Acts and Monuments Volume 1

The history of the Valdenses, concerning their original, and doctrine, with their persecutions.

THe first original of these Valdenses came of one Waldus, a man both of great substance, and no less calling in the City of Lions: the occasion whereof is declared of diverse writers, thus to come. About the year of the Lord 1160. it chanced that diverse of the best and chiefest heads of the Citty of Lions, talking and walking in a certain place, after their old accustomed manner, especially in the Summer time, conferred and consulted together upon matters, either to pass over time, or to debate things to be done. Amongst whom it chanced one (the rest looking upon) to fall down by sodeine death. In the number of whom this foresaid Waldus there being amongst them was one. Who beholding the matter more earnestly then the other, and terrified with so heavy an example, being (as is said) a rich man, and God's holy spirit working withal: was stricken with a deep & inward reap̄tance whereupon followed a new alteratiō, with a careful study to reform his former life. In so much that first he began to minister large alms of his goods, to such as needed. Secondly to instruct himself and his family, with the true knowledge of God's word: Thirdly, to admonish all that resorted to him, by any occasion, to repentance and virtuous amendment of life.

Whereby, partly through his large giving to the poor, partly through his diligent teaching, & wholesome admonitions: more resort of people daily frequēted about him. Whom when he did see ready and diligent to learn, begā to give out to them certain rudi • ents of the Scripture, which he had translated himself into the French tongue. For as he was a man wealthy in riches, so he was also not unlearned.

Although Laziardus Volateranus, with other: note him utterly unlearned, & charge him with ignorance, as who should procure other to write and translate for him, By other that have seen his doings, yet remaining in old parchment monuments, it appeareth he was both able to declare and translate the books of scripture, also did collect the doctors mind upon the same.

But whatsoever he was (lettred, or vnlettred) the bishops and prelates seeing him so to intermeddle with scriptures, and to have such resort about him: albeit it was but in his own house, under private conference: could not abide either that the scriptures should be declared of any other, neither would they take the pains to declare it thenselves. So being moved w ^t great malice against the man: threatened to excommunicate him, if he did not leave so to do. Ualdus seeing his doing to be but godly, and their malice stirred up vpō no just nor godly cause neglecting y ^• threaminges & frettinges of the wicked, said, that god must be obeyed more then man: to be brief, the more diligent he was in setting forth the true doctrine of Christ against the errors of Antichrist: the more maliciously their fierceness increased. Insomuch that when they did see their excommunication to be despised, & would not serve: they ceased not with prison, with sword and banishment to persecute, till at length they had driven both Ualdus, and all the favorers of his true preaching out of the city.

Wherupon came first their name, that they were called Ualdenses, or paupers de Lugduno, not because the would have all things common amongst them: or that they professing any willful poverty, would imitate to live as the Apostles did (as Siluius did falsely belie them) but because they being thrust out both of coutrey and goods, were compelled to live poorly, whether they would or no. And thus much touching the first occasion and beginning of these men, and of the restoring and maintaining the true doctrine of Christ's gospel, against the proud proceedings of popish errors. Now concerning their articles: which I find in order, and in number to be these.

SOlis sacris literis credendum esse in ijs, quae ad salutem. &c.

That is: Only the holy Scripture is to be believed in matters pertaining to salvation: and no man's writing, or man besides.

2. All things to be contained in holy Scripture necessary to salvation: and nothing to be admitted in religion, but what only is commanded in the word of God.

3. To be one alonely mediator. Other saints in no wise to be made mediators, or to be invocated.

4. To be no purgatory, but that all men either by Christ are justified to life: or without Christ to be condemned: and besides these two, neither any third or fourth place to be.

5. That all masses, namely such as be song for the dead to be wicked, and to be abrogate.

6. All men's traditions to be rejected, at least not to be reputed as necessary to salvation: and therefore this singing & superfluous chaunting in the chauncell to be left: constrained & prefixed fasts, bound to days & tunes: difference of meats: such variety of degrees and orders of Priests, friers, monks, & nunnes: superfluous holidays: so mady sundry benedictions & hallowing of creatures: vows peregrinations: with all the rabblement of rites & ceremonies brought in by man to be abolished.

7. The supremacy of the Pope, usurping above all churches, and especially above all politick realms, & governments, or for him to occupy or usurp the jurisdiction of both the swords to be denied neither that any degree is to be received in the Church, but only Priests, Deacons, and Bishops.

8. The communion under both kinds to be necessary to all people, according to the institution of Christ.

9. Item, the church of Rome to be the very Babylon spoken of in the Apocalypse: And the Pope to be the fountain of all error, and the very Antichrist.

10 The popes pardons and indulgences they reject.

11. The marriage of Priests, and of ecclesiastical persons, to be godly and also necessary in the Church.

12. Such as hear the word of God, & have a right faith, to be the right Church of Christ. And to this Church the keys of the church to be given, to drive away wolves, & to institute true pastors, to preach the word, and to minister the Sacraments.

These be the most principal articles of the Uladenses albeit some there be, that add moe to them: some again devide the fame into moe partes. But these be the principal to which the rest be reduced.

The same Ualdenses at length exiled, were dispersed in diverse & sundry places: of whom many remained long in Bohemia, which writing to their king Uladislaus, to purge themselves against the slaundrous accusations of one D. Augustine, gave up their confession with an Apology of their Christian profession: defending with strong & learned arguments, y ^e saine which now is received in most reformed churches: both concerning grace, faith, charitye, hope, repentance, and works of mercy. As for purgatory, they say, that Tho. Aquinas is the author thereof.

Concerning the Supper of the Lord, their faith was, that it was ordained to be eaten, not to be shown & worshipped: for a memorial, not for a sacrifice: to serve for the present ministration, & not for reservation: to be received at the table, not be carried out of the doors: according to the ancient use of the primitive church, when they used to communicate sitting. And this they prove both by an old chronicle called Chronica gestorum : as also by ancient Origen upon the third book of Moses: bringing in his words which be these: proving that this sacramental bread ought not to be reserved: Quicunque hunc panem coenae Christi, secunda, vel tertia die sumpserit, non benedicitur anima eius, sed inquinabitur: Propterea Gabaonitae, quia antiquos panes portauerūt ad filios Israel, oportuit eos ligna, ac aquam portare. &c. That is, whosoever receiveth this bread of the Supper of Christ upon the second or iii. day after: his soul shall not be blessed but polluted. Therefore the Babaonites, because they brought old bread to the children of Israel, it was enjoined them, to carry wood and water. &c.

D. Agustine (of whom mention is made before) disputing against them, about this matter of the holy Eucharist, urgeth them with this interrogation: whether it be the same Christ, (present in the Sacrament) which is present at the right hand of the father: If it be not the same Christ, how is it true in the Scripture, Vna fides, vnus Dominus nostet Jesus Christus. One faith, one Lord Jesus Christ? If it be the same Christ, thē how is he not to be honored and worshipped here as well as there?

To this the Ualdenses answer again, and grant that Christ is one, and the same with his natural body in the sacrament, which he is at the right hand of his Father: but not after the same existence of his body. For y ^• existence of his body in heaven is not personal and local, to be apprehended by the faith and spirit of men. In the sacrament the existence of his body is not personal or local, to be apprehended or received of our bodies, after a personal or corporal manner, but after a sacramētal manner: that is, where our bodies receive the sign, & our spirit the thing insignified. Moreover in heaven the existence of his body is dimensiue, and complete with the full proportion and quātity of the same body where with he ascended: here the existēce of his complete body, with the full proportion, measure & stature thereof: doth not, neither can stand in the sacrament. Briefly, the existence of his body in heaven is natural not sacramental: that is, to be seen, and not remembered: here it is sacramental, not natural: that is, to be remembered, not to be seen.

That answer being made to the captious propositiō of D. Augustine. The Ualdenses (retorting the like interrogation to him again) demand of him to answer them in the like objection: whether it be all on christ substātially & naturally, which sitteth in heaven: & which is under the forms of bread and wine, and in the receivers of the Sacrament▪ If he grant to be: Then they did him say, seeing Christ is as well in the sacrament as in heaven, & as well in the receiver as in the sacrament, & all one Christ in substance & nature: why then is not the same Christ as well in the breast of the receiver to be worshipped, as under the forms of bread and wine in the sacrament? seeing he is there after a more perfect manner in man, then in the sacrament: for in the sacrament he is but for a t •• e, and not for the sacraments sake, but for the man's cause. In man he is not for the sacraments cause: but for his own, and that not for a season but forever: as it is written: Qui manducat hunc panem viuet in aeternum, that is: he that eateth this bread shall live forever, &c.

Moreover and besides, seeing transubstantiation is the going of one substance into another: they question again with him, whether the forms of bread and wine remaining, the substance thereof be changed into the whole person of our Lord Christ Jesus: that is, both into his body, soul, and diuinitye: or not into the whole Christ? If he grant the whole: Then say they, that is impossible (concerning the divinity) both to nature and to our faith, that any creature can be changed into the creator. If he say, the bread is changed into the body and soul of Christ, not to his divinity: then he seperateth the natures in Christ. If he say into the body alone, and not the soul: then he separateth the natures of the true manhood. &c. And so cannot be the same Christ that was betrayed for us: for that he had both body & soul. To conclude, to what part soever he would answer: this doctrine of transubstantiation cannot be defended without great incōueniēce of all sides.

Ouer and besides, Eneas Sylvius writing of their doctrine and assertions (perchance, as he found them, perchance making worse of them, then they taught or meant) reporteth them after this manner, which I thought here to set out as it is in the Latin.

ROmanum praesulem reliquis episcopis parem esse. Inter sacerdotes, nullum discrimen. Praes byterum non dignitatem fed vitae meritum efficere potiorem. In English.

The bishop of Rome to be equal with other bishops. Amongst priests to be no difference of degree. No Priest to be reputed for any dignity of his order, but for the worthiness of his life.

The souls of men departed, either to enter into pain everlasting or everlasting joy. No fire of Purgatory to be found. To pray for the dead to be vain • , and a thing only found out for the lucre of Priests.

The images of God (as of the Trinity and of saints) to be abolished. The halowing of water & palms to be a mere ridicle. The religion of begging Friars to be found out by the devil. That priests should not incroch riches in this world, but rather follow poverty, being content with their tithes, and men's devotion. The preaching of the word to be free to all men called thereunto.

That no deadly sin is to be tolerate, for whatsoever respect of a greater commodity to insu • thereupon. The confirmation which bishops exercise with oil, and extreme unction: are not to be counted amongst the sacraments of the Church. Auriculare confession to be but a toy: to suffice for every man to confess himself in his chamber, to God. Baptism ought to be ministered ouely with pure water, without any mixture of hallowed oil. The temple of the Lord to be the wide world. The majesty of God not to be restrained more within the walls of temples, monastaries and chappelles, so that his grace is rather to be found in one place then in another.

Priests apparel ornaments of the high altar, vestimentes, corporaces, chalices, patines, and other Church plate to serve in no stead. For the difference and respect of the very place: to make no matter, where the priest doth consecrate, or doth minister to them which do require. To be sufficient to use only the sacramental words without all other superfluous ceremonies.

The suffrages of saints reigning with Christ in heaven, to be craved in vain, being not able to help us. In saying or singing the hours and Matins of the day, the time to be but lost. A man ought to cease from his labor no day, but only upon the Sunday.

The feasts and festiuals of saints, ought to be reiceted. Item, such fasts as be coacted and enjoined by the Church, have no merit in them.

These assertions of the Ualdenses, being thus articled out by En • as Siluius, I thought to give them abroad in English as they are in Latin: to the intent, that as they are the less to be doubted, being set out of a popes pen: so we may the better know both them hereby, what they were: and also understand how this doctrine now preached and taught in the Church, is no new doctrine, which here we see both taught and persecuted almost 400, years ago. And as I have spoken hitherto sufficiently concerning their doctrine: So now we will briefly somewhat touch, of the order of their life and conversation, as we find it registered in a certain old written book of Inquisition.

Ex Inquisitorio quodam libello.

MOdus autem Valdensium talis est. &c. The whole process cometh to this effect in English. The manner of the Ualdenses is this: They kneeling upon their knees, leaning to some bank, or stay, do continue in their prayers with silence, so long as a mā may say 30. or 40. times Pater noster. And this they do every day with great reverence, being amongst thenselves, & such as be of their own religion, & no strangers with thē, both before dinner & after: likewise before supper and after: also what time they go to bed: and in the morning when they rise, & at certain other times also, as well in y ^e day as in y ^e night. Itē, they use no other prayer but the prayer of y ^e Lord, & that without any Ave Maria and the Creed, which they affirm not to be put in for any prayer by Christ, but only by y ^• church of Rome. Albeit they have and use y ^• seuē articles of faith concerning the divinity: and seven articles concerning the humanity, and the x. commandments, and seven works of mercy, which they have compiled together in a cōpendious book, glorying much in the same, & thereby offer themselves, ready to answer any man for their faith.

Before they go to meat, they have this grace, Benedicite Korieeleyson. Christ eleyson. Kyrieeleyson. Pater noster : Which being said, then the elder amongst them beginneth thus in their own tongue: God which blessed the five barely loaves and two fishes in the desert, before his disciples, bless this table & that is set upon it, or shall be set upon it. In the name of the father, of the son, and of the holy Ghost. Amen. And likewise again when they rise from meat, the seniour giveth thanks: saying the words of the Apocalypse: Blessing, and worship, and wisdom, & thanksgiving, honor, virtue, and strength to God alone forever and ever, Amen. And addeth moreover: God reward them in their bosoms, and be beneficial to all them, that be beneficial to us, and bless us. And the God which hath given us corporal feeding, grant us his spiritual life, and God be with us, and we always with h • m. To which they answer again. Amē. And thus saying grace, they hold their hands upward, looking up to heavē. Alter their meat and grace said, they teach and exhort amongst themselves conferring together upon their doctrine. &c.

In their doctrine and teaching they were so diligent & painful, that Reinerius a writer about their time, (an extreme enemy against them) in a long process, wherein he describeth their doctrine and teaching, testifieth: y ^t he heard of one which did know the party, that a certain heretic (saith he) only to turn a certain person away from our faith, and to bring him to his, (in the night, and in y ^• winter time) swam over the river called Ibis, to come to him and to teach him: moreover so perfect they were then in the Scriptures, that the said Reinerius saith, he did hear and see a man of the country unlettered, which could recite over the whole book of Job word by word, without book: with diverse other, which had the whole new testament perfectly by heart.

And although some of them, rather merely then unskillfully, expounded the words of 1. John. Sui non receperunt eum, Swine did not receive him: yet were they not so ignorant and void of learning, nor yet so few in number but that they did mightily prevail. In so much that Reinerius hath these words.

That is, There was none durst stop them, for the power and multitude of their favorers. I have often been at their inquisition. & examination. And there were numbered 40. churches, infected with their heresy, insomuch that in one parish of canmach, were x, open schools of them. &c. Haec ill.

And the said Reinerius, when he hath said all he can, in depraving and impugning them: yet is driven to confess this of them, where he doth distinct their sect frō other sects and hath these words:

That is. This sect of Leonistes, hath a great show of holiness: in that both they live justly before men and believe all things well of God, and hold all the articles contained in the Creed. Only they blaspheme y ^• Romish church, and hate it, &c.

Now to touch somewhat their persecutions. After they were driven out of Lions, they were scattered into diverse & sundry places (the providence of God so disposing) that the sound of their doctrine might be heard abroad in the world: Some, as I said, went to Bohemia. Many did fli • into their provinces of France. Some into Lombardy, other into other places, &c. But as the cross commonly followeth the verity & sincere preaching of God's word: so neither could these be suffered to live in rest. There are yet to be seen, the consultations of Lawiers, Archbishops and bishops of France, as Narbonensis, A relatensis, Aquēsis and Albanensis, devised amongst themselves, and yet remain in writing, for the abolishing, & extirping of these Ualdenses. written above 300. years ago: whereby it appeareth, there was a great number in France.

Besides, there was a whole council kept in Theolouse about 355. years to fore, and all against these Ualdenses: The which also were condemned in another council at Rome before that.

What great persecutions were raised up against thē in France. by these 4. Archbishops before mentioned, it appeareth by their writings, whereof I will recite some of their words, which towards the end be these:

That is: Who is such a stranger, that knoweth not the condemnation of Ualdenses the heretics, done and past so many years ago: so famous, so public, followed upon so great labors, expenses, and travail of the faithful, and sealed with so many deaths of these Infidelles, so solemnelye being condemned and openly punished. Whereby we may see persecution to be no new thing in the Church of Christ, when Antichrist so long before (even 300. years) began to rage against these Ualdēses. In Bohemia likewise after that, the same called by the name of Thaborites (as Siluius recordeth) suffered no little trouble. But never persecution was stirred up against them, or any other people more terrible, then was in these latter years in France by the French king, an. 1545. which lamentable story is described in Sleidan: and hereafter in the process of this book, as we come to the order of years, shall be set forth (by the grace of Christ) more at large. In the which persecution is declared in one town Cabriera to be slain by the Captayne of Satan (Minerius) eight hundred persons at once, without respect of women or children of any age: Of whom 40. women (and most of them great with child, thrust into a barn and the windows kept with pikes, and so fire set to them) were all consumed. Besides in a cave not far from the town Mussium, to the number of xxv. persons, with smoke and fire were the same time destroyed: At Merindolum, the same tyrant (seeing all the rest were fled away, finding one young man) caused him to be tied to an Olive tree, & to be destroyed with torments most cruelly: with much other persecution as may appear hereafter, in the history translated out of Sleidan into English.

But to return again to higher times from whence we digressed. Besides that, Rinerius (above mentioned) speaketh of one in the town of Cheron, a glouer, which was brought in this time to examinatiō, & suffered. There is also an old Monument of process, wherein appeareth, 443. brought to examinatiō in Pomerania, Marchia, and places there about: about the year of our Lord 1391.

And thus much touching the original doctrine, and the lamentable persecutions of the Ualdenses: who (as is declared) first began about the time of this king Henry the second.

Other incidences happening in the reign of this Henry the second.

COncerning the first origin of Waldēses, springing in the days of this king, is sufficiently hitherto declared. Now remaineth in like order of time, to story also such other incidencies, as chanced under the reign of the said king, not unworthy to be observed: keeping the order of y ^• time, so near as we may, & as authors do give unto us.

Mary the daughter of king Stephen (being the Abbes of Ramessey) was married in this kings days to Matthew Earl of Bolon, which marriage Thomas Becket did work against and did dissolve: by reason whereof he procured him great displeasure with the said Earl &c. an. 1161. Ex Chronico Bibliothecae Cariensis.

The same year a certain child was crucified of the Jews in the town of Gloucester. an. 1161. Iornalens. After the same manner the wicked Jews had crucified another child befo • e in the City of Norwich, in the days of Kyng Stephen. an. 1145.

A collection was gathered through all England and France (two pence of every pound) for the succor of the East Christians against the Turks. an. 1167. Ex eodem,

Babylon was taken and destroyed, and never since repaired, by Almaricus king of Jerusalem. an. 1170. Ex vetusto manuscripto exemplari historiae Cariensis.

An. 1173. almost all England was diseased with the cough, Ex vetusto Chron. acephalo. About which year also William king of Scots was taken in battle, and imprisoned in England.

Great war happened in Palestine: wherein, the City of Jerusalem with the cross and the king of the City, & other of the temple was taken of the Sarasines, and most part of the Christians there either slain or taken. Cruel murder and slaughter there was used by the Turk, who caused all the chief of the Christians to be brought forth and beheaded before his face. In so much that Pope Urbanus the iii. for sorrow died: & Gregory the viii next pope after him, lived not 2, months. Thē in the days of pope Clement iii. (news and sorrow growing daily for the loss of Palestine, and destruction of the Christians) K. Henry of England, & Phillip the french king, the duke of Burgundy, the Earl of Flaunders, the Earl of Campania, with diverse other Christian Princes, with a general consent: upon S. Georges day, took the mark of the cross upon thē, promising together to take their voyage into the holy land. At which time the stories say, the king of England received first the red cross, the French king took the white cross, the Earl of Flaunders the green cross, & so other princes diversely, diverse coulors: thereby to be discerned everyone by his proper cross. But king Henry (after the three years were expired, in which he promised to perform his voyage) sent to the Pope for further delay of his promise, offering for the same to erect three Monasteries. Which thing he thus performed: In the Church of Waltham he thrust out the secular Priests, and set in Monks for them. Secondly, he repaired again & brought in the Nuns of Amesbury, which before were excluded for their incontinent life. And thus performed he his promise made before to the Pope. an. 1173.

The king of Scots did his homage and alleageaūce to the King of England and to his son, and to his chief Lord's: promising that all the Earls and Barons of scotland should do the like with their posterity. Item all the Bishops and Abbots of the Church of Scotland promised subjection and submission to the Archbishop of York. an. 1175. Nic. Triuet.

The custom was in this realm, that if any had killed any Clerke or Priest: he was not to be punished with the temporal sword, but only excommunicate & sent to Rome for the Popes grace and absolution. Which custom in the days of this king began first to be altered by the procurement of Richard Archbishop of Canterbury, an. 1176. Triuet.

London bridge first began to be made of stone by one Peter Priest of Colechurch. an. 1176. Ex Chron. cuius initiū: In diebus sanctis. regis Edouardi. &c. ex Bibliot. Cariensi.

S. William of Paris was slain of the Jews on maūdy thursday, wherefore the Jews were burned, & he counted a Saint. an. 1177.

Ireland subdued to the crown of England by this king. an. 1177. Ex varijs Chron.

Under the reign of the said king Henry about the 25 year of his reign, Ludouicus the frenchking (by the vision of Thomas Becket, appearing to him in his dream. & promising to him the recovery of his son if he would resort to him at Canterbury) made his journey into England to visit S. Thomas at Canterbury with Phillip Earl of Flaunders: where he offered a rich cup of gold, with other precious jewels, & a 100. vessels of wine yearly to be given to the Convent of the church of Caūterbury: notwithstanding the said Phillip in his return from England taking his journey to Paris, to visit S. Deuis, in the same his pilgrimage was strickē with such cold, that he fell into a palsy, and was benumbed of the right side of his body. an. 1178. Iornalensis & alij.

Stephanus Episcopus Redomonsis, was wont to make many rimes, and gaudish prose, to delight the ears of the multitude, to whom a little before his death, this verse was founded in his care. Desine ludere temere, nitere propere surgere de puluere. an. 1178. Nic. Triuet.

Albigenses denied transustantiation in the Sacrament of Christ's body and blood, about the city of Toulouse, also that matrimony was not a Sacrament, &c. an. 1178, ibidem.

King Henry separated himself from his wife Alionor, and held her many years in prison, as some think for the love of Rosamūde. Which seemeth to me to be the cause, why God afterward stirred all his sons up to war against him, and to work him much sorrow. an. 1179. Nic. Triuet. Notwithstanding the said Alionor was shortly after reconciled to him.

S. Frideswide was translated unto Oxford. an. 1179.

An. 1180. There came to the council of Pope Alexander, one Pisanus Burgundio, a man very cunning both in Brecke and Latin, which brought and presented to the counsel the Homelyes of Chrysostom upon the Gospel of S. John, translated out of Greek into Latin, and said that he translated likewise a great part of his exposition upon Genesis, saying moreover that the said Chrysostom had made expositions in Greek upon the whole old testament, and also the new. an. 1180.

The Monks of Charterhouse, first entered into this land. an. 1180.

An. 1181. Richard Pech Bishop of Coventry, before his death renounced his bishopric, and became a Chanō, in the Church of S. Thomas, by Stafford. Ex Chronico peruetusto, cui initium: In diebus sanctis. Regis. &c.

About the latter time of this king Henry, one Hugo (whō men were wont to call S. Hugh of Lincoln) borne in Burgundy, and Prior of the Monks of Charterhouse, was preferred by the king to the Bishopric of Lincoln, who after his death is said to do great miracles, and therefore was counted a Saint. an. 1186. Flores Hist.

Baldwinns Archbyshop of Canterbury began the building of his new house and Church of Lambeth, but by the letters of pope Clement 3. he was forbid to proceed in the building thereof. an. 1187. Triuet.

I do find likewise in y ^e foresaid written Chronicle remaining in the hands of one Williā Cary Citizen of Lōdō: that this forenamed king Henry y ^e 2. gave to the court and church of Rome, for the death of Becket 40. thousand marks of silver. And 5. thousand marks of gold. an. 1187.

Mention was made a little above of Amalrike king of Ierusalē, which destroyed Babylon, so that it was never after to this day restored, but lieth wast and desolate: wherein was fulfilled that, which in the Prophets in so many places was threatened to Babylō before. This Amalrike had a son named Baldwin, & a daughter called Sibilla. Baldwine from the beginning of his reign was a Leoper, and had the falling sickness, being not able for feebleness of body (although valiant in heart and stomach) to satisfy that function.

Sibilla his sister was first married to one Willermus, Marques of Moūt Ferrat, by whom she had a son called also Balwinus. After him she was married to another husband, named Guido de Liziniaco, Earl of Ioppe and of Askelon. Upon this befell, that the foresaid Baldwine the Leoper son of Amalricus, being thus feeble & infirm, as is said: called his nobles together with his mother & the Patriarch, declaring to thē his inability, and by the consentes of them, committed the under government of the City to Guido the husband of Sibilla his sister. But he being found insufficiēt or else not lucky in y ^e governing thereof: the office was translated to another, named Raimundus Earl of Tripolis. In the mean time the Soldan with his Sarasins mightily prevailed against the Christians, & ouerran the country of Palestine. In which mean time Baldwine the king departed. Whereby the kingdom fell next to Baldwinus the son of Sibilla by her first husband Willermus. The which Baldwinus being but five years old, was put to custody of Raimundus aforesaid. Who also in his minority, before he came to his crown, died: whereby the next succession by dissent fell to Sibilla, the wife of Guido above mentioned. To whom the pieres and nobles joining together in counsel, offered to the said Sibilla as to the lawful heir to the crown, to be their Queen: with this condition, that she should sequester from her by solemn deuorsement the foresaid Guido her husband. But she refused the kingdome offered to her on that condition: till at last, the Magistrates with the nobles ingenerall granted unto her, & by their oaths confirmed the same, that whomsoever she would choose to be her husband, all they would take and obey as their king. Also Guido her husband with like petition among y ^e rest, humbly requested her: that the kingdom not for his sake, or for his private loss, might be destitute of government. At length she with tears consenting to their entreaty was contented, and solemnly was crowned their Queen: who after the manner, again received their fidelity by their oath. Whereupon Guido without all hope both of wife and kingdom, departed home quietly to his own. This done, the Queen assembling her states and prelates together, entered talk with thē about the choosing of the king, according to that which they had promised and sworn unto her: and to obey him as their king, whom she would name to be her husband. Thus, while they were all in great expectation waiting every man whom she would nominate: The Queen with a loud voice said to Guido that stood amongst them: Guido my Lord, I choose thee for my husband, and yielding myself and my kingdom unto you, openly I protest you to be the king. At these words all the assembly being amazed, wondered that one simple woman so wisely had beguiled so many wise men. And worthy no doubt was she to be commended and extolled for her singular virtue both of faithful chastity and high prudēce: so tempering the matter that both she obtained to her husband the kingdom, and retained to her self again her husband, whom she so faithfully loved. an. 1186. Ex Historia manu scripta, cui initium: Rex Pictorum ex Bibliotheca Cariensi mutuata.

As I have hitherto described the public acts of king Henry, so now I mean to touch something of his private conditions. He was of mean stature, eloquent and learned, manly and bold in chiualry. Fearefull of the mutability and chance of war, more lamenting the death of his soldiers dead, thē loving them alive, none more courteous & liberal for the obtaining of his purpose: in peace and tranquility none more roughter: stubborn against the stubborn: sometimes merciful to those whom he had vanquished: straight to his household servants, but liberal to strangers: publicly of public things liberal, sparing of his own: whom once he took a displeasure against, hardly or never would he receive again to favor: somewhat lauash of his tongue, a willing breaker of his promise, a lover of his ease, but an oppressor of his nobility: a severe revenger and furtherer of justice: variable of word, and crafty in his talk: an open adulterer: a nourisher of discord amongst his children. Moreover the Papists bearing him (for Thomas Beckets quarrel & such like, as may be gathered) no good will: term him to be an adversary of the saith, the maule and beetle of the church.

Also in the Chronicle entitled Scala mundi, I find of him: that he followeth the steppes, manners and conditions of Henry the first his graūdfather in every point. He preserved firm peace, & executed straight justice through all his dominions. He loved marvelous well his forest: & again those that were transgressors either to his crown or person, he most severely punished.

Moreover, in a certain history entitled De regibus Angliae, I find that this king was sundry times admonished to reform and amend his life. And first by one that was an old man at the castle of Card • f in Wales, at that time of the year called Dominica in albis, the eight day after Easter. Where also, after that he had heard mass, and was going to take his horse: there stood a certain man by him, somewhat yelowish (his hear being rounded, leave, and illfauoured) having on a white coat, and being barefoot, looked upon the king, and spake in this wise: good old king. That done, thus he proceedeth. The king saluteth you and his blessed mother, John the Baptist, & Peter: straightly charging you, that upon the Sundays throughout all your dominions there be no buying & selling or other servile business (those only except, which appertain to the preparation of meat and drink) which thing if thou shalt observe, whatsoever thou takest in hand thou shalt happily finish and bring to pass. Then spake the king in French to the knight that held his horse by the bridle: Ask of this chourle whether he dreamed this or not. And in the mean while that the knight should have interpreted the kings words and message, he spake before, and said. Whether this be a dream or not, mark well what day this is: for unless that thou do these things, and amend thy life: such news shalt thou hear within these 12. months, that will make thee lament and mourn, till thy dying day. And when these words were spoken the man vanished out of his sight. And within one year next after: Henry, Bawfride, and Richard his sons, for sooke him their father, and took part with the French king. The king of Scots, the Earl of Chester, and Earl of Leciter, made an insurrection against the king. Many other premonitions were given also to the king, but all these did he little esteem. The second which did admonish him was a certain Irish man, giving him certain secret signs. And thirdly, a certain knight of Fyndesey, named Phillip de Easterby: sailing with him over into France, declared unto the king in Normandy seven articles, which he should amend. Which thing if he would do, he should reign seuē years most honorably, and should take the holy cross from his enemies: or else he, in y ^e fourth year should die in great ignominye. The 3. first things were these, which he at his coronation sware to observe (that is) to defend the Church, to maintain good laws, and to condemn no man to death without judgment. The fourth was, for the restoring of inheritaūce wrongfully takē. The fifth was in doing justice without reward. The sixth was of ministers & officers wages and stipēdes. The seventh was of expelling the Jews, leaving them some money to depart withal. But the king not amēding his life, there rose up against him 3. strong enemies, that is to say his three sons with the Frenchking. But after that the king (forsooth) had gone a pilgrimage to the Martys tomb, barfoote: William the king of Scots, the Earls of Chester and Lecester, were taken at Alnewick.

In the 35. year of his reign, being in the Castle of Chiuen in Normandy, he died: at whose death those that were present, were so greedy of the spoil, that they left the body of the king naked, and not so much could be found as a cloth to cover it: till that a Page coming in, and seeing the king so ignominiously to lie, threw his cloke vpō his nether partes, wherein (saith the author) was verified the surname, which from his youth he bare, being called Henry court Mantill.

King Richard.

I N this year of the Lord above recited, which was 1189. King Richard the eldest son of Henry 2. succeeding his Father, entered his crown: at which time Pope Clement sat at Rome, succeeding after Gregory which died a little before with sorrow for the loss of the holy cross.

During the time of whose coronatiō it befell, that not withstanding the king the day before his coronation, and by public edict commanded both the Jews and their wives not to presume either to enter the church, or else his palace, during the solemnization of his coronation amongst his nobles and Barons: yet (whilst the king was at dinner) the chiefetayne of the Jews with diverse other of his Jewish affinity and superstitious sect, against the kings prohibition (together with other press) entered the court gates. Wherat a Christian man being offended, stroke one of them with his hand or fist, & bad him stand further from the court gate, as the king had given in commandment: whose example others also following being displeased against the Jews, offered them the like contuinely. Other also, supposing that the king had so commanded in deed (as using the authority of the king) fell vpō all the Jews that stood by without the court gate. And first they bet them with their fistes: but afterward they took up stones and such other things, as they could get, and threw at them, and bet them therewith. And thus driving them from the court gates, some of them they wounded, some they slew, and some they left for dead.

There was amongst this number of the Jews, one which was called the blessed Jew of York: which was so fore wounded and beaten with the rest, that for fear of his life-he said he would become a Christian: and was in deed of Williā the Prior of the church of S. Mary of York baptized: whereby he escaped the great peril of death he was in, and the persecutors hands. In the mean while, there was a great tumor spread throughout all the City of London, that the king had commanded to destroy all the Jews. Whereupon, as well the Citizens as innumerable people more, being assembled to see the kings coronation: armed themselves and came together. The Jews thus being (for the most part) stayn, the rest fled into their houses: where, for a time through the strong and sure building of them, they were defended. But at length, their houses were set on fire, and they destroyed therein.

These things being declared to the king, whilst he with his nobles and Barons were at dinner: he sendeth immediately Ranulph de Glanuile, the Lord high Stuard of England, with diverse other noble men to accompany him: that they might fray and restrain these so bold enterprises of the Londoners, but all was in vain. For in this so great a tumult, none there was that either regarded what the nobility said, or else any whit reverenced their personages: but rather with starve looks and threatening words, advised them and that quickly to depart. Whereupon, they with good deliberation thinking it the best so to do, departed: the tumult and insurrection continuing till the next day. At which time also the king sending certain of his officers into the Citty, gave them in commandment to apprehend and present some such as were the chiefest of the malefactors: of the which, three were condemned to be hanged, and so were. The one, for that he had robbed a Christians house in this tumult: and the other two, for that they fired the houses to the great danger of the City. After this the king sent for him that from a Jew was converted to Christiannitye: and in the presence of those that saw where he was baptized, the king asked him whether he was become a Christian or not. He answering the king said no: but to the intent he might escape death, he promised to do whatsoever the Christians would have him. Then the king asked the Archbishop of Canterbury (other Archbishops and Bishops being present) what were best to be done with him: who unadvisedly answering said: If he will not be a man of God, let him be a man of the devil: and so revolted he again to Iewdaisme.

Then the king sent his writs to the shiriffes of every country to inquire for the authors & stirrers of this outrage. Of whom 3, were hanged, diverse were imprisoned. So great was thē the hatred of Englishmen against the Jews, that as soon as they began to be repulsed in the court the Londoners taking example thereof, fell upon them, set their houses on fire, and spoiled their gooddes. The country again following the example of the Londoners semblably did the like. And thus the year, which the Jews took to be their Iubily, was to them a year of confusion. In so much as in the city of York y ^e Jews obtaining the occupying of a certain Castle for their preservation, and afterward not willing to restore it to the Christians again, when they saw no other remedy but by force to be vanquished, first they offered much money for their lives: when that would not be taken, by the counsel of an old Jew among them, everyone with a sharp razer cut an others throat, whereby a thousand & five hundred of them were at that present destroyed. Neither was this plague of theirs undeserved. For every year commonly their custom was to get some christen man's child from the parents, and on good Fridaye to crucify him in despite of our religion. Ex chron. Westm.

King Richard after the death of his father, coming to remembrance of himself, and of his rebellion against his father, sought for absolution of his trespass, and in part of satisfaction for the same, agreed with Phillipp the French King about Easter next ensuing to take his voyage with him for the recouerye of Christ's patrimonye, which they called the holy land. Whereupon the said king Richard immediately after his coronation, to prepare him self the better toward his journey, set to sale diverse of his manors. Wherof Godfrey Lucy then B. of Wint. bought a couple for 2. M. marks, to witee, Wergraue, and Melenge. The Abbot of Bury bought another for a M. marks, called Middlesaie. Hugh Pusaz B. of Durhā, bought the Lordship of Seggesfield, or Sedberga with the wapintake, and all the appertenaunce thereto belonging. He bought also the Earldom of Northumberland. Whome When the king should solemnize after the manner of secular Earls, merrily with a mocking jest, loe (said he) of an old Bishop I have made a young Earl. And because the said Bishop had professed before by a solemme vow to visit the holy land, to be released of his vow, he compoūded with the Pope for a great sum of money therefore, and moreover gave to the King a thousand Marks to remain at home, as chief Justice of England. Ouer and besides, the King set out all that he had to sale, wooddes, castles, townships, Lordships, Earledoms, Baronages. &c. ordaining also diverse new Bishops, & not without some advantage (as appeared) to his purse: feigning moreover, his old seal to be lost, that they which had lands to hold, might be driven to renew their writings again by the new seal, whereby great substance of money was gained.

Above all this, by the commandment of Pope Clement. 3. a tenth also was enacted of the whole Realm, in such sort as the Christians should make to the king 70000 pound, the Jews 6000. Ex Geruas. fol. 134. King Richard after his coronation sent certain Earls and Barons to Phillip the French King in the time of his parliament at S. Denis, desiring him to remember his promise made for the recovery of Christ's holy patrimony out of the saracens hands. Unto whom he sent word again in the month of December, certifying him how he had bound himself by solemn oath, deposing upon the Evangelists, that he the next year following about the time of Easter, had certainly perfixed to address himself toward that journey, requiring him likewise not to fail but to be ready at the term above limited, appointing also the place where both the Kings should meet together.

The next year then ensued, which was 1190 in the beginning of which yere, upon I welfe even, fell a foul northren brawl, which turned welnere to a fray, between the Archbyshop new elected of the Church of York, and his company on the one side, and Henry Dean of the said Church, with his Catholic partakers on the other side, upon occasion as followeth. Gaufridus or Geffray, son to King Henry 2. and brother to King Richard, whom the King had elected a little before to the Archbyshoprick of York, upon the even of the Epiphany, which we call Twelfe day, was disposed to hear Evēsong with all solemnity in the Cathedral church, having with him Hamon the Chaunter, with diverse other Canons of the church. Who tarrying something long, belike in adourning and attyring himself: in the mean while Henry the Dean, and Bucardus the treasurer, disdaining to tarry his coming, with a bold courage lustilye began their holy Evensong, with singing their Psalms, ruffling of descant, and merry piping of Organs. Thus this Catholic Euensōg with as much devotion begun, as to gods high service proceeding, was now almost half complete, when as at lenth (they being in the midst of their mirth) cometh in the new elect, with his trayne and gardeuiaunce, all full of wrath and indignatiō, for that they durst be so bold, not wating for him to begin gods service, and so estsoones commanded the Duyre to stay & hold their peace. The Chaunter likewise, by virtue of his office, cōmaūdeath the same. But the Dean and Treasurer on the other side willed them to proceed, and so the song on, and would not stint. Thus the one half crying against the other, the whole Duyre was in a roar, their singing was turned to scolding, their chaunting to chiding, and if instead of the Organes they had had a Drumme, I doubt, they would have solsede by the ears together.

At last, through the authority of the Archb. and of the Chaunter, the Queare began to surcease and give silence. Then y ^e new elect not contented with that had been song before, with certain of the Choir began the Evensong new again. The Treasurer vpō the same caused by virtue of his office, the candles to be put out. Whereby y ^e euensong having no power further to proceed, was stopped forthwith. For like as without the light and beams of the sun there is nothing but darkness in all the world: even so you must understand, the Popes church can see to do nothing without candle light, albeit the sun do shine never so clear and bright. This being so the archb. thus disappointed on every side of his purpose, made a grievous plaint, declaring to the clergy and to the people, what the Dean, and Treasurer had done, and so upon the same suspended both them and the church from all divine service, till they should make to him due satisfaction for their trespass.

The next day which was the day of Epiphany, when all the people of the City were assembled in the Cathedral church (as their manner was, namely in such feasts) devoutly to hear divine service (as they call it) of the church, there was also present the Archb. and the Chaunter with the residue of the Clergy, looking when the Dean and Treasurer would come and submit themselves, making satisfaction for their crime. But they still continuing in their stoutness, refused so to do, exclaiming & uttering contemptuous words against the Archb. & his partakers. Which when the people heard, they in a great rage would have fall̄ upon them, but the Archb. would not suffer that. The Dean thē & his fellows perceiving y ^e stir of the people for fear like pretty men were fain to fly, some to the tomb of S. William of York, some ran to the Deans house, & there shrouded themselves: whom the Archb. then accursed. And so for that day the people returned home without any service. Ex veteri Chronico manu scripto, cui initium: Anno gratiae Milles. &c.

After this King Richard preparing to set all things in an order before his going, committed the whole government of the realm principally to William Bishoppe of Eli his Chancellor, & to Hugh B. of Durhā, whom he ordained to be the chief Justice of all England in his absence, the one to have the custody of the tower, with the oversight of all other parts of the land on this side of Number: the other (which was y ^e B. of Durham) to have charge upon all other his dominions beyond Number: Sending moreover to Pope Clement in the behalf of the foresaid William B. of Eli, to be made the Popes Legate through all England and Scotland, which also was obtained. Thus the B. being advanced in high authority, to furnish the king toward his setting forth, provideth out of every city in England ii. Palfreys, and ii. sumpters, & out of every Abbey, one palfrey, and one sumpter.

These things and other thus set in a stay, the king according to his former appointment, about the time of Easter, sailed to France, where the French king and he conferring together, because they could not make ready at that time of Easter, concluded to take a longer day, proroging their voyage till after midsommer. In which mean time y ^e king occupying himself in redressing & stablishing such things as further were to be ordered, there determined, that Baufridus & John his brethrē should not enter into England in 3. years after his departure: Neuertheles he released that band afterward to his brother John. Thēn he appointed the Captains & Constables over his nauy, & set laws to be observed in his journey upon the seas. But especially his care was to make unity and concord between parties that were at variance, and to set them together at one. At which time the long contention began also to be appeased which so many years had continued between Bald winus Archb. of Cant. and his monks of Christ's church. The discourse whereof, although it be some what tedious to be set forth at large being enough to make a whole tragedy, yet to y ^e intent y ^e age now present may see what great conflicts and disquietness, vpō what little trifles hath been stirred up, what little peace & unity hath been not only in this church, but commonly in all other churches, under the popes catholic regiment: I thought it labor not ill bestowed, somewhat to intermeddle in opening to y ^t eyes of the Reader, the consideration of this matter. Wherein first is to be understood that the Archbishops of Cant. commonly being set up by the pope, especially since y ^e time of y ^e conquest, have put the Kings of this land to much sorrow & trouble: as appeared by William Rufus & Lanfrāck, and also Anselm. By Henry 1. and Anselm, King Stephen & Theobald, Henry 2. & Becket. &c For which y ^e Kings of this land have used the more care & circumspectiō, to have such Archbishops placed in that sea, as either should stand with them, or at least should not be against them.

Now to the purpose of our matter intended. First after Laufrancus who was Archb. xx. years, the sea standing vacant v. years, succeeded Anseimus, & sat 17. years. After whom the sea standing vacant 4. years, succeeded Radulphus, and continued 9. years. Then followed Williā, who sat 12. years, and died, an. 1137. After whom came Theobaldus in the time of king Stephen. This Theobaldus being no great favorer of the monkish generatiō, fell out with Jeremiah Prior of the house of Cant. for certain causes between them: for which the Archb. taking stomach against the Prior, would lay the sentence of interdiction against him. The Prior, seeing that, to save himself, made his appeal to Pope Innocent. The Archb. provoked the more by that, deposed him from the Priorship, and placed one Walter in his room. Jeremiah notwithstanding making his complaint and appeal to Rome, obtained letters from the Pope to Henry B. of Wint. being the popes Legate: by the virtue whereof, he against the heart of y ^e Archbishop was restored, and Walter displaced. Neuertheles, the said Jeremiah not willing there to continue w ^t displeasure of the Archb, shortly after of his own accord, renounced his Priority, and Walter again was received in his stead. Not long after this followed the general council of Reims, an. 1140. To y ^c which council Theobald contrary to the commandment of the king, would needs resort, to show his obedience to the pope, wherefor at his returning home again the king took such displeasure with him, that within a while after the Archbishop was driven to void the realm, and fly into France: where he by censure of interdiction suspended diverse churches, and religious houses which refused to come to the council, and also hearing how the king had seized upon all his goods, he interdicted likewise all the kings lands, whatsoever belonged to the crown, so that the king in conclusion was fain to cōpound with him and fall to agreement, which was about the yere. 1148. Ex Geruasio.

After this in the year of our Lord 1151. after the death of Hugh Abbot of S. Augustine's in Cant. Sylvester was elected by the Convent to be their Abbot, in the reign of R. Stephen. Which Sylvester when he came to Theobald y ^e Archb. to make his profession of subiction unto him, and to receive of him consecration: the Archb. was contented, so that the Abbot would come to Christ's church in Cant. and there make his profession. But to this Sylvester in no case would grant to take his consecration there, but else in any other church wheresoever the Archbishop would, he was contented. Wherunto when the Archbish. in no wise would agre, Sylvester making a great bag of money, went to Rome, where he obtained of y ^e pope for money, (for what cannot money do at Rome?) letters that the Archbishos should consecrate the Abbot in his own church of S. Agustine, and also not exact of him any profession of canonical subjection. Whereupon the Archb. was compelled against his will, to come to the Abbots Church, and there at the popes commandment to consecrate him simply, & without any further profession to be required.

Then Walter Prior of Christ's Church in Cant. seeing that, and perceiving how prejudicial and derogatory the example thereof would be to y ^• honor & majesty of their church, through counsel of his brethren, went thither, and notwithstanding the doors were straitly watched & kept, yet by means he at last gate in. And as he saw the Archb. attired in his Pontificalibus, ready to minister consecration to the Abbot, he stepped straighte to the Archb. & estsoones appealeth him up to Rome, for the great injury wrought against the church of Cant. forbidding him in the name of him to whom he appeled, not to proceed any further. And so this holy consecration was for the present time stayed. For the which Sylvester with a new purse of money was fain to travel & trot again to Rome. Where he complaing of the Archb. and accusing him of contempt to the Pope in not executing the commandment sent down, obtaineth again new letters with more effectual charge to the foresaid Archb. that he without any profession, simply should give to Sylvester his consecration in his own church: omni occasion & appellatione remota, all manner of stay or let, or appellation to the contrary notwithstanding, and so in conclusion the Abbot contrary to whatsoever the Archb. & all the Monks of Cant. would do, was in his own church made Abbot, and had the victory for that time. Notwithstanding the Archb. left not the matter so, but within five years after obtained of pope Adrian, that Sylvester should make profession of his obedience to the Archb. and so did. Ex Geruas.

In few years after this, died king Stephen. an. 1154. and after him Theobald the Archb. an. 1159. after he had sit 23. years. After whom through thinstant procurement or king Henry the 2. was placed Tho. Becket, the kings Chancelor. an. 1162. of whose sturdy rebellion against the king, because sufficient hath been said before, it shall not need to make a double labor now about the same.

After the death of Becket, much ado there was between king Henry and Odo Prior of Cant. about the election of a new Archb. For the king seeing the Realm so oftentimes encumbered by those Popish Archbishops, and fearing least the Monks of Cant. should elect such another as would follow the steps of Tho. Becket, most humbly with cap in hand & curtesy of knee, desired Odo the Prior, that at his request, & for contentation of his mind, such a one might be elected, whom he would appoint (appointing and naming a certain bishop, which was a good simple man after the kings liking: ) but the Prior diffēblingly answering the king again, that he neither could nor would without y ^e consent of his Convent give promise to any man, in fine contrary to the kings so humble request, agreed to the electiō of another, which was the prior of Dover, called Richard. an. 1173. who continued in y ^t seat xi. years.

And here was renewed again the like variance between this Archbyshop and Roger Abbot of the Agustine monks in Canterbury as was before mentioned between Theobaldus, and Sylvester. For when the said Roger after his election to be Abbot. must needs take his consecration at the Archbishops hand, neither would the Archbyshop grant it unto him unless he made profession of obedience, according to the ancient custom of his predecessors: then Roger consulting with his Monks, first denied so to do but at length was contented, so it might not be done in the Archbishoppes Church, but in any other Church where he would, under writing this clause withal: Saluis vtrius{que} Ecclesiae priuilegijs, that is, saving the privileges of both Churches. To this the Archbishop said again, first that he should make his due, & canonical profession & that he should not come to him with writing or vnderwriting but should say in his heart: Salue sancta parens: or Salue festa dies: not Saluis priuilegijs, or any such like thing. Wherunto when the Agustine Monks in no case would consent, nor the Archbishop otherwise would grant his benediction: Roger the Abbot • as fain to post to Rome, and there to bring the Archb. in hatred in the Court of Rome, made his Abbay tributary to Pope Alexander.

The Pope well contented with this, not only granteth the Abbot his desire, but also in cōtumely of the archbishop dubbeth the Abbot with all such ornaments as to a Prelate apperteined, and so in the year. 1178. sent home the Abbot triumphantly with his ring and mitre, and other ensigns of victory, with letters also to the Archbishop enjoining him immediately upon the sight thereof to consecrate the Abbot in his own Church, & without making any profession. Although with these letters the archbishop was shrewedly pressed, yet notwithstanding his stout heart would not stoop for this, but laid his appeal against the same: and so the consecratiō for that time was suspended.

Then Roger for his more defense, getting the kings letters, travailed up the second time to Rome, where grievously he complained to Pope Alexander of the Archbyshop. At the same time a general council was summoned to be kept at Lateran, where Richard y ^e foresaid arch bishop was also looked for amongst other Bishops to be present. Who thē came as far as Paris, but being there, durst approach no further, & so retired home again. Wherupon the Pope being offended with his contempt, without anymore delay exalted the Abbot with his own consecration, and invested him with all pomp and glory: howbeit providing before that the said consecration should redound to no prejudice against the liberties of the mother church of Canterbury, and so upon the same wrote to the Archbishop his letters of certificate, with this additiō annexed, Saluo iure & dignitate Cant. Ecclesiae, that is to say, Sauing the liberties and dignity of the Church of Cant. &c.

After the counsel ended, Roger the Abbot returneth home, although with an empty purse, yet full of victory & triumph. The Archbishop again thinking to work some greuaunce to the Agustine Monks, had procured in this mean time letters from Pope Alexander to the Bishop of Durhā, and Abbot of S. Albons, that they should cause the said Roger Abbot of the Agustine monks, to show unto the Archbishop at y ^• old privileges of his house, which in deed being shown seemed to be rased, & new written, with Bulls of lead not after the manner nor style of that age, nor pretending no such antiquity as should seem to reach frō the time of Agustine, but rather newly counterfeit.

All this notwithstanding, the Abbot bearing him bold upon the Popes favor, ceased not still to disquiet & ouercrow the Archbishop by all ways he could, in exempting all his Priests and laimen belonging to his jurisdiction, from the archb. obedience: forbidding also that none of his should come to his Chapters or Sinods, nor to fear any sentence of his curse or excommunication. Wherupon the Archbishop about the month of November the same yere sailing over to Normandy where the king was, thought to take his journey to the pope, to complain of the Abbot: but being stayed by the king was not suffered to pass any further, the king laboring what he could, to bring them to agreement, nevertheless the Pope and his Romaines (saith my story) Aurum & argentum magis quàm iusticiam sitientes, seditiones inter eos & litigia commouebant, that is, caring more for gold and silver, then for justice, still stirred coals of sedition and debate between them. Ex Historia Geruasij.

The next yere after this ensuing, which was the year of our Lord 1184. died Richard the Archbishop aforesaid: in the 38, yere of king Henry 2. After whose dicease much trouble happened about the election of a new Archb. between the king and monks of Canterbury. And now to enter here into the story of Baldwin above mentioned, first the king sent to the monks, that they should consider with themselves about the election of their Archbishop and to be ready against the time that he would send for them to the court. Upon this the Convent gladly assembling together, agreed in themselves upon one, whom they thought chiefly to prefer, yet naming four moe, that if the king would refuse one, the other yet might stand. Now y ^e practice in the monks was, first to keep the election only in their own hands, as much as they could. And secondly ever to give the election either to some Prior or Monk of their own house, or to some Abbot or Bishop, which some time had been of their company. Whereby as much inconvenience and blind superstition was bred in the church of England: so the same disliked both the king and the Bishops not a little.

As this past on, the king when he saw his time willed the monks of Canterbury, to be cited or sent for, to understand what they had concluded in their election. Wherupō the Monks sent up their Prior called Alanus, with certain other Monks to Reding, where the king thē lay, about the month of August. Who at first were curtuously entertained: but after the king had intelligence whom they had nominated & elected: they were sent home again with cold cheare, the king willing thē to pray better, and to advise more earnestly upon the matter amongst themselves. Alanus the Prior, with his fellows thus departed, who coming home, in conclusion so concluded amongst them selves, that they would remitt no jot of their liberties to the king, without the popes consent and knowledge. The king understanding hereof, sent his Ambassadors likewise to the Pope, for the fortefying of his cause, being in y ^t mean time grievously offended with the Prior: saying: that he was proud & would make archbishop whom he listed. and would be the second Pope in England. &c.

Not long after this, as these letters were sent up to Rome, the king sent for Alanus the Prior, and moe of the monks, to come to him. Whom he entreateth, desiring thē in gentle speech, that they would show so much gentleness & favor to him being their Lord & King as becometh his friends and subjects to do, as to confer with the Bishops of the Realm about this matter, and to take some better council, so as might redound to God's glory, his honor, & wealth of the public state, with other like words to the same effect.

To whom when y ^e Prior again had answered with thanks & due reverence, according to the kings request, the Bishops and Monks went to confer together about the matter. And first, the Bishops marvelled why the monks should exclude them out of the election, seeing they were professed & Suffragans to the said church of Canterbury: Neither is there any Prince, quoth the bishop of Bathe, that will refuse our counsel. There be some counsels, said the Monks, whereat you may be called: but as touching y ^e doing of this electiō, it pertaineth nothing unto you further then to publish only and denounce y ^• party whō we have chosen, The bishop of London then asked, if they had already made any election. No election, said y ^e Prior, as yet, but only we have denominate the persons. Thē have ye proceeded further, quoth he, thē ye ought, having a commandment from the pope not to proceed without us. And with that was brought forth the popes letter commanding that within xl. days the bishops of England and the Prior, & Convent of Canterbury should elect an able and fit person to be their Archbishop. About the scanning of these letters was much a do. The Bishops said, they were first named, & therefore ought to have most interest in this election. The Mōks said again. that they also were not excluded, and required to have a transcript of the letter, whereof much doubt was made.

After long concertation, whē they could not agree, the king coming between them both, called away the Bishops from the Monks, supposing by separating the one from the other, to draw both parties to his sentence. But that would not be, for the Monks stiffly standing to their liberties, would loose no preeminēce of their church, still alleging how by the ancient privileges of the church of Canterbury the Convent should choose their Pastor & Bishop, and the Prior to publish and denoūce the persō. The Bishops again replied, that it was their right to appoint their Archbishop & Metropolitan, which were Bishops and Suffragans, and namely the bishop of London also being Dean of the said church of Canterbury. The king thē as vmpere between them, yet fauoring rather the side of the Bishops, desired them to agree together in peace. Whē that would not prevail, he set the Lord Stuard, and other noble mē to entreat the Prior, to draw to some agrement: at least to be conteuted with this form of election, which was that the Bishop of London or some other Bishop should declare the election in these words.

Upon this the Prior said, he would conuent with his Convent. Who with much ado were content to grant to the kings desire, but afterward being required to put down y ^e same in writing, that they refused to do: yet notwithstanding relented at last to the king. But when the Bishops made excuses for the absēce of their fellow Bishops, so the matter for that time stayed. And the king sending home the Monks again to their house in peace, deferred that business to a further day, which was till y ^t first day of December commanding the Prior with his fellows the same day not to fail but to be at London about the choosing of y ^e Archbyshop.

As the day prefixed came, the Prior with his company were also present, who giving attendance all that day and the next day also following, so were driven off till the third day after. At length the Lord Stuard with other nobles of the realm, were sent to them from the king, to declare, that where as the king before had divided the bishops frō the Monks, that they both might have their election by themselves after the form of a bill, which was put down in writing: now the mind of thel King was, that the Monks taking another way, should join with the Bishops, and so having the matter in talk together, should proceed jointly in the election.

Agaynst this, many things were alleged by the prior & his mates, complaining much upon the bishops, which said that the Bishops had ever holden with the kings astaynst the liberties of their Church and Archbishops. As first they stood against Anselm, for king William: Then against Theobalde for king Stephen: After that against Thomas Becket for king Henry: And after him did supplant the election of Richard their Archbyshop: And now again went about to practice and work against this their election present. &c. At last the Prior with his felows concluding, desired they might speak with the king himself. Who estsoones coming to them, willed them as good mē to be contented, and go talk with the Bishops about the election, promising that whō they agreed upon, he also would grant his assent to the same. To whom when the Prior again had objected the writings that before were made: truth it is said the king, such writings were made: but I neither may, nor will go against the council of my realm: and therefore agree said he, with my Bishops and Abbots, and remember, that the voice of the people is the voice of God.

Upon this the Prior with his Monks seeing no other remedy, went to the Bishops to confer according to the kings request about the election. Who then were willed by the bishops to nominate whom they would, & the Bishops would likewise name theirs. So that whē the Prior with his cōplices had named three after their choosing, the Bishops said they would nominate but one, & so did, which was the Bishop of Worcester: willing the Prior to go home, and to confer with his Convent about the same. To whom shortly after the Bishops sent certain Priests to signify to the Convent, that they, according to the Popes letters, should repair to the Bishops concerning the election of the Archbishop, also to declare moreover to them, that the persons whom they had named were good mē, but he whom they had nominated, was a more worthy man, whom they both had nominated & also would elect. The Monks maruelling hereat, sent two Monks, with the Arcedeacon of Canterbury to the king.

This done, immediately after the return of the priests, the Bishops caused all the bells of the city to be rong, and Te Deum to be song for the Archbishop new elect. Whereof when the two Monks brought tidings to the Convent at Canterbury what was done at Londō, they were all in a marvelous dumpe. The king hearing this & perceiving the stifnes of the monks, in all haste sent mess̄gers to Caūterbury with gentle words to will the Prior to come to the king, & certify him of the purpose of his Monks. Unto whom the Prior estsoones being come, declareth in the name of the whole Couēt, that in no case he nor y ^e Monks would never while y ^e world stood, agree to that election of the bishops, unless the king in his own persō would come to Canterbury, and there ouenly before the whole Couēt, protest by his own month y ^• forsayd election to be naught and void: and so returning to London again openly likewise before y ^c Clergy & the people would repudiate and reject the same: And furthermore that the partye also elected should openly in the same place protest, & say, that he neither would nor ought to take that functiō upon him, unless he entered by the consent of the Prior & Convent of canterbury: And all this to be done in the same place where the bishops had made their election before & so peradventure (said they) at the kings so earnest suit and request, they would gratify his will & ratify the said election with the voices of their consent. To make the story short, after great hold between the seculare Clergy on the one side, & the regular order on the other side, and after the kings indignation against the Prior, and the swonding of the Prior before the king, at length the king to take up y ^e matter, and to save the Priors life was fain to perform in his own person all these conditions above prescribed by the Monks. Ex Geruas. fol. 100.

And thus have ye heard the tradgicall election of y ^e bishop of Worcester, named Baldwinns made Archbishop of Cant. Now what a troublesome time the said Baldwin had with the Monks, in governing y ^e church of Cāt. here followeth likewise not unworthy to be considered.

The troubles between Baldwine Archbishop of Canterbury and, the Monks of the same Church.

IN the first year the Archbishop shown himself friendly and loving to the Monks: the next yere following he began to appear some what rough unto them. The manner then was of the house of Christ's Church toward the time of the Natiuitye and of Easter, to receive certain presents or gifts of their fermers or tenauntes, which the cellarer should take & lay up. Those presents the archbishop began first to intercept from the Monks, & to bestow them upon his seculare Clerks. After this he took three Churches or benefices (which the Monks claimed as proper to themselves) and placed in them 3. of his chaplaines. After this he encroched to his hands certain tenements, revenues & victual belonging before to y ^e monks (as they said) and committed the custody thereof to certain of his own Clerks and household servants.

The monks which had borne so much with the archbishop before seeing this, could forbear him no longer, but needs would make their appeal against him. The archbishop not much regarding y ^t , waxed thereby more fierce against them, insomuch that such fermes and tenements, as he before had let alone, now he received to his own occupying: w ^. many other grievances, wherewith he greatly vexed the Monks, so that 3. Abbots were fain to come and reconcile the Archbishop and the Monks. Which reconciliatiō was this, y ^• the Monks should let fall their appeal, and the archbishop should restore again to thē their fermes and tenements. But as touching the benefices & the presents, the archbishop still kept thē in his hands for a further trial of their obedience and patience. Nevertheless some there were of the ancient monks, which in no case would give over the foresaid appeal before the archbishop made a full restitution of all together.

After this agreement, such as it was, between y ^t Monks and him, the archbishop soon after sent up to Rome one of his chaplaines (to whō he had given one of the benefices afore mentioned) partly for cōfirmatiō of his benefice, partly also to obtain license for y ^e archbishop to build a church, which he intended to erect of secular Priests near to the town of Canterbury. Which being obtained of the Pope, the archbishop not a little glad thereof, began now more & more in ware fierce against the monks, not only in taking from thou their churches & oblations, but also in aggravating the whole state of their house, which he entōded either to subvert, or greatly to diminish, to pluck down the pride & stubbernes of the Monks. Wherefore taking with him certain other bishops (whom he knew bare no good will to, y ^t Monkish generatiō) he went to y ^e king, declaring how he had a good purpose in his mind, to erect a new & a solemn Church in the honor of S. Tho. of Cant. of secular priests or Canons, and therefore desired of the king, to have his favorable license to the same. The king right well perceiving the purpose of the archbishop whether it tended: as to y ^e bridling of the stiffnecked monks, was the more willing to give assent, if he were not also the chief worker of that matter himself.

The intent of the archbishop in planting of that new church was to found there diverse pre • ends, and to make both the king and every Bishop being his Suffragans, prebendaries thereof, so that everyone of them should cōfer one prebendship to the same foundation, minding there to consecrate Bishops, to make his Chrismatory, to celebrate his Sinodes, and to administer all other things belonging to the function of his Sea, and the same to be called Hakington Church. The Monks not ignorant how the Archb. privily intended the desolation and subversion of their house & liberties, consulting upon the matter, determined at length among themselves to appeal to y ^c sea of Rome, namely for these 3. causes against the Archbish: First for spoiling them of their gifts & oblations: Secondly, for depriving them of their Churches & benefices: And thirdly for erecting a new foundation of secular Canons to the derogation & overthrow to their religious order giving admonition to the archb. before by their Monks sent unto him of this their appellation. To whom the Archb. answered, that the foundation which he went about, was to no derogation, but rather to the fortification and honor of their house. Who answered again that it was & could not otherwise be, but to their subuersiō. And what should let me then (said the Archb.) but I may build in mine own ground what I will? No (said they) no ground of yours, but your ground is our ground, as all other things that you have, by right are ours, for so much as you have them not of yourself, but of the church & for the churches cause: all which things have been givē neither to you, nor to the archbishops, but to the church of Christ: and therefore (said they) all such as appertain unto us inwardly and outwardly, with the persons also, & the whole state of our church we submit under the popes protectiō: & now here make our appeal to the Sea Apostolic, assigning also the term when to prosecute the same.

The Archbishop receiving this appellation, & saying that he would answer to the same either by himself or by his responsall, so within 3. days after, which was the 10. of December, he came to Canterbury: where the Monks understanding how he was in mind to place new secular Priests in the church of S. Stephen, where the Monks had served before, came to the Church to stop the proceeding of the archbishop by way of appeal. Wherof the arch bishop having warning before, deferred that matter till y ^e next day after. On which day the Monks again being sent by Honorius the Prior into the Church, charged y ^e Archbishop in the name of almighty God, & by virtue of their appeal made to the Apostolic Sea, to surcease those his doings, forbidding also the Parson of the Church in no wise to suffer those secular Clerks to be admitted into the Church. All which yet notwithstanding the Archb. proceedeth in his business. And first placing in his Clerks he suspendeth the Prior from his administration. Thē he adiureth the Porters of the gate upon their oath to let none of y ^e Monks pass out of the house without his license. The Monks likewise he commanded by virtue of obedience, not to stray anywhere abroad without his leave. And further more one of the foresaid Monks, which served the appeal against him, he utterly banished from that Convent. Upon this, the day next following Honorius the Prior trusting (saith the story) on God, and S. Thomas, took his way to Rome, sent in commission by the Convent, to prosecute the appeal against the Archbishop.

In this mean season a new iar began between y ^t said Archb. and the Monks, about their rents and revenues, which the Archb. would have committed to the receiving & keeping of 3. Monks, but the Supprior Geffray, with the Convent, in no case would suffer that: whereabout there was a foul stir. The Archb. craving the aid of the king first had 3. Bishops sent down to him, of Coventry, Norwich and Worcester. Who being instant with the Monks to submit their cause into the kings hands, like as the Archb. had done, they utterly refused it, especially seeing they had already referred the whole state of their cause to y ^• determinatiō of y ^e Apostolical sea. The king seeing no other remedy came himself with the Archb. into the chapter house, where he commanded first the doors to be kept fast, that none should enter but which by name were called for. Amongst whō were two Bishops, to wit, of Norwich, and Durham, and one Petrus Blesensis a learned man (whose Epistles be yet extant in Libraries) a chief worker in this matter against the Monks. Then was called in Geoffrey the Supprior, with a few other Monks whom he brought with him. The king then first talking with the Archb. and his company, & afterward with the Monks, labored to entreat them that they would let fall their appeal, and so stand to the arbitremēt of him and of the Bishops, concerning the cause which was between y ^• Archb. and them in trauers.

To this the Monks answered, that these were good words, but served not for that time, for so much as their cause was already translated to the court of Rome, & now was presently in hearing before the Popes holiness: and therefore they could not, ne would that injury to their lord pope, to refuse him, and to put the matter to the judgment of any other. Then was it required of the Monks, that they would put the matter in comprimise, in case the prior would consent thereto, upon this intent, that if the Prior consented and the Monks not, then should they run in contempt and disobedience: or if the Monks would consent, and the Prior not, then should the Prior be excluded the Realm. The wily Monks being not unprovided of this subtlety, made their answer, that seeing they had sent their prior forth in their commission, it stood not with their honesty, to give any determinate consent, without y ^e knowledge and before the return of the said Prior, unless the Archb. first would promise to make full restitution of all y ^t he had wrongfully wrasted from thē. When the king could get no other answer of the Monks, neither could move the Archb. to release the sentence of their suspension, unless they would confess and knowledge their fault, he so parting from them passed over into France.

Not long after this, came a messenger frō Rome, bringing letters from Pope Urbanus to the Archb. wherein y ^e pope considering & tendering (as he said) the enorme grievances done against the Monks, straightly enjoined & commanded him, within x, days after y ^e receiving thereof, to release the sentence of his suspension against y ^t Prior and other of the said Convent, and also to retract & restore again to the Monks whatsoever he plucked from them since the time of their appeal first made. Who in case he should deny, or forslack the doing hereof, commission was given to 3. Abbots, of Bartaile, of Feuersham, of S. Augustine's, with ample authority to perform the same. &c. The Archb. receiving these letters brought to him by a Monk of the foresaid house, first made his excuse, that the Pope was misinformed. But the Monks not contented with that excuse, when they would needs know what answer he would make to y ^e Popes nuncio: his answer was that he had yet x, days given him of the pope. In which mean time the Archb. went to London and there in the church of S. Paul. consecrated his holy oil & cream (making one of the Popes 7. Sacraments) which was grievously takē in the church of Cant. At last, the x. daics being ended whē the Archb. refused to accomplish that was in the popes letter enjoined him, the 3. Abbots aforesaid to execute the Popes commandment, came at their day assigned, to Cant. and there assoiled all such as the Archb. before had suspēded, and in the end certified pope Urbane by letters, what they had done.

The Archb. hearing this, within 4. days after sent. 2. of his Clerks, which appealed the 3. Abbots aforesaid up to Rome, and he himself in the mean time prepared busily for the building up of his church, sending to all churches in England, upon releasement of their sins, to confer to the same: and to make the more haste, for lack of free stone, he made up his building with timber, and such other stuff as he could get.

The prior Honorius all this while remained still at y ^• court of Rome, giving attendaunce upon the Pope, who having intelligence of the archbishops doings, procured another letter of Pope Urbane to the whole clergy of England straightly enjoining them, that none should confer to the new fraternity of Baldwin Archbishop of Canterbury. To these letters the Archbish. shown such reverence, that where before he had planted his chapel of wood and boordes, now he provided the same to be built of lyme and stone.

By this time Petrus Blesensis, with other messengers of the Archb. seeing Honorius the Prior to be gone, from the court to France, resorted to the court of Rome, bringing with them letters of credit from the king, from the Archb. & also frō other Bishops of the realm: but the pope reading only the kings letters & the archbishops, y ^e residue he cast into a window by, saying he would read thē at further leisure. Thē the pope giving audience in his cōsistory to hear their cause: first came in Petrus Blensensis with the agents of the Archb. exhibiting their letters and propounding their requests to the Pope, which were that restitution should be made by the Monks to the Archb. wherein they had injured him: Itē that the things which had been granted before to the Prior in the Court, might be called in again. Thirdly, that the archb. might have license to proceed in building his College of Canons. &c. After this was called in M. Pilleus, the attourney for the Monks of Cant. Who alleging many great things against the archb. for his contempt and disobedience to the popes precepts, required that he rather should make restitution to the Monks for his injuries done to them: & also that his new foundation of secular canons, tending to the overthrow of the conuentuall Church of Cant. should be utterly rased and thrown down to the ground. Thus between these two parties pleing & repleing one against y ^e other, much hard hold there was, But in conclusiō for all y ^t kings letters, & for all that the Archb. and Bishops could do, the matter went on the Monks side. So that there was no remedy, but the pope would needs have y ^• archbishops new building to come down, and the Monks to be restored again to their full possessions. The executiō whereof was committed to the 3. Abbottes aforesaid, to wit, of Battail, of Feuersham, of S. Augustine's in Cant. & to Beffrey Supprior of Cant.

Which things being thus determined at Rome, then Raduph Granuille Lord Stuard of England writing to the said Abbot of Battle, and to the Supprior and Convent of Cant. commandeth them in the kings name, and upon their oath & fealty givē unto him, that they nor any of them do proceed in this controversy between the monks and the archbishop of Cant. before they come and talk with him, there to know further of the kings pleasure: & furthermore charging the Convent of Cant. not to enter further in any examinatiō concerning the archb. matters, and also citing the Supprior of the said house, to appear before him at London, at the feast of S. James the same yere, which was 1187. Notwithstanding he excusing him self by sickness, sent two Monks in his stead, and so kept himself at home. To whom commandment was given that the Monks of Cant. within 15. days should sails over to Normandy to the king, and there to show the tenor and evidences of their privileges: And also that such stuards and Balifs whom they had placed in their farms & lordships, contrary to the will of the archb. should be removed. And likewise the 3. Abbots in the kings name, were commanded in no wise to execute the popes commandment against the archb. Not long after this, the Archb. took shipping at Dover, and went over to the king, where he ordained three principal officers over the Monks of Christ's Church: the Sacrist, the Cellarer and Chamberlain, contrary to the will of the Convent, with other grievances mo: whereby the Monks were not a little offended so that upon the same, they made a new appellation to the Pope. Wherupon pope Urbane, by the setting on of Honorius the prior, who was now come again to the court, wrote to him another letter after a sharper and more vehement sort, to the effect as followeth.

An other letter beside this, the Pope also sent to the 3. Abbots aforesaid for the correction of these enormities. Likewise another letter was sent to king Henry 2. wherein the pope enjoineth and requireth him upon remissiō of his sins, not to dissemble and bear with the Archb. in his oppression of his Monks, but to help those things to be amended, where he hath trespassed against them.

These pontifical letters were written an. 1187. the 3. day of Octob. and in the 19. day after, the same month the said pope Urbane died. In the which yere, and about the which month, Baldwinus king of Jerusalem was taken with many noble men of Saladine the Saracen: and Jerusalem lost, after it had been in the possession of the Christians, and so continued the space of 88. years, & 80. days, from the time that Godfridus Bolonius did first win it from the Infidels.

After the receiving of those letters of pope Urbane above specified, both the king and archb. with all y ^• bishops of y ^• realm wer marvelously quailed, glad now to please. and speak fair to the Monks, promising all things to be done and restored to them aster the best sort. Neither was the king now and Archb. so submiss: but the Monks on the other side, were as brag and iocant, being fully assured that all now was their own. In the narratiō of which history (as it is set in Geruasius at large) this we have to note by the way in what fear & thralldom kings in those days were under the Pope, who could not be masters over their own subjects, but y ^t every pild Monk, or pelting Prior, upon virtue of their appeal to the Court of Rome, & making their house tributary to the Pope, was able not only to match, but to give checkmate to the best king Christened, as not in this story only may appear.

It followeth then in the story of these Monks, that as they were thus in the midst of their joy and iolity, suddenly cometh news of the death of Pope Urbane their great Calypha, and also how that Gregory 8. was placed in his room, who was a special friend & favorer of the archb. which as it did greatly encourage the king and the Archb. so the Monks on the other side were as much discomforted, so that now all was turned upside down. For whereas the king and the archb. before thought they had lost all, & were glad to compoūd with the monks, and to seek their favor: now were the Monks an the contrary side fain to crouch to the king, and glad to have a good countenance, who thē resorting to him, and finding him altered both in word and gesture, desired he would confirm & grant that which of late before he had promised. To whom it was answered again by the king, that seeing the archb. had granted to them their Sacrist, their Chamberlain, & their Cellerar, they should have no more restored of him, neither would he suffer the liberties and privileges of the archb. to be empayred or take any wrong. And as touching the new Chapel of S. Thomas (said he) whereaboutes ye strive so long, with the Canonships and other buildings, belonging thereto, the same I receive into my hands, so that none shall have anything to do therein but myself. &c. In like manner of the archb. such another like aūswear they received, & of the bishops little better. So y ^e monks sent away with a flee in their ear, went home again out of Normandy unto their Celle.

Now the Archb. having the Monks where as he would, wrought them much greuance, but that continued not very long. For within two months after & less, died pope Gregory 8. about the 16. day of December following. After whom succeeded Pope Clement 3. who following the steps of Urbane, bent all his power with the Monks against the Archb. sending diverse precepts and mandates in the yere next following, which was 1188. with an Imperious letter, willing & commanding him to desist from his oppression of the monks, & to throw down his new chapel. Wherupon the archb. made his appeal and minded to go to Rome: but was called back of the king, being ready to sails over. In the which yere Honorius the prior died at Rome of the plague, which was some help & comfort to the archb. For whom the archb. made Roger Noris Prior, against the wills of the Convent. After this about the latter end of the same yere, Pope Clement sent down his Legate called Radulfus a Cardinal, to Cant. with another letter more sharply written to the same effect unto the Archb. Ex hist. Geruasij.

Furthermore, in the year next after, which was 1189. he wrote also the third letter to him. In the which year also died king Henry 2. After whom succeeded king Richard his son, who joining likewise with the Archbyshop, took his part strongly against the said Monks. At last, after much a do on both partes, and after great disturbance, and imprisoning diverse of the Monks, king Richard preparing his viage toward Jerusalem, and studying first to set peace between them, consulted and agreed with the Bishops and Abbots about a final concord in this matter, between the Archb. and monks of Cant. which at length on both partes was made, upon these cōuentions as follow.

1. First, that Roger Noris should be deposed, whom the Archbishop had made Prior against their willes. Whome the king then at the request of the Archb. promoted to be Abbot of Eusham. 2. Item, that the Archbishop should pluck down his chapel, which he built in y ^e suburbs of Cant. against the minds of the Monks. 3. Item, that the foresaid monks should make profession of their obedience and subjection to the Archb. as they had done to his other predecessors before him. 4. Itē, as touching all other complaints and injuries (except only the Chapel, and deposition of Roger Noris the Prior) the monks should stand to the arbitrement of the king, of the Archb. and the Prelates. 5. Item, that the monks kneeling down before the king in the Chapter house, should ask the Archb. forgiveness. Which being done, they went altogether to the Church, & sang Te Deum for this reformation of peace. Ex veteri Chronico manuscripto & ex Geruasio.

The next day after y ^e Archb. coming into the Chapter, restored to the Convent their manors & farms again: also discharged the Prior which he had made before, desiring them likewise, that if he had offended them either in word or deed, they would from their heart remit him. This reconciliation being made between the Archb. and y ^t convent, then the Archb. going about to dissolve the building of his new Church, though he changed the place, yet thought not to change his intent, and therefore making exchaunge of lands with the Bishop and Monks of Rochester, purchased of them their ground in Lambeth an. 1191. which done, he came to his Clerks whom he had placed to be Canons in his new College of Hakingtō, and willed them to remove all their goods & furniture to Lambeth over against Westminster, where he erected for them another church, and there placed the said Canons. About which college of Lambeth afterward much trouble likewise ensued by the stirring of the said Monks of Cant. in the time of Hubert the archbish. in the reign of the said King Richard, and in the year of our Lord. 1196. Furthermore after the deposing of Roger Norys Pryor of Cant. aforesaid, Baldwyn the archb. enforesaid to grant them another Pryor by the assent of the king and of the Convent, assigned Olbernus to their Pryor, who had takē part before with the archbish, but the monks not pleased with him, after the death of Baldwine the Archb. removed him again.

And thus have you the tedious discourse of this Catholic tragedy, between the monks of Cant. and their Archb. scarce worth the rehearsal, Notwithstanding, this I thought to give y ^t reader to see, of purpose first to show forth unto the world the stout sturdines of this monkishe generatiō, who professing profound humility in their coat, what little humility they had in their heart, what pride & arrogancy in their conversation, and what hypocrisy in their religiō, this one example amongst a thousand other may give some experience, Secondly, that the posterity now may see, how little kings could then do in their own Realms, for the Pope. And thirdly, to the intent it may more notoriously appear to all readers, what strife and debate, what dissention and division, what little unity and concord hath always followed the popes Catholic church, wheresoever the corrupt religiō and usurped ambition of the pope prevailed. For not to speak only of this monkishe house of Cant. what Church Cathedral, Collegiate, or Conuentuall, what sea, Church Monastery or Chapel was under all the popes government, but ever there happened some variance, either between the king and the archb. as between K. William & Lancfranck king Henry 1. and Anselm, king Stephen and Richard, king Henry 2. and Becket, king John & Stephen Lancton, king Henry 3. and Boniface &c. or else between archb. and archb. for making profession, for caryeng y ^• Cross, for sitting on the right hand of the popes Legate. &c. or else between archbishops and their Suffragans, or between Archbishops and their Couentes, or between Bishops and monks, between Dean and the Chapter, between monks and secular Priests, monks of one sort against another, Friars of one order against another, students against Friers, towns men against scholars. &c. As for example, what discord was between the archb. Of Canterbury, and Richard archbish. of York. Between Lancfrancus and archb. Thomas, between Theobalde archb. of Cant. and Sylvester Abbot of S. Augustine's, between Walter of Christ's Church, and Sylvester Abbot aforesaid, between William archb. of Cant. and Jeremiah Prior of Cant. an. 1144. between the monks of Cant. and O do their Prior for translating the relics of Dunstane, between King Stephen and Roger bishop of Salisbury, the bishop of Lincoln, and Roger bishop of Eli his son. an. 1138. between Pope Innocent, and Anacletus the space of seven years, the Cardinals for money (saith Gernasius ) sometime holding with the one, sometime with the other, at at last the election was determined by a sore battle between Lotharius Emperor, & Rogerius Duke of Apulia. an. 1137. Also between pope Innocent. 4. and Frederick Emperor 2. between R. Henry 3. and William Rale bishop of Winchester, when the king had the gates of Winchester town to be shut against him. an. 1250. between Boniface Archbishop of Canterb. and Canons of S. Paul. Item, between the said Boniface and Monks of S. Bartholomew, who sat there in harnes in his visitation. an. 1250. between the Abbot of Westminster, and monks of the same house. an. 1251. Itē, between the foresaid William Rale Bishop of Winchester and Boniface archbishop of Canterbury for a priest of the Hospital in Soutwarke. an. 1252. between the said Boniface, and Canons of Lincoln after the death of Robert Grosthead, for giving of Prebends. an. 1253. between the monks of Coventry, and Canons of Lichfield, for choosing their bishop in the time of R. Henry 3.

And what should I speak of the discord, which cost so much money between Edmund archbishop of Canterb. and the monks of Rochester, for choosing Richard Wandour to be their bishop. an 1238. between Robert Grosted Bishop of Lyncolne, and Canons of the same house, for which both he and they were driven to travail to Rome, an. 1244. between Gilbert bishop of Rochester delegate to archbishop Baldwine, and Robert the Popes Legate for sitting on the right hand of the Legate in his council at Westminster, an. 1190. between the Abbot of Bardeney and the said Grosted, about the visitation of their Abbay. an. 1243. Item between the Convent of Canterb. & the said Robert bishop of Lyncolne. an. 1243. between Hugo B. of Durham, and Hubert Bishop of Sarum: and Geoffrey Archbishop of York, an. 1189. between William Bishop of Eli the kings Chancellor, & the Canons of York, for not receiving him with procession. an. 1190. between the Abbot of Westminster, and his Convent of Black monks, whom king Henry the 3. had much ado to still and agree. an. 1249. Item, between the foresaid bishop of Lincoln, & the Abbot of Westminster. Likewise between Nicolas bysh. of Durhā, and John Abbot of S. Albones. an. 1246. Also between Hubert archbishop of Canterbury and the monks there for the house of Lābeth. an. 1146. And what a stir was between the preaching Friars, and the gray Friers mentioned In. Math. Paris. for superiority, an. 1243. Also between the said gray Friars, and the Prelates and Doctors of Paris about ix. conclusions, and condemned of the Prelates to be erroneous.

• 1. Concerning the divine essence, that it cannot be seen of the angels or men glorified.
• 2. Concerning the essence of the holy Ghost.
• 3. Touching the proceeding of y ^e holy ghost, as he is love.
• 4. Whether men glorified shall be in coelo Empyreo, or in coelo Christallino.
• 5. That the evil Angel at his first creation was evil and never good.
• 6. That there have been many verities from the beginning, which were not God.
• 7. That an angel in one instant may be in diverse places.
• 8. That the evil angel never had whereby he might stand. no more had Adam in his state of innocence.
• 9. That he which hath meliora naturalia, y ^t is to say more perfect strength of nature working in him, shall have more full measure of necessity to obtayn grace and glory. To the which article the Prelates answering, did excommunicate the same as erroneous, affirming, that grace and glory shall be given according to that God hath elected and predestinate. &c. Ex Math. Paris. fol. 167.

In like manner between y ^• said Dominic Friars, & the gray Friars, what a brawl and tumulte was about y ^• Conceptiō of our Lady, whether she was without original sin conceived or not, in the reign of R. Henry vii & Kyng Henry viii. an. 1509. Ad moreover to these the 24. heinous schisms & not so few, which happened between Pope and Pope in the Church and Sea of Rome. But what do I stand to recite the devisions and dissensions the popes Church, which is as much almost as to reckon the sandes of the sea? For what Church, Chapter, or Convent was in all that Religion, which either had not some variance with themselves, or with others? Upon which continual strife and variance among them, the readers hereof may judge of them & their religion as pleaseth thē: In the mean time, my judgment is this: that where such dissention dwelleth, there dwelleth not the spirit of Christ.

These things thus discoursed touching the tragical dissention between Baldwyne archbishop and monks of Canterbury. Now to proceed (by the Lord's assistance) in conuocatiō of our story: After king Richard had thus, as is declared, set the monks and the Archbishop in some agreement, & had composed such things as were to be redressed within the realm, he advanceth forward his iorny, & came to Turon, to meet with Phillip the French king: & so after that went to Uizeliace, where the French R. and he joining together for y ^t more continuance of their journey, assured them selves by solemn oath, swearing fidelity one to the other: the form of whose oath was this:

But how slenderly this oath did hold between these 2. kings, and by whose chief occasion first it fell asunder, the sequel of the story (the Lord willing) shall declare hereafter.

Furthermore touching the laws and ordinances appointed by the king Richard for his nauy, the form thereof was this.

• 1. That who so killed any person on shypbord, should be tied with him that was slain and thrown into the sea.
• 2. And if he killed him on y ^t land, should in like manner be tied with the party slain, & be buried w ^t him in the earth.
• 3. He that shall be convicted by lawful witness to draw out his knife or weapon, to the intent to strike any man, or y ^t hath strickē any to the drawing of blood, shall lose his hand.
• 4. Also, he that striketh any person with his hand, w ^t out effusion of blood, shall be plunged three times in the sea.
• 5. Itē, who so speaketh any opprobrious or contumelius words, in reviling or cursing one another, for so oftentimes as he hath so reviled, shall pay so many vnces of silver.
• 6. Item, a thief, or felon that hath stolen, being lawfully converted, shall have his head shorn and boiling pitche poured upon his head, & feathers or down strawed upon the same, whereby he may be known, & so the first landing place they shall come to, there to be cast up. &c.

These things thus set in a readiness, king Richard sending his nauy by the Spanish seas, and by the straytes of Iubaltarie between Spain and Africa, to meet him at Marsilia, he himself went (as is said) to Uizeliace, to the French King. Which two kings from thence went to Lions, where the bridge over the flood Rhodanus, for press of people brake, and many both men & womē were drowned. By reason whereof the two. kings for the combraunce of their trains, were constrained to deceiver thenselves for time of their journey, appointing both to meet together in Sicilia: and so Phillip the French king took his way to Genua, & king Richard to Marsilia, where he remained 8. days, appointing there his nauy to meet him. Frō thence crossing over to Genua, where y ^e French king was, passed forward by the coast of Italy, and entered into Tiber not far from Rome, where meeting w ^t Octomanus Cardinal and Bishop of Hostia, he did cōplain greatly of the filthy Symonye of the pope and the Popes Court, for receiving vii. hundred Markes for cōsecrating the Bishop Cenomanensis: Also a thousand and five hundredth Markes of William Bishop of Eli for his office Legatiue. And likewise an infinite sum of money of the Bishop of Burdeaux, for acquitting him when he should be deposed for a certain crime laid to his charge by his Clergye. &c.

The vii. day of August, in the year aforesaid, R. Richard departed out of Marsilia, after he had there waited viii. days for his nauy, which came not, & so hyeryng xx. Gallyes, and x. great Barkes, to ship over his mē, sailed by the Coast of Italy, and came to Naples, & so partly by horse and wagon, partly by the sea passing to Falernum, came to Calabria, where after that he had heard, his ships were arrived at Messana in Sicilia, he made y ^e more speed and so the xxiii. of September sent to Messana, with such a noise of trumpets and shalmes, with such a route and show, that it was to the great wonderment and terror both of the French men, and all other that did hear and behold the sight.

To the said town of Messana the French king was come before the xvi. of the same month of September, and had taken up the Palace of Tancredus R. of Sicilia, for his lodging. To whom R. Richard after his arrival estsoones resorted, and when the two kings had communed together, immediately the same day the French R. took shypping and entering the seas, thinking to sail toward the land of Hierusalē. But after he was out of the haven, the wynd rising contrary against him returned him back again to Messana. Then R. Richard (whose lodging was prepared in the suburbs without the City) after he had resorted again, & talked with the French R. and also had sent to Tancredus R. of Sicilia for deliverance of Joan his sister (who had been sometimes Queen of Sicilia) and had obtained her to be sent unto him, the last day of September passed over the flood of Del far, and there getting a strong hold called De la Bagmare, or Le Bamre, and placing therein his sister with a sufficient garrison, he returned again to Messana. The second of October R. Richard wan another cercayne strong hold called Manasterium Griffonum, situated in the midst of the River of Del far, between Messana and Calabria, frō whence the Monks being expulsed, he reposed there all his story and prouisiō of victuals which came from England or other places.

The Citizens of Messana seeing that the R. of England had won the Castle and Island in De la Bagmare, and also the Monastery of the Griffones, & doubting lest the king would extēd his power farther to invade their city, & get if he could the whole Isle of Sicilia, begā to stir against the kings army, and to shut the English men out of the gates, and kept there walls against them. The Englishmen seeing that, made to the gates, and by force would have broken them open, in so much that the King riding among them with his staff, & breaking diverse of their heads, could not asswage their fierceness. Such was the rage of the Englishmen against the Citizens of Messana. The king seeing the fury of the people to be such as he could not stay them, took boat, & went to the Palace of K. Tancred to talk of the matter with the French king. In which mean time the matter was so taken up by the wise handling of the ancient of the city, that both partes laying down their armor went home in peace.

The fourth day of the said month of October came to king Richard the archbishop of Messana, with two other archbishops also with the French king, and sundry other Earls, Barons, and Bishops, for intreataunce of peace. Who as they were together consulting, & had almost concluded vpō the peace, the Citizens of Messana issuing out of the town, some went up upon the mountains; some with open force invaded the mansion or lodging of Hugh Brunne an English captayn. The noise whereof coming to the ears of the king, he suddenly breaking of talk with the French king and the rest, departed from them, & coming to his men, commanded thē forthwith to arm thē selves. Who then with certain of his soldiers making up to the top of a mountain (which seemed to pass their power to clime) there put the Citizens to flight, chasing thē down the mountayn, unto the very gates of y ^e City, whom also certain of the kings servants pursued within the Citty, of whō five valiant soldiers, and xx. of the kings servants were slain, the French king looking upon, and not once willing to rescue them, contrary to his oath and league before made with the king of England. For the French king with his men being there present, rode in the midst of them safely & without any harm, to and fro, and might well have eased the kings party, more then he, if it had so liked him.

This being known to the English host, how their fellows were slain, and the Frenchmen permitted in the city, & that they were excluded, & the gates barred against them, being also stopped frō buying of vittayle and other things, they upon great indignation gathered themselves in arms, brast opē the gates, and scaled the walls, and so winning the Citty, set up their flagges with the English arms upon the walls. Which when the French king did see, he was mightily offended, requiring the king of England, that the arms of France might also be set up & joined with his. But king Richard to that would in no case agree. Notwithstanding to satisfy his mind, he was contented to take down his arms, and commit the custody of the City to the Hospitallaries and Templaries of Jerusalem, till the time that Tancrede king of Sicilia and he should agree together upon conditions.

These things being done, the v. & vi. day of October, it followed thē vpō the viii, day of the same month of October, that peace among y ^e kings was concluded. In which peace first king Richard and Phillip the French king, renewed again their oath and league before made concerning their mutual aid and society during the time of that peregrination. Secondly, peace also was concluded between king Richard, and Tancred king of Cicilia aforesaid with the conditions, that the daughter of Tancreda in case (King Richard should die without issue) should mary to Arthure Duke of Britain, the kings nephew, and next heir to his crown. &c. whereof a formal charte was drawn and letters sent thereof to Pope Clement being dated the the ix. day of November.

In this mean time, as these two kings of France and England were thus wyntering at Messana, Frederick Emperor first of that name (the same, on whose neck Pope Alexander did tread in the Church of Venice, saying the verse of the Psalm Super aspidem & basiliscum ambulabis &c. whereof read before pag. 205.) and his son Conradus, with a mighty army of Almanus and others, were coming up likewise toward the land of Hierusalē, to the siege of Achon: where by the way the good Emperor, through a great mischaunce falling of his horse into a River called Salef, was therein drowned. After whose decease Conradus his son taking the government of his army, came to the siege of Achō, in which siege also he died. Upon whose coming such a dearth followed in the camp which lasted two months, that a loaf of bread, which before there coming was sold for i. penny, was afterward sold for iii. pound, By reason whereof many Christiā soldiers did there perish through famine. The chiefest food which the princes there had to feed upon was horse flesh. This famine being so miserable, some good bishops there were in the campe, namely Hubert Bishop of Salisbury, with certain other good Bishops; who making a general collection through the whole campe for y ^e poor; made such provision, that in such penury of all things, yet no mā was so destitute, & needy, but somewhat he had for his relief, till within a few days after by the merciful providence of God (who is the feeder of all creatures) shyppes came unto them with a boūdance of corn, wine and oil.

The siege of this town of Achon endured a long season, which as it was mightily oppugned by the Christians, so it was strongly defended by the Saracens, specially by help of wild fire, which the Latins do call Ignem Graecū, so that great slaughter there was on both sides. During the time of which siege, many noble personages & also bishops died, among whō was Conradus the Emperors son, Rādulph Earl of Fougeres, the Earl of Pericio, Robert Earl of Leicester, Baldwine archbishop of Canterbury with four Archbishops, and diverse other Bishops and Abbots and Earls and Barons to the mumber of 34. and not so few. All this while king Richard & King Phillip of France, still kept at Messana in Sicilia, from the month of September till April, for lack (I suppose) of wind or weather, or else for necessity of repayryng their shyppes. In which mean time king Richard hearing of Joachim Abbot of Curacio a learned man in Calabria (who was thē thought to have y ^e spirit of prophesy, & told many things of a people that should come) sent for him, with whom he & his Bishops had much conference about the coming & time of Antichrist. This Joachim belike in his book and Revelations uttered some things against the Sea and pride of Rome: for the which he was less favored of the popes, & judged an enemy to their Sea, and so by pope Innocent the 3. was condemned w ^t his books for an heriticke, in his Idolatrous general Council of Lateran. an. 1215. as ye may read in Antoninus.

After this Henricus king of Almanes, son of Frederick the Emperor hearing of the decease of his father, standing now to be Emperor, first restoreth to Hen. Duke of Saxony, and to others, whatsoever his father before had takē from them. That done he sent to Clement & his Cardinals, promising in all things to confirm the laws and dignities of the Church of Rome, if they would grant him their assent to be Emperor. Wherupon pope Clement by advise of the Romaines assigned him the term of Easter in the next year ensuing for his coronation. But before y ^t Easter came. P. Clement died, after he had sit 3. years and about 4. months. After whom succeeded Celestinus the 3. Of whom more hereafter, God willing.

The time thus passing over in the month of February, the next year following, which was of the Lord. 1191. king Richard sent over his Galleyes to Naples, there to meet his mother Alinore, and Berengaria the daughter of Samctius king of Navarre, whom he was purposed to mary. Who by that time were come to Brindisi, under the conduct of Phillip Earl of Flanders, & so proceeding unto Naples, there found the kings ships, wherein they sailed to Messana. In this mean space king Richard shown himself exceeding bounteous and liberal to all men. To the French king first he gave diverse ships: vpō others likewise he bestowed rich rewards, and of his treasures and goods he distributed largely to his soldiers and servants about him. Of whom it was reported that he distributed more in one month, then ever any of his predecessors did in a whole year: by reason whereof he purchased great love and favor, which not only redounded to the advancement of his fame, but also to his singular use and profit, as the sequel afterward proved.

To proceed then in the progress of king Richard it followeth. In the first day of the month of march, he leaving the city of Messana where the French king was, went to Cathniensium, a City where Tancredus Kyng of Sicilia then lay, where he was honorable received, & there remained w ^t king Tancred 3. days & 3. nights. On the fourth day when he should depart, the foresaid Tancredus offered him many riche presents in gold and silver, and precious silks, whereof king Richard would receive nothing, but one little ring for a token of his good will. For y ^e which king Richard again gave to him a rich sword. At length when R. Richard should take his leave, king Tancredus would not so let him part, but needs would give him 4. great ships, and 15. Galeys: and furthermore, he himself would needs, accompanye him the space of two days journey to a place called Tauenium.

Then the next morning when they should take their leave, Tancredus declared unto him y ^e message which the French king a little before, had sent unto him by the Duke of Burgundy, the contents whereof was this:

To whom Richard the king protested again, that he was no traitor, nor never was: and as touching the peace begun between them, the same should never be broken thorough him: neither could he believe, that the French king, being his good Lord and his sworn compartiner in that voyage, would utter any such words by him. Which when Tancredus heard, he bringeth forth the letters of the French R. sent to him by the Duke of Burgundy, affirming moreover, that if the Duke of Burgundy would deny the bringing of the said letters, he was ready to try with him by any of his Dukes. King Richard receiving the letters & mu • ing not a little vpō the same, returneth again to Messana. The same day that king Richard departed, y ^e French king cometh to Tauermum to speak with Tancredus, & there abode with him that night, and on the morrow returned to Messana again.

From that time king Richard moved in stomach against king Phillip, never showing any gentle countenance of peace and amity, as he before was wont. Whereat the French K. greatly marueiling, and enquiring earnestly what should be the cause thereof, word was sent him again by Phillip Earl of Flaunders, what words he had sent to the king of Sicilia, & for the testimony thereof the letters were shown which he wrote by the Duke of Burgundy, to the king of Sicilia. Which when the French king understood, first he held his peace as gilty in his conscience, not knowing well what to answer. At length turning his tale to another matter, he began to quarrel with king Richard, pretending as though he sought causes to break with him, and to malign him: and therefore he forged these lies (said he) upon him, and all because he by that means would void to marry with Alice his sister, according as he had promised: Adding moreover, that if he would so do, and would not mary the said Alice his sister, according to his oath, but would marry another, he would be an enemy to him and his, while he lived.

To this king Richard said again, that he could by no means mary that woman, for so much as his father had carnal copulation with her, & also had by her a son: for proof whereof he had there presently to bring forth diverse and sundry witnesses to the kings face, to testify with him. In conclusion through counsel and persuasion of diverse about the French king, agreement at last was made, so y ^t king Phillip did acquire king Richard from his bond of marrying his sister, and king Richard again should be bound to pay to him every year for the space of v. years, two thousand marks, with certain other conditions besides, not greatly material in this place to be deciphred. And thus peace being between them concluded, the 28. day of the said month of March, the French king launching out of the haven of Messana, in the 22. day after in Easter week came with his army to the siege of Achon.

After the departure of the French king from Messana, (king Richard with his army yet remaining behind) arrived Queen Alinore y ^e kings mother, bringing with her Bernegera the king of Nauarres daughter to be espoused to king Richard. Which done, Alinore leaving Bernegera behind her, departed, taking her iorny toward Rome, to entreat the pope for Gaufrious her other son above mentioned, to be consecrated in the archbishoprick of York, being before elected by the procurement of king Richard his brother, as ye heard. In which mean time as Queen Alinorie was trauiling toward Rome, Pope Clement above mentioned died about the 6. day of April, in whose room succeeded pope Celestinus the 3. who the next day after his consecration, came from Lateran to S. Peters church, wherein the way meeteth him Henricus the Emperor, & Constantia his wife, with a great route of armed soldiers. But the Romans making fast their gates, would not suffer them to enter their City. Then pope Celestine standing upon the stairs before the church door of s. Peter, received an oath of the said Henricus king of the Almains (his army waiting without) that he should defend the church of God, & all the liberties thereof, & maintain Justice, also to restore again the patrimony of S. Peter full and whole, whatsoever hath been diminished thereof, & finally y ^t he should surrender to y ^e church of Rome again, the city of Tusculanū. &c. Upon these conditions and grauntes then the pope took him to the Church, and there annointed him for Emperor, & his wife for Empresse, who there sitting in his chair pontifical, held the crown of gold between his feet, and so the Emperor vowing down his head to the popes feet: received the crown: and in like manner the Empresse also. The crown thus being set upon the Emperors head, the Pope estsoones w ^t his foot stroke it off again frō his head unto the ground, declaring thereby that he had power to depose him again, in case he so deserved. Then the Cardinals taking up the crown set it upon his head again. Ex veteri Chronico manuscripto anonimo, De gestis Richardi regis cui initiū: Anno gratiae &c. Item ex alio eiusdem vetustatis Chronico manuscripto, cui initium. Aeneas cum Ascanio. &c.

Not long after the departure of king Phillip frō Messana, which was in the month of march, king Richard in April following, about the xx. day of the said month, sailing frō the haven of Messana, with an 150. great ships, & 53 great Baleis well manned and appointed, took his iorny toward Achon. who being vpō the seas, on good Friday about the 9. hour rose a mighty Southwinde with a winpest, which disseuered and scattered all his nauy, some to one place, and some to another. The king with a few ships was driven to the I will of Creta, and there before the haven of Rhodes cast an anker. The ship that carried the kings sister Queen of Sicilia, and Bernegera the king of Nauarres daughter, with 2. other ships were drivē to the I will of Cyprus. The king making great mone for the shyp of his sister, & Bernegera his wife y ^t should be, not knowing where they were become, after the tempest was ouerblowen sent forth his Galleys diligently to search y ^e rest of his nauy dispersed, but especially for the ship wherein his sister was, & the maid̄ whō he should mary, who at length were found safe and merry at the porte of Lunszem in the ile of Cyprus. Notw ^t standing the ii. other ships which were in their company before in the same havē, were drowned, with diverse of the kings servants & men of worship, amongst whom was M. Roger, called Maws Catulus, the kings Uice chauncellor, who was found having the kings seal hanging about his neck. The king of Ciprus was then Isakius (called also the Emperor of the Griffones) who took and imprisoned all Englishmen which by shipwreck were cast upon his land: also inuegled into his hands the goods & prises of them which were found drowned about his coasts, neither would suffer the ship wherein the two Ladies were to enter within the porte.

The tidings of this being brought to king Richard, he in his great wrath gathering his Galleys & ships together, bordeth the land of Cyprus, where he first in gentle wise signifieth to king Isakius, howe he with his Englishmen, coming as strangers to the supportation of y ^e holy land, were by distress of wether driven upon his bounds, & therefore with all humble petion besought him in God's behalf, and for reverence of the holy Cross: to let go such prisoners of his which he had in captivity, and to restore again the goods of them which were drowned, as he detained in his hands, to be employed for the behouse of their souls. &c. And thus the king once, twice, & thrice, desired of the Emperor. But he proudly answering again, sent the king word, that he neither would let the captives go, nor render the goods of them which were drowned &c.

When king Richard heard this, how little the Emperor Isakius made of his so humble and honest petition, and how nothing there could be gotten without violent force, estsoones giveth commandment through all his host, to put themselves in armor and to follow him, to revenge such injuries received of that proud and cruel K. of Cyprus, willing them to put their trust in God, and not to misdoubt but the Lord would stand with them, and give them the victory. The Emperor in the mean time with his people stood warding the Sea coasts, where the Englishmen should ariue, with swords, bills, and launces, and such other weapons as they had, setting boardes, stools, and chestes before thē instead of a walle. Nowheir but few of them were harnessed, and for the most part all unexpert, & unskillful in the feats of war. Thē king Richard w ^t his soldiers issuing out of their ships, first set his bowmen before, who with their shot made a way for other to follow. The Englishmen thus winning the land upon them, so fiercely pressed vpō the Griffones, that after long fighting and many blows, at last the Emperor was put to flight, whom king Richard valiantly pursued, and slue many, and diverse he took alive, and had gone near also to have the Emperor, had not the night come on & parted the battle. And thus K. Richard with much spoil & great victory returning to the Porte town of Lym • zem, which the townesmen had left for fear, found there great abundance of corn, wyne, oil, and vittayles.

The same day after the victory got, Joan the kings sister, and Bernegera the maiden, entered the Port and town of Lime • zem, with L. great ships, and xiv. Galliots: So that all the whole nauye there meeting together were CCLiiij. talle ships, and above 60. Galliots. Thē Isakius the Emperor seeing no way for him to escape by the Sea, the same night pitched his tents v. miles of from the English army, swearing that the third day after he would sure give battle to king Richard. But he preventing him before, suddenly the same morning before the day of battle should be, setteth upon the tents of the Griffones early, they being unawares and a sleep, & made of them a great slaughter, in so much that the Emperor was fain naked to run away: leaving his tents and pauilions to the English men, full of horses and rich treasure, also with the Imperial standard, the lower part whereof with a costly stremer was covered and wrought all with gold. King Richard then returning with victory and triumph to his sister, and Bernegera, shortly after in the month of May next following, and the 12. day of the said month, married the said Bernegera daughter of Rācon king of Navarre, in the Isle of Cyprus, at Lymeszen.

The king of Cyprus seeing himself overmatched, was driven at length to yield himself with conditions, to give king Richard xx. thousand marks in gold, for amends of such spoils, as he had got̄ of them that were drowned: Also to restore all his captives again to the king: And furthermore he in his own person to attend upon the king to the land of Jerusalem, in God's service and his, with CCCC. horsemen, and v. hundredth footmen: in pledge whereof he would give to his hands his Castles, and his only daughter, & would hold his kingdom of him. This done, and the Emperor swearing fidelity to king Richard, before Guido king of Jerusalem, and the Prince of Antioch (who were come thither to king Richard a little before) peace was taken, and Isakius committed to the ward of certain keepers. Notwithstanding shortly after he breaking from his keepers, was again at defiance with the king. Whereupon K. Richard besetting the Ileland of Cyprus round about with ships and Galleyes, did in such sort prevail, that the subjects of the land were constrained to yield themselves to the K. and at length the daughter also of the Emperor, & at last the Emperor himself, whom king Richard caused to be kept in fetters of silver and gold, and to be sent to the City of Tripolis.

These things thus done, and all set in order touching the possession of the Isle of Cyprus: the keeping whereof he committed to Radulfe son of Godfrey Lord Chamberlayne, being then the first day of June, upon the v. of y ^e said month, king Richard departed from the Isle of Cyprus with his ships and galleyes toward the siege of Achon, & on the next morrow came to Tyrus, where by procurement of the French K. he was constrained by the cititizens to enter. The next day after, which was the vi. day of June, crossing the Seas, he met with a great Bark, fraught with soldiers and men of war to the number of a thousand and five hundredth, which pretendyng to be Frenchmē, and setting forth their flag with the French arms, were in deed Saracens secretly sent with wild fire & certain barrelles of unknown serpentes, to the defense of the town of Achon. Which K. Richard at length perceiving, estsoones set vpō them, and so vanquished them, of whō the most were drowned, & some taken alive. Which being once known in the Citty of Achō, as it was a great discomfort to them, so it was a great help to the Christians for winning the city. The next day after, which was the vii. of June, Kyng Richard came to Achon, which at that time had been long besieged of the Christians. After whose coming it was not long, but the Pagans within the Citty, seeing their walls to be undermined and towers overthrown, were driven by cōmposition to escape with life & lymme, to surrender the Citty to the two kings. An other great help, to the Christians in winning the City was this. In the said Citty of Achon there was a secret Christian among the Saracens, who in time of the siege there, used at sundry times to cast over the walls into the camp of the Christians certain bills writ̄ in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, wherein he disclosed to the Christians, frō time to time, the doings and counsels of the enemies, advertising them how and what way they should work, & what to beware. And always his letters began thus: In nomine patris, & filij, & spiritus sancti. Amen. By reason whereof y ^e Christians were much advantaged in their proceedings. But this was a great heaviness unto them, that neither he would utter his name, or when the City was got they could ever understand who he was. Ex Chronico manuscripto, De gestis Richardi.

To make of a long siege a short narration, upon the 12. day of July the year aforesaid, the Princes and captains of the Pagans, upon agreement resorted to y ^• tent of the Templaries, and to common with the two kings touching peace, & giving up of their city: y ^e form of which peace was this: That the kings should have the city of Achon freely, and fully delivered to thē with all which was therein, and five hundredth captives of the Christians should be restored to them, which were in Achon. Also the holy Cross should be to thē rendered, and a thousand Christiā captives, with 2. hundredth horsemen, whosoever they thē selves would choose out of all thē which were in the power of Saledine. Ouer and besides, they should give to the kings 200. thousand Bysāts, so y ^t they thenselves would remain as pledges in the kings hands, for the performance hereof, that if in xl. days these foresaid couenaunces were not accomplished, they would abide the kings mercy touching life and limb. These couenaunces being agreed upon, the kings sent their soldiers and servants into the City, to take a C. of the richest and best of the City, to close them up in towers under strong keeping, and the residue they committed to be kept in homes and streets, ministering to them according to their necessities: to whom notwithstanding this they permitted, that so many of thē as would be baptized & receuie the faith of Christ, should be free to go whether they would. Wherupon many there were of the Pagans, which for fear of death, pretended to be baptized, but afterward so soon as they could, revolted again to the Saladine. For the which it was afterward commanded by the kings, that none of thē should be baptized against their willes.

The 13. day of the said month of July, King Phillip of France, and king Richard, after they had obtained the possession of Achon, divided between thē, all things therein contained, as well the people as gold & silver, with all other furniture whatsoever was remaining in the Citty: who in deviding the spoil were so good carvers to themselves, y ^t many Knightes and Barons with other soldiers, who had there sustained the whole travail 2. years together about the siege, seeing the kings to take all to thenselves and there part to be but little, retracted themselves without the uttermost trench, and there after consultation had together, sent word to the kings that they would leave and forsake them, unless they were made partakers also of the gains, for the which they had so long travailed. To whom answer was sent again by the kings, that their wills should be satisfied. Howbeit because of long differring of their promise, many constrained by poverty departed from them.

The xx. day of July king Richard speaking with the French king, desired him that they two with their armies, would bind thenselves by oth to remain there still in the land of Hierusalē the space of 3. years, for the winning and recovering again of those coūtries. But he would swear (he said) no such oth: and so the next day after K. Richard with his wife and sister entereth into the city of Achon, and placed there himself in the kings Palace: the French K. remaining in the houses of the Templaries, where he continued till the end of y ^t month. So about the beginning of the month of August, Phillip the French king, after that he and king Richard had made agreement between Guido and Conradus the Marques, about the kingdom of Jerusalem, went frō Achon to Tyrus: notwithstanding king Richard, & all the Princes of the Christiā army with great entreaty desired him to tarry, showing what a shame it were for him to come so far, & now to leave undone y ^t , for which he came, & on the 3. of August frō Tyrus departed, leaving his half part of the city of Achon in the hands of the foresaid Conradus Marques. After whose departure the Pagans refused to keep their couenaunts made, who neither would restore y ^e holy cross nor the money, nor their captives, sending word to king Richard, y ^t if he beheaded the pledges left with him at Achon, they would chop of the heads of such captives of y ^e Christians: which were in their hands. Shortly after this the Saladine sending great gifts to king Richard, requested y ^e times limited for beheading of the captives to be proroged: but the king refused to take his gifts, and to grant his request. Whereupō the Saladine caused all the Christian captives within his possession forthwith to be beheaded: which was the xviii. day of August. which albeit K. Richard understood, yet would not he prevent the time afore limited for the execution of his prisoners, being the xx. day of August. Upō which day he caused the prisoners of the Saracens, openlie in the sight of the Saladines army to lose their heads: the number of whom came to two thousand and five hundredth, save only that certain of the principal of thē he reserved for purposes & considerations, especially to make exchaunge for the holy cross, and certain other of the Christian captives.

After this king Richard purposed to besiege the Citty of Ioppe. • o hereby the way between Achou and Ioppe, near to a Town called Assur: Saladine with a great multitude of his Saracens, came fiercely against the kings reareward, but through God's merci • ull grace; in y ^e same battle the kings warriors aquitted them so well, that the Saladine was put to flight (whom the Christians pursued the space of iii. miles) & lost the same day many of his nobles and captaynes, in such sort (as it was thought) that the Saladine was not put to such confusion xl. years before: and but one Christian captain called James Auernus in that conflict was overthrown. From thence king Richard proceeding further went to Ioppe and thē to Askelon, where he found first the city of Ioppe forsaken of y ^• Saracens, who durst not abide the kings coming. Ascalō the Saladine threw down to the ground, & likewise forsook the whole land of Syria, through all which land the king had free passage without resistance: neither durst the Sarazen prince encounter after that with K. Richard. Of all which his acheuances the said king Richard sent his letters of certificate as well into England, as also to the Abbot of Clara Ualle in France, well hoping that he (God willing) should be able to make his repair again to them by Easter next.

A brief story of William Bishop of Eli the Kynges Chancellor.

ANd now to leave king Richard a while in the field, let us make a step into England, and look a little what is done at home while the king was abroad, and so return to the king again. Ye heard before how king Richard at his setting forth, committed the government of the realm to Hugo Bishop of Durham, and to Williā Bishop of Eli, so that to the bishop of Durham was committed the keeping of the Castle of Wyndsore: the other, which was the Bishop of Eli, had the keeping of y ^e tower of Londō, about which he caused a great ditch with a rāpear to be cast, which is yet remaining. Furthermore to these 2. Bishops, the king also assigned 4. other chief Justices, which jointly with them should have the hearing and oversight of all causes as well to the clergy as the layty appertaining: to wit, Hugh Bardolfe, William Marshall, Geoffrey Peterson, and William Bruer. But the bishop of Eli was the principal, or at least, he that took most upon him. Who both was the kings Chancellor, and bought with his money to be the popes Legate through England, Ireland, & Scotland, as is before specified. Touching the excessive pride and pomp of which Bishop, his ruffings outrageous, & fall most shameful, it would make a long tragedy to discourse the whole circumstances at full: Only to demonstrate certain specialties thereof for our present purpose, it may suffice.

First, this William called Longchamp being thus advanced by the king to be his high Chancellor, and chief Justice of the realm, and also the popes Legate, to show abroad the authority of his Legatshyp, began to suspend the Canons, Clerks, & Uicares of the Church of s. Peter in York, because they received him not with processiō: under which interdiction he held them, til they were fain at last, both Canons, Clerks, and Uicares to fall down at his foot, causing all their belles to be let down out of y ^e steple. After this cometh Hugo bishop of Durham, whō the king sent home out of Normandy w ^t his letters, who meeting with the foresaid William Bishop of Eli in the town of Blye, shown him y ^e kings letters, wherein was granted to him the keeping of Windsore Castle, and to be the kings Justice from the river of Humber, to the borders of Scotland. To the which letters the Chancellor answered, that the kings commandment should be done, and so brought him with him to Suwell, where he took him and kept him fast, til he was forced at last to surrender to him the Castle of Wyndsore, & other things which the king had committed to his custody, & moreover was constrained to leave with the said Chancellor Henry de Puteaco his own son, & Gilbert Ley for pledges & hostages of his fidelity, to be true to the king and the realm. And thus the bishop of Durham being set at liberty, went to his town of Houedē. Where after he had made his abode a few days, cometh thither Osbert Longchamp y ^e Chancellors brother, and William Stutiuill, with a great company of armed men sent by the Chancellor to apprehend him. But the said Bishop of Durham putting in sureties not to depart that town without the license of the king & of the Chancellor, there still remained, till he got letters to be sent to the Kyng, signifying how he was used. Wherupon the king writing his letters from Marsilia to the bish. of Eli, set the said bishop of Durham free, & confirmed to him all the possessions and grauntes that he before had given him.

It is almost incredible to think how intemperatly this bishop and Chancellor misused himself after the kings departure into Siria in excess of pride, and in cruel exactions and oppressions of the kings subjects. First his fellow Justices, whō the king joined with him for government of the realm, he utterly rejected & refused to hear their counsel, reputing none to be equal with him in all the realm. Neither was he contented with the authority of a Prelate, but played both king and priest in the realm. All Castles, Lordships, Abbayes, Churches, and all other appropriations belonging to the right of the king, he claimed to himself, and by virtue of his Legatship, whē he came to any bishops house, Abbay, Priory, or any other Religious house, he brought with him such a superfluity of men, horses, dogs, & hauks, that the house was worse for it 3. years after. For commonly he rode never under a 1500. horses of Chaplaynes, Priests, and other serving mon waiting upon him. From the clergy & laytie he took away their Churches, their vow • ans, their livings, and lands, to bestow upon his nephews, & other waiting Chaplaynes to serve his vain glory, or else converted thē to his own use, to maintain his pomp & vanity. In getting and gathering of treasures he had no measure, in misspending the same he kept no order. And that no vice should be wanting where such avarice taketh root, the money which he wrongfully got, he committed to the bank, to be increased by usury. What wantonness and laciuiousnes was used in that so riotous life, the stories do shame to declare it. All ruffenly runagates, idle belies, & light persons, wheresoever he went, hanged upon his Court. To increase the vain iolity of this royal Prelate, there was lacking no kind of Musicall instruments & melodious noise, to refresh belike his weryed senses to much beaten and macerated with continual labor and study of hunting, hawking, and gaming: of preaching, and reading I should have said.

Briefly this foresaid Prelate, bearing the authority both of the king and of the pope, kept such a stir in England, that all the whole realm was at his beck, with cap and knee crouching to him, Neither durst any man rich or poor displease him. Yea none in all the realm so noble or worshipful, but was glad to please him, accounting thenselves happy if they might stand in his favor. At his table all noble men's children did serve and wait upon him, w ^t whom he coupled in marriage his nieces and kinswomē. And when any that stood waiting before him, durst once cast up his eyes, or did not dimurely look downward upon y ^e ground, he had a staff in hand with a prick, wherewith he used to prick thē, learning belike by the carter his father, which used at the plough or carte to drive his oxen. Furthermore, as kings use to have their gard about thē, so he because he would not also be vngarded, refusing men of the English nation, had his waiters and warders most of Frenchmen and Fleminges.

It happened after this, in the year 1191. that a great discord rose between John Earl of Mortō the kings brother, with other states of the realm, and the said William bishop of Eli, so that universally they all wrote over to y ^e king concerning the misgouernmēt & enormities of y ^e said Bishop. Who understanding of the case, sent from Mesiana into Eng. Walter archb. of Roan, and William Marshall Earl, unto the Bish. of Eli with letters, commandyng him that in all his doings he should associate unto him the said Archb. of Roan, W. Mareshall, Geffry Peterson, W. Bruer, and Hugh Bardolfe above mentioned. Who whē they came into England, durst not deliver their letters, dreading the displeasure of the Chancellor: for he despised all the commandments of the king, nor would suffer any fellow to join with him in his kingdom.

Hitherto have you heard of the glorious vanity of this lordly Legate and Chancellor of the realm, now ye shall hear of his shameful fall, after his shameless exaltation. For shortly after this followeth another breach between the said Earl John the kings brother and him, about y ^• besieging of the Castle of Lincoln. Concerning y ^t which castle the said John sent him word, y ^t unless he raised his siege the sooner frō thence, he would send him away by force of sword. The bish. either not able to make his party good, or not daring to resist, thought best to fall to some composition with the Earl, and so did. In which composition, he was contented against his will, by mediation of diverse bishops and others, to make surrender, not only of the castle of Lincoln, but also of Nottingham, of Tickhill, Walingford & many moe, which were then committed to the custody of sundry men of worship and honor. And thus was that controversy agreed, wherein the bishop of Eli began a little to be cut shorter.

It followed then not long after in the same year, that another like business began to kindle between Geoffrey the Archb. of York the Kings brother, and the foresaid glorious bishop of Eli, vpō this occasion. Ye heard before how the king at his setting out, left order that Earl John and Geoffrey his brethren, should not enter into the realm the space of iii. years after his departure (howbeit his brother John was shortly after released of that bond:) and also after that howe K. Richard being at Messana, sent his mother Alinore to the Pope for his brother Geoffrey (elected before to the See of York) to be consecrated Archbishop. whereupon the said Geoffrey being consecrated through license of Pope Celestine by the Archb. of Turon, the said Geoffrey •••• oones after his consecration deferred no time, but would needs come into England. Wherof the bishop of Eli having intelligence, sent him word being at Wissand in Flaunders not to presume to adventure into the realm, contrary to his oath made to K. Richard before: commanding moreover, that if he came, he should be apprehended. All which notwithstanding the Archb. letted not for all that, but needs would repair to his sea, & so arrived at Dover in the month of September, where the Chancelours men stood on the sea side to apprehend him. But he by changing his apparel and swiftness of his horse escaped their hands, & came to the monks house of Dover. But the Chancelors men whom he sent to take him, beset the church of the Monks round about, so that in no wise he could avoid their hands.

To make the story short, as the archb. on a day, when he had said mass was standing at the altar, with his garments yet about him, the rude soldiers having little good manners, & less devotion, spared not boldly to rush into y ^e church, and there laid hands upon the Archb. as he stood: took him, bound him & dragged him through dirt & mire, (and as we use to say) through thick and thin, and so committed him to Matthew Clerke their constable to be kept: whereat the people greatly disdained, seeing him that was a kings son, and the brother of a king so to be entreated. The hearing whereof when it came to the • ares of Earl John his brother, he being not a little offended therewith, sent to know of the Chancelor whether this was his doing or not. To whom when the Chancellor sent answer again, & stoutly confessed the fact to be his, then the Earl sent commandment that his brother should be delivered, and so he was. Who then coming to London, made his complaint to the Earl his brother, and to other nobles of the realm, of the injuries done to him by the Chancelor. Wherupon the Earl sent for the said Chancelor, & appointed a day peremptory for him to appear before the whole body of the Counsel, to make answer to such injuries as he had done, both to the Archb. of York, and also to the bishop of Durham above mentioned. But the Chancellor driving of the time with delays, would neither come nor send. Then the Earl with the Bishops about him, made their journey toward London, to have the matter there handled in greater audience.

The Chancelor seeing that, withdrew himself from Windsore to the City of London. Where by the way it happened that the servants of the Earl and of the Chancelor, meting, did skirmish together. In which fray one of the Erles family was slain, but yet his men had the better, and the Chauncelor w ^t his men were put to flight, and so fled to the tower, where they did hide themselves. The next day after (which was about the 12. day of October) Earl John the kings brother, and the Archb. of Roan, w ^t all the bishops, Erles and Barons, and citizens of London assembled together in Paul's Church, where many & great accusations were laid against the said Chancelor, so that in fine it was agreed in that assembly, that the said Chancelor should be deposed, and in his place was substitute the Archb. of Roan, according to the tenor of y ^e kings letters sent from Messana, which was, that certain other persons should be associated with y ^e Chancelor for the government of the realm, by whose counsel if he would not be directed, the Arch. of Roan should be set in his place, and he to be deposed. The third day after this, the Chancelor firmly promised, not to depart out of the realm before he had delivered out of his hands all such castles, the keeping whereof he co • mmitted to certain foreigners and strangers, & for assurance thereof, he gave his two brethren and Chamberlain for pledges, and so went to Canterbury, where he said he would take the cross of a Pilgri •• , and leave the cross of his Legateship.

Now when he was come to the Castle of Dover, and there had remained a few days, contrary to his promise made, his purpose was to take shyp, and to pass over the Seas. And because he durst not do it openly, he devised a new kind of disguising, decking himself in the apparel of a woman, and so as gouty as he was, went to the sea side in his woman's weed, having in his hand a met ya • de, and on his arm a piece of linen cloth. And thus as he was sitting upon a rock waiting for his ship to come, and to convey him over, a certain fisherman cipying him, and supposing the same to be a harlot, came to him, & so with struggling with him, found him, as he was in deed to be a man in likeness of a woman. Whereat he wondered, and began to make an outcry upon him. But the bishops servants being not far off, came running and stilled him as well as they could.

The fisherman then going to the next village, & there belike declaring what he had s • ne, to try out y ^• matter further, came out certain women, who seeing the linen cloth hanging at his arm, began to question with him of the price of his cloth, & what he would take for it. But to this he would answer never a word, but smiled upon them. Whereat they musing with themselves, & whispering one w ^t another, at last with their hands were so bold to pluck down his nui •• ler, and there by his beard new shaven, found him in deed to be a man, & so with a loud exclamation raised the village upon him, and would have fallen upon him with stones. Then came running a great multitude both of men and women, who wondering at him, as birds are wont at an Owl, laid hands upon him, and plucked him down to the ground, hailing & drawing him by the sleeves and collar of his gown through stones and rocks, whereby he was shreudly hurt. His servants once or twice made out to rescue their old master, or new mistress, but could not for the preace of the people, who beating him with their fistes, and spitting at him, drew him through the whole town, and so with shame enough at length laid him in a dark cellar in stead of a prison. Of whom all the country about wondered & cried out. In conclusion Earl John hearing thereof, within 8. days after sent word, that they should deliver him, and let him go.

The bishop then set at liberty, sailed over as he could, to Flaunders, where he had but cold welcoming. From thence he went to Paris, where he gave Mauricius their bishop 60. Markes of silver, to be received in, with procession, & so he was. Then returned he into Normandy. But the Archbishop of Roan there gave commandment, that the Church doors should be locked, and no service said so long as he there remained. The bishop seeing that, directeth his letters and messengers to Pope Celestine, and also to king Richard into Syria, signifying to them howe John the erle of Morton and his complices had handled him, and expulsed him out of the realm, requiring that he might be restored again to that was taken from him: and also offering himself to be tried by the law for that he had done, so that if the king should dislike in anything that he had done, he was ready to satisfy the kings contentation in all things wherein justly he could be charged.

Upon this pope Celestine inflamed with an Apostolical zeal in the behalf of the said Bishop of Eli his Legate, wrote a sharp and thundering letter to the Archb. bishops, and prelates of England, commanding them by his authority Apostolical, that for so much as the injuries done to his Legate, did redounde to the contumely of the whole mother church of Rome, they should not fail therefore, but with severe censures of the Church, that is, with book, bell, and candle, proceed as well against the foresaid John Earl of Morton, as also all other, who so ever had, or should attempt any violence or injury against the said his legate B. of Eli, with no less severity, then if the said injury should be offered to the person of the Pope himself, or any other of his brethren the Cardinals. &c.

The bishop of Eli the popes Legate, bearing himself bold upon the favor and letters of the Pope which took his part, writeth to Henry B. of Lincoln, charging & requiring, that he in virtue of obedience should execute the Popes sentence & mandate, in excommunicating all such as were offenders in y ^t behalf, & there reciteth the names of diverse against whom he should proceed, as the Archb. of Roan, y ^• B. of Wint. W. Mareschal, Geoffrey Peterson, Bruer, and Bardo • f, the Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Mellent, Gilbert Basset, the Archdeacon o • Oxford, and especially Hugh B. of Coventry. Also M. Benet, & Stephen Ridle, Chancelor to Earl John the kings brother, to the which Earl he reserved a further day of respite, before he should be excommunicate, with a number of other moe beside these. Howbeit the said B. of Eli could find none to execute this commandment of the Pope. Then they w ^t a general consent wrote again to K. Richard, complaining of the intolerable abuses of the said B. his Chancellor. In like sort the said Chancelor also complaining of them, wrote his letters to the king, signifying how Earl John his brother, went about to usurp his kingdom, & would also shortly set the crown upon his own head, unless he made the more speed homeward. The king then was busy in repulsing the Saladine, and prepared to lay siege against Jerusalem, and got Sclauonia, with diverse other towns from the Saracens, which was in the yere of our Lord 1192. having diverse conflicts in y ^• mean space with the Saladine, and ever put him to the worse. As the king thus was preparing to lay his siege against Jerusalem, the Saladine glad to fall to some composition w ^t the king, sent unto him, that if he would restore to him again Sclauonia, in as good state as it was when he took it, he would grant to him, and to all Christians in the lande of Jerusalem truce for 3. years, and offered himself thereunto to be sworn. The king seeing the Duke of Burgundy and the frenchmen to shrink from him, and his own men to decay, and also his money & health to diminish, but especially for that he understood by the B. of Eli his Chancelor, the French king to set up John his brother to possess his kingdom, being counseled thereto by the Templaries, took the truce offered of the Saracens, & so began to draw homeward.

In this mean while much grudge and strife increased more and more between the B. of Eli, and the archbishop of Roan above specified, in so much that the Archb. being excommunicate, sent up his Clerks to Pope Celestine to complain of the Bishop. But the Pope ever stood in his purgatiō. At last he sent two of his Cardinals, to wit, Ottomannus Bishop of Hostia, and Iordanus de fossa noua, to break the strife between the B. of Eli, and the Archbishop of Roan.

After this, king Richard being taken, and in the custody of Henry the Emperor, the B. of Eli resorting to him, was sent by him into England to Alinor his mother, and other nobles. Who then returning into England again, not as Chancelor, nor as Legate (as he said) but as • simple plain Bishop, so by that means was received. Ex Matt. Paris. Et ex alijs incerti nominis manuscriptis codicibus.

But of this vain glorious prelate enough & too much. Now to return again to Richard, concerning whose worthy acts done abroad in getting of Cyprus, Achon & Ptolemaida in pacifying Ioppe &c. partly is spoken of before. Many other valiant & famous acts were by him and the French king achieved, and mo should have been, had not those two kings falling into discord, disseuered thē selves: by reason whereof Philip y ^e French king returned home again within short space. Who being returned again eftsones invaded the country of Normandy, exciting also John the brother of king Richard to take on him the kingdom of England in his brothers absence. Who then made league (upon the same) with the French king, and did homage unto him, which was about the fourth yere of king Richard. Who then being in Syria, & hearing thereof made peace with the Turks for 3. years. And not long after, king Richard the next spring following returned also. Who in his return driven by distress of weather about the parties of Histria, in a town called Synaca, was there taken by Limpold duke of the same country, and so sold to the Emperor for 60000. marks. Who for no small joy thereof, writeth to Phillip the French king these letters here following.

King Richard thus being traitorously, taken and sold to the Emperor by the duke of Austrige for 60000. marks, was there kept in custody a year ano iii. months. In some stories it is affirmed, that K. Richard returning out of Asia, came to Italy with prosperous wind, where he desired of the pope to be absolved frō an oath made against his will, and could not obtain it. And so letting out from thence toward England, passing by the country of Conradus the Marques, whose death (he being slain a little before) was falsely imputed by the French king, to the king of England, and there traitorously was taken as is before said by Limpoldus Duke of Austrige. Albeit in another story I find the matter more credibly set forth, which saith thus that king Richard slew the brother of this Limpoldus, playing with him at chesse in the french kings court. And Limpoldus taking his vauntage was more cruel against him, and delivered him, as is • aid, to the Emperor. In whose custody he was detained, during y ^• time above mentioned, a yere and 3. months. During the which time of the kings endurance, the French king in the mean season stirred war in Normandy. And Earl John y ^• kings brother made stir and invaded England, but the barons and bishops of the lande mightily w ^t stood him. And besieged him in the Castell of Windsore, where they took from him all the castels & munitions, which before he had got. Thus the Earl seeing no hope to prevail in England, & suspecting the deliverance of the king his brother made in to France, & kept with the French king. At length it was so agreed and concluded with the Emperor, that K. Rich. should be released for 14000. pounds. Of the which money part should remain to the duke of Austrige, the rest should be the Emperors. The sum of which money was here gathered & made in England, of chalices, crosses, shrines, candlesticks and other church plate, also w ^t public contribution of friers, abbeis, and other subjects of the realm. Wherof parte was presently paid, & for the residue remaining, hostages and pledges was taken: which was about the 5. year of his reign. And then it was obtained of the Pope that priests might celebrate w ^t chalices of latin and tin. And so was granted & continued long after, which mine author (in his Chronicle entitled Eulogium ) doeth testify himself to have scene. At what time this foresaid money was paid, and the hostages given for the ransom of this king. I have an old story that saith how the foresaid duke of Austrige shortly after was plagued by God with v. sundry plagues: First with burning of his chief towns. Secondly, with the drowning of x. M. of his men in a flood happening no man could tell how. Thirdly, by turning all the ears of his corn field into worms. Fourthly, by taking away almost all the Nobles of his lande by death. Fifthly, by breaking his own leg, falling from his horse, which leg he was compelled to cut off with his own hands, & after died upon the same. Who then at his death is said to forgive K. Richard 50000. Markes, & sent home the hostage, that was with him, ex varijs Chron. The book entitled Eulogium before mentioned, declareth thus, that the said Limpoldus Duke of Austrige fell in displeasure with the bishop of Rome, and died excommunicate, the next year after. An. 1196.

Thus the said King Richard being raunsomed, as hath ben declared from the covetous captivity of the Emperor, was restored again, and made his repair into England. At whose return, Earl John his brother resorting to him with humble submission: desired to be pardoned of his transgressions. To whom king Richard answering again: would God (saith he) this your trespass, as it dieth with me in oblivion, so it may remain with you in remembrance. And so gentlely forgave him. And after he had again recovered his holds and castles, caused himself to be crowned again. Whych done, he made his power against the French king, and drave him out of Normandy. After that he turned his viage against the Welshmen, and subdued them.

The next year following: which was the 1197. yere of the Lord, Philip y ^• french king brake truce made between him and king Richard, whereupon the king was compelled to sails over again to Normandy to withstand the malice of his enemy. About which time, my story recordeth of one called of some Fulco: some say, he was the Archbyshop of Roane called Gwalther. This Fulco being then in England, and coming to the kings presence, said unto him with great courage & boldness. Thou hast O mighty King, three daughters very vicious and of evil disposition: take good heed of them, and betimes provide for them good husbands: least by untimely bestowing of the same, thou shalt not only incur great hurt and damage, but also utter ruin and destruction to thyself. To whom the king in a rage said: Thou lying and mocking hypocrite, thou knowest not where thou art, or what thou sayest: I think thou art mad or not well in thy wits, for I have never a daughter as all the world knoweth, and therefore thou opē li • r get thee out of our presence. To whom Fulco answered: no, and like your grace I lie not, but say truth: for you have iii. daughters, which continually frequent your court, and wholly possess your person: and such iii. whores & naughty packes as never the like hath been heard off. I mean mischievous pride, greedy covetousness and filthy luxurity. And therefore again I say, O king, beware of them, and out of hand provide marriages for them, least in not so doing, thou utterly undo both thyself and all the whole realm.

The which his words, the King took in good parte: with correction of himself, & confession of the same. Wherupon incontinently he called his Lord's and Barons before him, unto whom he declared the cōmoning and monition of Fulco, who had willed him to beware of his iii. daughters: pride, avarice, and luxury, with counsel out of hand to marry them: least further discommoditie should ensue both to him and the whole realm, whose good counsel (my Lord's) I entende to follow, not doubting of all your consents thereunto. Wherefore here before you all, I give my daughter swelling pride to wife, to the proud Templars: my greedy daughter avarice to the covetous order of the Cistercian Monks, and last of all, my filthy daughter luxury, to the riotous prelates of the Church, whom I think to be very meet men for her: and so severally well agreeing to all their natures, that the like matches in this our Realm are not to be found for them. And thus much concerning Fulco.

Not long after this, it befell that a certain noble personage (Lord of Lemonice in little Britain, Widomarus by name) found a great substance of treasure both of gold and silver hid in the ground: whereof a great part he sent to king Richard, as chief Lord and Prince over the whole country. Which the king refused, saying, he would either have all or none, for that he was the principal chiefetaine over the land. But the finder would not condescende to that. Wherefore the king laid siege to a Castell of his called Galuz, thinking the treasure to lie there. But the keepers and warders of the Castel, seeing themselves not sufficient to withstand the king, offered to him the castle, desiring to depart with life and armor. To this the king would in no wise grant, but bid them to reenter the castle again, and to defend it in all the forceable wise they could. It so befell, that as the King with the Duke of Brabant went about the castel, vewing the places thereof: a soldier within, named Bertandus Cordoun, stroke the king with an arrow in the arm, whereupon the iron remaining and festering in the wound, the king within 9. days after died: who because he was not content with the half of the treasure that another man found, lost all his own treasure that he had. The king being thus wounded caused the man that stroke him, to be brought unto him, and asked the cause of him, why he so wounded him. Who answered again (as the story saith) that he thought to kill rather then to be killed. And what punishment soever he should sustain, he was content, so that he might kill him, which had before killed his father and brethren. The king hearing his words, freely forgave him, and caused an hundredth shillings to be givē him. Albeit (as the story addeth▪) after the death of the king, the duke of Brabāce, after great torments caused him to be hanged. Ex historia Regis Richardi 2. cui initium. De patre istius Bruti. &c. The story of Gisburne saith, that the killer of king Richard, coming to the French king, thinking to have a great reward, was commanded to be drawn a sonder w ^t horse, and his quarters to be hanged up.

An other story affirmeth, and Gisburn partly doth testify the same, that a little before the death of K. Richard: 3. Abbotes of the order Cistercian came to him, to whom he was confessed. And when he saw them somewhat stay at his absolution, had these words: that he did willingly commit his body to the earth, to be eaten of worms: and his soul to the fire of Purgatory there to be tormented til the judgment, in the hope of God his mercy. Ex Iornalens. Gisburn. & alijs.

About the reign of this king, the said Iornalensis maketh mention of Roger archbish. of York, which put out of his Church the Monks, and placed for them seculare Priests: saying that he would rather with Ecclesiastical benefices to be given to wanton Priests then to abhominable Monks, & that Thurstinus did sin never worse in all his life, then in building that house for monks &c. Another story I have which saith, that this was the Bishop not of York, but of Coventry.

The king not long after departed without issue: and John his brother reigned after him: in whom, although some vices may worthily be reprehēded: especially for his incontinent and too much licentious life, yet was he far from that deserving, for the which he hath been so il reported of diverse writers: who being led more with affection of Popery, then with true judgment and due consideration, depraved his doings more then the sincere truth of the history will bear them. Concerning which history, after so many writers we thought also to bestow a little labor: although in this matter we cannot be so long as I would, and as the matter requireth.

Kyng John.

A Fter the death of king Richard called Coeur de Lyon, reigned his brother John Earl of Morton. Afterward the Archbyshop put the crown on his head, and sware him to defend the church, and to maintain the same in her good laws, and to destroy the evil. And except he thought not in his mind to do this, the Archb. charged him, not to presume to take on him this dignity. And on Saint John Baptists day next following, king John failed into Normandy & came to Roan: where he was royally received, and truce concluded between him & the French king for a time. And thither came to him the Earl of Flaunders, and all other Lord's of France that were of K. Richards band and friendship, and were sworn unto him.

Not long after this, Philip the French king made Arthur Knight, and took his homage for Normandy, Britain, and all other his possessions beyond the sea: and promised him help against K. John. After this King John and the French king talked together with their Lord's, about one hours space: And the French King asked so much land for himself and knight Arthur, that king John would grant him none, and so departed in wrath.

The same year, a legate came into France, and commanded the King in pain of interdiction, to deliver one Peter out of prison, that was elect to a Bishopric, and thereupon he was delivered.

And after that, the Legate came into England, & commanded K. John under pain of interdiction, to deliver the Archb. which he had kept as prisoner 2. years: which the King denied to do, till he had paid him 6000. marks. Because he took him in harnes in a field against him, and sware him upon his deliverance, y ^t he should never wear harness against any Christian man.

This time, divorce was made between K. John and his wife, daughter of the Earl of Gloucester, because they were in the iii. degree of kindred. And after, by the counsel of the French king, King John wedded Isabel daughter of the Earl of Anguilla, and then Arthur of Britain did homage to king John for Britain and other.

At this time fell strife between K. John and Geoffrey the Archbishop of York for diverse causes: first, because he would not suffer and permit the Sheriff of York in such affairs as he had to do for the King within his Diocese. Secondly, because he did also excommunicate the said sheriffe. Thirdly, because he would not sails with him into Normandy, to make the marriage between Louis the French kings son and his niece. &c.

After this, in the year of our Lord 1202. Phillip the French king (in a communication between K. John and him) required: that the said K. John should depart with all his lands in Normandy and Pictauia which he had beyond the sea, unto Arthur his nephew, and that incontinent, or else he would war against him, and so did. For when king John denied that request, the next day following, the French king with the said Arthur, set upon certain of his towns and castels in Normandy, and put him to much disquietness. But he (the Lord so providing, which is the giver of all victory) had such repulse at the Englishmens hands: that they pursuing the Frenchmen in their flight, did so follow them to their hold, & so enforced upon them: that not only they took the said Arthur prisoner w ^t many other of the Frenchmen: but also gave such an overthrow to the rest, that none was there left to bear tidings home. This Arthur was nephewe to king John, & son to Geoffrey, which was the elder son to John. For king Henry the 2. (to make the matter more evident,) had viii. children: one W. which died in his childhoode: the seconde Henry, which died also his father being yet alive: the third Geoffrey Earl of Britain, which likewise deceassed in his fathers days, leaving behind him two children, Arthur & Brecca. The fourth, Richard coeur de Lyon King: the v. John now reigning: and 3. other daughters besides. The same Arthur being thus taken in war, was brought before the King at the castle of Falesic in Normandy: who being exhorted w ^t many gentle words to leave the French king, and to incline to his uncle, answered again stoutly & with great indignation: requiring the kingdom of England withal the other dominions thereto belonging, to be restored to him as to the lawful heir of the crown. By reason whereof he (provoking y ^e kings displeasure against him) was sent to y ^e tower of Roan: where at length (whether by leaping into the ditch thinking to make his escape, or whether by some other privy hand, or by what chance else: it is not yet agreed upon in stories) he finished his life. By occasion whereof, the foresaid K. John was had after in great suspicion: whether justly or unjustly, the Lord knoweth.

The yere following, Historiographers write that king John for lack of rescue, lost all his holds and possessions in Normandy, through the force of the French king.

After these losses, came other troubles upon him: with other as great or more greater enemies (that is with the Pope and his Popelings) by occasion of choosing of the Archb. of Cant. as in this history followeth by Christ his grace, to be declared.

The year of our Lord 1205. about the month of July, Hubert the Archbishop of Canterbury deceased, whose decease after it was in Cant. to the Monks known: and afore his body was yet committed to the earth: the younger sort of the monks there gathered themselves together at midnight, and elected their superior Reignold, and without the kings license or yet knowledge privily placed him in the Metropolicall seat, singing Te deum at midnight. And because the king should not make their electiō of none effect, they charged him by virtue of his oath to keep all secret by the way, and to show nothing what was done before he came to the pope: but he contrary to his oth, so sone as he came in Flanders opened all abroad the matter, and uttered their counsel: whereupon the monks being not a little agreued w ^t him, sent him privily to the court of Rome out of hand. The next day, the elder monks sent to y ^e king: desiring him of his gracious license Canonically to choose their Archb. The king most gently & favorably granted their petition: requiring them instantly and desiring, that for his sake they would show favor to John Gray then B. of Norwich, as they did in deed: erecting him into that seat of their high primacy. Moreover, because the authority of kings and princes was then but small in their own dominion without the Popes consent, & confirmation to the same: he sent also to Rome of his own charges, to have the foresaid election ratified by the pope. The suffragans of Canterbury then (being not a little offended at these two elections) sent speedily to Rome to have them both stopped: for that they, had not been of counsel with them. And hereupon at the last grew a most prodigious tumult.

The next year after, the suffragans of the province of Canterbury on the one side, and the Monks of Canterbury on the other side: came afore the Pope w ^t their brawling matter. First the Monks presenting Reignold their superior, desired that their election might be confirmed. The Suffragans likewise complained that the Monks would presume to choose the Archbishop without their consent, and therefore desired by diverse reasons the first election to be of none effect. The Pope deciding the matter between both, pronounced with the Monks, charging the suffragans and Bishops, to meddle no more w ^t that election, but to let the monks alone. The monks of Cant. now having the whole election in their own hands, fell also at square among themselves, the younger sort with the elder. The younger sort which had chosen Reignolde their superior, would that election to stand. The elder sort of the Monks replied again, saying: that the first election was done by stealth and by night and by the younger part, also without the counsel of other monks: over and besides it was done without the kings license or appointment, and without the one solemnity thereunto belonging.

And as concerning our election (said they) it was done in the clear light of the day, by which it had authority in presence of our liege Lord the king and his counsel being willing to the same.

This allegation thus proponed: the suffragans proctor or man of law stood • orth, & proved the former election to be good, and this latter, to be void and of no value, after this sort. Whether the first election (saith he) were just or unjust, ye ought first by the law to have condemned it, afore ye should have presumed to the second, but thus yet did not. Therefore is this your latter doing no election at all: and the first therefore is rather to be ratified than yours. When they had thus multiplied talk on both sides, with many frivolous allegations a long time, and could not agree upon one person: Pope Innocent condemned both their elections, commanding them to choose Stephen Lāgton, then Cardinal of S. Chrisogone for their Archb. The monks then answered, that they durst not so do, without consent of their king, and for that it was prejudicial to their ancient liberties. The Pope by and by (saith the text) as one in a fury, taking the words out of their mouths, said thus unto them. We will ye to know, that we have full power and authority over the church of Cant. neither are we wont to tarry the consent of princes: therefore we command you in pain of our great curse y ^t ye chose him only whom we have appointed.

The Monks at these words abashed and terrified, though they much murmured in their hearts, yet consented they all in one, and thereupon sang Te Deum. Only doctor Helias Brantfield withdrew himself from that election, whom the king had sent for the admission of the Bishop of Norwich.

Thus was Stephen Langton (in the high Church of Uiterby, by the popes hand) made archbishop of Canterbury. From thenceforth therefore (saith Matthew Paris) the pope could do no less but mightily defend him from all vexation and danger: considering that he was his own dear deareling, and a child of his own creation.

Upon this occasion, king John conceived an exceeding displeasure against the Clergy, and Monks of Canterb. (as he had good cause) they doing so many evils against his Princely prerogative. Without his license they elected their Archb. and put by the Bishop of Norwich, whom he had appointed. They wasted a great part of his treasure for the wars: and to bring all to y ^e devil, they made Stephen Langton their high Metropolitan, whom he took for a grievous enemy unto the whole realm, being always so familiar w ^t the French king. Wherefore in his anger he banished them out of the land, to the number of 64. for this their contumacy and contempt of his regal power.

• The monks of Canterbury thus being expulsed, the king forthwith sendeth messengers to the Pope with his letters, wherein he doth sharply and expressly expostulate with the Pope: First, for that so vncourteously he repulsed the election of the bishop of Norwich, and set up one Stephen Langton, a man unknown to him, and brought up amongst his enemies a long time in the kingdom of France, consecrating him Archb. of Cant. and letting the other go. Also (which is more) it redoundeth to the subversion and derogatiō of the liberties appertaining to his crown: for notwithstanding his consent past (being before of the monks not made privy, which should so have done) yet he rashly presumed to promote and prefer another. Wherefore, he cannot marvel (he saith) enough, that neither the said Pope, nor the Court of Rome doth consider and reuolue with themselves, how necessary his love and favor hath been always hitherto to the sea of Rome: & that they consider not what great profit and revenues, hath proceeded hitherto to them out of the realm of Enlād: the like whereof hath not ben received out of any other country besides, on this side the Alps. He addeth moreover and saith, that for his liberties he will stand (if need be) unto death, neither can he be so removed and shaken of from the election of the B. of Norwich, which he seeth to be so commodious to him and profitable. Finally, he thus concludeth, saying: that in no case in this his request he be not heard, he will so provide by the seas, that there shall be no such gadding & coursing anymore over to rome suffering the riches of the lande no more to be transported over, whereby he should be himself the less able to resist his enemies. And seeing he hath of his own at home, archbishops, bishops, & other prelates of the Church (both of English men & of other) sufficiently provided & instructed in all kind of knowledge: therefore he shall not need greatly to seek for judgment and justice farther abroad.

When these came to the Popes intelligence, he directeth letters to t •• king again in this form.

With much other matter in the same Epistle, wherein he falleth into the commendation of Stephen Langton his Cardinal, declaring howe learned he was in the liberal arts, and in divinity, in so much he was p • ebendated at Paris: also come of an honest stock and an Englishman borne, and not unknown to the king, seeing the king had written his letters thrice to him before. Declaring moreover in the said letter, how the messengers of the King had specified to him another cause: which was, for y ^c the monks of Cant. which had to do in the election, came not to him before for his consent, declaring moreover in the said letter, how the said messengers of the king, entreated in the kings behalf: that for so much as the popes letters (wherein the king was commanded to send his proctors to Rome for the same matter) came not to the kings hand, neither did the Monks direct any such letters or message to the king to have his consent: therefore the Pope considering the same, would grant so much for the regard of the kings honor, that the monks of Cant. should not proceed without the kings assent therein. And for as much, as that hath not been done as yet, therefore they desired some delay therein to be given, sufficient for the doing thereof. whereunto he said, that he had granted, & fulfilled their request, in sending his letters and messengers once or twice to the king for the same purpose, although he said it was not the manner of the sea Apostolic, (who had the fullness of power over the Church of Cant.) to wait for Princes consents in such elections, who then could not be suffered to do that which they came for. wherefore in knitting up his letter, he thus concludeth in these words.

Thus hast thou (Gentle Reader) the glorious letter of the proud Pope: I beseech thee mark it well. Now to the story.

After this letter was sent out, not long after proceedeth a charge and commandment, sent into England, unto certain bishops there: requiring them by authority Apostolical, that if the said king would not receive the said Prior of Cant. & his monks, thē they should interdict him throughout all his realm. For the executing whereof 4. Bishops were appointed by the usurped power of the popes bulls: namely william B. of London. Eustace B. of Eli, Walter B. of Winchester. and Giles B. of Herford. Which said four bishops went unto the king, and shown their commission from the pope as is abovesaid, willing him to consent thereto. &c.

But the said king refused the same, and would by no means grant to their request. Wherupon the departing from his grace, went the morrow after the Annuntiacion of our Lady, and pronounced the said general interdiction throughout all England: so that the church doors were shut up with keys and other fasteninges, and with walls &c.

Now when the king heard of this he begun to be moved against them, and took all the possessions of the 4. bishops into his hands: appointing certain men to keep the livings of the clergy throughout the realm, and y ^• they should enjoy no part thereof. Which being done, y ^• bishops (seeing the same) cursed all them that kept or should meddle with Church goods, against the will of them y ^t ought them: and understanding of all that, that the K. nothing regarded their doings, they went ouersea to the Bishop of Canterbury, & informed him what had happened. Who hearing the same, willed them again to return to Canterbury and he would come thither to them, or else send certain persons thither in his steed, that should do as much as if he were there himself. Then when the bishops heard this, they returned again to England, to Canterbury, which tidings came shortly to the K. that they were come again thither. And because he might not himself travail to thē, he sent their Bishops, Earls, & Abbots to entreat them that the archb. Stephen whom he had chosen might be admitted, promising the Prior and all the Monks of Canterbury in his behalf, that he should never take anything of the church goods, against the will of them that owe them, but would make amends to them of whom he had taken any such goods: and that the Church should have all her fraunchises in as ample manner as in S. Edward's time the Confessor it had.

When the form of agreement was thus concluded, it was engrossed of pair Indentures, which the foresaid 4. Bishops, to the one part thereof set their seals: & the other part the said bishops, Erles & abbots, carried to show the king. When the K. saw the order thereof, he liked it well: saving he would not agree to make restitution of the church goods. So he sent to the 4. bishops again, y ^t they should put out that point of restitution. But they answered stoutly y ^t they would not put out one word. Then the king sent word to the Archb. by the 4. bishops, that he should come to Cant. to speak w ^t him, and for his safe conduit to come and go again at his will: he sent his iustices as pledges, Gilbert Peiteuin, William de la Bereuer, and John Letfitz. Which thing thus done, the Archb. Stephen came to Cant. and the K. (hearing thereof) came to Chilham: from whence he sent his treasurer the B. of Winchester to him, to have him put out of the indentures the clause of restitution aforesaid: who denying to alter any word of the same moved y ^t k. in such sort, that immediately it was proclaimed throughout england at the kings commandment, that all those that had any churchliuing and went over the sea, should come again into England a certain day, or else lose their livings for evermore. And further in that proclamation he charged all Shirifs within the realm, to inquire if any Bishops, Abbots, Priors, or any other churchman (from that day forward) received any commaūdemēt that came from the pope, and that they should take his or their body and bring it before him. And also that they should take into their hands for the kings use, all the churchlands that were given to any man through the Archbishop Stephē, or by the priors of Cant. from the time of the election of y ^e Archb. And further charged, that all the woods that were the Archb. should be cut down and sold.

When tidings came to the Pope that the K. had thus done, being moved thereby with firy wrath • sent to y ^• king two Legates (the one called Pandulph, and the other Durant) to warn him in the popes name that he should cease his doings to holy church, and amend the wrong he had done to the Archb. of Cant. and to the priors & the monks of Cant. and to all the Clergy of England. And further, y ^t he should restore the goods again that he had taken of thē against their will, or else they should curse the K. by name: & to do this, y ^• pope took them his letters in Bulls patent. These two Legates coming into England, resorted to y ^e king to Northhampton, where he held his Parliament, & saluting him, said: they came from the Pope of Rome, to reform y ^t peace of holy church. And first said they we monish you in the popes behalf, that ye make full restitution of the goods & of the land that ye have ravished holy church of: and that ye receive Stephen the Archb • . of Cant. into his dignity, and Prior of Cant. and his monks. And that ye yield again unto the Archb. all his lands and rentes without any withholding. And sir, yet moreover, that ye shall make such restitution to them, as the Church shall thinkk sufficient,

Then answered the K. as touching the Prior and his Monks of Cant. all that ye have said I would gladly do, and all thing else that ye would ordain: but as touching y ^e Archb. I shall tell you as it lieth in my heart. Let the Archbishop leave his bishopric: and if the pope then shall entreat for him, peradventure I may like to give him some other bishopric in England. And upon this condition I will receive and admit him.

Then said Pandulph unto the K. holy Church was wont never to disgrade Archb. without cause reasonable: but ever she was wont to correct princes that were disobedient to her.

What? how now (quoth the K.) threaten ye me? Nay said Pandolph, but ye have now openlie told us as it standeth in your heart: and now we will tell you what is the popes will, and thus it standeth. He hath wholly interdicted & cursed you, for the wrongs ye have done to the holy church and to the Clergy. And forasmuch as ye will dwell still in your malice, and will come to no amendment, ye shall understand: that from this time forward, the sentences upon you given have force and strength. And all those that with you have commoned before this time, whether that they be Earls, Barons or Knightes (or any other whatsoever they be) we assoil them safely from their sins unto this day. And from this time forward (of what condition soever they be) we accurse them openly: and specially by this our sentence, that do with you common. And we assoil moreover Earls, Barons, knights and all other manner of men of their homages, service, and sealties, that they should do unto you. And this thing to confirm, we give plain power to the B. of Winchester, and to the B. of Norwich. And the same power we give against Scotland to the B. of Rochester, & of Salisbury. And in Wales, we give the same power to the Bishops of S. David, and of Landaffe, and of S. Ass.

Also Sir K. (quoth Pandolph (all the kings, princes and the great Dukes christened, have labored to the pope to have license to cross themselves, and to war against thee, as upon God's enemy, and win thy lande, and to make K. whom it pleaseth the pope. And we here now assoil all those of their sins that will arise against thee here in thine own land.

Then the K. hearing this, answered: What shame may ye do more to me then this.

Pandolph again: we say to you in verbo Dei : that neither you nor any heir that you have, after this day shall be crowned. So the king said: by him that is almighty God, if I had known of this thing before ye came into this land, and that he had brought me such news: I should have made you tarry out these xii. months.

Then answered Pandolph. Full well we thought (at our first coming) that ye would have been obedient to God, and to holy church: & have fulfilled the popes commandment, which we have shown and pronounced to you, as we were charged therewith. And now ye say, that if ye had wilt the cause of our coming, ye would have made us tarry out a whole yere: which might as well say, that ye would have taken a whole years respite without the popes leave: But for to suffer what death that ye can ordain, we shall not spare to tell you all the popes message and will that he gave us in charge.

In another chronicle I find the words between the King and Pandolph something otherwise described as though the king should first threaten him with hanging if he had foreknown of his coming in. To whom pādolph again should answer, that he looked for nothing else at his hand, but to suffer for the Churches right. Wherupon the K. being mightily incēsed, departed. The k. the same tune being at Northhampton willed the shirifs and bailifes to bring forth all the prisoners there, y ^t such as had deserved should be put to death: to the intent (as some think) to make Pandolfus afraid. Among whom was a certain Clerke, who for counterfeiting the kings coin, was also condemned to be hanged, drawn, & quartered. And moreover, by the king was commanded (thereby to anger Pandolfus, the more as may be thought) to be hanged up highest above the rest. Pādolphus hearing thereof, notw ^t standing he somewhat began to fear least he should be hanged himself, yet w ^t such courage as he had, he went to the church to set out book, bel, and candle, charging that no man under pain of accursing, should lay hands upon the cleark. Vppon this the K. and the Cardinal departed in no little anger. And Pandolfe went to Rome, & reported to the pope and the Cardinals what had been done.

Then the pope summoned all the bishops, abbots, and clerks of England to come and repair to Rome, to consult what was to be done therein. This council began the first day of October. In the which council it was decreed by the pope and his assembly, that John king of England should be accursed with all such as held with him, every day so long as that Council endured. Albeit this was not yet granted, that the people should be crossed to fight against him, because as yet he had shed no blood. But afterward, the said Pope Innocent seeing that K. John by no means would stoop under his subjection, nor under the rule of his popish see, he sent unto the French king, upon remission of all his sins, and of all that went with him that he should take with him all the power he might, and so to invade the realm of England to destroy K. John.

This occasion given, Pope Innocent yet once again commanded in pain of his great curse: that no man should obey King John, neither yet keep company with him: he forbad all persons to eat and drink with him, to talk with him: to commune or counsel with him: yea, his own familiar household to do him any kind of service, either at bed or at board: in church, hall or stable. And what followed thereof. The greater parte of them which after such sort fled from him (by the ordinance of God) of diverse and sundry diseases the same year died. And between both nations (English and French) sell that year great amity: but secret, subtle, and false: to the bitter betraying of England. Neither was the pope content only with this, but moreover the said Pope Innocent gave sentence definitive (by counsel of his Cardinals) that King John should be put from his seat regal and deposed, and another put in his room. And to the speedy execution thereof, he appointed the French king Philip, promising to give him full remission of all his sins, & the clear possession of all the realm of England, to him and his heirs: if he did either kill him or expel him.

The next year, the French king began his attempt in hope of the crown of England: being well manned with the Bishops, Monks, Prelates, and Priests, and their servants to maintain the same: bragging of the letters which they had received frō the great men there. But behold the work of God: the English nauie took 300. of the French kings ships w • ll loden with wheat, wine, meal, flesh, armor, and such other like, meet for the war: and an 100. they brent within the haven, taking the spoil with them. In the mean time the priests w ^t in England, had provided them a certain false counterfeit prophet called Peter Wakefield of Poiz: who was an idle gadder about, and a prattling merchant. This Peter, they made to prophecy lies: rumoring his prophesies abroad, to bring the king out of all credit with his people. They noised it daily among the commons of the Realm, that Christ had twice appeared to this prophet of theirs, in shape of a child between the Priests hands, once at York, another time at Pomfret: and that he had breathed upon him thrice, saying, peace, peace, peace, and teaching many things which be anon after declared to the Bishops, and bid people amend their naughty living. Being wrapped also in spirit (they said) he beheld the joys of heaven, and sorrows of hell. For scant were there three (saith the Chronicle) among a thousand that lived Christianly. This counterfeit soothsayer prophesied of king John: that he should reign no longer then the ascension day, within the yere of our Lord 1213. which was the 14. yere from his coronation, and this (he said) he had by revelation. Then was it of him demanded, whether he should be slain or be expelled, or should of himself give over the crown: He answered, that he could not tell. But of this he was sure (he said) that neither he, nor any of his stock or linage should reign, that day once finished. The K. hearing of this, laughed much at it, and made but a scosse thereof. Tush (saith he) it is but an idiote knave, and such a one as lacketh his right wits. But when this foolish prophet had so escaped the danger of the kings displeasure, & that he made no more of it, he gate him abroad and prated thereof at large (as he was a very idle vagabund) and used to rattle and talk more then enough: so that they which loved the king, caused him anon after to be apprehended as a malefactor, & to be thrown in prison, the king not yet knowing thereof.

Anone after, the same of this fantastical Prophet went all the realm over, & his name was known everywhere (as foolishness is much regarded of people, where wisdom is not in place) specially because he was then imprisoned for the matter, the rumor was the larger: their wonderings were the wantonner: their practicing the folisher: their busy talks & other idle occupying the greater. Continually from thence (as the rude manner of people is) old gossips tales went abroad, new tales were invented, fables were added to fables, and lies grew upon lies. So that every day, new • anders were raised on the king, and not one of them true: rumors arose, blasphemies were spread, the enemies rejoiced, & treasons by the priests were maintained, and what likewise was surmised, or other subtlety practiced, all was then fathered upon this foolish prophet. As, thus saith Peter Wakefielde: thus hath he prophesied: and this shall come to pass: yea many times when he thought nothing less. When the Ascension day was come which was prophesied of afore: