he durst obtrude & lay before the reader, so manifest fraud and evident legerdemaine (feigned and made of his own brains in the compiling of this decree) being so necessary as he thought for the dominion and prunacy of the Romaine Bishops, in y ^e stead of good and true laws in either fearing that the same might be after his days reprehended, neither to his great shame and discredit unto him attributed. Where also by the way is to be noted, that as this graceless Gratianus to please these holy fathers and to erect their kingdom, would give so impudent an attempt to the blinding and deceiving of all posterityes: inserting for grounded truths and holy decrees such loud lies and detestable doctrine: what may be thought of the rabble of the rest of writers in those days what attempts hope of gain might cause them to work: By whom and such like is to be feared, the fasifying of diverse other good works now extant, in those perilous times writ̄.

Thus, when the Bishops had once wrested this authority out of the Emperors hands: they then so fortified & armed thenselves and their dominion, that although afterwards Frederick the first, graundfather unto this good Emperor Frederick the second, as also Ludouicus Boius, and Henricus Lucelburgensis (as men most studious and careful for the dignities of the Empire: unfeigned lovers and maintainers of the utility of the commō weal, and most desirous of the preseruatiō and prosperity of the Church) did all their indeuors with singular wisdom & strength, as much as in them lay, to recover again from the bishop of Rome this the authority of the Imperial jurisdiction lost, most cruelly & wickedly abusing the same to the destruction both of the Empire, undoing of the common wealth, and utter subversion of the Church of God yet could they not be able to bring the same to pass in those darck and shadowed times of perverse doctrine and errors of the people, and most miserable servitude of civil Magistrates.

The same and like privilege also in the election of their bishops & Prelates, and disposing of Ecclesiastical offices, as the Emperor of Rome had: every Prince and king in their several dominions had the like. For by the decree of the Council of Tolerane, which in the 25. canon and 63. distinction is mentioned: the authority of creating and choosing bishops and Prelates in Hispane, was in the power of the king of Hispane. The like also by the Histories of Clodoueus, Carolus Magnus, Ludouicus nonus, Philippus Augustus, Philippus pulcher, Carolus 5. Carolus 6. Carolus. 7. Kings of France, is apparaunt and well known: that all these kings had the chief charge and government of the French Church, and not the bishops of Rome.

And by our English histories also as you heard, it is manifest: that the authority of choosing ecclesiastical ministers and bishops, was always in the kings of England, till the reign of king Henry the 1. who by the labor and procurement of Anselmus Archb. of Cant. was deprived and put from the same.

Also the Princes of Germany and electors of the Emperor, till the time of Henry the 5. had all every Prince severally in his own dition and Province the same jurisdiction and prerogative: to give & dispose ecclesiastical functions to their Prelates at their pleasure: and after that it appertained to the people and prelates together. And how in the reign of Fridericke, the Prelates gate unto themselves alone this Immunity: Johannes Auentinus in his 7. book of the Annals of the Boiores doth describe.

Also it is probable, that the kings of Sicilia had the same faculty in giving and disposing their Ecclesiastical promotions and charge of churches. Andreas de Istmia ad 1. constit. Neap. nu. 12. And that because Fridericke defended him against the tyranny of the bishop of Rome, therefore as Fazellus saith, he was excommunicated of Honorius. But that Platina and Blondus allege other causes wherefor he was excommunicate of Honorius, I am not ignorant: Howbeit, he that will compare their writings with others that write more indifferently between Honorius and him: shall easily find, that they more sought the favor of the Romayn bishops, then to write a verity. But now again to the history of Fridericke.

Nicholaus Cisnerus affirmeth, that whilst Friderike the Emperor was in Sicilia, his wife Constantia died at Catrana or Catana. In the mean time, the Christians which was a great nauy sailed into Egypt and took the city Heliopolis, commonly called Damatia, and long ago named Pelucinum, being in good hope to have driven Sultanus y ^e Sowdā out of Egypt: had a great & marvelous overthrow, by y ^e conueiyng of the water of the flood Nile (which then overflowed into their Campe) & were sayne to accord an unprofitable truce with the Sowldane for certain years, and to deliver the city again: and so departing out of Egypt, were fain to come to Acone and Cyrus, to the no small detriment and loss of the Christian army. Wherupon, king John surnamed Brennus (being king of Jerusalem) arrived in Italy, and prayde aid of the Emperor against his enemies, in whō he had great hope to find remedy of the evils and calamities before declared and from thence he went to Rome to the Pope, declaring unto him the great discomfite and overthrow past, as also the present peril and callamitie that they were in, desiring also his aid therein. By whose means (as Cisnerus saith) the Emperor was reconciled again to the Pope, and made friends together: to whom also king John gave Ioell his daughter in marriage, which came of the daughter of Conradus King of Jerusalem, and Marques of Mounte Ferrat: with whom he had for dowry, the inheritance of the kingdom of Jerusalem, as right heir thereunto by her mother. By whom also, he atter obtained the kingdom of Naples and Sicill, and promised that with as much expedient speed as he might he would prepare a power for the recovery again of Jerusalem, and be there himself in proper person: which thing to do, for that upon diverse occasions he deferred (whereof some think one some another: Honorius) unto whom he was lately reconciled, purposed to have made against him some great and secrete attempt, had he not been by death before prevented, upon whom were made these Uerses.

After whom succeeded Gregorius the 9. as great an enemy to Frederike as was Honorius: which Gregory, came of the race whom the Emperor (as before ye heard) condemned of Treason which they wrought against him. This Gregory was scarcely settled in his Papacy, when that he threatened him that greatly with excommunication, unless he would prepare himself into Asia, according to his promise as ye heard before to king John. And what the cause was, why the Pope so hastened the journey of Frederike into Asia, you shall hear hereafter: In effect, he could not well bring that to pass, which in his mischievous mind he had devised, unless the Emperor were farther from him. Notwithstanding, Frederick it should seem smelling a ratte, or mistrusting somewhat (as well he might) alleged diverse causes and lets, as lately and truly he did to Honorius.

Fazellus a Sicilian writer saith, that the special cause of the Emperors stay was: for the oathe of truce and peace during certain years, which was made between the Saracens and Christians as you heard, which time was not yet expired.

The same also Fazellus, writeth thus of king John of Ierusalē, that when his daughter was brought to Rome the Emperor and the pope was reconciled together. And being called up to Rome to celebrate y ^• marriage. P. Gregory (as the manner of those proud prelates is) offered his right foot unto the Emperor to kiss. But the Emperor not stouping so low, scarcely with his lip, touched the upper part of his knee and would not kiss his foot: which thing the pope toke in very evil part and was therewith merueilously offended. But for that no opportunity at that time served to revenge his conceived grudge and old malice, he dissimuled the same as he might for that time, thinking to recompense it at the full as time would serve, and fall out therefore.

After this, it fortuned that the Emperor hearing how the Christians were oppressed by the Souldane in Syria, and that from Arsacida there came a great power against the christen princes: he made the more hast, and was with more desire encouraged to set forward his journey into Asia. Wherefore, assembling the Nobility of the Empire at Rauenna and Creinona: he gave in commandment to Henry his son (whō not long before he caused to be created Caesar) that he should persuade the nobles & Princes of the Empire: that they all, would be ready to put to their helping hands, in furthering this his journey and enterprise. This writeth Fazellus: howbeit, some other affirm that these things were done in the time of Honorius. But how soever the matter is, this thing is manifest: that Frederick to satisfy the popes desire, which never would sin but by all means sought to provoke him forward, gave him at length his promise: that by certain time he would prepare an army and fight himself against those, which kept from him the city of Jerusalem (which thing he also confesseth himself in his epistles, and also how he desired, and obtained of the pieres and Nobility of the Empire, their'aid thereunto) as also, to have a appointed & convenient time when they should be at Brindisi.

In the mean season, he with all his power and endeavor made hasty and speedy preparation for the wars: he rigged & manned a puissant nauy, he had the pykcost men and best soldiers that were in every country, and made warlike prouison & furmture, for everything that to such a voyage and expedition appertained. Neither was the matter slacked, but at that time appointed, great bands assembled & mustered both of German soldiers and others, and under their Captains appointed sot forth and marched to Brindisi. Theyr generals were, Thuringus and Sigebertus, and Augustinus the Bishop: where they, long time lying and attending the Emperors coming (being let by infirmity and sickness) great pestilence and sundry diseases molested them, by reason of the great heat and intemperance of that country: and many a soldier there lost his life, among whom also died Thuringus one of their Generals. The Emperor, when he had somewhat recovered his health, with all his nauy launched out and set forward to Brindisi. And when he came to the straits of Poliponences and Creta (being Islands lying in the sea) and there, for lack of convenient wind was stayed: suddenly the Emperor (his diseases growing upon him again) fell sick: and sending before all or the most part of his bands and ships into Palestine, promising them (most assuredly) to come after and follow them so soon as he might recover and get never so little health: he himself with a few ships, returned and came to Brindisi, and from thence for want of health, went into Apulia.

When tidings here of came to the Popes ear: He sent out his thundering curses and new excommunications against the Emperor. The causes wherefore, I find noted and mentioned by his own letters, that is. Now that whē he had robbed and taken from Brūdusius, Prince of Thuring, his horses, his money, and other rich furniture of his house at the time of his death, he sailed into Italy: not for y ^e intent to make war against the Turk, but to convey this pray that he had stolen and taken away frō Brundusius, who neglecting his oath and promise which he had made, and feiniug himself to be sick, came home again. And that by his default also, Damieta was lost, & the host of the Christians sore afflicted. Fazellus besides these causes spoken of before doth write that the pope alleged these also. That he defiled a certain Damsel, which was in y ^e Queens nursery: and that he slew his wife when he had whipped her in the prison, for declaring the mischievous act to her father king John. But all the writers, and also Blondus himself doth declare, that this Ioell died after the Publication of the proscript and excommunication: wherefore, y ^e Pope could not without great shame allege y ^e cause upon the death of Ioell: For undoubtedly the truth is, that she of her son Conradus died in childebed. Thē Frederick, to refell and avoid the foresaid slanders, sendeth the bishop of Brundis, and other Legates to Rome: whom the Pope would not suffer to come to his presence, neither yet to the Councils of the Cardinals to make his purgation. Wherefore the Emperor to purge himself of the crimes, which the pope did so falsely accuse him of: both to all Christian kings and specially to the Princes of Germany, & all the nobles of y ^e Empire, he writeth his lettters (which are to be seen) that those things are both false and also feigned, & of the popes own head muented. And showeth, how that his Ambassadors with his purgatiō, could not be suffered to come to the popes presence: also doth largely entreat how unthankful & ungrateful the Bishops of Rome were towards him for the great benefits which both he, and also his predecessors had bestowed upon them and the Romaine Church: which letter, for that it is over tedious here to place, considering the discourse of the histostory is somewhat long, y ^e sum of the purgation is this.

He protesteth and declareth universally, that he had always great care for the christen common wealth, and that he had determined even from his youth, to fight against y ^e Turk and Saracens. And for that occasiō he made a promise to the Princes electours of Aquisgraue, howe that he would take that war upon him: Afterward he renewed his promise to Rome, when he was consecrated of Honorius: Then, when he married the daughter of the king of Jerusalem, which was an heir of the same: And for because that kingdom might be defended & kept from the injuries of the enemies, & that he favored it even as he did his own: he prepared an huge nauy, and gathered together a strong army of men: neither did he neglect anything that belōged to the furniture of the war. But when the time was come, and his band was gathered together: his sickness would not suffer him to be there. And afterward when he had recovered the same, and came to Brindisi, and frō thence without any disturbance went forthwith to the sea: he fell into y ^e same sickness again, by the which he was let of his purpose: which thing (saith he) he is able to prove by sufficient testimony. Now the Pope also doth lay the loosing of Damieta, and other things which prospered not well with him, unjustly to his charge: when as he had made great provision for y ^e same journey both of soldiors & other necessary things. But he y ^t will understand these things more plainly among other Epistles of Petrus de Vineis, written in the name of Fridericke, let him read these especially, which begin thus: In admirationem, & iusticiam & innocentiam: & Leuate oculos. And truly even as Fredericus the Emperor declareth in his letters, concerning this matter, all the old writers of Germany do accord and agree in the same.

Math. Parisiensis also briefly collecteth the effect of another letter which he wrote to the king of England, complaing unto him of the excommunication of the Pope against him: Whose words are these. And amongst other Catholic Princes (saith he) He also wrote his letters unto the king of England, embulled with gold Declaring in the same, that the Bishop of Rome so flamed with the fire of avarice and manifest concupiscence: that not being contented with the goods of the Church which were innumerable, but also that he shamed not to bring Princes, Kings and Emperors to be subjects, and contributors to him, and so to disherite them and put them from their kingly dignities. And that the king of England himself had good experiment thereof, whose father (that is to say King John) they so long held excommunicate till they had brought both him and his dominions under servitude and to pay unto him tribute. Also that many have experience of the same by the Earl of Toulouse and diverse other Princes, which so long held their persons and lands in interdict: till they might bring them into like servitude. I pretermit saith he, the Symonies and sundry fortes of exactions (the like whereof was never yet heard) which daily are used amongst the ecclesiastical persons, besides their manifest usury (yet so cloaked and coloured to the simple sort) that therewithal they infect the whole world. They be the sugared and embalmed Simonistes, the insatiable horse leaches or bloudsuckers saying, that the Church of Rome is our mother and nurse, where as it is in deed the most polyng Court in the universal world, the root and right mother of all mischief-using and exercising no motherly doings or deeds but bringing forth the right exercises of a wicked stepdame: making sufficient proof thereof by her manifest fruits to all the world apparaunt. Let the Barons of England consider whether this be true or not, whom Pope Innocent by his bulls with one consent encouraged to rise and rebel against their sovereign Lord and Prince king John your father, as an obstinate enemy to the Church of Rome. But after that the king (far out of square) remembering himself, had crouched unto him and obliged both himself and kingdom to the Church of Rome, more liker a woman then a man: and that the wise Barons whom the Pope had first maintained and stirred up, without all shame either of the world or fear of God, had done the same: sought howe he might with gaping mouth devour and consume the sweet fat from thē, whom he had miserably to death betrayed and disherited, as the manner of the Roman Bishops is. By whose greedy avarice it came to pass, that England the Prince of provinces was brought under miserable subjection and tribute. Behold the manners and conditions of our Romaine Bishops: behold the snares wherewith these prelates do seek to entangle men withal: to wype their noses of their money: to make their children bondmen: to disquiet such as seek to live in peace: being clothed with sheep's clothing when in deed they be but ravening Wolves, sending their Legates hither, and thither to excommunicate and to suspend: as having power to punish whom they list: not sowing the seed, that is the word of God to fructify, but that they may bribe and pole men's purses, and reap that which they never did sow. Thus cometh it to pass, that they spoil the holy Churches and houses of God, which should be the refuge for the poor, and the mansion houses of saints, which our devout and simple parents to that purpose built and ordained to the refection of poor men and pilgrims, and to the sustentation of such as were well disposed and religious. But these degenerate varlets, whom only letters hath made both mad and malipert, do strive and gape to be both kings and Emperors.

Doubtless the Primatiue Church was built and laid in poverty and simplicity of life, and then as a fruitful mother begat she those her holy children, whom the Catologe of Saints now maketh mention of: and verily no other foundation can be laid of any other Church, then that which is laid by Jesus Christ. But this Church as it swimmeth and waloweth in all superstuitie of riches, and doth build and raise the frame in all superstuous wealth and glory: So is it to be feared least the walls thereof in time fall to decay, and when the walls be down, utter ruin and subversion follow after. Agaynst us, he knoweth that is the searcher of all hearts, how furiously these Catholics rage and go to work: Saiyng, therefore excommunicating me that I will not take upon me the journey I have promised beyond the seas: whereas inevitable and most urgent causes and perils, as well to the Church of God as also to the Empire, besides the annoyaunce of mine infirmity and sickness, do detain me at home, and stay the same, but specially, the insolency of the rebellious Sicilians. For why, neither do • we think it safety to our Empire, not expedient to the Christian state, that we should now take our journey into Asia, leaving behind us at home such intestine and civil wars: no more then for a good surgeon, to lay healing plaster to a grievous wound new stricken with the sword, and made. In conclusion, also to this he addeth: admonishing all the Princes of the world that they would beware and take heed (by their auaricious iniquity) of like peril and danger to themselves: Because that as the proverb is: It behooveth him to look about, that seeth his neighbors house on fire. Thus much out of Parisiens. pag 69.

But now, that Fredericus the Emperor might in very deed stop y ^t slanders of the cruel Pope, which did persist and go forward still in his excommunication against him: And that he might declare in the whole world, howe that the last year he torslowed not his journey by his own voluntary will, but by necessity: when he had deutied and prepared all thing meet for the war, and that he had gathered together and levied a great army of mē: He departed from thence to Brindisi, committing the government of his kingdom to Renaldus the son of Duke Spoletus, and to Anselmus a Baron of Instigensis and came by sea to Cyprus with his host.

From Cyprus, the Emperor with his whole nauy sailed into Joppa, which City he fortified, for that the passages by land were stopped and kept of the enemies: And by sea might he not pass nor travail, by means of y