Acts and Monuments Volume 1
After that, the Popish Prelates, Monks, Canons, Priests. &c. saw this their crafty iuggling by their famed prophet would not speed, notwithstanding they had done no little harm thereby, to help the matter more forward, they began to travail and practice with pope Innocent of the one side, and with the French king on the other side, beside subtle treasons, which they wrought w t in the realm, & by their confessions in the ear, whereby they both blinded the nobility and commons. The king thus compassed abou • on every side with enemies, and fearing the sequel thereof, knowing the conspiracies that were in working against him, as well by the Pope (in all that ever he might) as also by Phillip the French king by his procurement: and moreover his own people, especially his Lord's and Barons being rebelliously incited against him, as by the Popes curses and interdictions against such as took his part, and by his absolutions & dispensations withal those that would rebel against him, commanding them to detain from him such homage, service, duties, debts, and all other allegiance that godly subjects owe and are bound to yield and give to their liege lord & prince. Al which things considered, the King in the 13. year of his reign, for that the French king began to make sharp invasion upon him within his own Realm, sent speedy Ambassadors to the pope (as to the fountain of all this his mischief pretensed) to work & entreat his peace and reconciliation with him, promising to do whatsoever the pope should will him and command him in the reformation of himself, and restitution of all wrongs done to holy Church, and to make due satisfaction therefore unto all men that could complain.
Then sent the Pope again into England his Legate Pandulphe with other Ambassadors: the king also at Canterb. (by letters as it should seem certified from his own ambassadors) waited their coming. Where the 13. day of May the king receaiued them, making unto them an oath, that of and for all things wherein he stood accursed, he would make ample restitution and satisfaction. Unto whom also all the Lord's & Barons of England (so many as there were w t the king attending the Legates coming) sware in like manner, and that if the king would not accomplish in everything the oath which he had taken, that then they would cause him to hold and confirm y • same whether y t he would or not (or by strength) to use the authors words.
Then submitted the king himself unto the Court of Rome and to the pope: And resigning gave up his dominions and realms of England & Ireland from him and from his heirs for evermore y • should come of him. Wyth this condition, that the king and his heirs should take again these two dominions of the Pope to form, paying yearly therefore to the Court of Rome a 1000. Markes of silver. Then took the King the crown from his head, kneeling upon his knees in the presence of all his Lord's & Barons of England to Pandulphe the popes chief legate, saying in this wise. Here I resign up the crown of the realm of England to the Popes hands Innocent the third, & put me wholly in his mercy and ordinance. Then took Pandolphe the crown of king John, and kept it 5. days as a possession & seazon taking of these two realms of England and Ireland. Continuing also all things promised by his charter obligatory as followeth.
The copy of the letter obligatory that K, John made to the Pope, concerning the yielding up of the crown and the Realm of England into the Popes hands, for a certain sum of money yearly to be paid.
To your university known be it, that forasmuch as we have grieved & offended God & our mother church of Rome: & forasmuch as we have need of the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ: & we may nothing so worthy offer, & cōperent satisfactiō make to God & to holy church (but if it were our own body) as with our realms of England & of Ireland: Then, by the grace of the holy ghost we desire for to meek us for the love of him, that meked him to the death upon the cross. And through counsel of the nobles, earles & Baro •• we offer & freely grant to God & to the apostles S. Peter & Paul, and to our mother church of Rome, & to our holy father Pope Innocēt the 3. & to all the popes that come after him, all the realm: patronages of churches of England & of Ireland, with all the appurtenāces, for remission of sins, & help & health of our kings souls, & of all christē souls: So that frō this time afterward, we will receive & hold of our mother church of Rome, as in ferme, doing sealtie to our holy father the Pope Innocent the 3. and to all the Popes that come after him in the manner abovesaid And in the presence of the wise man Pandolphe the Popes Southdeacon, we make liege homage, as it were in the popes presence & we before him were, & that he himself should have done all manner things abovesaid: and thereto we bind us, & all that come after us & our heirs for evermore without any gainsaying to the pope, & eke the ward of the church vacant. And in token of this thing ever for to last, we will, confirm, & ordain, that he be our special renter of the foresaid realms (saving S. Peter pence) in all thing. To the mother church of Rome paying by yere a 1000. marks of silver at 2. times of the yere for all manner customs that we should do for the said realms: that is to seine, at Michelmas & at Easter, that is for England 700: marks and 300. marks for Ireland. Sauing to us & to our heirs, our iustices and our other franchises. And all these things that before ben said, we will that it be firm & stable without end: & to that obligation we & all our successors, & our heirs in this manner, beth bound: that if we or any of our heirs through any presumption fall in any point again these things above said (and he been warned and wi • l not right amend him, he shall then lese the foresaid realms for evermore: and this charter of obligation and our warrant for evermore be firm and stable without gainsaying. We shall from this day afterward be true to God & to the mother church of Rome, & to thee Innocent the 3. and to all that common after thee: and the Realms of England and of Ireland, we shall maintain trewlich in all manner pointes against all manner men by our power, through God's help.
Upon this obligation, the king was discharged the 2. day of July, from that Tirannicall interdiction, under which he continued 6. years and 3. months. But before the releasement thereof, first he was miserably compelled (as hath been declared) to give over both his crown & scepter to that Antichrist of Rome, for the space of 5. days: and his client, vassal, feudary, and tenant, to receive it again of him, at the hands of another Cardinal, being bound obligatorily, both for himself, & for his successors to pay yearly (for a knowledge thereof) a M. marks, for England & Ireland. Then came they thither, from all partes of the Realm so many as had their consciences wounded for obeying their liege king (as blind Idiotes) and there they were absolved, everyone of his own bishop, except y • spiritual fathers and Ecclesiastical soldiers, for they were compelled to seek to Rome, as captives reserved to the popes own fatherhoode. In this new ruffeling the King easily granted, that abbots, deanes and curates, should be elected freely everywhere, so y t the laws of the realm were truly observed. But against that, were the bishops, alleging their Canonical decrees and rules synodal, determini • g the king therein to have nothing a do: but only to give his consent after that they had once elected. But among this shaven rabble, some there were which consented not to this wicked error. A sort also there were of the prelates at that time, which were not pleased that y t lands interdiction should cease, til the king had paid all y • which their Clergy in all quarters of the realm had demanded without reason: yea, what every saucy sir John for his part demanded, even to the very breaking of their hedges, the stealing of their appels, and their other occasional damages, which grew to an incredible sum, and impossible to be answered. Such was the outrageous cruel noise of that mischievous progeny Antichrist, against their natural king.
Notwithstanding, that which is uttered afore concerning the bitter malice of the Clergye against their Prince: yet did the Popes Legate, and Cardinal Nicolaus Tusculanus, much favor his doings, & allow his proceedings. Wherefore they reported of him, that he was exceeding parcial, & regarded not their matters ecclesiastical as he should have done, for leaving the accompt of their restitiōs. He went with the kings officers (as the kings pleasure was) to the Cathedral minsters, abbeys, priories, deanries, and great Churches vacant. And there, for the next incumbent always he appointed two: one for y t king, another for the parties. But upon him only whom the king nominated, he compelled most commonly the election to pass: which vexed them wonderfully. Upon this therefore, they raised a new cōspiracy against the kings person, by help of their bishops, seditious prelates, & such noble men as they had drawn to their parties, We beheld (saith Houeden ) about the same time many noble houses and assemblies divided in many places: the fathers and the aged men stood upon y t kings part, but the younger sort contrary. And some there were, that for love of their kindred, and in other sundry respects, forsook the king again: yea, and the same went that time (saith he) that they were cōfederated with Alexander the Scottish king, and Ieoline the Prince of Wales, to work him an utter mischief. A council at Oxford the Archb. called: where at some would not tarry, considering the confusion thereof: the other sort (having very obstinate hearts) reviled the king most spitefully behind his back, and said: that from thenceforth he ought to be taken for no governor of theirs. Their outrageous and frantic clamours so much prevailed in those days, that it grew to a grievous tumult, and a most perilous commotion.
In the year of our Lord 1215. as witnesseth Paulus Aemilius & other histories: Pope Innocent the third held a general Synod at Rome, called the council Lateran. The chief causes of that council were these: In the days of this Innocent, heresy (as he calleth the truth of God, or the doctrine that rebuketh sin) began to rise up very high, and to spread forth his branches abroad. By reason whereof, many Princes were excommunicate as Otho the Emperor, John the king of England, Peter king of Aragon, Raimund the Earl of Toulouse, Aquitania, Sataloni, and such other like, as is said afore. So that it could be no otherwise, saith Doueden, but with the sharp axe of the gospel (so called the pope his excommunications) they ought of necessity to have been cut off from the Church. Therefore was this council provided, proclaimed, and prelates from all nations thereunto called. And to color those mischiefs which he then went about: he caused it by his Legates and Cardinals (very crafty merchants) to be noised abroad, that his intent was therein only to have the Church universally reformed: and the holy land from the Turks hands recovered. But all this was craft & falsehode, as y t sequel thereof hath manifestly declared. For his purpose thereby was to subdue all Princes, and to make himself rich and wealthy, for there he made this antichristian act, and established it by public decree, that y t pope should have from thenceforth the correction of all Christian Princes, and that no Emperor should be admitted, except he were sworn before, and were also crowned of him. He ordained moreover, that whatsoever he were that should speak evil of the pope, he should be punished in hell w t eternal damnation. Conradus, Vrspergensis, Hieronimus Marius. He provided confession to help these matters: he allowed their bread a pyx to cover him, and a bell when he goeth abroad, and made the mass equal with Christ's Gospel.
In this Council was first invented and brought in Transubstantiatiō: of which Johannes Scotus, whō we call Dims, maketh mention in his 4. Book, writing in these words. The words of the scripture might be expounded more easily, & more plainly without transubstantiatiō. But the church did choose this sense, which is more hard, being moved thereto, as it seemeth chiefly: because that of the Sacraments men ought to hold as the holy Church of Rome holdeth. &c. And in the same place maketh mention of Innocentius the third.
Moreover, in the said Council was stablished and ratified the wretched and impious act, compelling Priests to abjure lawful Matrimony. Whereupon these meeters or verses were made the same time against him, which here follow under written.
Now let us return to K, John again, & mark how the priests & their adherents were plagued for their humble handlings of his majesties will. In y • forsaid council of Lateran, and the same year, was Stephen Langton the Archb. of Cant. excommunicated of pope Innocent, w t all those bishops, prelates, priests, barons, & commons, which had been of counsel with him in the former rebellion. And when the said Archb. had made instant suit, of him to be absolved: anon he made him this answer w t great indignation. Brother mine, I swear by s. Peter, thou shalt not so soon at my hand obtain the benefit of absolution: for why, thou hast not only done harm to the K. of England, but also thou hast in a great many of things injured the church of Rome here, & therefore thou shalt tarry my leyser. The archb. was also at y t time suspended out of y e Church, and commanded to say no mass at all, neither yet to exercise any other ecclesiastical office, because he would not at time convenient execute the popes curse upon y c rebellious Barons. With them the said pope had ben so depely offended & angered a little before, y t the great charter of the liberties of England (w t great indignation & countenance most terrible) he rent and destroyed, by sentence definitive condemning it forever. And by and by thereupon cursed all the other rebels, with book, bel, and candle. The greater captains of them (with the citizens of London) for that assay were pronounced excommunicate by name, & remained still interdicted. They appealed then to the council general.
In the same yere 1215. were those great men also summoned to appear at Rome in that general Sinode: which would not consent to their kings expulsion, nor yet tirannical deposing. Though they were called (they said) thereunto by the Archb. of Cant. and others: and required by oath to subscribe to the same, yet could they not of conscience do it, because he had humbled himself, and also granted to keep peace with all men. Thus was the whole realm miserably then divided into two factions through malice of the clergy, so strifes increased in the lande everywhere. Yet were there of the Lord's & gentlemen a great number at that time, that followed the king and allowed his doings. But they which were on the other side (not a little suspecting the state that they were in) fled speedily to the French K. Phillip: desiring him that he would grant to them his eldest son Ludowike, and they would elect him to be their K. and that without much tariance. They besought him moreover, that he would send with him a strong and mighty power, as were able to subdue him utterly, that they might (they said) be delivered of such a wicked tyrant. Such was the report, that those most wicked papists gave their Christian governor, appointed to them of God: whom they ought to have obeyed, though he had been evil, even for very conscience sake. Rom. 13. And as certain of the Lord's and Barons were busy to choose the said Ludowike for their king, the Pope sent thither one Gualo the Cardinal of S. Martin to those rash and cruel attempts, charging the French king upon his allegiance, that he with all power possible, should favor, maintain, and defend king John of England, his feudary or tenant. The French king thereto made answer, as one not contented with that arrogant precept. The realm of England said he, was never yet any part of S. Peters patrimony, neither is it now, nor yet any time shall be hereafter. Thys spake he, for that he was in hope to obtain it for his son, by treason of the Barons.
No prince of potentate (said Phillip the French king) may pledge or give away his kingdom: which is (beside the realm) the government of his whole common wealth, w t out the lawful consent of his Barons, which are bound to defend the same. If y e pope shall introduce or set up such a president in christianity, he shall at his pleasure bring all Christian kings, and their kingdoms to naught. I like not this example, in these days begun. I cannot therefore allow this fact of king John of England: though he be my utter adversary, yet I much lament that he hath so endamaged his realm, & hath brought that noble ground and Duene of provinces, under miserable tribute. The chief Lord's and men of his nobility standing by, when he uttered these words (being as it were in a fury) cried with one voice: By the blood of God, in whom we trust to be saved, we will stick in this article to the loosing of our heads. Let the K. of England do therein what him liketh: no king may put his land under tribute, & so make his nobility captive servants, with y t came in Ludowike the kings eldest son, and so said unto them all there present. I beseech you, let not my purposed journey: The Barons of England have elected me for their Lord and king, and I will not surely lose my right: but I will fight for it even to the very death, yea so long as heart shall stir within my breast: and I doubt not but I shall well obtain it: for I have friends among them. Hys father the king stood still as he had been in a dompe, & answered never a word, but fared as though he had dissembled y e matter. Be like he mistrusted something therein, as he might well enough: for all was procured by the priests, that they might live licentiously in all wealth and freedom from the kings yoke.
About the same time were such treasons and conspiracies wrought by the Bishops, Priests, and Monks, throughout all the realm, that the king knew not where to become, or find trusty friends: he was then compelled by the uncertainty of his subjects to travail from place to place, but not without a great army of men: looking every day when his Barons & their confederates would cruelly set upon him. At last he came to Dover, and there looked for aide from other quarters, which loved him better then did his own people. And thither to him resorted from Flaunders, Brabant & Holland, on the one side: and from Guiane, Gascoine, & Poitiers, on the other side: and from other countries more, a wonderful number of men. The report then went, that the pope had written to those countries, mightily to assist him for diverse considerations: one was, for that he had both submitted himself, and his dominion to his protection. An other was, because he had taken on him (a little before) the livery of the cross, to win again Jerusalem. The third was, for that he had gotten by him the dominion of England and Ireland, and feared to lose both, if he should chance to decay. For the space of 3. months he remained in the Isle of Wight, abroad in the air, to quiet himself for a time from all manar of tumults: and led there a solitary life, among rivers and watermen: where as he rather counted to die then to live, being so traitorously handled of his Bishops and Barons, and not knowing howe to be justly aduenged of them. Uppon the Purification day of our Lady therefore, he took upon him the cross or viage against the Turks for recovery of Jerusalem: moved thereunto rather for the doubts which he had of his people, then for any other devotion else. And thus he said to his familiar servants: since I submitted myself and my lands, England and Ireland to the church of Rome (sorrow come to it) never thing prospered with me, but all hath gone against me.
In the next year after 1216. was Simon Langton chosen Archbishop of York: but that election anon arter was dissolved: for informatiō was given to the pope, that the said Simon was brother to Steuē Langton the archbishop of Cant. which had been the occasion of all the tumults which were that time in England. And the Pope had the more hate unto him, for that he had brought him up of naught, and did find him at that time so stuvburne: wherefore he placed in his brothers place Walter Graie, the bishop of Winchester.
In the same yere, Gualo the popes legate renewed his great curse upon Louis the French kings son, for usurping upon king John. Likewise upon Simon Langton and Gernais Hobruge, for provoking him to y • same, and that with a wonderful solemnity: for in that doing he made all the belles to be rong, the candles to be light, the doors to be opened, and the boke of excommunications and interdictions publicly to be read, committing them wholly to the devil, for their contumacy and contempt. He also commanded the Bishops and Curates, to publish it abroad over at the whole realm, to the terror of ad his subjects. The said Simon & Geruais laughed him to scorn, and derided much his doings in that behalf, saying: that for the just title of Ludowick, they had appealed to the general council at Rome.
The magistrates of London and citizens of the same, did likewise vilipende and disdainously mock all that the Pope had there commanded and done. And in spite both of him and his legate, they kept company with them that were excommunicated, both at table and at church, showing themselves thereby, as open contemners, both of him and his laws. Ludowicke at London taking himself for king, constituted Simon Langton for his high Chancellor, & Geruais Hobruge for his chief preacher. By whose daily preachings, as well the Barons, and the Citizens themselves, being both excommunicated, caused all the church doors to be opened, and the service to be song, & the said Ludowicke was in all points fit for their hands. About this time, was Pandulphus (then Cardinal) collecting the Peter pence, an old pillage of the Pope: taking great pains therein. And for his great labors in those affairs of holy Church, & for other great miracles besides: he was then made bishop of Norwich, to the augmenting of his dignity and expenses.
It chanced about this time, that the Uicount of Melun (a very noble mā of the realm of France, which came thither with the Prince Ludowicke) to fall deadly sick at London: and also moved of conscience to cal certain of the English Barons unto him (such as were there appointed to the custody of that city) said unto them. I lament your sorrowful case, and pity with my heart the destruction y t is coming towards you and your country. The dangerous snares which are prepared for your utter confusion, are hidden from you: ye do not behold them, but take ye hede of them in time. Prince Ludowicke hath sworn a great oth, & 16. of his Earls and noble men are of counsel with him, that if he obtain the crown of England, he will banish all them from service, & deprive them of lands and goods, as many as he findeth now to go against their liege king, and are traitors to his noble person. And because ye shall not take this tale for a fable, I assure you on my faith (lying now at the mercy of God) that I was one of them, which was sworn to the same. I have great conscience thereof, and therefore I give you this warning. I pity poor England, which hath been so noble a region, that now it is come to so extreme misery. And when he with tears had lamented it a space, he returned again unto them, and said: my friends, I counsel you earnestly, to look to yourselves, and to provide the remeady in time, least it come upon you unawares. Your king for a season hath kept you under: but if Ludowicke prevail, he will put you from all. Of two extreme evils, chose the more easy, and keep that secret which I have told you of good will, with that he gave over and departed this life.
When this was once noised among the Barons, they were in great heaviness: for they saw themselves betrapped every way, and to be in exceeding great danger. And this daily augmented that fear which then came vpō the Barons. They were extremely hated of the Pope and his Legates, and every week came upon them new excommunications. Daily detriments they had besides: in their possessions and goods, in their lands & houses, corn and cattle, wines and children: so that some of them were driven to such need, that they were enforced to seek prays and booties for sustaining their miserable lives. For look whatsoever prince Ludowick obtained by his wars, either territories or castels: he gave them all to his French men (in spite of their heads) and said that they were but traitors, like as they had warning afore, which grieved them worst of all. At the last, they perceiving that they in seeking to avoid one mischief were ready to fall into another much worse: they began to lay their heads together, consenting to submit themselves wholly with all humility, to the mercy of their late sovereign, & natural liege Lord, king John. And for that they were somewhat in doubt of their lives for the treason afore committed: many of the friends of them which were of most credit w t him, made suit for them. So were a great number of them pardoned, after instant great suit made for them. I here omit his recovery of Rochester castle and city, w t many other dangerous adventures against the foresaid Ludowicke, both at London, York, Lincoln, Winchester, Norwich & other places else, as things not perta • ning to my purpose. And now I return to my matter again.
Into Suffolk and Norffolke he consequently journeyed, with a very strong army of men: and there, with great mischief he afflicted them, because they had given place & were sworn to his enemies. After that, he destroyed the Abbeis of Peterborough & Crowland, for the great treasons which they also had wrought against him, and so he departed from thence into Lincolneshire.
In this year, about the 17. day of July, died Pope Innocent the 3. and was buried in a city called Perusium in Italy: where as he had travailed to make a peace between the Genouaies and the Pyses, for his own commodity and advantage. After him anon succeeded one Ciatius, otherwise called Honorius Tertius, a man of very great age: yet lived he in the papacy 10. years and an half & more. When this was once known in England: greatly rejoiced all they which were king John's enemies, specially the priests: yet had they small cause, as will appear hereafter. They noised it all the realm over, that this new Pope would set a new order, and not rule all things as the other Pope did: th • nking thereby that he would have done all things to their commodity: but they found it otherwise. For he made all them which were excommunicate, to pay double and treble, ere they could be restored again to their former livings.
And in the self same year, as king John was come to Swinestead Abbey, not far from Lincoln, he rested there two days: where (as most writers testify) he was most traitorously poisoned by a monk of that Abby, of the sect of the Listercians or S. Bernardes brethren, called Simon of Swinsted. As concerning the noble personage of this Prince, this witness giveth Roger Houeden therein: Princeps quidem magnus erat sed minus foelix: atque vt Marius vtram{que} fortunam expertus. Doubtless (saith he) king John was a mighty prince, but not so fortunate as many were. Not altogether unlike to Marius the noble Romaine, he rasted of Fortune both ways: bountiful in mercy: in wars sometime he wan, sometime again he lost. Munisicus ac liberalis in exteros fuit, sed proditionis causa suorum depraedator, plus aduenis quam suis confidens He was also very bounteous & liberal unto strangers, but of his own people (for their daily treasons sake) he was a great oppressor, so that he trusted more to foreiners then to them.
Among other diverse and sundry conditions belonging to this king, one there was which is not in him to be reprehended but commended rather: for that being far from the superstition which kings at that time were commonly subject unto, regarded not the popish Mass, as in certain Chronicles writing of him may be collected: for so I find testified of him by Mat Parisiensis, that the king upon a time in his hunting, coming where a very fat stag was cut up and opened (or howe the Hunters term it I cannot tell) the king beholding the fatness and the liking of the stagge: See saith he, how easily and happily he hath lived, and yet for all that he never heard any Mass.
It is recorded and found in the Chronicle of William Caxton, called fructus temporum, and in the 7. Book. The foresaid monk Simon, being much offended with certain talk that the king had at his table, concerning Ludouicke the French kings son (which then had entered and usurped upon him) did cast in his wicked heart, howe he most speedily might bring him to his ende. And first of all he counseled with his Abbot, showing him the whole matter, and what he was minded to do. He alleged for himself the Prophecy of Caiaphas, John 11. saying: It is better that one man die, then all the people should perish. I am well contented (saith he) to loose my life, and so become a Martyr, that I may utterly destroy this tyrant. With that the Abbot did weep for gladness, and much commended his fervent zeal, as he took it. The Monk then being absolved of his Abbot for doing this act (aforehand) went secretly into a garden upon the back side, and finding there a most venomous Toad, he so pricked him, and pressed him with his penknife: that he made him vomit all the poison that was within him. This done, he conveyed it into a cup of wine, and with a smiling and flattering countenance, he said thus to the King: If it shall like your Princely majesty, here is inch a cup of wine, as ye never drunk a better before in all your life time. I trust this Wassail shall make all England glad. And with that he drank a great draught thereof, the king pledging him. The Monk anon after went to the farmerye, and there died (his guts gushing out of his belly) and had continually from thence foo • th three Monks to sing Mass for his soul, confirmed by their general chapter. What became after that of king John, ye shall know right well in the process following. I would ye did mark well the wholesome proceedings of these holy votaries, howe virtuously they obey their kings, whom God hath appointed: and howe religiously they bestow their confessions, absolutions and masses.
The king within a short space after (feeling great grief in his body) asked for Simon the monk: and answer was made, that he was departed this life. Then god have mercy upon me (said he) I suspected as much, after he had said, that all England should thereof be glad: he meant now I perceive then of his own generation. With y t he commanded his chariot to be prepared, for he was not able to ride. So went he from thence to Slaford Castel, and from thence to Newerke upon Trent: and there w t in less then 3. days he died. Upon his death bed he much repented his former life, and forgave all them with a pitiful heart, that had done him injury, desiring that his elder son Beurie might be admonished by his example, and to learn by his misfortunes, to be natural, favorable, gentle, and loving to his native people. When his body was enbaumed and spiced (as the manner is of kings) his bowels or intrailes were buried at Cropton Abbey, which was of the sect of Premonstratenses or Canons of S. Norbert. His hired soldiers, both Englishmen and strangers were still about him, and followed his corpse triumphantly in their armor, till they came to the Cathedral Church of Worcester: and there honourably was he buried by Sylvester the bishop, betwixt S. Oswalde and S. Wolstane, 2. Bishops of that Church. He died in the year of our Lord 1216. the 19. day of October, after he had reigned in such calamity, by the subtle conueyaunce of his Clergy 18. years 6. months, and odd days. So soon as Kyng John was dead and buried (as is said afore) the Princes, Lord's and Barons, so many as were of his part (as well of strangers as of them that were borne here) by counsel of the Legate Gualo: gathered themselves together, and all with one consent proclaimed Henry his son for their king. Of whom more shall follow the Lord willing) hereafter.
Many opinions are among the Chroniclers of the death of king John. Some of them do write that he died of sorrow and heaviness of heart, as Polydorus: some of surfeiting in the night, as Radulphus Niger: some of a bloody flixe, as Roger Houeden: some of a burning agewe, some of a cold sweat, some of eating apples, some of eating peares, some plummes, &c.
Thus you see what variety is among y e writers concerning y e death of this king John. Of which writers, although the most agree in this that he was poisoned by the Monk above named: yet Math. Parisiensis, (something differing from the other) writing thus concerning his death. That he going frō Linne to Lincolnshire, and there hearing of the loss of his carriage, & of his treasures upon the washes, fell in great heaviness of mind: in so much that he fell thereby into a fervent fever being at the abbey of Swinsted. This ague he also increased through evil surfeiting & noughty diet, by eating peaches and drinking of new Ciser, or as we cal it Sider. Thus being sick, he was carried from thence to the Castel of Laford, and from thence to the
In Gisburn, I find otherwise, who dissenting from other, saith: that he was poisoned with a dish of Peares which the Monk had prepared for the king therewith to poison him. Who asking the king whether he would taste of his fruit, & being bid to bring them in, according to the kings bidding so did. At the bringing in whereof, saith the said story, the precious stones about the K. began to sweet. In so much y t the king misdoubting some poison, demanded of y c monk, what he had brought. He said: of his fruit, and that very good, the best that he did ever taste. Eate, said y c king: and he toke one of the peares, which he did know, and did eat. Also being bid to take another, did eat likewise sauerly. And so likewise the third. Then the king refraining no longer, took one of the poisoned peares, and was therewith poisoned, as is before. &c.
In the reign of this king John the citizens of London, first obtained of the king to chose yearly a Major. In whose time also the bridge of London was first built of stone: which before was of wood. Rastall.
* King Henry the third.
A Fter this king John had reigned as some say 17. years, or as some say, though falsely 19. years was (as is abovesaid) poisoned & died. Thys king left behind him 4. sons, and 3. daughters, first Henry, second Richard, and he was Earl of Cornwall: Third William of Valentia: Fourth, Guido Disenay. He had also another son, who afterward was made bishop. Of his daughters first was Isabel, married afterward to Frederick the Emperor. The second named Alinour, married to William earl Marshal. The third to Mounfort the Earl of Leicester. &c. An other story saith that he had but two daughters, Isabel and Elionore, or as another calleth her Joan, which was after Queen of Scotland, Ex Chronico vetusto Anglic.
This king John being deceased, which had many enemies, both of Earls, Barons, & especially of the Popish Clergy, Henric his eldest son was then of the age of 9. years. At what time the most of the Lord's of England did adhere to Ludouike or Louis y • French kings son, whom they had sent for before, in displeasure of king John to be their king, and had sworn to him their allegeaunce. Then William Earl Marshall a noble man, and of great authority, and a grave and a sound coūseller, friendly and quietly called unto him diverse Earls and Barons: and taking this Henry the young prince, son of king John, setteth him before them, using these words:
Whereunto the Earl Marshall inferred again and said:
At these words all they, as inspired from above, cried altogether with one voice: be it so, he shall be our king. And so the day was appointed for his coronation, which was the day of Simon & Jude. This coronation was kept not at Westminster, for as much as Westminster y c same tune was hold • of the Frenchmen, but as Gloucester: the safest place (as was thought) at that time in the realm. an. 1216. by Swallow the Popes Legate through counsel of all the Lord's and Barons that held with his rather king John, to wit, the Bishop of Winchester, Bishop or Barn, Bishop of Chester, and Bishop of Worcester, the Earl Radulph of Chester, William Earl Marshal, William Earl of Pembroke, William Tren Earl of Feres, William de Bruer, Serle or Samarike de mal Baron. These were at the crowning of the king at Gloucester. Many other lords and Barons there were, which as yet held with Louis the French kings son, to whom they had done their homage before. And immediately after the crowning of this king, he held his council at Bristow at S. Martines least: where were assembled 11. Bishops of England & Wales, with diverse Earls & Barons and knights of England. All which did swear feaultie unto the king. After which homage thus done to the king, the legate Swalo interdicted Wales because they held with the foresaid Lew • es: and also the Barons & all other as many as gave help or counsel to Louis, or any other that moved or stirred any war against Henry the new king, he accursed them. All which notwithstanding, the said Louis did not cease, but first laid siege to the Castel or Dover xv. days: when he could not prevail there, he took the castel of Berkhamsted, and also the castel of Hartford, doing much harm in the countries, in spoiling & robbing the people where they went: by reason whereof, the Lord's and Commons which held w t the king, assembled thenselves together, to drive Louis and his men out of the land. But some of the Barons with the Frenchmen, in the mean season went to Lincoln and took the City, and held it to the use of Louis. Which being known, ensoones a great power of the kings parte made thither, as the Earl Ranolfe of Chester, William Earl Marshal and William de le Brues, Earl of Feres, w t many other Lord's, and gave battle unto Louis and his party: so that in conclusion Louis lost the field, and of his side were slain the Earl of Perchis, Saer de Quincy Earl of Winchester, Henry de la Bohon Earl of Herford, and syr Robert le Fizwater, with diverse other moe. Wherupon Louis for succor fled to London, causing the gates there to be shut & kept, waiting there for more succor out of France. Which as soon as the king had knowledge off, immediately sent to the Major and Burgess of the City, willing them to render them and their City to him as their chief lord and king, promising to grant to them again all their fraunchises and liberties as in times past, & to confirm the same by his great Charter and seal. In this mean time on Bartholomew even, Eustace a French Lord, accompanied with many other Lord's and nobles of France, came with a great power, to the number of a 100. ships, to aide and assist the said Louis. Who before they arrived, were encountered upon the seas by Richard king John's bastard son, who having no more but 18. ships to keep the Cinque ports, set eagerly upon them, and through God's grace, overcame them. Where presently he smote of the head of Eustace, the rest of the French Lord's to the number of 10. he brought with him to the lande, where he imprisoned them in the Castell of Dover, and slew almost all their men that came with them, and sonke their ships in the sea, only 15. ships (saith some of my stories) escaped away. Ludouike or Louis hearing this loss of his ships and men, and misdoubting his own life for the great mischief he had done to the realm, sought means by Swalo, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, and by other Lord's, to be at accord with the king. With whom at length it was so concluded and agreed, that for his costs and expenses he to have a thousand pound of silver given. Paris. speaketh of 15. thousand marks (which he borrowed of the Londoners) that he should depart the realm, never to return into England again, neither he nor none of his.
This done, and upon the same, he with all the other Barons y t took his parte, was assoiled of Swalo the Legate. And thus peace being confirmed at Merton, Louis took his leave, and being brought honorably to the Sea with the Bishop of Canterbury & other bishops, Earls, and Barons, returned home into France.
And here saith Gisburn. it was truly verified, that was before spokē of the French king, father of Louis: At what time y e said Louis was in England, his father the French king demanded of his messengers coming into France, where his son was, and they said at Stamforde: And he asking again, whether he had got the Castell of Dover, and they said no: Then the father swearing by the arm of s. James: My son (quoth he) hath not one foot in England, as afterward well proved true. Ex Gisburn.
But the chiefest help that repelled Louis & the French men out of y e realm, and that most preferred king John's son to the crown, was the singular working of God's hand, whereof meant: on was made before, pag. 250. which was through the confession of a certain gentleman of the French host (as Florilegus doeth testify.) Who lying sore sick at the point of death, & seeing no hope to escape, was touched in conscience for danger of his souls health, openly to confess & utter to the barons of England, what was the purpose of y e Frenchmen to do: who were conspired & sworn together among themselves, with a privy compaction, y t so soon as they subdued the land, they should thrust all the chief & nobles thereof, into perpetual exile out of the realm, where out they should never return again. This, coming to the ears of the Barons, as is said: gave them to consider more with themselves, whereby many of them were the more willing to leave Louis, and apply to their natural king and prince. Which no less may also be an admonition to all times and ages, for English men to take heed, not to admit or to place foreign rulers into the realm, least perhaps it follow that they be displaced themselves.
After the happy departure of this Louis & his French men out of the land, whereby the state of this realm long vexed before, was now somewhat more quieted: immediately Swalo the Legate looking to his harvest, directeth forth inquis • tors through every shire, to search out all such Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Canons & Secular priests, of what order or degree so ever they were, that with any succor or counsel, did either help, or else consented to Louis. For all these were exempted out of the charter of pardon & absolution made before, between the king & Louis. By reason whereof no small gain grew to the Pope and the Cardinal: for all such were either put out of their livings and sent up to the Pope, or else were fame to fine sweetly for them. Among whom (besides a great number of other clerks, both religious and seculare) was Hugo bishop of Lincoln: who for the recovery of his bishopric, disbursed 1000. marks to the Pope, and 100. marks to the foresaid Swalo the Legate, who now (as Paris. recordeth) by this time had gathered in a fair crop of that, which he did never sow. Ex Mat. Paris. &c.
About this season, or not much before, died Pope Innocent the 3. in the 19. yere of his popedom: to whose custody, Fredericus the nephewe of Frederick Barbarossa being yet young, was committed by the Empresse his mother, of whom more shall follow (the Lord willing) hereafter. After this Innocent, next succeeded Pope Honorius the 3. who writing to young king Henry in a special letter, exhorteth him to the love of virtue, & to the fear of God, namely to be circumspect with what familiars & resort, he acquainted himself: but principally above all other monisheth him to reverence the Church which is the spouse of Christ, and to honor the ministers thereof, in whom Christ himself (saith he) is both honored or despised. And this seemeth the chiefest article of that his writing to him.
Of this Pope Honorius, Abbas Vrspergensis, (who lived in the same time) reporteth a strange wonder, more strange peradventure then credible, which is this: Honorius being priest in Rome (whose name was then Centius) and procurator to Iacinthus a Cardinal. So it befell, that his master sent him abroad about Rome, to borowe & procure money for him against his journey into Spain: for pope Clement then intended to send the said Iacinthus his Legate unto Spain. As this Centius was walking by himself all sad and solicitous to speed his masters message, cometh to him a certain aged and reverend father, and asketh him what cause he had to walk so heavy and careful. To whom he answered again, and signified the occasion of his business, what then he had to do. Then the old father said to him: Go and return home again: for thy master saith he, shall not at this time go to Spain. Now so quoth the other, how is that true? As true (said he) as it is certain that the pope shall die, and the said thy master shall be Pope after him. Centius thinking that to be unlikely, said: he could not believe that to be true. To whom the other inferreth again. So know this, said he, to be as certain, as it is true that the city of Ierusalē this day is taken of the Saracens, and shall not be recovered from them, before the time of thy Papacie. And thus speaking, saith Vrsperg. he voided suddenly away. Ex Abbate Vrsperg. All which saith the said author came afterward to pass: and were testified of the same Honorius being pope afterward in his public sermons at Rome. All which I grant may be, and yet notw t standing this fabulous narration may be a piece of the popes old practices subtly invented, to drive men forth to Ierusalē to fight, &c. Again, after Honorius (when he had governed x. years) followed Gregorius the ix. Which two popes were in the time of this king Henry 3. and of Frederick the Emperor, of whom we mind (Christ willing) farther to touch, after that we shall have prosecuted more, concerning the histo •• of king Henry and matters of England.
After that it so pleased the merciful providence of almighty God, to work this great mercy upon the stock of K. John (which notwithstanding the unkind prelates w t their false prophets had declared before, that never none should succeed in the throne after that K.) and also unto the whole common wealth of the realm, in delivering them frō the dangerous service of Ludouike & the foresaid French men. After their departure, the next year following: anno. 1218. which was the third of this kings reign, the Archbyshop, S. Lancton and the bishops, Erles and Barons, resorted to Londō unto the king at Michaelmas next following: and there held a great parliament, wherein were confirmed and granted by the king all y • franchises, which were made & givē by K. John his father at Ronemedow: and them he confirmed and ratified by his charter, which long time after, saith my author, unto his days did continue and were holden in England. For the which cause, by the nobles and the commons was given & granted again unto the K. ii. shillinges for every plow land through England. And Hubert of Burgh was made chief Justice of Englad, of whose troubles more is to be said hereafter. And this was the third year of K. Henry, and 50. year after the death of Tho. Becket: wherefore the said Becket, the same year or next following was takē up and shryned for a new S. made of an old rebel. Thether came such resort of people of England and of France, that the country of Kent was not sufficient to sustain them. Ex histor. De Scales. About the same time Isabell the kings mother was married to the Earl of March. And William Marshall the good Earl died, which was the governor of y t king and the realm, not without great lamentation of the people of England. Then was the king committed to the government of Peter B. of Winchester. This noble Earl left behind him v. sons, and v. daughters.
The yere next ensuing an. 1219. It was ordained and proclaimed through all the land, that all aliens & foreiners should depart the realm, and not to return to the same again: only such excepted, as used traffic or trade of marchaundise, under the kings safe conduct. This proclamation was thought chiefly to be set forth for the cause to avoid out of the land Faukes de Breute, Phillip de Markes, Engelardus de Ciconia, William Earl Albemarke, Robert de veteri ponte, Brihenne de insula, Hugo de Bailluel, Robert de Gaugi, with diverse other strangers mo, which kept castles and holds of the kings against his will. Of whom the foresaid Faukes was y e principal, who fortefied & held the castle of bedford, which he had by y t gift of K. John, w t might and strength against the K. and his power, nere the space of 3. months. Moreover he went about to apprehend the kings iustices at Dunstable, but they being warned thereof, escaped all, except Henry Braibrocke, whom he imprisoned in the said castle. The K. hearing thereof, & cōsulting with his clergy and nobles, made his power against the same. Which after long siege and some slaughter at length he obtained it, & hanged almost all that were within, to y e mumber of 97, which was (as Parisiens. writeth) about y c 7. or 8. yere of his reign. Faukes the same time was in wales, who hearing of the taking of the castle, conveyed himself to the church of Couētry. At length submitting himself to the kings mercy, upon consideration of his service done before to the kings father, was committed to the custody of Eustace bishop of London, and afterward being deprived of all his goods, possessions & tenements within the realm, was forced to perpetual banishment, never to return to England again.
Here (by the way) I find it noted in Parisiens. that after this foresaid Faukes, had spoiled and rased y c church of S. Paul in Bedford, for the building up of his Castle: the Abbase of Heluestue hearing thereof, caused the sword to be taken from the Image of S. Paul standing in the Church so long as he remained unpunished. Afterward, she hearing him to be committed to the custody of S. Paul in Londō, caused the sword to be put into the hands of the Image again. Mat. Parisiens. in vita. Henr. 3.
About this year the young king the second time was crowned again at Westminster, about which time begā the new building of our Lady Church at Westminster. Shortly after Gualo the Legate was called home again to Kome. For the holy Father (as Math. Pariens. reporteth) being sick of a spiritual dropsy, thought this Gualo (having so large occupying in england) to be able somewhat to cure his disease. And so that Legate returned with all his bags well stuffed, leaving Pandulphe behind h • m to supply that Baliwike of his great graundfather the Pope.
The life and Acts of pope Innocentius the 3. are partly described before, how he intruded Stephē Langhtō against the kings will into the archbishopricke of Canterbury, stirring up also 64. Monks of the same Church of Canterbury, privily to work against the king. Moreover how he did excommunicate the said king as a public enemy of the Church, so long as the said King withstood his tirannical doings: putting him and his whole kingdom under interdiction, for the space of 5. years and 3. months. And at length deposed and deprived him from his scepter, keeping it in his own hands for v. days. Now he absolved his subjects from their due obedience & subiectiō unto him. Now he gave away his kingdomes & possessions unto Louis the French kings son, commanding the said Louis to spoil him both of lands & life. Whereupon, the K. (being forsakē of his nobles, prelates, & commons) was enforced against his will to submit himself, and sware obedience unto the P. paying unto him a yearly tribute of a M. marks by year, for receiving his kingdom again, whereby both he & his succescessors after him, were vassals afterward unto the P. And these were the Apostolical acts of this holy Vicar in the realm of England. Moreover he condemned Almericus a worthy learned man & a bishop, for an heretic, for teaching & holding against images. Also he condemned the doctrine of Joachim Abbas (whō we spake of before) for heritical. This pope brought first into the church the paying of private tithes. He ordained the receiving once a year at Easter. Unto the papal decretals he added the decree. Omnis vtrius{que} sexus. &c. Also the reservation of the sacrament, and the going with the bell, and light before the Sacrament was by him appointed. In the said Counsel of Lateran, he also ordained that the Canon of the Mass should be received w t equal authority as though it had proceeded from the Apostles thenselves. He brought in transubstantiation, look in the decretals. Titulo 1. De summa Trinit & fide Catholica. cap. firmiter credimus.
Item, the said Innocentius the 3. ordained that none should mary in the third degree, but only in the fourth degree, and so under.
The said Pope stirred up Otho against Phillip the Emperor, because the said Phillip was elected Emperor against his will. Upon y t occasion whereof followed much war and slaughter in Germany. And afterward against the said Otho, whom he had made Emperor, he set up Frederick K. of Cicile, and caused the archb. of Mayence to pronounce him excommunicate in all his titles, and to be deposed of his Empire. For the which cause the Princes of Germany did invade his byshopricke, spoiling and burning his possessions. The cause why the pope so did accurse and depose him, was for that the said Otho did take and occupy cittyes, towns, & castles, which the pope said appertained to him.
Item, the said pope ordained that if any prince offended one another, the correction should appertain unto y e Pope. In this Council of Lateran were Archbishops and Primates 61. Bishops, 400. Abbots 12. Priors and Conuentuals 800. besides other Ambassadors, Legates Doctors and Lawyers an innumerable sort &c.
In the history of Hermanus mutius, we read how in the year of our Lord. 1212. in this popes time diverse noble men, and other in the country of Alsatia, contrary to the tradition of the Romish Popes did hold, that every day was free for eating of flesh, so it be done soberly. Also that they did wickedly which restrained Priests and ministers from their lawful wives, for the which cause (as is in the foresaid author) by this poor Innocentius the 3. and his bishops, an hundredth of them in one day were burned and Martyred.
Some other histories (as Nauclerus ) recordeth also, y t at the same time many were in the City of Millaine of the said doctrine, which used to send collects, unto the foresaid saints of Alsatia. Ex Nauclero.
In the cronicle of Gwalther Hemingford otherwise called Gisburnensis, it is recorded that in the days of this K. John, and pope Innocent, began y e two sects & orders of Friers, one called the preachers order, or black Friars of S. Dominike. The other called y e Minorites of S. Frances. The preachers or black Friars order began of one Dominike a Spaniard, about the parts of Tholous, who after he had labored 10. years in preaching against the Albigenses, and such other as did hold against y c church of Rome: afterward coming up to the Council of Lateran with Fulco B. of Toulouse, desired of the foresaid Innocent the 3. to have his order of preaching Friars confirmed, which the pope a great while refused to grant: at length he had a dream, that the Church of Lateran was ready to fall. Which when he beheld, fearing & much forrowing thereat, cometh in this Dominic: who with his shouldiours underpropped the church, and so preserved y e building thereof frō falling: &c. And right well this dream may seem verified, for y t Friars have been always the chief pillars & upholders of y e popes church. Upon this, y e pope (waking out of his dream) called Dominike to him and granted his petition. And so came up this Woluish order of the Dominickes. I call it Woluish, for that his mother when she was great with this Dominic, dreamed that she had in her womb a wolf, which had a burning torch in his mouth. The which dream, the preachers of that order do greatly advance, and expounded to their orders glory, as well as they can. Nevertheless, howsoethey expound it: they can make a wolf but to be a wol • e, and this a Woluish order. The rule which they follow seemeth to be taken out of S. Augustine, as who should say, that Christ's rule were not enough to make a Christian man. Their profession standeth upon 3. principal pointes as thus described. Charitatem habentes, humilitatem servants, & paupertatem voluntariam possidentes: That is, having charity, holding humility, and possessing willful poverty. Their habit and clothing is black.
The order of the Minors or Minorite Friers descended from one Francis an Italian, of the city Asisiū. This Assisian Ass, whō I suppose was some simple and rude Idiot, hearing upon a time how Christ sent forth his disciples to preach: thought to imitate the same in himself and his disciples, and so left of shoes, had but one coat, & that of a course clothe. In stead of a latchet to his shoe, and of a girdle: he took about him a hempen cord, and so appareled his disciples, teaching them to fulfil (for so he speaketh) the perfection of the gospel, to apprehend poverty, & to walk in the way of holy simplicity. He left in writing to his disciples and followers, his rule which he called Regulam Euangelicam. 1. the rule of the Gospel, as though the Gospel of Christ were not a sufficient rule to all Christian men, but it must take his perfection of Frantick Frācis. And yet for all that great presumption of this Francis, and notwithstanding this his rule, sounding to the derogation of Christ's Gospel, he was confirmed by this pope Innocent. Yea and such fools this Francis sound abroad, that not only he had followers of his doltish religion (both of the nobles, and vnnobles of Rome) but also some there were, which built mansions for him & his Friars. This Francis, as he was superstitious in casting all things from him as his girdle, girding a cord abouthim, so in outward chastising of himself, so straight he was to his flesh (leaving the ordinary remedy appointed by God) that in winter season, he covered his body with Ise and Snow. He called poverty his Lady, he kept nothing over night. So desirous he was of Martyrdom, that he went to Syria, to the Souldane, which received him honourably: whereby it may be thought, that (surely) he told him not the truth, as S. John the Baptist did in Herod's house. For truth is seldom welcome in courts and in the world. But it is hard to make a martyr of him which is no true confessor. I will here pass over the fable, howe Christ and his saints did mark him with five wounds. These Franciscane or begging Friars, although they were all under one rule and clothing of S. Francis: yet they be divided in many sects, and orders: some go on treen shoes or Pattins, some barefooted, some regulare Franciscans or obseruauntes, some Minors or Minorites, other be called Minimi, other of the Gospel, other de Caputio. They all differ in many things, but accord in superstitiō & hypocrisy. And for so much as we have here entered into the matter of these 2. orders of Friers: by the occasion hereof, I thought a little by the way to digress from our story, in reciting the whole catologue or rablement of Monks, Friars, and Nuns, of all sects rules, and orders set up and confirmed by the Pope. The names of whom here in order of the Alphabet follow under written.
Thus hast thou, if thou please (gentle reader) to know what orders and what sects of religion have been set up by the pope, the catalogue and number of them all, so far as we could search them out: not only in books printed of late in Germany, namely by the reverend father Martin Luther: but also conferred with another english book which came to our hands, containing the same like notes of ancient antiquity, the number of which rablement of religious persons came to 101. Now as I have reckoned up the names and varieties of these prodigious sects: it cometh to mind consequently to infer the prophecy of Hildegardis, as well against the whole route of Romish prelates, and the fall of that Church, as especially against the begging Friars and such other unprofitable bellies of the Church. Thus Hildegardis is holden of the papists themselves to be a great Prophetisse, whose prophecy proceedeth in this manner, first against the Priests and prelates of the Romish Church, as followeth.
The prophecy of Hildegardis, of the ruin of Rome, and against the begging Friers.
HIldegardis a Nonne, and (as many judged a prophetisse) lived in the year 1146. In her prophecies she doth most grievously reprehend, not only the wicked and abhominable life of the spiritual papists: but also the contempt of ecclesiastical office, & also the horrible destruction of the church of Rome. In a certain place she hath these words. And now is the law neglected among the spiritual people, which neglect to teach and do good things The master likewise and the prelates do sleep: despising justice & laying it aside. In a certain vision: the Church appeared to her in the shape of a woman, complaing y t the priests had berayed her face with dust, & rent her coat &c. and that they did not shine over the people, neither in doctrine, neither in example of life: but rather contrariwise, that they have driven the innocent lamb from them. She said moreover, that all ecclesiastical order did every day become worse and worse, and that priests did not teache but destroy the law of God. And for these horrible crimes and impieties, she threateneth and prophecieth unto them God's most heavy wrath and displeasure, and doleful punishments. There is no cause why the spiritual papists should flatter themselves upon this: that she promised again to the ministers of the Church those good things to follow, like as Johannes de Rupe scissa doth, and other such like prophets: for they say it will come to pass, that they must repent before the times be amended. By which thing (undoubtedly) they mean, the godly ministers in y e reformed Churches, which for the most part were of the spiritual mumber, and yet did forsake the dishonest life, & those wicked idolatries. Now, where as the priests & monks, that is, the whole rabble and spiritualty do account Hildegard for a true prophetisse: howe they ought to consider that by her they are more severely accused: not as by a woman, but as by God himself. And I pray you, what abomination, impiety, and idolatry hath been committed since that time by the spiritualitie? I will note hear a certain prophecy of hers, taken out of the common places of Henry Token▪ because we see it manifestly fulfilled in our time. She prophecieth of the reformation of religion, and saith that it shall be most godly.
Then shall the crown of Apostolical honor be divided, because there shall be found no religion among the Apostolical order, & for that cause shall they despise the dignity of that name, and shall set over them other men and other Archbish. In so much, that the Apostolic sea of that time (by the diminution of his honor) shall have scarce Rome, and a few other Countries thereabout under his crown. And these things shall partly come to pass by incursion of wars, and partly also by a common council, and consent of the spiritual and secular persons. Then shall justice flourish, so that in those days men shall honestly apply themselves to the ancient customs and dicipline 〈1 page duplicate〉 of ancient men, and shall observe them as the ancient men did. The gloss agreeth &c.
These things thus premised, now will we come to the prophec • e or the foresaid Hildegard concerning the foresaid begging Friers above metioned: reciting her words: not only as they are printed in a book, printed of late in Germany, but also as myself have seen and read, agreeing to the same book word for word, and yet have the same to show: written in old partchment leaves, in such sort as the thing it self most evidently declareth a great iniquity of time. The words of her prophecy be these.
In those days shall rise a senceles people, proud, greedy, without faith, & subtle, the which shall ear the sins or the people, holding a certain order of foolish devotion under the tayned cloke of beggary: preferring themselves above all other, by their feigned devotion: arrogant in understanding, and pretending holiness: walking without shamefastness, or the fear of God: in inventing many new mischiefs strong and stout. But this order shall be accursed of all wise men, and faithful Christians: they shall cease from all labor, and give themselves over unto idleness: choosing rather to live through flattery, and begging. Moreover, they shall together study, how they may per • er • y resist the teachers of the truth, & stay them together to the noble men. How to seduce and deceive the no • ilitie, for the necessity of their living, and pleasures of this world, for the devil will graft in them four principal vices (that is to say) flattery, envy, hypocrisy, and • launder. Flattery, that they may have large gifts given them. Envy, when they see gifts given unto other, and not unto them. Hypocrisy, that by false dissimulation, they may please men. Detraction, that they may extol and commend themselves, and bacbite others, for the praise of men, and seducing of the simple. Also, they shall instantly preach, but without devotion or example of the Martyrs: and shall • etracte the secular Princes, taking away the Sacraments of the Church from the true pastors, receiving alms of the poor, diseased, and miserable, and also associating themselves with the common people: having familiarity with women, instructing them how they shall deceive their husbands and friends by their flattery and deceitful words, and to robb their husbands to give it unto them: for they will take all these stolen and evil gotten goods, and say: give it unto us, and we will pray for you, so that they being curious to hide other men's faults, do utterly forget their own. And alas, they will receive all things, of rouers, pickers, spoilers, thieves and robbers, of sacrilegious persons, userers, adulterers, heretics, schismatics, apostataes, whores and baudes, of noble men, periurers, merchants, false judges, soldiers tyrants, Princes, of such as live contrary to the law, & of many perverse and wicked men, following the persuasion of the devil, the sweetenes of sin, a delicate & transitory life, and fullness even unto eternal damnation.
All these things shall manifestly appear in them unto all people, and they (day by day) shall wax more wicked & hard hearted: and whē as their wickedness & deceits shall be found out, then shall their gifts cease, & then shall they go about their houses hungry, & as mad dogs looking down vpō the earth, & drawing in their necks as doves, that they might be satisfied with bread: then shall the people cry out upon them. Woe be unto you ye miserable children of sorrow, the world hath seduced you, and the devil hath bridled your mouths, your flesh is frail, and your hearts without favor, your minds have been unsteadfast and your eyes delited in much vanity & folly, your dainty bellies desire dellicate meats, your feet are swift to run unto mischief. Remember when you were apparently blessed, yet envious: poor in sight, but rich, simple to see to, but mighty flatterers: unfaithful betrayers: perverse detractors: holy hypocrites: subuerters of the truth: overmuch upright: proud, unshamefast, unsteadfast teachers, delicate martyrs, confessors for gain: meek, but slanderers: religious, but covetous: humble, but proud: pitiful, but hard hearted liars: pleasant flatterers, peacemakers, persecutors, oppressors of the poor, bringing in new sects newly invented of yourselves: merciful thought but found wicked, lovers of the world, sellers of pardons, spoilers of benefices, unprofitable orators, seditious conspirators, dronkardes, desirers of honors, maintainers of mischief, robbers of the world, insatiable preachers, men pleasers, seducers of women, and sowers of discord, of whom Moses the glorious prophet, spake very well in his song. A people without counsel or understanding: would to God they did know, and understand and foresee the end. You have built up on high, and whē you could ascend no higher, then did you fall even as Simon Magus, whom God overthrew, and did strike with a cruel plague, so you likewise through your false doctrine, naughtiness, lies, detractions, & wickedness, are come to ruin. And the people shall say unto them, go ye teachers of wickedness, subuerters of truth, brethrē of the Sunamite, fathers of heresies, false Apostles, which have feigned yourselves to follow the life of the Apostles, and yet have not fulfilled it in part: ye sons of iniquity, we will not follow the knowledge of your ways, for pride and presumption hath deceived you, and insatiable concupiscence hath subverted your erroneous hearts. And when as you would ascend higher then was meet or comely for you (by the just judgment of God) you are fallen back into perpetual opprobry and shame.
This Hildegardis whose prophecy we have mentioned, lived about the year of our Lord. 1146. as was read in Chronico Martini.
About the same time that these Franciscans, and Dominic Friars began (which are above mentioned) sprāg up also the crossebearers, or crouched Friers, taking their original & occasion or Innocent y e third: which Innocent raised up an army (signed with a Cross on their 〈◊〉 ) to fight against the Albigenses, whom the pope and his sect accounted for heretics, about the partes of Toulouse. What these Albigenses were, it cannot be well gathered by the old popish histories: For if there were any that did hold, teach, or maintain against the Pope, or his papal pride: or withstand & gainsay his beggarly traditions, •• es and religions. &c. the historicians of that time (for the most part in writing them) do so repraue and misreporte them (suppressing the truth of their articles) that they make thē and paint them forth to be worse then Turks and Infidels. And that as I suppose, caused Matthew Parisiensis and other of that sort, to write so of thē as they did: Otherwise, it is to be thought (and so I find in some reco • e •• ) that the opinions of the said Albigenses were sound enough: holding and professing nothing else, but only against the wanton wealth, pride, and tyranny of the Prelates: denying the Popes authority to have gro •• d of the Scriptures: neither could they away with their ceremonies and traditions, as Images, Pardons, Purgatory of the Romish church, calling them (as some say) blasphemous occupyinges. &c. Of these Albigenses were slain (at times) and burned, a great multitude, by the means of the Pope, and Simon Ecclesiasticus with other moe. It seemeth that these Albigenses were chiefly abhorred of the Pope, because they set up a contrary Pope against him, about the coasts of Bugarorum. For the which cause, the Bishop called Portinensis being the popes Legate in those quarters, writeth to the Archbishop of Roan and other Bishops in this wise.
Dum pro spōsa veri crucifixi vestrum cogimur auxilium implorare, potiùs compellimur lacerari singultibus & plorare. Ecce quod vidimus loquimur, & quod scimus testificamur. Ille homo perditus qui extollitur super omne quod colitur, aut dicitur Deus, iam habet persidiae suae praeambulum haeresiarcam, quē haereteci Albigenses Papam suum nominant, habitantem finibus Bugarorum & Croaticae, & Dalmitiae, iuxta Hungariorum nationem. Ad eam confluunt haeretici Albigenses, vt ad eorū consulta respondeat. Etenim de Carcasona oriundus vices illius Antipapae gerens Bartholomaeus, haereticorum Episcopus, funestam ei exhibendo reuerentiam, sedem & locum cōcessit, in villa que Porlos appellatur, & seipsum transtulit in partes Tholosanas. Iste Bartholomaeus in literarum suarum vndique discurrenrentium tenore, se in primo salutationis alloquio, intitulat in hūc modum: Bartholomaeus seruus seruorum. M • sanctae fidei salutē. Ipse etiam inter alias enormitates creat Episcopos, & Ecclesias perfide ordinare contendit. Rogamus igitur attentiùs, & per aspertionem sanguinis Jesus Christi, & propensiùs obsecramus, authoritate Domini Papae qua fungimur, in hac parte district praecipientes, quatenus veniatis Senonas in oct. Apostorum Petri & Pauli proxime futuris, vbi & alij praelati Franciae, fauente Domino congregabuntur, parati consilium dare in negotio praedicto, & cum alijs qui ibidem aderunt prouidere super negotio Albingensi. Alioqui inobedientiam vestram. D. Papae curabimus significari.
Datum Apud Plauuium. 6. Nonas Iulij.
For so much as mention is here made of these superstitious sects of Friars, and such other beggarly religions, it might seem not much impartinent, being moved by the occasion hereof, as I have done in Hildegardis before: so now to annex also to the same, a certain other ancient treatise compyled by Geoffray Chawcer by the way of a Dialogue or questions moved in the person of a certain uplandish and simple ploughman of the country. Which treatise for the same, the author entitled Jack vpland: wherein is to be seen and noted to all the world, the blind ignorance and variable discord, of these irreligious religions, how rude and unskillful they are in matters and principles of our Christian institution. As by the contents of this present Dialogue appeareth, the words whereof in the same old English, wherein first it was set forth, in this wise do proceed. Wherein also thou mayst see, that it is no new thing that their blasphemous doings hath by diverse good men in old time been detected, as there are many and diverse other old books to show.
A treatise of Geoffrey Chawcer Intituled Jack vpland.
I Jack vpland make my mone to very God and to all true in Christ, that Antichrist and his Disciples (by color of holiness) walking and deceauing Christ's Church by many false figures: where through (by Antichrist and his) many virtues been transposed to vices.
But the felliest folk that ever Antichrist found, been last brought into the church and in a wonder wise: for they been of diverse sects of Antichrist, sown of diverse countries and kindreds. And all men known well, that they be not obedient to Bishops, ne liege men to kings: neither they tyllen, ne sown, weden, ne repen, wood, corn, ne grass, neither nothing that man should help: but only themselves their lives to sustain. And these men han all manner power of God as they seyn in heuyn & in yerth, to sell heuyn and hell to whom that them liketh, and these wretches were never where to been themselves.
And therefore (Frere) if thine order & rules been grounded on Goddys law, tell thou me Jack vpland: that I ask of thee: and if thou be or thinkest to be on Christ's side keep thy paciens.
SAint Paul teacheth, that all our deeds should be do in charity: and else it is naught worth, but displeasing to God and harm to our own souls. And for that Freres challenge to be greatest Clerks of the Church, and next following Christ in living: men should for charity axe thē some questions, and pray them to ground their answers in reason and in holy write, for else their answer would naught be worth, be it flourished never so fair and as mehinke men might skillfully axe thus of a Frere.
1. Frere, how many orders be in erth: and which is the perfitest order? of what order art thou? who made thine order? what is thy rule? Is there any perfecter rule then Christ himself made? If Christ's rule be most perfect why rulest thou thee not thereafter? without more why, shall a Frere be more punished if he breke the rule that his patron made, then if he breke the heestes that God hymsefe made?
2. Approueth Christ anymore religions then one, that S. James speaketh of? If he approveth no more, why hast thou left his rule and takest another? why is a Frere apostata that leuyth his order & taketh another sect, since there is but one religion of Christ.
3. Why he ye wedded faster to your habits then a man is to his wife: For a man may leave his wife for a year or two as many men done, and if you leave your abitea quarter of a year, ye should beholden apostatase.
4. Makith your habit you men of Religion or no? If it do, then ever as it wereth, your religion wereth, and after that that your habit is better, your religion is better: and when ye have liggin it beside, then lig ye your religion beside you, and been apostatase, why bye ye you so precious clothes, since no man seekith such but for vain glory, as S. Gregory saith.
What betokeneth your great hood, your scaplery, your knotted girdle, and your wide cope?
5. Why use ye all one color, more then other Christian mē do? what betokeneth that ye been clothed all in one manner clothing?
If ye say, it betokenith love and charity: certes, then ye be oft hypocrites, whē any of you hateth other, and in that that ye woole be said holy by your clothing.
Why may not a Frere wear clothing of another sect of Freres, since holiness stondeth not in the clothes.
6. Why hold ye silence in one house more then another, since men ought over all to speak the good & leave the evil?
Why eat you flesh in one house more then in another? if your rule and your order be perfect, and the patron that made it?
7. Why gete ye your dispensations to have it more esy: certes, other it seemeth that ye be vnperfite, or he that made it so hard: that ye may not hold it. And seker, if ye hold not the rule of your patrons, ye be not then her Friars and so ye lie upon yourselves.
8. Why make ye you as deed men, when ye be professed, and yet ye be not deed, but more quick beggars then ye were before? and it seemeth evil a deed man to go about and beg.
9. Why will ye not suffer your Novices, hear your counsels in your chapter house ere that they have been professed if your counsels been true and after God's law?
10. Why make ye you so costly houses to dwell in? since Christ did not so, and deed men should have but graves, as falleth it to dead men, and yet ye have more Courtes then many Lord's of England. For ye mowe wenden through the realm, and each night well nigh lyg in your own courts, and so mow but right few Lord's do.
11. Why heir ye to ferme your limitors, giving therefore ech year a certain rent, and will not suffer one in an others limitation, right as ye were yourselves Lord's of countries.
Why be ye not under your Bishops visitations, and liege men to our king.
Why are ye no letters of brether heds of other men's prayers, as ye desire that other men should ask letters of you?
If your letters be good, why grant ye them not generally to all manner of men for the more charity?
12. Mow ye make any man more perfect brother for your prayers then God hath by our believe? by our baptism and his own grant? if ye mow, certes then ye be above GOD.
Why make ye men believe that your golden trentall song of you to take therefore x.s. or at the least. v.s. whole bring souls out of hell, or out of purgatory? if this be soth, certes ye might bring all souls out of pain, and that wull ye naught, and then ye be out of charity.
13. Why make ye men believe, that he that is buried in your habit shall never come in hell, and ye wyte not of yourself whether ye shall to hell or no: and if this were sothe, ye should sell your hye houses to make many habits, for to save many men's souls.
14. Why steal ye men's Children for to make hem of your sect since that theft is against God's hestes, and since your sect is not perfect: ye know not whether the rule that ye bind him to, be best for him or worst.
15. Why vnderneme ye not your brethrē for their trespass after the law of the Gospel: since that vnderneming is the best that may be. But ye put them in prison oft when they do after God's law, and by Saint Augustine's rule: if any did amiss and would not amend him, ye should put him from you.
16. Why covet ye shrifte and burying of other men's parishens, and none other Sacrament that falleth to Christian folk.
Why bussy ye not to here to shrift of pore folk as well as of rich Lord's and Ladies? since they mowe have more plenty of shrift fathers then poor folk mow.
Why say ye not the gospel in houses of bededred men? as ye do in riche men's that mow go to Church and hear the Gospel.
Why covet you not to bury poor folk among you? since that they been most holy (as ye sayne that ye, been for your poverty.)
17. Why will ye not be at her diriges as ye have been at rich men's? sithe God praiseth him more then he doth other men.
What is thy prayer worth? sithe thou wilt take therefore: for of all chapmen ye need to be most wise for dread of simony.
What cause hast thou that thou wilt not preach the gospel, as God saith that thou shouldst? since it is the best lore and also our believe.
Why be ye evil apayd that secular priests should preach the Gospel? since God himself hath bodden hem.
18. Why hate ye the gospel to be preached, sithe ye be so much hold thereto: for ye wyn more by yere with In principio, then with all the rules that ever your patrons made, and in this minstrels been better then ye, for they contrarien not to the mirthis that they maken, but ye contrarien the Gospel both in word and deed.
19. Frere, when thou receivest a penny for to say a Mass: whether sellest thou God's body for that penny, or thy prayer or else thy travel? if thou sayest thou wolt not travel for to say the Mass, but for the penny, that oertes if this be soth then thou lovest to little mede for thy soul, and if thou sellest God's body, other thy prayer: then it is very simony, and art become • chapman worse then Judas that sold it for thirty pence.
20. Why writest thou her names in thy tables that yeueth the money? since God knoweth all thing: for it seemeth by thy writing: that God would not reward him, but thou write in thy tables, God would else forgetten it.
Why bearist thou God in honde and s • laundrest him, that he begged for his mete? sithe he was Lord over all, for then had he been unwise to have begged, and have no need thereto?
Frere after what law rulest thou thee? where findest thou in God's law that thou shouldest thus beg?
21. What manner men needeth for to beg?
Why procurest thou men to yeue thee their alms, and sayest it is so needful, and thou wilt not thyself wynne thee that mede?
22. Why wilt not thou beg for poor bedred men that ben • poorer then any of youe sect: that liggen and mow not go about to help himselfes, since we be all brethren in God, & that bretherhed passeth any other that ye or any mā could make, and where most need were, there were most perfection, either else ye hold them not your pure brethren but worse: but then ye be vnperfite in your begging?
Why make ye so many masters among you: sithe it is against the teaching of Christ and his Apostle.
23. Whose been all your rich courts that ye han and all your rich inells? since ye seyne that ye han naught ne in properue in common. If ye sayne they been the popes? why gether ye then of poor men and Lord's so much out of the kings hand to make your pope riche. And sithe ye sayne that it is great perfection to have naught in proper ne in common? why be ye so fast about to make the Pope that is your father rich, and put on him imperfection? sithen ye sayne that your goods been all his, and he should by reason be the most perfect man, it seemeth openlich that ye ben cursed children so to slander your father and make him imperfect. And if ye sayne that the goods be yours, then do ye ayenst your rule: and if it be not ayenst your rule, thē might ye have both plough and cart and labor as other good men done, and not so to beg by losengery, and idle as ye done. If ye say, that it is more perfection to beg them to travel or worch with your hand, why preach ye not openly and teach all men to do so? sithe it is the best & most perfect life to the help of their souls, as ye make children to beg that might have been riche heirs.
23. Why make ye not your festes to poor men and yeueth hem yeftes, as ye done to the rich? since poor men han more need then the rich.
What betokeneth that ye go tweyne and tweyne together? If ye be out of charity, ye accord not in soul.
Why beg ye and take salaries thereto more then other priests? since he that most taketh, most charge hath.
24. Why hold ye not S. Francis rule and his testament? since Francis saith, that God shown him this living and this rule: and certes if it were God's will, the Pope might not fordoe it: or else Francis was a liar that said on this wise. And but this testament that he made, accord with God's will: or else erred he is a liar that were out of charity, and as the law saith, he is cursed that letteth the rightful last will of a dead man. And this testament is the last will of Frances that is a dead man: it seemeth therefore that all his Freres been cursed.
25. Why will ye not touch no coined money with the cross ne with the kings hed, as ye done other iuels both of gold and silver? Certes if ye despise the Cross or the kings h • d then ye be worthy to be despised of God and the king: and since ye will receive money in your harts, and not with your hands, and it seemeth that ye hold more holiness in your hands than in your hearts, and then be false to God.
26. Why have ye exempt you from our kings laws, and visiting of our bishops more then other Christian men that liuen in this realm: if ye be not gilty of traitory to our realm, or trespassors to our Bishops? But ye will have the kings laws for the trespass do to you, and ye will have power of other Bishops more then other priests, and also have leave to prison your brethren as Lord's in your courts more then other folks hau • , that been the kings liege men.
27. Why shall some sect of you Freres pay eche a year a certain to her general provincial or minister, or else to her souereignes: but if he steal a certain number of children (as some men sayne) and certain if this been sothe, then ye be constre •• ed upon certain pain to do theft against God's commandment. Non furtum facies.
28. Why be ye so hardy to grant by letters of fraternity to men and women, that they shall have part and merit of all your good deeds, and ye witen never whether God be apayd with your deeds because of your sin? Also ye witten never whether that man or woman be in state to be saved or damned, then shall he have no merit in heuyn for his own deeds ne for none other man's. And all were it so, that he should have part of your good deeds: yet should he have no more then God would give him after that he were worthy: and so mich shall ech man have of God's yeft without your limitation. But if ye will say that ye been God's fellows, and that he may not do without your assent, then be ye blasphemers to God.
29. What betokeneth that ye have ordained, that whē such one as ye have made your brother or sister, and hath a letter of your scale, that letter mought be brought in your holy chapter, and there be rad, or else ye will not pray for him. And but ye willen pray especially for all other that were not made your brethren or sistren? then were ye not in right charity: for that ought to be common, and namely in Ghostly things.
30. Frere, what charity is this to overcharge the people by mighty begging under color of preaching, or praying, or masses singing? since holy write biddeth not thus, but even the contrary: for all such ghostly deeds should be done freely, as God yeueth them freely.
31. Frere, what charity is this to beguile children or they common to discretion, and bind him to your orders that been not grounded in God's law, against her friends will: sithen by this folly bent many Apostates both in will and deed, and many been Apostates in her will, during all her life that would gladly be discharged if they wist how, and so many been Apostates, that shoulden in other states have been true men.
32. Frere, what charity is this to make so many Freres in every country to the charge of the people: since persons & vicares alone, ye secular priests alone, ye monks & Canons alone, with bishops above them: were enough to the church to do priests office? And to add moe then enough is a foul error, and great charge to the people, and this openly against God's will that ordained all things to be done in weight, number and measure, and Christ himself was apayd with 12. Apostles and a few disciples to preach and do priests office to all the whole world, then was it better do then is now at this time by a thousand dele: and right so as four fingers with a thumb in a man's hand helpeth a man to worch, and double number of fingers in one hand should let him more: and so the more number y e there were passing the measure of God's ordinance, the more were a man letted to work. Right so (as it seemeth) it is of these new orders that ben added to the church without ground of holy write and God's ordinance.
33. Frere, what charity is this to the people to lie and say that ye follow Christ in poverty more then other mē done, and yet in curious and costly howling, and fine and precious clothing, and delicious and liking feeding, & in treasure and jewels, & rich ornaments, Freres passen Lord's and other rich worldly men: and soonest they should bring her cause about (be it never so costly) though God's law be put abacke.
34. Frere what charity is this to gather up the books of holy write and put hem in treasory, and so emprison them from secular priests and curates, & by this cautell let hem to preach the Gospel freely to the people without worldly mede, and also to defame good priests of heresy & lain on hem openly for to let hem to show gods law by the holy gospel to the Christian people?
35. Frere, what charity is this to fain so much holiness in your bodily clothing (that ye clepe your habit) that many blind fools desiren to die therein more then in another: and also that a Frere that leuith his habit late founden of men, may not be assoiled till he take again, but is Apostate as ye seyn, and cursed of God and mā both. The Frere believeth truth, and patience, chastity, meekness and sobriety: yet for the more part of his life, he may soon be assoiled of his Prior, and if he bring home to his house mich goad by the year (be it never so fall • y begged & pilled of the poor and needy people in in countries about) he shall behold a noble Frere, O Lord whether this be charity?
36. Frere, what charity is this to press upon a rich • man, and to entice him to be buried among you from his parish Church, and to such riche men give letters of fraternity confirmed by your general seal, and thereby to bear him in hand that he shall have part of all your masses, matins, preachings, fastinges, wakinges, and all other good deeds done by your brethren of your order (both whiles he liuith, and after that he is dead) and yet ye wytten never whether your deeds be acceptable to God, ne whether that man that hath that letter be able by good living to receive any parte of your deeds: and yet a poor man (that ye wyte well or supposen in certain to have no good of) ye ne given to such letters, though he be a better man to God then such a rich man: nevertheless this poor man doth not retche thereof. For as men supposen such letters and many other that Freres behotten to men, be full false deceits of Friars: out of all reasō, and gods law and christen men's faith.
37. Frere, what charity is this, to be Confessors of Lord's and Ladies and to other mighty men, and not amend hem in her living: but rather as it seemeth, to be the bolder to pill her poor tenauntes, and to live in lechery, & there to dwell in your office of confessor for wynning of worldly goods, and to be hold great by color of such ghostly offices: this seemith rather pride of Freres than charity of God.
38. Frere, what charity is this to sayne, that who so liuith after your order, liuith most perfitely, and next followeth the state of Apostles in poverty and penance: & yet the wisest and greatest clerks of you, wend or send or procure to y e court of Rome to be made Cardinals, or bishops or the popes chaplaines, and to be assoiled of the vow of poverty and obedience to your ministers in the which (as ye sayne) standeth most perfection and merit of your orders: and thus ye faren as Pharisees that sayen one and do another to the contrary.
Why name ye more the Patron of your order in your Confiteor when ye begin mass: then other Saints, Apostles or Martyrs, that holy Church hold more glorious, then hem? and clepe hem your Patrons and your auowries.
Frere, whether was S. Francis in making of his rule, that he set thine order in, a fool & a liar, or else wise and true? If ye sayne that he was not a fool, but wise, ne a liar, but true: why show ye contrary by your doing? whan by your suggestion to the pope ye said, that your rule that Francis made was so hard, that ye might not live to hold it, without declaration and dispensation of the pope. And so, by your deed: ne lete your Patron a fool that made a rule so hard, that no man may well keep: and eke your deed proveth him a liar, where he saith in his rule, that he took and learned it of the holy Ghost. For how might ye for shame pray the Pope undo that the holy ghost bit, as when ye prayed him to dispense with the hardness of your order.
Frere, which of the four orders of Friers is best to a man that knoweth not which is the best, but would fain enter into the best, and none other? If thou sayst that thine is the best, then sayst thou that none of the other is as good as thine: and in this ech Frere in the 3. other orders wolle say that thou liest, for in the self manner eche other Freere wool say that his order is best. And thus to eche of the 4. orders been the other three contrary in this point: in the which if any saith sooth, that is one alone, for there may but one be the best of four: so followeth it that if each of these orders answered to this question as thou doest, iii. were false, and but one true: and yet no man should wyte who that were. And thus it seemeth, that the most part of Freeres, been or should be liars in this point, and they should answer thereto. If you say that another order of the Freres is better then thine, or as good: why took ye nat rather thereto as to the better, when thou mightest have chose at the beginning: And eke why shouldest thou be an Apostate to leave thine order, and take thee to that is better, and so why goest thou not from thine order into that?
Frere, is there any perfiter rule of religion than Christ God's son gave in his Gospel to his brethren? Or then that religion, that Saint James in his Epistle maketh mention of? If you say yes, then puttest thou on Christ (that is the wisdom of God the father) vnkunning, vnpower, or evil will: for than he could not make his rule so good as another did his. And so he had be vnkunning, that he might not so make his rule so good as another man might, and so were he vnmighty, and not GOD, as he would not make his rule so perfect as another did his, and so he had been evil willed, namely to himself.
For if he might, and could, and would have made a rule perfect without default, & did not: he was not God's son almighty. For if any other rule be perfiter then Christ's, then must Christ's rule lack of that perfection by as much as the other weren more perfiter, and so were default, and Christ had failed in making of his rule: but to put any default or failing in god is blasphemy. If thou say y t Christ's rule, and that religion of that S. James maketh mention of, is the perfitest: why holdest thou not the like, rule w t ont more. And why clepest thou the rather of S. Francis or S. Dominikes rule or religion, or order, then of Christ's rule, or Christ's order?
Frere, canst thou any default or assign in Christ's rule of the Gospel (with the which he taught all men sekerly to be saved) if they kept it to her ending? If thou say it was to hard, then sayest thou Christ lied: for he said of his rule: My yoke is soft, and my burden light. If thou say Christ's rule was to light, that may be assigned for no default, for the better it may be kept. If thou sayest that there is no default in Christ's rule of the Gospel, since Christ himself saith it is light and easy: what need was it to patrons of Freres, to ad more thereto? and so to make an hardar religion to save Friars, then was the religion of Christ's Apostles and his disciples helden and were saved by. But if they wolden that her Freres saten above the Apostles in heaven for the harder religion that the kepen here: so would they sitten in heaven above Christ himself, for they mo and straight observations: than so should they be better then Christ himself with mischaunce.
Go now forth & frayne your Clerks, and ground ye you in God's law, & gyf Jack an answer: and when ye han assoiled me that I have said sadly in truth, I shall so • e thee of thine ordes, and save thee to heaven.
If Freres kun not or mow not excuse hem of these questions asked of hem: it seemeth that they be horrible gilty against God, and her even Christian. For which g • tes & defaultes, it were worthy that the order that they call their order were fordone. And it is wonder that men sustain hem or suffer hem live in such manner. For holy writ biddeth that thou do well to the meek, and give not to the wicked, but forbed to give hem bread, least they be made thereby mightier through you.
After these digressions, now to return to the course of our story again. As Henry this king succeeded K. John his father, so after Innocent the Pope, came Honorius 3. then Gregorius 9. &c. And after Otho the Emperor (whom the Pope had once set up, & after deprived again) succeeded Frederick the second, as is partly before touched. In the days of these kings, popes and Emperors: it were to long to recite all that happened in England, but especially in Germany, betwixt Pope Honorius, Gregorius and Frederick the Emperor: the horrible tragedy whereof, were enough to fill a whole book by it self. But yet we mean God willing, somewhat to touche concerning these Ecclesiastical matters, first beginning with this realm of England.
After that the kingdom of England had been subjected by K. John, as hath been said, and made tributary to the pope and the Romish Church: it is incredible how the insatiable avarice and greediness of the Romaines did oppress and wring the commons and all estates & degrees of the realm, especially beneficed men and such as had anything of the Church. Who, what for their domestical charges within the realm, what for the pope, what for the Legates, what for contributing to the holy land, what for relaxations, and other subtle sleights to get away their money, were brought into such slavery, captivity, and penury, that where as the king neither durst nor might remedy their exclamations by himself: yet notwithstanding by his advise, Simon Mounfort, and the Earl of Leiceister, and other noble men (not forgetting what great grievances and distresses the realm was brought into by the Romaines) thought to work some way, how to bridle & restrain the insatiable ravening of these greedy wolves. Wherefore they devised their letter, giving straight commandment to the religious men, and to such as had their churches to term: that henceforth they should not answer the Romans of such fermes and rentes any more, but should pay the said fermes or rents unto their own proctors appointed for the same purpose, as by their writings sent abroad to bishops or chapters, & other Ecclesiastical houses, may appear in this form and effect as followeth.
TO such and such a bishop, and such a chapter: all the university and company of them, that had rather die then to be confounded of the Romaines, wisheth health. How the Romaines and their Legates have hitherto behaved themselves toward you, and other Ecclesiastical persons of this realm of England, it is not unknown to your discretions, in disposing and giving away the benefices of the Realm after their own lust, to the intolerable prejudice and greuaunce both of you and all other Englishmen. For where as the collation of benefices should and do properly belong to you and other your fellow bishops (Ecclesiastical persons) they thundering against you the sentence of excommunication, that you should not bestow them upon any person of this Realm, until in every Diocese and Cathedral Church within the Realm, five Romaines (such as the Pope shall name) be provided for, to the value of every man an hundred pounds by year. Besides these, many other grievances the said Romanists do inflicte and infer, both to the Laity and Nobles of the Realm, for the patronages and almoise bestowed by them and their ancestors: for the sustentation of the poor of the Realm, and also to the Clergy and ecclesiastical persons of the Realm, touching their livings and benefices. And yet the said Romanists not contented with the premisses, do also take from the Clergy of this Realm, the benefices which they have, to bestow them upon men of their own country. &c.
Wherefore, we considering the rigorous austerity of these foresaid Romanists, which once coming in but as strangers hither, now take upon them not only to judge but also to condemn us, laying upon us vnportable burdens, whereunto they will not put to one of their own fingers to move: laying therefore our heads together upon a general and full advise had among our selves concerning the same, have thought good (although very late) to resist and withstand them: rather, then to be subject to their intolerable oppressions, & greater slavery more hereafter to be looked for. For the which cause, we straitly charge and command you, as your friends (going about to deliver you the Church, the king, and the kingdom from that miserable yoke of servitude) that you do not intermeddle or take any part, concerning such exactions or rentes to be required or given to the said Romans. Letting you to understand for truth, that in case you shall (which God forbid) be found culpable herein: not only your goods and possessions shall be in danger of burning, but also in your persons shall incur the same peril and punishment, as shall the said Romish oppressors themselves.
Thus fare ye well.
Thus much I thought here to insert and notify concerning this matter, for that not only the greedy and auaritious gredines of the Romish church might the more evidently unto all Englishmen appear: but that they may learn by this example: how worthy they be so to be served & plagued with their own rod, which before would take no part with their natural king, against foreign power, of whom now they are scourged.
To make the story more plain. In the reign of this Henry the third (who succeeding as is said, after king John his father raygned six and fifty years) came diverse Legates from Rome to England: First Cardinal Otho sent from the Pope with letters to the king, like as other letters also were sent to other places for exactions of money.
The king opening the letters and perceiving the contents: answered that he alone could say nothing in the matter, which concerned all the clergy and commons of the whole Realm. Not long after, a Council was called at Westminster, where the letters being opened the form was this.
When those petitions and causes of the Legate were propounded in the foresaid assembly at Westminster on the Popes behalf (the Bishops & Prelates of the realm being present) answer was made by the mouth of master John Bedford on this wise: that the matter there proponed by the Lord Legate, in especial concerning the king of England, but in general it touched all the archbishops with their Suffragans, the Bishops, and all the prelates of y e realm. Wherefore, seeing both the king by reason of his sickness is absent, and the Archbishop of Canterbury with diverse other Bishops also were not there: therefore in the absence of them they had nothing to say in the matter, neither could they so do without prejudice of thē which were lacking. And so the assembly for that time brake up.
Not long after, the said Otho Cardinal De carcere Tulliano, coming again from Rome cum autentico plenariae potestatis, indicted another Council at London: caused all Prelates, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other of the clergy to be warned unto the same Council, to be had in the Church of S. Paul's at London, about the feast of S. Martin: the pretence of which Council was for redress of matters concerning benefices and religion, but the chief & principal was to hunt for money. For putting them in fear and in hope, some to lose, some to obtain spiritual promotions at his hand, he thought gayn would rise thereby, and so it did. For in the mean time (as Parisiensis in vita Henrici. 3. writeth) diverse precious rewards were offered him in Palfreis, in rich plate and jewels, in costly and sumptuous garments richly furred, in coin, in vitals, &c. In so much that only the bishop of Wintchester (as the story reporteth) hearing that he would winter at London, sent him L. fat Oxen, an C. come of pure wheat, 8. tun of chosen wine, toward his house keeping. Likewise other bishops also for their part offered unto the Cardinals box, after their ability.
The time of the Council drawing nye: the Cardinal commanded at the West end of Paul's Church an high & solemn throne to be prepared, rising up w t a glorious scaffold upon mighty and substantial stages strongly built and of a great height. Thus against y • day assigned, came the said archbishops, Bishops, Abbotes and other of the prelacy, both far and near throughout all England, weried and vexed with the winters iorny, bringing their letters procuratory. Who being together assembled, the Cardinal beginneth his sermon. But before we come to y • sermon, there happened a great discord between the 2. archbishops of Canterbury and of York, for sitting at y e right hand and left hand of the glorious Cardinal: for the which the one appealed against the other. The Cardinal to pacify the strife between thē both, so that he would not derogate from either of them, brought forth a certain Bull of the Pope: in the midst of which Bull was pictured the figure of the cross. On the right side of the cross stood the image of S. Paul, and on the left side, S. Peter. Loe saith the Cardinal (holding open the Bull with the cross) here you see S. Peter on the left hand of the cross, and S. Paul on the right side, and yet is there between these two no contention. For both are of equal glory. And yet S. Peter for the prerogative of his keys, & for the preeminence of his Apostleship and Cathedral dignity seemeth most worthy to be placed on the right side. But yet, because S. Paul believed on Christ, when he saw him not, therefore hath he the right hand of the Cross: for blessed be they, saith Christ, which believe and see not. &c. And from that time forth, the Archbishop of Canterbury enjoyed the right hand, & the archbishop of York, the left. Wherein yet, this Cardinal is more to be commended then the other Cardinal Hugo mentioned a little before, pag. 208. which in the like contention between these Archbishops, ran his way.
Thus the controversy ceased, and composed between these two: Otho the Cardinal sitting aloft between these 2. archbishops beginneth his sermon, taking the theme of the Prophet. In medio sedis, & in circuitu eius quatuor animalia plena oculis ante & retro. &c. That is.
In the midst of the seat, and in the circuit about the seat, were four beasts full of eyes before and behind. &c. Upon this theme, the Cardinal proceeded in his sermō, sitting like a God in the midst. He compared thē about him, to y t four beasts about the seat, declaring how they ought to have eyes both before & behind (that is) that they must be provident in disposing of secular things, and circumspect in spiritual matters, continuing & joining wisely things past with things to come, & this was the greatest effect of this Clerkly Sermon. That done, he giveth forth certain statutes for odering of Churches: as for the dedication of temples, for seven sacraments, for giving of orders, for ferming of benefices, collations and resignations of benefices and vicarages, priests apparel, & single life, for eating of flesh in religious houses, for archdeacons bishops, proctors, and such other like matters. But the chiefest intent of all his proceeding was this, y t they should be vigilant, provident, and circumspect, with all their eyes (both before and behind) to fil the popes pouch: as appeared not only by this, but all their other travails besides. Insomuch, that the king dreading the displeasures of his commons for the doings of the Legate, willed him to repair home to Rome again: but yet could not so be rid of him, For he, receiving now commandments from the Pope: applied his harvest, still glening and raking whatsoever he might scrape, writing and sending to Bishops and archdeacons in this form and tenor.
OTto miseratione diuina &c. discreto viro N. Episcopo vel N. Archidiacono sal. Cum necesse habeamus de mandato summi pontificis moram trahere in Englia longiorem nec possimus proprijs stipendijs militare, discretionem vestram, qua fungimur autoritate rogamus, vt procurationes vobis debitas in Episcopatu, vel Archidiaconatu vestro colligi faciatis nostro nomine diligenter, ease quàm citius poteritis nobis transmissuri, contradictores per censuram Ecclesiasticam compescendo. Prouiso, quod quaelibet procuratio summam 4. mercarum aliquatenus non excedat, & vbi vna Ecclesia non sufficiet ad procurationem huiusmodi habendam, duae pariter vnam soluant.
Datum. Lond. 15. Kal. Mar Pont. D. Grego Papae. 9.
And moreover, note again the wicked & cursed trains of these Romish rakehels: who to pick simple men's purses, first send out their Friers and preachers to stir up in all places and countries men to go fight against y e Turks. Whom, when they have once bound with a vow, & sign them w t the cross: thē send they their bulls to release them both of their labor, and their vow for money. As by their own style of writing is here to be seen, thus proceeding.
N. Episcopus dilectis in Christo filijs omnibus Archidiaconis per Diocesim suam constitutis sal Literas Domini Legati suscepimus in haec verba. Otto miseratione diuina. &c. Cum sicut intelleximus nonnulli cruce signati regni Angliae, qui sunt inhabiles ad pugnandum, ad sedem Apostolicam accedant: vt ibidem a voto crucis absolui valeant, & nos nuper recipimus a summo pontifice in mandatis, vt tales non solùm absoluere, verùm & ad redimenda vota sua compellere debeamus, volentes eorum parcere laboribus & expensis, fraternitatem vestram qua fungimur, monemus, quatenus partem praedictam a summo pontifice nobis concessam faciatis in nostris diocesibus sine mora qualibet publicari, vt prefati cruce signati ad nos accedere valeant, beneficiū super his iuxa formam nobis traditam accepturi. Datum Londini xv. kal. Marc. Pont D N. Papae Grego. 9.
The cause why the pope was so greedy & needy of money was this: because he had mortal hatred, & waged continual battle the same time against the good Emperor Frederick the 2. who had to wife king John's daughter, and sister to this king Henry thee 3. whose name was Isabell. And therefore because the popes war could not be sustained without charges: that made the pope, the more portimate to take up money in all places, but especially in England. Insomuch that he shamed not to require the fifth part of every ecclesiastical man's living, as Parifiensis writeth. And not only that but also the said Pope Gregory (conventing with the Citizens of Rome) so agreed with them: that if they would join with him in vanquishing y t foresaid Frederick, he would (and so did) grant unto thē, that all the benefices in England which were or should be vacant (namely pertaining to religious houses) shuold be bestowed at their own will & commandment to their children & kinsfolks. Whereupon it followeth in the forenamed history, vnde infra paucos dies misit D. Papa sacra praecepta sua Domino Cant. Archiep. Eliensi. & Lincol. & Salisb. Episcopis vt trecentis Romanis, in primis beneficijs vacantibus prouiderent, scientes se suspensos a beneficiorum collatione donec tot competenter prouideretur. That is.
The Pope sent in commandment to the Archbishop of Cant. and 4. other Bishops: that provision should be made for 3. hundred Romans in the chiefest & best benefices in all England, at the next voydance. So that the foresaid Aarchb. and bishops should be suspēded in the mean time frō all collation or gift of the benefit, until these foresaid 3. hundred were provided for-whereupon the Archb. the same time seeing the unreasonable oppression of the Church of England, left the realm and went into France.
Agayne, mark another as much or more easy sleight of the pope in procuring money: he sent one Petrus Rubeus the same time, with a new devise, which was this: not to work anything openly, but privily to go betwixt Bishop and Bishop, Abbot and Abbot &c. telling in their ears such a Bishop, such an Abbot hath given so much and so much unto the Popes holiness, trusting that you also will not be behind for your part &c. By the means whereof it is incredible to think what a mass of money was made out of the Realm unto the pope.
At length the foresaid bishops, Abbots, and Archdeacons feeling their own smart, came to the king (whose father before, they did resist) with their humble suite lamētably complaining of the immeasurable exactions of y • pope: and especially against Petrus Rubeus and his fellow Otto the Legate, desiring the K. that seeing the matter toncheth not themselves alone, but the whole church, and seeing the valuation of Churches was known better unto their archdeacōs then to themselves: therefore they desired a general calling and talk to be had in the matter. In the Octaues of S. John the Baptist, the day and place was assigned where they should talk. At which day, and place the Prelates of England conventing together, durst not give any direct denay of that contribution, but after a modest sort did insinuate certain acceptions against y e same.
- 1. First they say, that forsomuch as the contribution is demanded to war against him, who was joined to matrimony with their prince, they were not bound so to do.
- 2. Secondly, for that the said contribution tended to the shedding of Christian blood: for so the form of the bill pretended, to fight against the Emperor.
- 3. Thirdly, because it was against the liberty of the Church: for so it is in the bill: that they that would not, should be excommunicate.
- 4. Fourthly, because that when a late they gave the tenth part of their goods, it was with this protestatiō, that they should contribute to the pope no more hereafter.
- 5. Item, because they had cōtributed before, if they should now contribute again, it were to be feared least an action twice done should grow into a custom, as is in the law. Lege nemo &c.
- 6. Item forasmuch as they shall have causes continually to seek to Rome through the Emperors land: it were to be feared, least the said Emperor by the way would work their annoyance.
- 7. Item, because the king hath many enemies abroad, & for his wars hath need of much money at home: it is not convenient that the goods of the realm should be alienated out of the Realm.
- 8. Item, because that could not be done without prejudice to the patrons of their churches, not knowing whether their patrons did or would agree unto the same.
- 9. Lastly, because they hear say, that the general state of the Church is in danger: for the which they understand there shall be shortly a general Council, wherein such matters shall be determined: and therefore if they should contribute now, it should be to the hindrance and damage of the Church.
The Legate and his fellow hearing these allegations, seeing their own confusion were the less importunate.
Not long after this, followed a general Council at Lions, called by Pope Innocentius 4. in the which Council the English nation did exhibit certain articles of their greuāces, not unworthy to be known. Grauatur regnum Angliae eo quod D. Papa non est contentus subsidio illo quod vocatur denarius be. Petri. &c. In English thus.
- 1. The kingdom of England is grieved that the pope being not contented with his Peter pence, requireth and extorteth from the Clergy great exactions, and (more is like) without the consent both of the king, and against the customs of the realm.
- 2. Item, the church and kingdom of England is grieved, that the patrons of the same, cannot present as they were wont into their Churches, for the popes letters. But the churches are given to Romaines, which know neither the realm, nor the tongue thereof, both to the great peril of souls and robbing away the money out of the realm.
- 3. Item, it is grieved, for that the Pope promising by the tenor of his letters, that in requiring of pensions and provisions in the realm of England, he would require but only twelve benefices▪ now contrary to the tenor thereof, many more benefices and provisions are bestowed away by him.
- 4. Item, the realm is grieved and complaineth, that in the benefices in England, one Italian succeedeth another, the English men being not only excluded, but also compelled (for y • determining of their matters) to seek to Rome: contrary both to the customs of the Realm, and also to the priueledges granted by the popes predecessors to the king and kingdom of England.
- 5. The fifth greuance is, for y e oft recourse of that infamous Legate, by whom both faith and fidelity, the ancient customs of the realm, the authority of old grauntes, statutes, laws, and privileges, are imbeseled and abrogate: whereby an infinite number in England be grievously afflicted and oppressed.
- 6. The said realm is also grieved in general tallages, collections, and assizes, made without the kings consent, the appellation and contradiction of the kings Proctors to the contrary notwithstanding.
- 7. Seventhly, the foresaid realm complaineth and is grieved: that in the benefices given to Italians, neither y • old ordinances, nor relief of the poor, nor hospitality, nor any preaching of God's word, nor care of men's souls, nor service in the Church, nor yet the walls of the Churches be kept up and maintained, as the manner & custom of the same realm requireth. Ouer and above these foresaid grievances, there came moreover from the pope other fresh letters, charging and commanding the prelates of England to find of their proper costs and charges, for one whole year, some ten armed soldiers, some 5. some 15. to be ready at the popes commandment there, where he should appoint.
After these and other grievances & enormities of Rome the states of England consulting together, direct their letters to the pope for reformation thereof: first the Abbots & Priors, then the bishops and Suffragans, after the Nobles and Barons, last of all the king himself. But as the proverb is, venter non habet aures. so the popes purse had no ears to hear. And as our common saying goeth, as good never a whit, as never the better, so went it with the pope. Who not long after the same, sent ye for new tallage and exactions to be collected: which thing when it came to the kings ear, he being moved and disturbed vehemently withal, writeth in this wise to the bishops, severally to everyone in his diocese.
HEnricus tertius dei gratia. &c. Venerabili in Christo N Episcopo Salutem. Licet aliàs vobis. &c. In English thus.
Henry the third by the grace of GOD, to the reverend in Christ bishop of N. Whereas we have heretofore written unto you once. twice, thrice, as well by our privy seals, as also by our letters patentes, that you should not exact or collecte for the popes behalf, any tallage or other help of our subjects either of the Clergy or of the Laity, for that no such tallage nor help, either can or is used to be exacted in our realm without the great prejudice of our princely dignity, which we neither will nor can suffer or sustain: yet you contemnyng and and vilepending our commandment, and contrary to the provision made in our last Council at London (granted and agreed upon by our prelates, Earls, and Barons) have that notwithstanding, proceeded in collecting the said your taxes and tallages. Whereupō we do greatly marvel and are moved (especially seeing you are not ashamed to do contrary unto your own decrees) whereas you and other prelates in the said Council in this did all agree and grant, that no such exactions should be hereafter, until the return of our & your Ambassadors from the court of Rome, sent thither purposely of us, and in the name of the whole realm for the same, for to provide redress against these oppressions. Wherefore, we straitly will and command you, that from henceforth you do not proceed anymore in collecting and exacting such tallages or helps, as you will enjoy our favor, and such possessions of yours, as within this our Kingdom you have and hold. And if you have already procured or gathered any such thing: yet that you suffer not the same to be transported out of our realm, but cause it to be kept in safe custody, till the return of the said Ambassadors, under the pain of our displeasure in doing of the contrary: and also of provoking us to extend our hand upon your posessions, farther then you will think or believe. Moreover, willing & charging you, that you participate & make common this our inhibition, with your Archdeacons and Officials, which we here have set forth for the liberties of the clergy and of the people, as knoweth God. &c.
At length, the Ambassadors which were at Rome, came home about the latter end of December, bringing word, that the pope hearing what was done in the Council of Winchester and of the king, was greatly displeased with him and the realm, saying:
This Otho, as he left no place unsought, where any vauntage might be got: so amongst all other he came to Oxford. Where lying in the house of Osney, he was received w t great honor: the scholars presenting him honourably with such dishes and rewards as they had, thinking to gratify the Cardinal after the best manner. This being done before dinner, & the dinner ended, they came reverently to see and welcome him, supposing y t they also should w t like curtesy again of him be entertained. As they came to y e gate, the porter (being an Italian) with a loud voice asketh what they would have. They said they came to see the Lord Legate. But Cerberus the porter holding the door half open, with proud and contumelius language thrust them out, and would not suffer them to enter. The Shollers seeing that, by force thrust open the gate and came in: whom when the Romans which were within would have repelled with their fistes, and such staves as they had in their hands, they fell to alar •• and by the ears together, with much houing and shouing and many blows on both sides. In the mean time while some of the scholars ran home for their weapons, their chanced a poor scholar (an Irishman) to stand at the gate waityng for his alms. Whom when the master Cook saw at the gate, he taking hot skalding water out of the pan where the meat was sodden: did cast it in his face. One of the scholars a Welchman, that came with his Bowe and shaftes, seeing that: letteth drive an arrow, and shooteth this Nabuzardan (that master of Cokes) clean through the body, and slayeth him out of hand. The Cook falling dead: there was a mighty broyle, & a great clamor, throughout all the house. The Cardinal hearing the tumult and great noise about him, like a valiant Romayn runneth as fast as as he could into the steple & there locket y • doors fast unto him, where he remained till midnight. The scholars in y e mean while not yet all pacified sought all corners about for the Legate, exclayming & crying out: where is that usurer, y t symoniack, that pillar & poler of our livings, y t proyler and extortioner of our money which perverteth our king: and subuerteth his kingdom; enriching himself with our spoils. &c. all this heard the Cardinal, and held his peace. When the night approaching had broken up the field: the Cardinal coming out of his forte, and taking his horse (in silence of the night) was privily conveyed over the river toward the king, conveying himself away as fast he could. After the king heard this, he sendeth to Oxford a garrison of armed men, to deliver y • Romaines which were there hidden for fear of scholars. Then was master Odo a lawer, with 30. other scholars apprehended, & carried to Walingford Castle: & frō thence had in Cartes to London, where at length through much entreaty of the bishops) being brought barefoot to y • Legates door, had their pardon, & the University released of interdiction. And thus much concerning the Popes Legates in England.
Thus partly you have heard, & do understand the miserable thralldom and captivity of this realm of England and the clergy of the same: who before refused to take part with king John their natural Prince, against the foreign power of the pope: and now how miserably they are oppressed and scourged of the same pope. Whose insatiable extortion & rapacity, did so exceed in pilling & poling of this realm long after this, that neither the K. now could help thē, neither could the pope with any reasonable measure be content. In so much (as writers record) in the days of Sudbury Archb. of Canterbury an. 1360. the pope by his proctors gat from the Clergy in less then one year, more then lx.M. florences, of mere contributiō: besides his other auayles & common revenues out of benefices, prebendaries, first fruits, tributes, Peter Pence, collatiōs, reseruatiōs, relaxations, & such merchandise. &c.
Mention was made a little before pag. 231. and 239. of Albigenses keeping about the City of Toulouse. These Albingauses because they began to smell the pope, and to control the inordinate proceedings and discipline of the sea of Rome: the Pope therefore recounting thē as a people heretical, excited and stirred up, about this present time & year an. 1220. Ludouick the young French king through the instance of Phillip his Father: to lay siege against the said City of Toulouse, to expugne & extinguishe these Albigenses his enemies. Wherupon Ludouicke (according to his fathers commandment) reared a puissant and a mighty army, to compass about and beset the forenamed city: and so did. Here were the men of Toulouse in great danger. But see how the mighty protection of God fighteth for his people, against the might of man. For after that Ludouicke (as Matthew Paris. testifieth) had long weryed himself and his men in waste, and could do no good with all their ingines and artilery against the City: there fell moreover upon the French host by the hand of God, such famine, and pestilence both of men and horses, beside the other daily slaughter of the soldiers: that Ludouick was enforced to retire, and with such as were left to return again home to France from whence he came. In the slaughters of which soldiers besides many other, was Earl Simon de monti forte, general of y e army, to whō the lands of the Earl of Toulouse was givē by the pope, who was slain before the gate of the Citty with a stone. And so was also the brother of the said Simon the same time in besieging a castle near to Toulouse slain with a stone in like manner. And so was the siege of the Frenchmen against Toulouse broke up. Ex Mat. Par.
As the siege of these French men could do no good against the Citty of Toulouse: so it happened the same time that the Christians marching toward the holy land, had better luck by the way in laying their siege to a certain tower or castle in Egypt, near to the city Damieta: which seemed by nature, for the situation and difficulty of the place, inexpugnable: as which being situate in the midst of the great flood Nile (hard by the city called Damieta) could neither be come to by land, nor be undermined for the water, nor by famine subdued for the nearenes of the city, yet notwithstanding, through the help of God and policy of man, in erecting scaffoldes and Castles upon tops of mastes, the Christians at last conquered it: and after that the Citty also Damieta, albeit not without great loss of Christian people. In the expugnation of this City or forte, among other that there died, was the Lantgraue of Thuring named Ludouicke, the husband of Elizabeth, whom we use to call S. Elizabeth. This Elizabeth (as my story recordeth) was the daughter of the king of Hungary, and married in Almayne, where she lived with the forenamed Ludouicke Lantgraue of Thuringe. Whom she thorough her persuasions provoked and incēsed to take that vyage to fight for the holy land, where he in y e same vyage was slain. After whose death, Elizabeth (remaining a widow (entered the profefliō of cloysterly religion, & made her self a Nun. So growing and increasing from virtue to virtue, that after her death, all Almayne did sound with the fame of her worthy doings. Mat. Paris. addeth this more, that she was the daughter of that Queen, who being accused to be naught with a certain Archbishop: was therefore condemned w t this sentence pronounced against her.
And this by the way, now to proceed farther in the years and life of this king Henry. The next year following which was an. 1221. the king went to Oxford: where he had something to do with William Earl de Albemartia, who had taken the Castle of Biham: but at last for his good service he had done in the realm before, was released of the king with all his men, by the intercession of Walter Archbishop of York, and of Pandolphe the Legate. About which present year, entered first the Friers Minorites, or gray friars into England, and had their first house at Canterbury: whose first patron was Fraunciscus, which died an. 1127. and his order was confirmed by the pope Honorius 3. an. 1224.
About the first coming of these Dominic and gray Friers Franciscane into the Realm (as is in Nic. Triuet testified) many Englishmen y • same time entered into their orders. Among whom was Johannes de sancto Egideo, a man famously expert in the science of Physic and Astronomy. And Alexander de Hales both Englishmen and great divines. This Johannes making his Sermon ad clerum, in the house of the Dominick Friars: exhorted his auditory with great persuasions unto willful poverty. And to confirm his words the more by his own example, in the midst of his sermon he came down from the pulpite and put on his Friars habit: and so returning into the pulpite again made an end of his Sermon. Likewise Alexander Hales entered the order of the Fraunciscanes, of whom remaineth yet the book entitled De. Summa Theology in old Libraries.
Moreover, not long after by William de longa spata, which was the Bastard son of K. Henry 2. and Earl of Salisbury: was first founded the house of the Carthusian monks at Heytrope. an. 1222. After whose death his wife Ela was translated to y e house of Hentone in Barkeshyre, an. 1227. which Ela also founded the house of Nuns at Lacockes, and there continued herself Abbes of the place. The Bishop of London named William, the same time gave over his byshopricke: after whom succeeded Eustace in that sea. Flor. hist.
In the town of Oxford above mentioned, where the king kept his Courte: Simon Langton Archbishop of Canterbury held a Council, where was condemned and burned a certain Deacon, as Nic. Triuet saith, for apostasy. Also another rude country man who had crucified him self, & superstitiously bare about the wounds in his feet & hands, was condemned to be closed up perpetually w t in walls. Ex Nic. Triuet. About which year also Alexander king of the Scots married Iohanne sister to king Henry.
Not long after, began the new building of the minster of Salisbury. Whereat Pandulphus the Popes Legate, laid the five first stones: One for the Pope (such was the fortune of that Church to have the Popes stone in his foundation) the second for the young king Henry: the third, for the good Earl of Salisbury. The fourth for the Counties: The fifth for the Bishop of Salisbury. &c. Which was about the same year above mentioned. an. 1221. Ex Chron. Do. Sal.
In the same year about S. James tide, fell a dissention between the Citizens of London, & men of Westminster, the occasiō whereof was this. A certain game between these two parties was appointed to try whether parte in wrestling could overcome the other. Thus in striving for maistry, ech part contending against the other (as the manner is in such pastime) it happened the Lōdiners to get the uictory, and the other side was put to foil, but especially the stuard of the Abbot of Westminster. Who being not a little confounded therewith, begā to forethinke in his mind how to be revenged again of the Londoners. Wherupō, another day was set, which was at Lāmas, that the Lōdiners should come again to wrestle: and who so had the victory, should have the belweather, which was the price of the game appointed. As the parties were thus occupied in their play, y e stuard suddenly bringeth upon y e Londoners unawares a company of harvest mē, prepared for the same before, & letteth drive at the Londoners. Who at length being wounded and grievously hurt, after much bloodshed were driven back again into the City. This contumely thus being received, the Citizens eagerly stricken with ire and impacience, ran to the common vell: and by y t ringing thereof, assembled their commons together to consult with themselves, what was to be done in the case so contumelious, wherein, when diverse sentences were given diversely Serle the same time Major of London (a wise & discrete man) gave this counsel, that the Abbot of Westminster should be talked withal: who if he would rectify the injury done, and satisfy for the harm received, it should be to them sufficient. But contrary, on • Constantine a great mā then in the Little of London, in much heat exciting y t people, gave this sentence: that all the houses of the Abbot of Westminster, but especially the house of the steward, should be cast down to the ground. In fine, that which he so unadvisedly counseled, was as madly performed: for the furious people, according to his coūsails so did. This tumultuous outrage, as it could not be priuye, coming to the knowledge of Hubert de Burgo Lord chief justice of england above mentioned, he coming w t a sufficient strength of armed soldiers to the City of London, sent to the Major & Aldermen of the city to will them to come unto him. Who so obeying his commandment, required of thē the principal beginners of the riot. To whom Constantine there being present answered, that he would a warrant y t which was done: sorrowing moreover, that they had not done more then they did, in y t matter. The justice upon the same his confession, commanded him with 2. other, w t out any further tumult to be taken. And so, with the same two was hanged, offering for his life, xv. thousand marks. &c.
The said Hubert Earl of Kent, & Lord chief justice, although he was a faithful & trusty officer to his prince, & had the whole guiding of the realm in his own hands, the king as yet being in his minority: yet afterward, what indignation he sustained for this his seuerit • e and other things, both of the nobles & of the commons: & how sharply he was tossed and trounsed of his prince, wonder it is to see, as in his due place & time (by the Lord's leave) hereafter shall appear. Haec'ex Mat. Parisiens.
And for so much as mention hath been made of the wrāgling between the cōmoners of Londō & of Westminster: both time & occasion bringeth me in remembrance, something to speak likewise of the Ecclesiastical conflicts among churchmē, nothing inferior, in my mind, nor less worthy to be noted, then the other. For so I read in Mat. Parisiens. and in Flor histor. that at what time this wrasfling was among the Citizens for the sheep: the like contention kindled & flamed between Eustace Bishop of London, & the chapter of Paul's on the one side: & the Abbot of Westminster with his Convent on the other side about spiritual jurisdiction & subiectiō: to wit, whether the monastery of Westminster were exempted from the subjection & jurisdiction of y e B. of Londō, or not. Which controversy at last coming into comprimis was committed to the arbitrement of Stephen Archb. of Canterbury, Phillip Bishop of Wintchester, Thomas of Merton, & Richard prior of Dunstable. And at length was thus agreed, that the monastery of Westminster should be utterly exempted frō the jurisdiction of the bishop of London. And that Stanes with the appurtenaunce thereto belonging, should appertayn to the Monastery of Westminster. Also, that the Manure of Sunnebury should be due & proper to the Church of S. Paul, and also the Church of S. Margarite with all the lands belonging to the same, to be exempted from all other jurisdiction, but only to the Bishop of Rome. And so was this matter decided. an. 1222. Ibidem Floro histor.
The same year, as writeth Mat Parisiens. horrible tempests, with such thrundring & lightning, & whirlewindes went through all the land, that much harm was done, Churches, steeples, towers, houses, & diverse trees w t the violence of winds were blown up by the roots. In Warwickeshyre, a certain wife with eight other in her house were slain. In Grantham the Church was set on fire by lightning most terrible. with such a stink left there behind, that no man could after a long time abide it. The author addeth, that manifest marks of the tempest did remain long after in that Monastery to be seen. Some also write, that fiery Dracons and spirits were seen then flying in the air.
An. 1223. Phillip the French king died, after whō his son Ludouicke succeeded in the crown. To whom king Henry sending his message, and desiring him to remember his promise and covenant made in rendering again the lands lost in Normandy, could obtain nothing at his hands. Whereupō Richard Earl of Cornewale, also William the kings uncle Earl of Salisbury, with diverse other nobles, made over into France: where they recourred Poytiers, & kept Gascoine under the kings obedience. Ex Mat. Parisiens. Triuet. Flor hist.
In the same year, or as Fabian giveth, the next following which was. 1224. by the virtue of a certain Parliament: was granted of the Lord's and Baronie of the land the king and his heirs, to have the ward and marriage of their heirs: which thē was called, & after so proved, to be Initium malorum, the beginning of harms.
In the same year, by the count of Gisburne and other writers, the said king ho • ding another Parliament at Oxford, by the advise of his counsel & of his clergy: did grant and confirm under his great seal, two chartes of the old liberties and customs of this realm, forever to be kept & observed, the one called Magna Charta : the other Charta de foresta. The contents whereof, fully in the forenamed author be expressed. For the which cause, was granted again by the whole Parliament a Quindecim, or a fifteen of all his subjects as well of lay men, as also of the Clergy.
Where is to be noted, y t these liberties were afterward broken, and confirmed again by the said king. an. 1236.
An. 1226. died pope Honorius a great adversary against Frederick the Emperor, after whom succeeded Gregory the ix. more grievous then his predecessor. In the which year also died Ludouick the perjured French king, at the siege of Avigno. Whom the pope now the second or third time had set up to fight against Reimund the good Earl of Toulouse, and the heretics Albingensis of that country▪ For so the pope calleth all them, which h • ld not in all pointes, with his glorious pride, & usurped power & ungodly proceedings. The origin whereof was this, as in Mat. Parisiens. appeareth. In the daes of Phillip the French king, this Reimundus Earl of Toulouse was disdained of the Pope for holding w t the Albigenses: & therefore by the instigation of the pope, the lands of the Earl were taken from him & given to Simon Montfort▪ and instruments made vpō the same. But when the said Earl Reimundus would not be removed frō the right of his possessions by unrighteous dealing: then the pope setteth Phillip the French king, to make open war against him. Wherupō, Louis the French kings son was sent with a great power (as is above declared) to besiege the City of Toulouse. But being repulsed from thence, by the marvelous band of God fighting for his people, could not prevail, & so returned home, after he had lost the most part of his army by pestilence, and other calamity as hath been before described. And thus continued the good Earl still in quiet possession, till this present time. an. 1226. In the which year, the pope not forgetting his old malice against the Earl, and no less enflamed with insatiable avarice, directeth down his Legate master Romanus to the partes of France, for 2. several purposes. One to extirye the Earl, the other to enlarge his revenues. Thus the Legate being entered into France, beginneth to summone a Council, willing the French king with the Archbishops, Bishops, & Clergy of France to appear before him at Bitures. To whom estsoones repaired vi. Arcbishops with the bishops & Suffragans of ix. provinces, to the mumber of 100. besides the Abbates, Priours, & Proctors of all the couentes of France, to hear the popes will & commandment: but because there was a discord feared to rise (saith Mathaeus ) about preeminence of sitting, for that the Archbishop of Lions challenged the superior place above the Archbishop of Sene. Also the archbishop of Roane, above the archbishop of Britures, and above the Archbishop of Harbone. &c. Therefore the session was hold̄ there, not in manner and form of a Council, but of a certain parlie, or consultation. Thus the meek and holy Council being set, & the popes majesties letters read & declared: appeareth before them Reimund Earl of Toulouse of the one part. And Simon Mountfort on the other part. Which Simon required to be restored unto him the lands and possessions of the said Reimund, which the pope & Phillip the French king, had given to him & to his father before: having good evidences to show for the same, confirmed by the donation of the pope, and of the king. Adding moreover, that the Earl Reimund was deprived and disherited in the general Council at Rome for heresy, which is called the heresy of Albigenses. At least if he might not have the whole yielded unto him, yet the most part of his Lordships he required to be granted him.
To this the Earl Reimund answered again, offering himself ready to all duetyes & office both toward the French king, and to the church of Rome, whatsoever duly to him did appertain. And moreover touching the heresy, wherewith he was there charged: he did not only there offer himself in that Council before the Legate but most humbly did crave of him, that he would take the pains to come into every Citty within his precinct to inquire of every person there the articles of his belief: and if he found any person or persons, holding that which was not Catholic, he would see the same to be corrected and amended, according to the censure of holy Church to y t uttermost. Or if he should find any city rebelling against him, he to the uttermost of his might with the inhabitance thereof, would compel them to do satisfaction therefore. And as touching himself, if he had committed or erred in anything (which he remembereth not to have done) he offered their full satisfaction to God & Church, as becomed any faithful christen man to do, requiring moreover therefore the Legate to be examined of his faith. &c. But all this (saith Mathaeus ) y e legate despised: neither could the catholic Earl (saith he) there find any grace, unless he would depart from his heritage: both from himself and from his heirs forever. In fine, when it was required by the contrary part that he should stand to the arbitrement of xii. peers of France: to that Reimundus answered, that if the French king would receive his homage, which he was ready at all times to exhibit, he was contented therewith. For else they would not (said he) take him, as one of their society & fellow subject.
After much altercatiō on both sides about the matter, the Legate willeth every archbishop to call aside his Suffragans, to deliberate with them upon the cause: and to give up in writing what was concluded. Which being done accordingly, the Legate denounceth excommunication to all such as did reveal any piece of that which was there concluded, before the pope and the king had intelligence there of.
These things thus in hudder mutter among thenselves concluded, the Legate gave leave to all proctors of couents and chapters to return home, only retaining with him y t Archbishops, bishops, and Abbots, & certain simple prelates, such as he might be more hold withal to opē, and of thē to obtain the other part of his commissiō: which was in deed to obtain of every cathedral church 2. prebendships one for the bish. the other for the chapter. And in monasteries also after y t like sort, where the Abbot and the Convent had diverse and several portions: to require two churches, one for y e Abbot, the other for the convent, keeping this proportion: that how much should suffice for the living of one Monk, so much y e whole convent should find for their part, and as much the Abbot likewise for his. And for so much as he would not seem to demand this without some color of cause, his reason was this: that because the Courte of Rome had long been blotted w t the note of avarice, which is mother of all evil, for that no man could come to Rome for any business, but he must solfe for the expedition of the same: therefore for the removing away of the occasiō of that slander: the public help of the Church therefore must necessarily be required. &c.
The proctors and parties thus sent home by the Legates, merueiling w t themselves why the Bishops & Abbots should be stayed & they sent home, & suspecting no les but as the matter was in deed: conferred their counsels together, & devised w t themselves to send certain unto him in the behalf of all the cathedral & conuentuall Churches in France, & sent to the said Legate the message, to signify unto him: That they were credibly informed, that he came w t special letters from the court of Rome, for the obtaining of certain prebendaries w t in every cathedral and conuētuall church. Which being so, they much merueiled y t he would not in the public counsel, make manifest to thē those letters which specially cōcerned thē as much as the others. Wherefore their request was to him in y • Lord, that no such offensive matter might rise by him in y t French church: knowing this that the thing which he enterpriseth could not be brought to effect, without great offense taken, and inestimable damage to the Church of France. For grant said they, that certain will assent unto you, yet their assent standeth in no effect, concerning such matters as touch the whole: especially, seeing both the states of the Realm with all the inferior subjects, yea and the king himself, they are sure, will withstand the same: to the venture nonet only of their honor, but of their life also, considering the case to be such, as upon the offense whereof, standeth the subversion both of the realm public, and of the whole Church in general. Declaring moreover the cause of this fear to rise hereof, for that in other realms such communicatiō hath been with bishops & prelates, for the procuring of such prebendships, where as neither the prince nor the subjects, were made any thing privy thereto.
In conclusion, when the matter came to debating with the Legate, the objections of the inferior parties, against the cruel exaction, were these in brief effect, as is in Parisiens. noted.
First they alleged their great damag • s and expenses which they were like to sustain thereby by reason of the continual procurators of the Pope, which in every diocese must live not of their own, but must be sustained upon the charges of the cathedral Churges, and other churches also: and many times they being but procurators will be found as Legates.
Item, by that means, they said great perturbations might ensue to the couentes and Chapters of Cathedral churches in their elections: for so much as the Popes agents and factors being in every cathedral church & chapter house, percase the pope would command him in his person to be present at their elections, and so might trouble the same: in delaying and deferring till it might fall to the court of Rome to gene. And so should be placed moe of the Popes clientele in the churches of France, then of the proper inhabitance of the land.
Item, by this means they affirmed, that all they in the court of Rome should be richer and should receive more for their proportion, then the king of the realm: by reason of which abundance of riches, it was like to come to pass, that as the worm of rich men is pride: so by the means of this their riches, the court of Rome would delay & drive of great suites, and scarce would take any pains w t small causes: the experiment whereof is evident, for that now also they use to delay their matters whē they come w t their gifts, and being in assurance to receive. And thus should justice stand aside, and poor suitors die at y e gates of the court of Rome, thus flowing and triumphing in full abundance of all treasure and riches.
Item, for so much as it is mete and convenient to have friends in the court of Rome, for the better speeding of their causes: therefore they thought to keep them needy, whereby their gifts may be the sweeter and their causes sooner dispatched.
Item, when as it is impossible the fountain of greedy desire to be stopped, it was to be feared, that either they would do that by other, which they were wont to do by themselves: or else they should be enforced to give greater rewards then before. For small gifts in the sight of great rich men are not looked upon.
Item, where he alleged the removing away of the slāder which goeth on the court of Rome: By this means rather the contrary were to be feared: wherein they alleged the sentence of the verse, that great riches stop not the taking of much, but a mind contented with a little.
Farther they alleged that great riches would make the Romaines mad: and so might kindle among thē sides and partes taking: so that by great possessions sedition might follow, to the ruin and destructiō of the city: whereof some experiment they had already.
Item, they added that although they would condescend and oblige themselves to that contribution, yet their successors would not so be bound, nor yet, ratify the bond of theirs.
Lastly thus they conclude the matter, desiring him that the zeal of the universal Church, and of the Church of Rome would move him. For if this oppression of y e church should be universal: it were to be doubted, least any universal departing might follow from the Church of Rome (which God forbid say they) should happen.
The Legate hearing these words, being therewith something moved, as seemed, thus excused himself, that he being in the court, never agreed in this exaction. And that y t letters hereof came not to him before he was in France, whereat he said was greatly sory. Adding this withal, that the words of his precept included this secret meaning in them, thus to be understand and taken: so far forth as the Empire and other realms would agree unto y e same. And as for him, he would stir no more in the matter, before it were proved, what other countries would say and do therein.
And thus much concerning the second part of the blind commission of this Legate, touching his exaction of prebendships in every Cathedral and conuentuall Church, wherein as ye hear, he was repulsed. Ex Mat. Paris. pag. 62. • How to return to the first part of his commissiō again which was concerning Reimundus y e godly Earl of Toulouse, thus y e story proceedeth. That while the legate was in hand with this matter of the popes money, in the mean season certain preaching Friars were directed by the said Romannes the Popes Legate, into all France: to incite & stir up the Frenchmen to take the cross upon them, and to war against the Earl of Toulouse, and the people thereof of whom they accounted then for heretics. At the preaching whereof, a great number of prelates and lay mē signed themselves w t the cross, to fight against the Tholosians, being thereto induced as the story saith, more for fear of the French king, or favor of the legate, then for any true zeal of justice. For so it followeth in the words of Paris.
Yet all this notwithstanding, the proud Legate contemning this so honest & reasonable purgation of the earl Reimundus, ceases not by all manner means, to prosecute the Popes fury against him and his subjects, stirring up the king and the French men under pain of excommunication, to war against them. Ludouick the French king thus being enforced by the Legate, answered again, that he for his own safety would not atchiue that expeditiō or adventure against the Earl, unless it were first obtained of the Pope, to wr • te to the king of England: commanding him, that during y e tune of that expedition, he should invade and molest no piece of his lands and possessions, which he the same present time did hold, whether by right or by wrong, or howsoever they were holden, while y e time of the said war against the heretics (as they were then termed) did endure: but rather should aide and assist him with counsel and money in that enterprise. All which being done and accomplyshed, the French King and the Legate (crossing themselves to the field) appointed a day peremptory, for the French army to meet together at Lions, under pain of the popes excommunication, and with horic and harnes to set upon the Tholosians, against the Ascension day next ensuing.
When the Ascension day was come, which was y e day peremptory appointed. The French king having prepared at Lions all things necessary for his army, marcheth forward with a great and mighty host: after whom also cometh the Legate, with his Bishops & Prelates. The number of fighting men in his army besides the vitlars and wagoners were 50000. men. The Legate by the way openly excommunicated the Earl of Toulouse, & all that took his parte, & furthermore interdicted his whole land. Thus the king came marching forward, till he came into the province of Toulouse, & the first city which they came unto there of the Earls, was Avigno. Which City they thought first to have besieged, and so in order after, as they went to have destroyed and wasted all the whole province belonging to the Earl. And first the King demanded of them to have his passage through their city, feigning himself in peaceable wise for the expedition of his journey, but to pass through the same. The Citizens consulting with themselves what was to be done, at length gave answer that they mistrusted their coming, and supposed that in deceit they required the entrance of their City, and for no necessity of their journey.
The king here at being much offended, sware an oath that he would not depart thence till he had taken the city, & immediately in those places where he thought most mete he began to give sharp assaults, withal manner of saultable engines: The Citizens again within, manfully defended themselves, casting stone for stone, and shooting shot for shot, and slew and wounded many of the French men. Thus, when they had long besieged the city and could not win the same: at length vittailes in the French campe began to fail, and many of them died for hunger. For the Earl of Toulouse as a wise man of war, hearing before of their coming, took into the Town, all the provision that was abroad, and left nothing w t out to serve for their defense and succor, he plowed up the fields, that there should no stouer be found to serve their horses, be put out of the town all the old people, & young children, least they should want vittailes that kept the town, & before their coming sent them far away. So that within y e town they had plenty, and without they died for famine: and besides in seeking far for their forage, many fell into the hands of them that kept the city, who secretly lay in wait for them abroad and slew many of them. Besides a great number of cattle and horses died for want of forage: and poor soldiers that had no great store of money, died for want of vittailes. By which mortality and stench both of men and cattle, grew great infection & pestilence amongst them, insomuch that the king himself and also the Legate were greatly dismayed, thinking it to be no little shame as well to the realm of France, as also to Rome, that they should so depart and break up their siege. Thus again thought the soldiers, that much better it were for them to ende their lives by battle, then so to die like dogs and starve: wherefor with one consent they purposed to give a new assaut at the bridge that goeth over the flood Rodanus into the town, to which place they came in such noneber, that either by the debilitye of the bridge, or subtiltye of the soldiers that kept the town: 3000. of them with bridge and all, fell armed into the violent stream & were browned▪ What was there then but joy and gladness of the Citizens part, and much lamentation & heaviness on the other part. Then shortly after, the Citizens of Avigno (when they saw a convenient time whilst their enemies were in eating meat) came suddenly upon them out of the town, and slew of them 2000, and took the town again with safety. But the Legate with his company of prelates (like good men of war) practiced none other Martial feats, but all to be cursed the Earl of Toulouse, his Cities, and his people. Ludouicus the king, to avoid the pestilence that was in the campe, went into an Abbey not far off, where shortly after he died, of whose death are sundry opinions, some saying that he was poisoned, some that he died of a bloody flixe.
Whose death notwithstanding, the Legate thought to keep secret & conceal, till that the town might be rendered and given up: for he thought himself shamed forever, if he should depart before the town were won: wherefor, after he had encouraged the soldiers a fresh, and yet after many sharp assaults could not prevail: He bethought him how by falsehood he might betray them, and sent unto them certain Haroldes, to will them that they should amongst themselves consult upon articles of peace, & bring the same to their camp, whose safe conduite they faithfully promised and warrāted both of coming and going. And when they had given their pledges for y • same, the messengers from the Citizens talked with the Legate: who promised them if they would deliver up their city, they should have their lives, goods, & possessions in as ample manner as now they enjoyed the same. But the citizens and soldiors refused to be under the servitude of the French king, neither would so deliver up their city, to those of whose insolent pride they had so good experiment. After much talk on both sides, & none like to take effect: the Legate requested them and friendly desired, y t he and his Prelates which were about him, might come into their City to examine what faith & belief they were of, and y t he neither sought nor meant any other thing thereby, but their own safeties, as well of body as soul, which thing he faithfully sware unto: for (saith he) the brute of your great infidelity hath come to the lord popes ear, & therefore desired he to make true certificate thereof. Wherupon the citizens not mistrusting his faithful oath and promise made to them, granted entrance to him and the residue of the clergy, bringing with them no weapon into the town. The soldiers of y e campe as it was agreed before, made them ready: so that at the entrance of the prelates in at the gate, nothing regarding their oth & fidelity: The other suddenly were ready, and with violence rushed in, slew the porter and warders, and at length wan the city and destroyed the same, & slue many of them that were within. Thus by falsehood and policy, when they had got this noble city, they carried the kings corps to Paris where they buried the same. Of the whole number of the French soldiers which in this siege were destroyed by famine, pestilence, & drowning, be recounted mothen 22000. Whereby saith the story of Mat. Pariens. it may evidently appear the war was unjustly taken in hand. &c. Ex Mat. Parisiens.
After these things finished, and after the funeral of the king celebrated at Paris, it followeth more in the said history of Pariens. that the said Legate Romanus was vehemently suspected, & grievously infamed to abuse himself with Blauca the kings mother.
To pass further to the yere next following, which was 1227. of the Lord: first is to be noted, that in this year king Henry beginning to shoot up to the 20. year of his age, came frō Reding to Londō, where he began to charge the Citizens of London for old reeknings, namely for giving or lending 1000. marks to Louis the French king at his departing out of the Realm, to the great prejudice of him & of his kingdom. For the recompen • e whereof, they were constrained to yield to the king the full sum of the like money. That done, he removed to Oxford, where he assembled a great counsel, there denouncing & protesting before them all, that he was come to sufficient age, no more to be under tutors & governors but to be his own man, requiring to be freed from y e custody of other. Which thing being protested, and contradicted forthwith: he, by the counsel of Hubert the chief justice (whom he made then the Earl of Kent) removed from his company, the bishop of Winchester, and other under whom he was moderated. And immediately in the same counsel, by the sinister persuasion of some, doth adnihilate & make void the charters, & liberties before by him granted, pretending this color: for that they had been granted & scaled in the time of his minority, at what time he had the rule neither of himself, nor of his seal. Whereupon much muttering & murmuring was among the multitude. Who did all impute the cause to Hubert the justice. Moreover it was y e same time proclaimed, that whosoever had any charter, or gift sealed under the time of the kings minority, they should come and renew the same again under the new seal of y e king, knowing otherwise that the thing should stand in no effect. And finally for renewing of their Seals, were taxed not according to their ability, but according as it pleased the justice and other to leuie them.
Moreover beside this general subsidy of the fifteen granted to the king through the whole Realm, & beside also y e contribution of the Lōdiners, diverse other parcels and paunents he gathered through several places: as of the Burgesses of Northampton he required a 1000. & 200. marks, for his helping of them, and so of other likewise. All this preparation of money was made toward the furnishing of his vyage to recover Normandy. And yet because he would gratify the City of London again with some pleasure: he granted the citizens thereof should pass tole free (saith Fabian) through all England. And if or any City, borough, or town they were constrained at any time to pay their tole, then the Shyriffes of London to attache every man coming to London of the said city, borough, or town, and him & his goods to withhold, til the Lōdiners were again restored of all such money paid for the said tole, w r all costs and damages sustained for the same. Ex Fabia.
I declared before, howe after the death of Honorius, succeeded pope Gregory the 10. between the which Gregory & the people of Rome, this yere, fell a great sedition. In so much y t about the feast of Easter, they thrust the Pope out of the City, pursuing him unto his Castel at Witerbium. Where also they invaded him so valiantly, that they chased him to Perusium. Then having no other remedy wherewith to revenge his persecutors, fiersly did excommunicate them. Ex Mat. Paris. pag. 69.
Here, by the way, is to be observed and considered Christian reader, not only by this sedition, but by so many other schisms, divisions, tumults, fightings, braules and contentions, in the Church of Rome from the first beginning of the popes usurped power, & that not only within the City of Rome, but universally almost in all Popish Monasteries, Collegies, Churches, and Couents under the Pope subjected, continually reigning amongst them, what is to be thought of their religion & holiness, having so little peace, so great disquietness, dissensions, and wrangling amongst them, as in stories both manifest it is to behold, and wondrous to consider.
And for as much, I have eutred here into the mention of this schisinatical commotion between the none and his citizens: it followeth moreover in the history of Parisiensis, who maketh relation of a like brawling matter, which befell the same year & time. An. 1228. between the prior and convent of Durham, and this king Henry the • ▪ upon this occasion. After the death of Richard Bishop of Durham, the Prior and Chapter of the said church, came to the king to obtain license for the electing of their bishop. The king offered to them one Lucas a Chaplain of his, requiring them instauntly to elect him for their Bishop. To this the Monks answered, that they would receive no man, but by their order of Canonical election. Meaning belike by their Canonical election, that is, when as they elect either some Monk out of their own company, or else some monkish priest, after their own liking▪ Contrary, the king again sendeth word unto them, and bound it with an oth, that they should tarry 7. years without a Bishop, unless they would admit the foresaid Lucas to that place of that dignity. All which notw t standing, the monks proceeding in their election, refused the said Lucas, and preferred another clerk of theirs, named William archdeacon of Worcester, and him they presented to the king. But the King bringing in exceptions and causes against y e party, would not admit him. Then the monks in all hasty • pede sent up to Rome certain of their Convent, to have their electiō ratified, by the authority Apostolical. On the other side the king likewise hearing, sendeth also to Rome against the Monks: the Bishop of Chester, and the Prior of Lentonie on his behalf, to withstand the purpose of y e monks. And so the matter being trauised with great alteration on both sides, did hang in suspense, saith mine author till at length thus it was coucluded, between both that neither master William, nor yet Lucas should be taken, but that Richard Bishop of Sarum should be translated to Durham, and be Bishop there. An. 1228. ex Mat. Parisiens.
The like stir also happened, both the same year and for the like matter, between the monks of Coventry, and the Canons of Lichfield, about choosing of their Bishop, which of them should have the superior voice, in the election of their Prelate. Aftermuch a do, the cause at length being hosted up to Rome, had this determination: y t the monks of Coventry, and the Church of Lichfield should choose their Bishop by course, eche part keeping his turn the one after the other: provided notwithstadyng, that the Prior of Coventry should always have the first voice in every election, where as the old custom was, saith mine author, that the Convent with the Prior of Coventry was wont to have the whole election of the bishop without the Canons. This was. An. 1228. Ex Parisiens. pag. 68.
In the which year died Stephen Langton Archb. of Cant. by whom (as is recorded by Nic. Triuet. ) the Chapters of the Bible, in that order and number, as we now use them were first distincted: The said Langthon a • so, made Postiles upon the whole Bible. The same moreover built the new hall in the palace of Canterbury.
After the death of this Langthon, ensued another variance about the election of the Archbishop of Canterbury between the monks of Canterbury and the k • ng. The purturbation whereof as it was no less seditious, so the determination of y e same was much more costly. After the death of Stephen Langthon, the monks of Canterbury obtaining license of the king to proceed in the election of a new archbishop, did choose one of their own society named master Walter Demesham. Whom when the monks had presented to the King, he after long deliberation, began to object against y t election, saying: first, that the monks had elected such one as neither was profitable to him nor to his kingdom. Secondly, he objected against y e party elect, that his father was convict of felony, & hanged for y • same. Thirdly, that he stood in causes against his father k. John in the time of the interdict. Moreover the bishops his suffragans charged the party elect, that he had lien with a certain Nun, and had children by her: adding farther, that the election of the archbishop was without their presence, which ought not to be. &c. But y e archbishop again stoutly standing to his electiō, appealed up to Rome, and estsoones taking with him certain monks, presented him self to the popes own proper person, there to sue his appeal: instantly entreating, that his election might stand confirmed by his authority pontifical. But the pope, understanding that the said election was resisted by the king & the bishops, deferred the matter, till he did hear farther of the certeinty thereof. The king & the bishops having intelligence that the Archb. with his monks were gone to Rome, thought good to articulate the foresaid objections above alleged or writing: and sealing the same with the seals both of the king and of the bishops to exhibit them to the Bishop of Rome. The messengers of these letters were the Bishop of Rochester, of Chester, and the Archdeacon of Bedforde master John. &c. who coming to Rome, and exhibiting their message w t their letters unto the Pope (consideration being had upon the same) were commanded to wait attendance against the next day after Ash wednesday: then to have a resolute answer concerning the cause, which was the 2. day of March, the yere next following. videlic. An. 1229. In the mean season, the kings proctors ceased not w t all instance to labor the Pope and his Cardinals to be favorable to the kings side. But fineding them somewhat hard & strait in the matter (as is the guise of that Court) they began to misdout their speeding. Wherefore consulting together with themselves upon the premisses, they came 〈◊〉 the Pope, promising in the kings behalf, to be given and granted to him out of the realms both of England and Scotland, the rith or tenth part of all the goods within the said Realms mooueable, to sustain his wars against the Emperor, so that he would incline favorably to the kings suit and petition herein. At Dominus Papa (saith Pariens.) qui rebellem Imperatorem super omnia aestuabat deijcere, tantis promissionibus exhileratus trahitur ad consensum. That is. But the pope (saith the author) which boiled with desire above all measure, to have the Emperor his enemy cast down: being cheered with so great promises, granted his consent to them, who sitting then in his consistory had these words, as here follow.
There hath come a late to our intelligence, the election of a certain Monk named Walter, to be Archb. of Cant. whereupon after that we hard and advised as well those things, which the said Monk hath said for himself, and for his election: as also on the contrary side, the objections & exceptions of the bishops of England alleging against him, and against his election: Namely of the bishop of Chester, the bishop of Rochester, and John Archdeacon of Bedforde: We upon the same committed the examination touching the person of the man, unto our reverend brethren Lord Cardinal Albany, L. Cardinal Thomas de Sabina, and master Peter. And when the foresaid elect coming before them was asked of them, first concerning the Lord's descending into hell, whether he descended in flesh, or without his flesh, he answered not well. Item, being asked touching the making of the body of Christ on the alter, he answered likewise not soundly: Being asked moreover, howe Rachel wept for her children, she being dead before, he answered not well. Item, being asked concerning the sentence of excommunication denounced against the order of law, he answered not well. Again being required of matrimony, if one of the married parties be an infidel, and do depart, he answered thereto not well. Upon these articles he was (as is said) diligently examined of the Cardinals, to the which (we say) he answered not only not well, but also very ill. For so much therefore, as the Church of Cant. is a noble church, and requireth a noble prelate, a man discrete and modest, and such as ought to be taken out of the bosom of the church of Rome: and forasmuch as this new elect (whom not only here we pronounce to be unworthy, but also should say more of him, if we would proceed with him by the rigor of the law) is so insufficient, that he ought not to be admitted to such a room: we do utterly infringe, annihilate, and euacuate his election always referuing to our selves the provision of the said church. Haec ex Math. Paris. ad verbum.
Thus the election of Walter being frustrate and dissolved, the kings procurators bringing forth the letters of the king, and of the suffragans of the Church of Cant. presented the same unto the pope for the ratification of Richard Chancellor of Lincoln, to be appointed Archb. of Cant. whom they with great commendation of words did set forth to be a man of profound learning and knowledge: of an honest conversation, & which was greatest of all, y t he was a man much for the profit of the church of Rome, as also for the realm of England. And thus the said Richard being commended to the Pope by the letters procuratorie of the king and of the bishops, had the consent of the pope and of the Cardinals, and so was made Bishop of Cant. before he was elected. Whereupon the said pope Gregory in his behalf, directeth down his letters to all and singular suffragans of the church of Cant. declaring thus, and beginning first with a lie, that for so much as by the fullness of ecclesiastical power, the charge of pastoral office is committed to him in general upon all churches: he therefore for the solicitude he beareth as well to all other churches in general, as in special to the Metropolitan church of Cant. repudiating and disannulling the former election of Walter the Monk upon just causes, hath provided for that See, a man as in all other good gifts perfect and excellent, by the report of them that know him: so for that function very fit and commodious: and willeth and commādeath them, and all other by his authority Apostolical, with all devout reverence to receive him, and humbly to obey him, &c. which was An. 1229. Ex Paris.
These things thus finished at Rome, the pope not forgetting the sweet promises made of the English silver, which he so greedily gaped for, omitting neither time nor diligence in all spedy wise sendeth to the king of England M. Stephen his own chaplein & trusty Legate, to require & collect the foresaid tithes of all the movable goods both of England, Ireland and Wales, which were promised to him before, through t to maintain his war against Frederick the Emperor. And to the intent he might inflame all christē realms with the like hatred which he bare against Frederike the Emperor, sendeth also w t the said Stephen special letters full of manifold complaints and grievous accusations against the said Emperor, whereof more (Christ granting) shall be shown hereafter. Upon the coming of this Stephen the legate, the king assembled all his erles and barons, with the Archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, templaries, hospitalers, parsons & vicares, and other such as held of him in capite, to appear before him at Westminster, to hear and to common of the matter. In the assembly of whom, the Popes patent letters were brought forth and red, wherein he required y e tenths of all the moveables in England, Wales and Ireland, as well of the clergy as of the laity, to maintain his expedition against the foresaid Frederike the Emperor. The which expedition as he pretended to achieve & to take in hand for the cause of the universal Church, and happily had begun the matter already: and for so much, as the richesse of the Apostolic See did not suffice, for the accomplishing of so great an enterprise: he therefore enforced by mere necessity, did implore the aide and help of all the true obedient and natural chickens of the church of Rome, least the members thereof together with the head should be subverted. These letters of the Pope, to this effect, being openly recited and explained by the Popes chaplain, which he with much more allegation and persuasion of words did amplify to his uttermost, the king (saith mine author) in whō all men did hope an help to their defense, became then as a staff of reed. For as much as he had obliged himself to the same before, for the election of his archb. now could say nothing against it, but held his peace. The Earls, Barons, & all the laity utterly refused so to bind their Baronies to the Church of Rome: but the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, with other Prelates of the Church, first requiring space and respite to deliberate for 3. or 4. days: at length for fear of the popes curse (although they durst not utterly wythstande) had brought to pass to have concluded for a sum of money much less, had not Stephen Segraue, one of the kings counsailers, • raftily convented w t the Legate: and by subtle means brought it so to pass, that the whole tenths was gathered and paid, to the inestimable damage (saith Pariens. ) both of the Ecclesiastical and Temporal state. The means whereof (saith the author) was this. The Legate showing to the prelates his procuratory letters to collect and gather up all the foresaid tenths in the name and authority of the Pope, declared moreover full authority to him granted by the virtue of his commission, to excommunicate all such, and to interdicte their Churches, who soever did gainstand or go contrary to the said collection. Whereupon by the said virtue legantine, he sendeth to every shire, his Proctors to gather the Popes money, or else to excommunicate them which denied to pay: and for so much as the present need of the pope required present help without delay, he sendeth moreover to the bishops & prelates of the Realm, in pain of interdiction forthwith to procure and send to him either of their own, or by love, or vsance, or by what means so ever, so much money in all post speed, for the present use of the pope. And after to take up again the said money of the tenths of every singular person, by the right taxing of their goods. Upon this, the Prelates to avoid the danger (having no other remedy) were driven to sel their chalices, cruets, copes, jewels, and other church plate: and some to lay to mortgage such things as they had, some also to borowe upon vsance, to make the money which was required. Moreover, the said Stephen the Popes chaplain (as reporteth Paris. ) brought w t him into England for the same purpose, such bankers and userers, who lending out their money upon great usury, did unreasonably pinch the English people, which merchant userers were then called Caursini. Briefly such straight exaction was then upon the poor English men, that not only their present goods were valued and taxed, but also the corn yet growing in the field, against the next harvest was tithed, &c. Only the Earl of Chester named Ranulphus, stood stoutly against the Pope, suffering none within his dominion either lay man or clearke to yield any tenths to the popes proctors. Ex Math. Paris. pag. 74. And this was the end of the strife between the Monks of Canterbury, & the king for the election of their Archbyshop which was about the year of our Lord 1229. In the which yere was finished the new Church of Couētry, by Alexander bishop of the said City, and partly by the help of the king: which Church, Richard his predecessor bishop before him of Coventry had begun.
The French men about this time again prepared themselves toward Province, to war against the foresaid Reimundus Earl of Toulouse, and to expulse him out of his possessions. And hearing that he was in his Castle of Saracene, they made thither all their power, thinking there to enclose and compass him about: but the erle being privy of their conspired purpose, set for them by the way, appointing certain bushments in woods, not so secretly as strongly, there to wait and receive the coming of the Frenchmen, and to give them their welcome. Thus when the French were entered the wood, the Earl with his train of well armed and able warriors, suddenly did fly upon them unawares, and gave them a bitter meeting, so that in that conflict 500. of the French soldiors were taken, and many slain. Of their seruitures to the mumber of 2000. men with their armor were takē. Of whom some lost their eyes, some their noses, some their ears, some their legs, and so sent home. The rest were carried away prisoners into the castel. And to be brief saith the history, thrice the same summer, were the Frenchmē discomfited, put to flight, taken and imprisoned by the foresaid Reimundus the godly erle. Ex Paris. pag. 69. Wherein is to be seen, and to be praised, the gracious protection of the Lord our God against the furious papists, which is glorious always in his saints.
The same year the king being at Portesmouth, had assembled together all his Nobility, Earls, Barons, and knights of England with such an army of horsemen and footmen, as hath not ben lightly seen, thinking to recover again the Country of Normandy, of Gaunt, and other possessions which king John his father before had lost. But when the captains and marshals of the field should take shipping, there were not half ships enough to receive the host. Wherupon the king was vehemently inflamed with anger, laying all the fault to Hubert, the Lord chief Justice (who under the King had all the government of the Realm) calling him old traitor, charging him that he should be the let of his voyage, as he was before, when he toke of the French Duene 5000. marks, to stay the kings journey into Normandy. In so much the rage of the king was so kindled against him, y t drawing his sword, he made at him to run him through, had not the Earl of Chester Ranulph stopped the king. Hubert withdrew himself away till the kings rage was past. This was about the time of Michaelmas, at which time arrived Henry Earl of Normandy in the haven of Portesmouth in the month of Deto • . Who should have conducted the king upon his allegiance & oath into Normandy. But he w t other of the kings army counseled the king not to take that voyage toward winter, but rather to defer it to the Easter next following: wherewith the king was staid and well contented, and paci • ied again with Hubert the Justice. &c. Ex Mat. Paris.
Fabian recordeth this year the liberties and fraunchise of the City of London to be confirmed by the king, and to enerich of the shriues to be granted two clerks, and two officers without moe. Ex Fabia.
Then followed the year 1230. In which, upon the day of the conversion of S. Paul (as saith Paris. ) as a great multitude of people for solemnity of the day were congregate in the Temple of S. Paul: the Bishop then being at his Mass, a sudden darkness w t such thickness of clouds fell in the air, that vnneth one man might see another in the Church. After that followed cracks of thunder & lightning so terrible, leaving such a sent in the Church, that the people looking for dooms day, thought no less but that the steeple and whole Church would have fallen upon their heads. In so much that they running out of the church, as people amazed, fell down together by thousands, as men amazed: not knowing for the time where they were, only the Bishop & his Deacon stood still at their mass, holding the altar fast. Ex Paris.
Of the death of Stephen Langton, & of the troublesome election of the next Archbishop: also of the costly & chargeable bringing in of Richard to succeed in the room, which did cost the whole realm of England the tenths of all their moveables, sufficient hath been declared before. Thys Richard being now confirmed in his seat, came to the King complaining of Hubert the Lord chief Justice, oft mentioned before, for withholding him from the castle and town of Tunebrydge with the appurtenance to the same belonging, and other lands of the Earl of Clare late deceased: which lands appertained to the right of his seat, & to the church of Cant. for the which the said Earl with his aunceters were bound to do homage to him and to his predecessors: and therefore required the keeping of the foresaid castle, with the demaines thereof to be restored unto him. To this the king answered again, that the said Earl did hold of him in Capite, and that the Castles being vacaunt of Earls and Barons with their heirs, did belong to his crown, till the lawful age of the said heirs. The Archb. when he could get no other answer of the king, did excommunicate all such as invaded the foresaid possessions with all other that took their parte, the king only excepted. Which done, eftsoons speedeth himself to Rome, there to prosecute his suit before the pope. The king hearing thereof, not long after sendeth up master Roger Cantelu with certain other messengers to Rome against the Archb.
Thus Richard the Archb. coming before the Popes presence, beginneth first to complain of his king, for that he committed all the affairs of the realm to the disposition and government of Hubert his justice, using only his counsel, all his other nobles despised.
Against the said justice moreover he complained, laying to his charge: First, that he had married a wife, being the kinswomā of her whom he had married before: also that the said Hubert the justice did invade, hold and wrongfully detain such possessions as belonged to the see & Church of Canterbury.
As touching the wife of this Hubert, here is to be noted, that he married the elder sister of the king of Scots which seemeth could be of no great kin to her whom he married before.
Farther, he complained of certain Bishops his Suffragans, who neglecting their pastoral function, did sit on Checker matters belonging to the King, and exercised sessions and judgments of blood.
Ouer and besides, he complained of beneficed persons, and clerks within orders, for having many benefices, joined with cure of soul: And that they also taking example of the Bishops, did intermeddle in secular matters, and in judgments of lay men.
Of these and such other defaults, he required redress to be had. The Pope weighing and considering the cause of the Archb. to stand upon right & reason (at least wise seeming so to his purpose) commanded incontinent his petitions and requests to be dispatched according to justice.
Against these complaints of the Archbishop, the kings atturneis alleged and defended, in as much favor of the king, as they might, but could do no good. Such favor found the archbishop in the popes sight, being (as the story reporteth) of a comely personage, & of an eloquēt tongue, that he obtained whatsoever he asked. Thus the Archbyshop with all favorable speed being dispatched at Rome after his own will and desire, returned homeward: who in his journey within 3. days of his setting forth, departed in the house of the gray Friers at S. Gemmes, and so his cause departed with him: who winning his suit, lost his life, for whom it had been better I suppose to have tarried at home. And here of him and end, with all his complaints also. Ex Paris.
After the death of this Richard, the monks of Cant. (according to the manner) address them selves to a new election: at which was chosen Radulfe Neuill, Bishop of Chichester, who was the kings Chauncelor, much commended in stories, to be a man faithful, upright, and constant: which from the way of justice declined neither to the right hand nor to the left. But upright and sincere both in word and deed. This Rauffe (thus chosen of the monks) was presented to the king to be their Archbishop, wherewith the king was right well contented, and glad also of this election: and forthwith invested him for Archbyshop of the Church of Canterb. But this investing of the King was not enough, unless he should also be confirmed by the pope. Wherefore, the Monks ready to take their journey unto Rome, came to the new Archb. requiring his help for their expenses by the way, and to know what service he would command them to the Court of Rome. But he fearing in his mind the same not to be without some scruple of sunonie & ambition, said he would not give an halfpenie, and holding up his hands to heaven, thus prayed, saying: O Lord God, if I shall be thought worthy to be called (although in deed unworthy) to the seat & office of this church: so be it as thou shalt dispose it. But if otherwise in this troublesome office of Chancery, and this my inferior ministry, whereunto I have been assigned, I shall seme more necessary for this thy kingdom and people: I refuse not my labor: thy will be done.
The monks beholding the constancy of the man, notw t standing they had of him no money, yet refused not their travail and journey to Rome, to have their election confirmed by the Popes authority. The Pope inquiring of Simon Langhton (brother of Stephen Langhton Archb. of Cant. before mentioned) of the person of this man: it was reported again to him by the said Simon (maliciously depraving the good man behind his back) declaring to the Pope, that he was a courtier, unlearned, hasty and fervent in his doings, and such one: who if he should be promoted to that dignity, would go about with the help of the king, and of the whole realm, to remove and bring the realm of England from under the yoke of the Pope, and of the Church of Rome. And so to bereeue the See of Rome of the tribute, under which king John had once subjected himself and his realm, at what time he yielded his crown to the hands of Pandolfus the Legate. &c. with these and such other words Simon Langhton falsely and maliciously depraved the godly bishop. The pope hearing w t one care, & crediting what he heard, w t out farther inquisition made of the other party accused, sendeth incontinent to y e monks of Cant. to proceed in a new election, and to choose them another Arch. such as were an wholesome pastour of souls, profitable to the church of England, & devout to the church of Rome. And thus was the lawful election of this good Archb. made frustrate, too good peradventure to serve in that place, whereunto he was elected.
After the repulse of this Radulphe, the Canterbury Monks entering a new election, agreed upon John their prior, to be their Metropolitan. Who going up to Rome to have his election confirmed by the Pope, was 3. days together examined of the cardinals. And when they could find no insufficiency in him, touching these things, wherein they tried him: yet notwithstanding, the pope finding a fault with his age (he peradventure being more aged himself) repealed him, for that he said, he was too old and simple, to sustain that dignity. Ex Paris.
What was the age of this person, I find it not in the author expressed: yet it is to be supposed, that he which was able to take that journey to Rome, and home again: was not so greatly to be complained off for his age, but that he was able sufficiently to take pains in keeping the chair of Canterbury.
In the former parts of this story proceeding, partly before hath been declared, partly hereafter more shall appear (Christ willing) how the Church of England & commons of the same was grieved & miserably afflicted, by the intolerable oppressions of the Pope: who through his violent extortion had procured the best benefices to be given to his Romans and the chief fruits of them to be reserved to his own coffers. And what complaints thereof have been made, ye heard before, pa. 255. But yet no redress could be had. Such was the insatiable avarice of these Romaines rakehels, proiling & polling wheresoever they came, with their provisions & exactions out of measure, and never satisfied. In so much, that here in England whosoever lackt: their barns were always full of corn: and what penury so ever pinched the people, they were sure to have enough. And these unportunate exactions & contributions of these Italian harpies: beside the peterpence, beside the common tribute, daily more & more increased, to the great greuance of the Realm: in so much that the wealth of this land was almost clean sucked up, & translated to the court of Rome. Neither was the king ignorant hereof, but could not help the matter. Wherefore it was devised by some of the nobles (as appeareth in the story of Pariensis ) this foresaid year, An. 1231. that certain letters under the pretensed color of the kings authority, should be sent abroad: willing & commanding, that such corn & grain, and other revenues, as were taken up for the Pope, should be stayed and forth coming, by a certain day in the said letters appointed, the which letters are thought to proceed chiefly by the means of Hubert Lord chief Justice of England, who then next under the king, ruled the most affairs of the realm. The words and contents of the letters be these.
AFter diverse & sundry griefs & oppressions which this realm, as you know, hath sustained by the Romanists and yet doth: as well to the prejudice of the king himself, as also of the nobility of the same, concerning the aduowsons of their Churches, and about their tithes: who also go about to take from the clerks and spiritual men their benefices, & to bestow them upon their own nation and countreimen, to the spoil and confusion both of us and our realm: we therefore by our common consents have thought good (although very late) now yet rather, then any longer to suffer their intolerable oppressions and extortions, to resist and withstand the same. And by the taking from them their benefices through all England, in like manner to cut short and bridle them, as they had thought to have kept under & bridled others: whereby, they may desist any lenger to molest the Realm. Wherefore, we straitly charge and command you, that as touching the ferming of their churches, or else the rents belonging to them, which either you have presently in your hands, or else do owe unto the said Romanists: that from henceforth you be no more accoumptable unto them, or else pay unto them from henceforth the same. But that you have the said your rents and revenues ready, by such a day, to pay and deliver unto our procurators thereunto by our letters assigned. And that all Abbates and Priors have the same in a readiness at the time appointed, in their own Monasteries: and all other Priests, Clerks, and laimen, at the Churches of the Romanists there ready to pay. And farther, know ye for certainty that if ye refuse thus to do: that all that you have besides, shall be by us brent and spoiled. And besides, look what danger we purpose shall fall upon them, the same shall light upon your necks, if you refuse thus to do. Farewell.
When this was done, they sent their letters abroad by certain soldiers thereunto appointed: to the which letters they had devised a new seal with two swords ingraued, & between the swords was writ̄. Ecce gladij duo, &c. Behold these two swords ready to take vengeance of all those that shall wythstand the form and order in these letters contained.
At that time the 16. day before the Kalends of January, about the beginning of the yere 1232. there was kept at S. Albons a great consistory of Abbots, Priors, Archdeacons, with diverse both of the nobilitye and clergy by the popes commandment, for the celebration of a divorce between the Countes of Essex and her husband. At the breaking up of which consistory, when every man was about to depart thence. There was a certain clerk whose name was Cincius a Roman, and also a Chauon of Paul's in London: taken by some of the said University not far off from S. Albons, and was carried away from his company by the soldiers. But master John Archdeacon of Norwich a Florentine, hardly escaping from that company, gate to London where he did himself, and durst not be seen. Cintius after 5. weeks, when they had well emptied his bags, was safely sent again without anymore hurt to London.
Not long after this, about the beginning of January, the barns of a certain beneficed man, a Roman, & person of Wingham, being full of corn, were broke up by a like company of armed soldiers. And the corn brought out to be sold and given away to the poor people. The farmer seeing this and not able to resist, complaineth to the shirife of the shire, of this injury done to his master, and of breaking the kings peace: whereupon, the shirife sent certain of his mē to see what was done. Who coming to the empty barns, & there finding the foresaid soldiers to them unknown, who had sold away the most part of the corn upon easy price, and some for charity had given to the poverty of the country about: required of them hot they were, that so durst presume to break the Kings peace. Whom the other then called secretly a part, & shown them the kings letters Patentes (pretending at least the kings name and seal) wherein was forbidden that no man should presume to stop or let them in that purpose. Whereof the Sheriffs servants being certified, quietly returned from whence they came.
This coming to the knowledge of Roger bishop of London, he (with the assistance of other Bishops) proceedeth in solemn excommunication, first against them that robbed Cintius the Roman: then of them which spoiled the barns of the parson of Wingham, another Romaine: thirdly he excommunicated them that forged y • letters and seal of the king above specified.
Neither yet for all that, that did so cease, but the same year, about Easter next following, all the barns in England, which were in the hands of any Roman or Italian, were likewise wasted, and the corn sold to the best commodity of the poor commons. Of the which, great almose was distributed: and many times, money also with corn together was sparsed for the needy people to gather up. Neither was there any, that would or durst stand against them. As for the Romaines & Italians themselves, were stricken in such fear, that they hid themselves in Monasteries and celles, not daring to complain of their injuries received: but held it better, to lose rather their goods, then to loose their lives. The authors and workers of this seat were to the number of 80. armed soldiers, of whom the principal captain, was one naming himself W. Wytherse, surnamed Twing.
This coming to the Popes knowledge, he was not a little stirred therewith, & sendeth his letters immediately to the king upon the same: with sharp threatenings, and imperious commandments, charging him for suffering of such villainy within his realm: straitly enjoining him under pain of excommunication, to search out the doers hereof with all diligence, & so to punish them that all other by them may take example. Likewise, he sendeth the same charge to Peter bishop of Winchester, and to the Abbot of S. Edmunde, to inquire in the South partes. Also to the Archb. of York, and to the bishop of Durham, and to master John Chanon of York a Romaine, to inquire in the North partes for the said malefactors: and after diligent inquisition made, to send up y • same to Rome, there needs to appear before him. &c.
Thus after earnestly inquisition made of all parties, & witnesses sworn and examined: many were found culpable in the matter, some y t were factors, some that were consenters, of whom some were Bishops, and Chaplains to the King: some Archdeacons, & Deans, with other soldiers and lay men. Among whom certain sheriffes and vndersheriffs with their seruitures under them, were apprehended and cast into prison by the king. Many for fear fled and escaped away, who being sought for could not be found: but the principal of this number (as is aforesaid) was supposed to be Hubertus Lord chief justice: who both with the kings letters & his own, fortified the doers thereof, that no man durst interrupt them. Moreover in y t same society of them, which were noted in these doings, was the same Robert Twing, above mentioned, a comely young man and a talle soldier: who of his own voluntary accord, with 5. other seruitures, whom he took with him abroad to work that feat, came to the king: openly protesting himself to be the author of that deed doing, and said, he did it for hatred of the pope and the Romaines: because that by the sentence of the bishop of Rome, and fraudulent circumvention of the Italians, he was bereeued of the patronage of his benefice, having no more to give but that one. Wherefore to be revenged of that injury, he enterprised that which was done: preferring rather unjustly to be excommunicate for a season, then to be spoiled of his benefice forever. Then the King, and other executours of the Popes commandment gave him counsel, that seeing he had so incurred the danger of the Popes sentence, should offer himself to the pope to be absolved of him again, and there to make his declaration unto him, that he justly and canonically was possessed in that church. The king moreover with him sent his letters testimonial unto the pope, witnessing with the said soldier, and instantly desiring the Pope in his behalf, that he might with favor be heard. At the request whereof, Pope Gregory afterward, both released him of the sentence, and restored him to his patronage: writing to the Archb. of York, that he might again enjoy the right of his benefice in as ample manner, as he did before it was taken from him.
Hubert de Burgo Lord chief Justice, being one of them which held against the Romish Priests, as is afore signified: was therefore not a little noted of y e bishops, who to require him with like despite again (after their accustomed manner of practice) went about by subtle working, to shake him out of the kings favor. And first cometh Peter Bishop of Winchester, to the king grievously complaining of certain about the King, but especially of the foresaid Hubert the kings justice: in so much, that he caused him to be removed from his office, notwythstāding he had the kings seal and writing for the perpetuity of the same, & procured Stephen Segraue to be placed in his function. And after a few days, the king more and more incensed against him, called him to a count of all the treasure which he was countable for by his excheker office: also of all such debts by him due frō the time of his father, unto his time. Also of all the Lordships, which were in the possession of William Earl of Pēbroke, chief justice before him. Item, of the liberties which he did hold at that time, in forestes, warrens, shires, and other places, how they were kept, or howe they were made away. Of Prices likewise: Also of losses committed through his negligence: And of wastes made contrary to the kings profit: of his liberties, howe he did use them. Item, of injuries and damages wrought against the clearkes of Rome, and other Italians, and the Popes Legates: for the redress whereof, he would never adjoin his counsel, according as appertained to his office, being then chief justice of England. Also of scutagies, gifts presents, scapes of prisoners. Item, of maritagies which king John committed to his keeping at the day of his death, and which were also in his time committed unto him. To these Hubert answered, y t he had king John's own hand to show for his discharge: who so approved his fidelity, that he never called him to any, but clearly discharged him from all such counts. Wherunto answered again the Bishop of Winchester, saying: the Charter of king John hath no force after the death of him, but that ye may now be called to a reckoning of this king for the same.
Ouer and besides these, other greater objections were laid to his charge by the King: as for sending and writing to the duke of Austria, that he might marry his daughter, to the prejudice of the King and of the Realm, dissuading that she might not be given to him. Item, for counsailing the king not to enter into Normandy w t his army which he had prepared for the recovery of lands there belonging to his right, whereby great treasure was there consumed in vain. Item, for corrupting the daughter of the King of Scots, whom king John his father committed to his custody, for him to mary. Item, for stealing frō him a precious stone, which had a virtue to make him victorious in war, & for sending the same to Leoline Prince of Wales. And that by his letters sent to the said Leoline William Brues a noble man was caused there traitrously to be hanged. &c. These with other crimes (whether true or false) were suggested to the king against the said Hubert by his adversaries. Wherunto he was required to answer by order of law. Hubert then seeing himself in such a strait, refused to answer presently, but required respite thereunto, for that the matters were weighty which the king objected to him, which was granted to him till the 14. day of September: but in the mean time, Hubert being in fear of the king, fled from London to the priory of Merton. And thus Hubert, who before for the love of the king, and defense of the realm (saith mine author) had got the hatred of all the nobles of England, now being out of the kings favor was destitute of comfort on every side: save only that Lucas Archbishop of Dubline, with instant prayers and tears, labored to the king for him. By this example & many like is to be seen, howe unstable and variable a thing the favor of mortal & mutable princes is: To teach all such as have to do about princes, howe to repose and plant their trust not in man, but in their Lord God: by him to find help in Christ the true Prince of all Princes, which never faileth. By like example was Clito served of king Alexander, Joab of king David, Bellisarius of Iustiniane, Harpagus of Astiages, Cromwell of king Henry, w t innumerable moe, which in histories are to be found.
When the day was come, that this Hubert should answer, keeping among the monks of Merton, he durst not appear.
Then was it signified to him from the King, that he should come up and appear in the court, there to answer to his charge. Wherunto he answered again, that he misdouted the kings anger, & therefore he did fly to the church as the uttermost refuge to all such as suffer wrong. From whence he would not stir, till he heard the kings wrath to be mitigated towards him. With this, the king moved & sore displeased, directed his letters in all hast, to the major of London, commanding him at the sight thereof to muster and take up all the citizens that could bear harneis in the City, and to bring to him by force of arms the foresaid Hubert either quick or dead, out of Merton. Wherupon, the Major immediately causing the great bell to be ronge: assembled together the people of London, and opening before them the kings letters, commanded them to prepare and arm themselves in all readiness to the executing of the kings will and message.
The Citizens hearing this, were therewith right glad and ready, for they were all in great hatred with Hubert: because of the execution of Constantine their citizen above mentioned, pag. 269. Notwithstanding, certain of y e citizens, namely Andrew Bukerel, John Trauers & other mo, men of more grave & sage discretiō (wisely pondcrying with themselves, what inconvenience might rise hereof) went in haste to the Bishop of Wintchester, lying then in Southwarke: and waking him out of his sleep, desired him of his counsel in that so sodeine and dangerous distress: Declaring to him, what peril might thereby ensue as well to the church of Merton, as also to the city, by the fury of the inordinate & fierce multitude, which will hardly be bridled from robbing and spoiling, neither will spare shedding of blood. &c. Unto whō again the bloody bishop gave this bloody counsel (saith Pariensis. ) Daungerous it is (quod he) both here and there, but yet see y t you obey and execute the precept of the king, I counsel you plainly. At the which counsel of the bishop they being amazed, went with an evil will about the business enjoined. But the people inflamed w t hatred, gladly coveted to be revenged and to shed the blood of the said Hubert.
The cause why Peter Bishop of Wint. was so cruelly set against the Justice, was partly for the damages he had done to the Roman Priests, as is before touched: Partly also for the old grudge, because the king coming to his lawful age before (through the counsel of this Hubert) loosed himself frō the government of the said B. who had him then in custody. And thus rose up the grudge and displeasure of this bishop him.
On the next morrow, the Londoners issuing out of the city to the number of xx. M. setfoorth toward the Abbey of Merton, where Hubert was lying prostrate before the altar, commending himself to God.
In the mean season, while the Citizens were in their journey, raging against the poor erle of Kent: it was suggested to the king by Radulfe B. of Chichester, and Lord Chauncelor, that it was dangerous to excite up the vulgare and unruly multitude, for fear of sedition: le • t peradventure, the rude and heady people being stirred up, will not so soon be brought down again, when the K. would have them. Moreover, what shall be said (quod he) among the French men and other nations, which of great things love to make them greater, & of evil things to make them worse then they are: but thus iestingly & mockingly: See what a kind bird is the young king of England, which seeketh to devour his old nurse under whose wings he had ben brought up and nourished in his youth. And thus the king by the persuasion hereof, chaūging his council, sent in all hasty wise after the army again, willing them to retract their journey, and to retire, And thus the Londoners (although much against their wills) returned home, missing of their purpose. Wherein is to be observed another notable example of God's working providence. For when y • king (saith the history) had sent by 2. mess̄gers or purseuants to revoke and call back again the army of the Londoners, going with greedy minds to shed the blood of the innocent Justice: One of the messengers posting with all speed possible, with the kings letters, ouertook the army: and coming to the foreward, where the Captains were by virtue of the kings letters stayed their course and bloody purpose, whereby they could proceed no farther. But the other mess̄ger crafty and malicious, who bearing hatred to the said Hubert, rather wishing him to be slain, then to be delivered: lingered by the way of purpose (although being commanded to make haste) & when he came, went only but to the middle sort. More like a mess̄ger meet to serve a dead man's arrant, then to serve the turn of them which be alive. And • o in like manner by the just hand of God it fell upon him. For the same messenger stombling with his horse, riding but a soft or a foot pace, and rather walking then riding: fell down backward from his horse back, and there brake his neck and died. This merciful message of the king was, as is said, sent by the instigation of Radulph B. of Chichester Lord Chaunceller (a virtuous and a faithful man) and one that could skill to have compassion on the miseries of men. Of whom was declared before, that he being elected Archbishop of Canterbury, would not get one half penny to their expenses by the way, to give his election confirmed by the Pope: and afterward by the said Pope was defeited and frustrated of his election, as relation was made before pag. 274. And thus through God's providence by the means of the kings letters the army returned: and Huberts life (contrary to his expectation) was preserved.
After this, the Archbishop of Dubline with much labor and great fute entreated and obtained of the king to grant unto the said Hubert respite till the twelfe day of January, to provide himself of his answer to such things as were commensed against him. Then Hubert trusting to enjoy some safety by the kings permission to him granted, to breath himself a little and to walk abroad, took his journey towards S. Edmūdesbury, where his wife was. And passing through the country of Essex, was Inned there in a certain town belonging to the bishop of Norwich. Wherof when the king was certified, fearing lest he would raise up some commotion in the Realm: sendeth in hasty anger after him Syr Godfred Cranecombe knight, with 300. men: commanding under pain of hanging, that they should apprehend him, & bring him to the tower of London. Which commandment to accomplish, there lacked no haste. Hubert having intelligence of their coming (rising out of his bed naked as he was) ran to the chapel standing nere to the Inn,