Acts and Monuments Volume 1

King Henry the second.

H Enry the second of that name, the son of Jeffrey Plantagenet, and of Maude the Empresse and daughter of king Henry the first, began his reign after king Stephen, and continued 35. years. The first year of his reign he subdued Ireland, and not long after, Thomas Becket was made by him Lord Chancellor of England. This king cast down diverse Castles which were erected in the time of king Stephen. He went into the North partes, where he subdued William king of Scotland, who at that time held a great part of Northumberland unto new Castell upon Tyne, and joined Scotland to his own kingdom from the South Ocenm to the North Isles of Orchades; Also he put under his dominion the kingdom of Wales, and there let to fall down many great wooodes, and made the ways plain. So that by his great manhood and policy; the seignorie of England was much augmented with the addition of Scotland, Ireland, the Isles Orchades, Britain, Poytow, and Guyan. Also he had in his rule, Normandy, Gascoyne, Angeow, and Chinon: also Aluerne and the City of Tholous he wan, and were to him subject. Ouer and besides (by the title of his wife Elenore daughter to the Earl of Poytow) he obtained the mounts Pyraine in Spain: so that we read of none of his progenitors, which had so many countries under his dominion.

In England were seen in the firmament two sun’s, or as it is in Chronica Chronicorum, in Italy appeared three sun’s by the space of iii. hours in the West, and the yere following, appeared iii. moons, whereof the middle moon had a red cross ouertwart the face. Whereby was tokened (by the judgment of some) the great schism, that after fell among the Cardinals for the election of the Bishop of Rome: or else rather the business between Fridericus the Emperor and the Popes, whereof partly now incidently occasiō giveth us to discourse. After that I have first written of Gerhardus and Dulcinus Nauarēsis, who in their time according to their gift, did earnestly labor & preach against the church of Rome, defending and maintainyng, that prayer was not more holy in one place then in another, that the Pope was Antichrist, that the Clergy & prelates of Rome were reject, and the very whore of Babylon prefigured in the Apocalypse, &c. Peradventure these had received some light of knowledge of the Waldenses. Who at length with a great number of their followers were oppressed and slain by the Pope. And although some inconvenient points of doctrine and dishonesty in their assemblies be against them alleged of some, yet these times of ours do teach us sufficiently, what credit is to be given to such popish slanders, forged rather upon hatred of true religion, then upon any judgment of truth. Illyricus in his book De testibus referreth the time of these two, to the yere of our Lord, 1280. but as I find in y ^e story of Robert Guisburn: these ii. about y ^e year of our Lord, 1158. brought 30. with them into England, who by the king and the Prelates, were all burnt in the forehead, and so driven out of the Realm, and after (as Illyricus writeth) were slain by the Pope.

And now according to my promise premised, the time requireth to proceed to the history of Fredericus the first, (called Barbarossa) successor unto Conradus in the Empire, who marched up to Italy, to subdue there certain rebels. The Pope hearing that, came with his Clergy to meet him by the way, in a town called Sutrium, thinking by him to find aid against his enemies. The Emperor seeing the Bishop, lighteth of his horse to receive him, holding the stirrup to the Prelate on the left side, when he should have held it on the right, whereat the Pope shown himself somewhat agrieued. The Emperor smiling, excused himself that he was never accustomed to hold stirrups. And seeing it was done only of good will, and of no duty, the less matter was, what side of the horse he held. The next day to make amends again to the Bishop, the Emperor sending for him, received him, holding the right stirrup to the prelate, & so all the matter was made whole and he the Popes own white son again.

After this, as they were come in and late together, Hadrianus the Pope beginneth to declare unto him, how his ancestors before him (such as sought to the sea of Rome for the crown) were wont always to leave behind them some special token or monument of their benevolence, for the obtaining thereof, as Carolus Magnus in subduing the Lombards, Ottho the Berengarians, Lotharius the Normands, &c. Wherefore, he required some benefit to proceed likewise from him to the church of Rome, in restoring again the country of Apulia, to the Church of Rome. Which thing if he would do, he for his part again would do that which appertained to him to do: (meaning in giving him the crown) for at y ^e time the popes had brought the Emperors, to fetch their crown at their hands.

Frederike with his princes perceiving, that unless he would of his own proper costs & charges fetch in again Apulia out of duke Williams hands, he could not speed of the crown, was fain to promise to all that the Pope required, and so the next day after was crowned.

This done, the Emperor returneth into Germany, to refresh his army and his other furnitures, for the subduing Apulia. In the mean while, Hadrianus not thinking to be idle, first giveth forth censures of excommunication against William duke of Apulia. Besides (not coutēt with this) sendeth also to Immanuel Emperor of Constantinople, incensing him to war against the foresaid William. The duke perceiving this, sendeth to the Pope for peace, promising to restore to him whatsoever he would.

But the Pope through the malignant counsel of his Cardinals, would grant to no peace thinking to get more by war. The Duke seeing nothing but war, prepareth himself with all expedition to the same. To be brief, making all his power out of Sicilia, he arriueth at Apulia, & there putteth Immanuel the Emperor to flight. This done, he proceedeth to the City Bonauentuee, where the Pope with his Cardinals were looking for victory. He planting there his siege, so straightly pressed the City, that the Pope w ^e his Cardinals were glad to entreat for peace which they refused before. The Duke granted to their peace upon certain conditions: that is, that neither he should invade such possessions as belonged to Rome, and that the Pope should make him king of both Siciles. So the matter was concluded, and they departed. The bishop coming to Rome was no less troubled there about their Consuls and Senators. In so much, that when his curses and excommunications could not prevail nor serve, he was sayne to leave Rome, and removed to Ariminum.

The Emperor all this while sitting quietly at home, began to consider with himself, how the Pope had extorted from the Emperors (his predecessors) the investing and induyng of prelates: how he had pylied and poled all nations by his Legates, and also had been the sower of seditions through all his Empery, he began therefore to require of all the bishops of Germany homagium, and oath of their allegiance, commanding also the Popes Legates, if they came into Germany without his sending for, not to be received. Charging moreover all his subjects, that none of thē should appeal to Rome. Besides this, in his letters he set & prefixed his name before the popes name. Whereupon, the Pope being not a little offended, directed his letters to the foresaid Frederike Emperor, after this tenor and form as followeth.

Upon this, Hadrianus the Pope directeth out a Bull against Friderike, excommunicating him with public & solemn ceremonies, Moreover (conspiring with William duke of Apulia) sought all manner of ways to insest the emperor, and to set all men against him, especially the clergy. Amongst many other writing to Hilituns Bishop of Driuers, to Arnulphus bishop of Mainz, & to Friderike bishop of Colen, seeketh first to make them of his side. His Epistle to them soundeth to this effect.

THe Empire of Rome was transferred from the Greeks to the Almains, so that the king of Almains could not be called Emperor, before he were crowned of the bishop Apostolical. Before his consecration he is a king, afterward Emperor. Whence hath he his Empire then, but of us? By the election of his princes he hath the name of a king by our consecration he hath the name of the Emperor of Augustior of Caesar. Ergo, by us he raygneth as Emperor: Search ancient antiquities. Zacharias P. promooted Carolus, and made him a great name, that he was made and called Emperor. And after that, ever the king of Almaines was named Emperor and advocate to the see Apostolical, so that Apulia (conquered by him) was subdued to the bishop of Rome: which Apulia with the city of Rome, is ours, and not the Emperors. Our seat is at Rome, the seat of the Emperor is at Aquis in Arduenna, which is a wood in France. The Emperor whatsoever he hath, he hath it of us. As Zacharias did translate the Empire frō the Greeks to the Almaines: so we may translate it again from the Almains, to the Greeks. Behold it lieth in our power to give it to whom we will, being therefore set up of God above Gentiles and nations, to destroy and pluck up, to build and to plant, &c.

And yet further to understand the ambitious presumption of this proud see of Rome, it so chanced this Emperor Fridericus at his first coming up to Rome, did behold there in the palace of Lateraue, a certain picture brought forth unto him, how Lotharius the ii. Emperor was crowned of the Pope, with the inscription of certain verses in Latin, declaring how the foresaid Emperor coming to Rome, first did swear to the city, after was made the Popes man, and so of him received the crown. Fridericus offended with this picture, desired the pope it might be abolished, for that it should be no cause of any dissention hereafter. The Pope understanding the intent of the Emperor, how loath he was to come under subiectiō to his see, devised by all crafty ways to bring it to pass. And first taking his occasion by the bishop of Laodicea (being thē detained in custody, I cannot tell by whom) sent diverse and sharp letters unto him. And yet not so sharp, as proud & disdainful. Wherein the first saluration by his legates, was this in Latin : Salutat vos beatissimus pater noster Papa, & vniuersitas Cardinalium, ill vt pater, hij vt fratres. That is, our most blessed father the Pope greeteth you, and the universal company of the Cardinals, he as your father, they as your brethren. Meaning thereby that he should understand himself to be subject and vnderlyng to the Pope, no less then the Cardinals were. Moreover in his letters objecting diverse things against him, reciteth, how many and great benefits he had received of the church of Rome: by the which church he had obtained the fullness of his honor and dignity, &c. The Emperor with his princes perceiving whereunto the Pope by his Legates did shoot: (being a prince of courage) could not abide such intolerable presumption of a proud message: whereupon, much contention fell between the Legates and the Princes. And of whom then (say the Legates) receiveth Caesar the Emperie, if he take it not of the Pope; with the which word, the German princes were so much offended, that had not the Emperor stayed them (with much ado) they would have used violence against the Legates. But the Emperor not permitting that, commanded the Legates away, straightly charging them to make no turn by the way to any person or persons, but straight to depart home. And he (to certify the whole state of the Empire of the truth of the matter) direcreth forth these letters that follow.

This letter of Caesar fretted the Pope not a little, who wrote again to the bishops of Germany, accusing the emperor, and willing them to work against him what they could: they answer again with all obedience to the Pope submitting themselves, and yet excusing the emperor, and blaming him rather. And exhorted him henceforth to temper his letters and legacies with more gentleness and modesty, the which counsel he also followed, perceiving otherwise, that he could not prevail.

Much trouble had good Fridericus with this Pope: but much more with the other, that followed. For this Pope continued not very long, the space only of 4. years & odd months. About whose time rose up the order of the Hermits by one William once duke of Aquitania, and afterward a Frier. This Hadrianus walking with his cardinals abroad, to a place called Anagnia or Arignanum, (as Volateran calleth it) chanced to be choked with a fly getting into his throat, and so was strangled, who in the latter time of his papacy, was wont to say, that there is no more miserable kind of life in the earth, then to be a Pope, and to come to the papacy by blood, that is (said he) not to succeed Peter, but rather Romulus, who to reign alone, did slay his brother.

Although this Adrian was bad enough, yet came the next much worse, one Alexander the 3. of that name. Who yet was not elected alone: for beside him the Emperor w ^t 9. Cardinals (albeit Sabellicus saith but with 3.) did set up another Pope named Victor the 4. Betwene these two Popes rose a soul schism and great discord, and long continued. In so much, that the Emperor being required to take up the matter, sent for them both to appear before him, that in hearing them both, he might judge their cause the better. Victor came, but Alexander (disdaming that his matter should come in controversy) refused to appear. Whereupon the Emperor with a full consent of his Bishops and clergy about him, assigned and ratified the election of Victor to stand, and so brought him into the City there to be received & placed. Alexander (flying into France) accused them both, sending his letters to all christendom against them, as men to be avoided and cast out of all Christian company. Also to get him friends at Rome by flattery and money got on his side the greatest part of the City, both to the favoring of him, and to the setting up of such Consuls as were for his purpose. After this, Alexander coming from France to Sicily, and frō thence to Rome, was there received with much favor, thorough the help of Phillip the French king.

The Emperor hearing this rebellion and conspiracy in Rome, removed w ^t great power into Italy, where he had destroyed diverse great cities. Comming at length to Rome, he required the Citizens that the cause betwixt the two Popes might be decided, and that he which had y ^e best right, might be takē. If they would so do, he would restore again that which he took from them before. Alexander mistrusting his part, and doubting the willes of the Citizens, (having ships ready prepared for him, from William Duke of Apulia) fetched a course about to Venice.

To declare here the difference in histories, between Blondus Sabellicus, and the Venetian chronicles, with other writers, concerning the order of this matter, I will overpass. In this most do agree, that the Pope being at Venice, and required to be sent of the Venetians, to y ^e Emperor, they would not send him. Wherupon, Fridericus the Emperor sent thither his son Otho with men and ships well appointed, charging him not to attempt anything before his coming. The young man more hardy then circumspect (joining with the Venetians) was overcome, & so taken was brought into the city. Hereby the Pope toke no small occasion to work his feats.

The father to help the captivity and misery of his son, was compelled to submit himself to the Pope, and to entreat for peace. So the Emperor coming to Venice (at S. Markes Church, where the bishop was, there to take his absolution) was bid to kneel down at the Popes feet.

The proud Pope setting his foot upon the Emperors neck, said the verse of the Psalm: Super aspidem & basiliscum ambulabis & conculcabis Leonem & Draconem: That is, Thou shalt walk upon the Adder and the Basilisk, and shalt tread down the Lion and the Dragon, &c. To whō the Emperor answering again, said: Non tibi sed Petro, that is, not to thee but to Peter. The Pope again, Et mihi, & Petro, both to me and to Peter. The Emperor fearing to give any occasion of further quarreling, held his peace and so was absolved, and peace made between thē: the conditions whereof were these. First, that he should receive Alexander, for the true Pope. Secondly, that he should

restore again to the Church of Rome, all that he had taken away before. And thus the Emperor obtaining again his son, departed.

Here, as I note in diverse writers, a great diversity and variety touching the order of this matter (of whom some say that the Emperor campt in Palestine before he came to Venice, some say after) so I meruell to see in Volaterane (so great a favorer of the pope) such a contradiction who in his 22. book saith: y ^e Otto (the Emperors son) was taken in this conflict, which was the cause of y ^e peace between, his father and the pope: And in his 23. book again saith, that the Emperor himself was taken prisoner in the same battle: & so (afterward peace concluded) took his journey to Alia & Palestine: This P. in the time of his papacy (which continued 21. years) kept sundry councils both at Turo & at Lateran, where he confirmed the wicked proceedings of Hildebrand, and other his predecessors. As to bind all orders of the clergy to the vow of chastity, which were not greatly to be reprehended if they would define chastity aright. For who so liveth not a chaste life (saith he) is no fit person to be a minister. But herein lieth an error full of much blindness: and also peril, to think that matrimony immaculate (as S. Paul calleth it) is not chastity, but only a single life, that they esteem to be a chaste life.

Now forasmuch as our english pope holy martyr, called Thomas Becket, happened also in the same time of this pope Alexander, let us somewhat also story of him so far as the matter shall seem worthy of knowledge and to stand with truth. To the end that the truth thereof being sifted from all flattery and lies of such popish writers as paint out his story: men may the better judge both of him what he was, and also of his cause.

The life and history of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury.

IF the cause make a Martyr (as is said) I see not why we should esteem Tho. Becket to die a martyr, more then any other whom the Princes sword doth here temporally punish for their temporal deserts. To die for the Church, I grant is a glorious matter. But the Church, (as it is a spiritual and not a temporal Church) so it standeth upon causes spiritual, and upon an heavenly foundation, as upon saith, religion, true doctrine, sincere discipline, obedience to God's commandments. And not vpō things pertaining to this world, as possessions, liberties, exemptions, privileges, dignities, patrimonies, and superiorities. If these be given to the Church, I pray God churchmen may use them well, but if they be not given, the church cannot claim thē: or if they be takē away, that stadeth in the princes power. To contend to Princes for the same, it is no matter (in my mind) material, to make a martyr, but rather a rebellion against them, to whom we owe subjection. Therefore as I suppose Tho. Becket to be far frō the cause and title of a Martyr (neither can he be excused, from a plain rebel against his prince) so yet would I have wished again, the law rather publicly to have found out his fault: then the swords of men (not bid̄ not sent) to have smitten him, having no special commandment, neither of the prince nor of the law so to do. For though the indignation of the Prince (as the wise Prince saith) is death: yet it is not for every private persō straghtwayes to revenge the secret indignation of his Prince, except he be publicly authorised thereunto. And thus had been (as I suppose) the better way, the laws first to have executed their justice upon him. Certes, it had been the safest way for the king, as it proved after: who had just matter enough, if he had prosecuted his cause against him. And also thereby, his death had been without all suspicion of martyrdom, neither had their followed this shrining and fainting of him as there did. Albeit, the secret providence of God (which governeth all things) did see this way percase to be best, and most necessary for those days. And doubtless (to say here what I think, and yet to speak nothing again charity) if the Emperors had done the like to the Popes, contending against them what time they had cook them prisoners: that is, if they had used the law of the sword against them, and chopped off the heads of one or two, according to their traiterous rebellion: they had broken the neck of much disturbance, which long time after did trouble the Church. But for lack of that, because Emperors having the sword, and the truth on their side, would not use their sword: but standing in awe of the Popes vain curse, and reverencing his seat for Saint Peters sake, durst not lay hand upon him: though he were never so abhominable and traiterous a maletactour. The Popes perceiving that, took so much upon them (not as the scripture would give) but as much as the superstitious fear of Emperors and kings would suffer them to take: which was so much, that it past all order, rule, and measure. And all because the superior powers (either would not, or durst not) practice the authority given to them of the Lord, upon those inferiors, but suffered them to be their masters.

But as touching Thomas Becket, whatsoever is to be thought of them that did the act: the example thereof yet bringeth this profit with it, to teach all Romish Prelates not to be so stubborn (in such matters not pe • tayning to them) against their Prince, unto whom God hath subjected them.

Now to the story, which if it be true that is set forth in Quadrilogo, by those source who took upon thē to express the life and process of Thomas Becket: it appeareth by all conjectures that he was a man of a stout nature, severe, & inflexible. What persuasion or opinion he had once cōceaued: from that he would in no wise be removed, or very hardly. Threatenings & flatterings were to him both one. In this point singular, following no man's counsel so much as his own. Great helps of nature were in him (if he could have used them well) rather then of learning. Albe it, somewhat skillful he was of y ^e civil law, which he studied at Bonomie. In memory excellent good, and also well broken in courtly and worldly matters. Besides this, he was of a chaste and strait life, if the histories be true. Although in the first part of his life (being yet Archdeacon of Canterbury and after Lord Chancellor) he was very evil, courtlike, pleasant, given much both to hunting & hawking, according to the guise of the court. And highly favored he was of his prince, who not only had thus promoted him: but also had committed his son & heir to his institution and governance. But in this his first beginning he was not so well beloved: but afterward he was again as much hated (& deservedly) both of the king, and also of the most part of his subjects: save only of certain Monk •• and priests, and such other as were persuaded by thē: who magnified him not a little, for upholding the liberties of the church (that is) the licentious life and excess of Churchmen. Amongest all other, these vices he had most notable, & to be rebuked. Full of devotion, but without all true Religion. Zelous, but clean without knowledge. And therefore as he was stiff and stubborn of nature, so (a blind conscience being joined w ^t all) it turned to plain rebellion. So superstitious he was to the obedience of the pope, that he forgot his obedience to his natural and most beneficial king. And in maintaining (so cōtentiously) the vain constitutions and decrees of men: be neglected the commandments of God. But herein most of all to be reprehended, that not only (contrary y ^e kings knowledge) he sought to convey himself out of the realm (being in that place and calling) but also (being out of the realm) set matter of discord between the Pope & his K. and also between the French king and him: contrary to all honesty, good order, natural subjection, and true christianity. Wherupon followed no little disquietness after, both to the king and damage of the realm, as here (in process and in order following by the grace of Christ) we will declare. First beginning with the first rising up of him, & so consequently to prosocute in order his story as followeth.

And first here to omit the progeny of him and of his mother named Rose, whom Polyd. Virgilius falsely nameth to be a Saracen: when in deed she came out of the partes bordering near to Normandy. To omit also the fabulous vision of his mother, mentioned in Rob. Crikeladensis, of a burning torche issuing out of her body and reaching up to heaven: his first preferment was to the Church of Branfield, which he had by the gift of S. Albous. After that, he cutred in the service of the Archb. of Cant. by whō he was then preferred to be his Archdeacon. And after by the said Theobald was put (as a mā most metest for his purpose) to K. Hen. to bridle the young K. y ^e he should not be fierce against the clergy: whom in process of time, the K. made lord Chancellor, and then he left playing the archdeacon, and began to play the Chancellor. He facioned his conditions like to the kings both in weighty matters & trifles. He would hunt with him, and watch the time when the Kyng dyned and and slept. Furthermore he began to love the merry gessinges of the court, to delight himself in the great land of mē & praise of the people. And y ^e I may pass over his household stuff, he had his bridle of silver, & the bosses of his bridle were worth a great treasure. At his table and other expenses, he passed any earle: That on the one side, men would judge him little to consider the office of an Archdeacon: and on the other side would judge him to use wicked doings. He played also the good soldier under the K. in Gascon, and both wan and kept towns. When the K. sent Thomas being Chancellor home into England (ambassador with other nobles after the death of the Archb.) he willed Rich. Luci (one of the chiefest) to commend in his name, this Thomas to the convent of Canterbury, that they might chose him archbish. Which thing he did diligently. The monks said, it was not meet to choose a courtier and a souldior to be head of so holy a company, for he would spend (said they) all that they had. Other had this surmise also, because he was in so great favor with the prince, the kings son, & was so suddenly discharged. of the Chancellorship which he had borne five years. In the 44. year of his age (on the Saturday in the Whitsonweeke) he was made priest, and the next day consecrated Bishop.

As touching the priesthood of this man, I find the histories to vary in thenselves, for if he were beneficed, and chaplain to Theobald, & afterward archdeacon (as some say) it is no other like, but that he was priest before, & not (as our most English stories say) made priest in one day, and archbishop the next.

But howsoever this matter passeth, here is in y ^e mean time to be seen, what great benefits the K. had done for him, and what great love had been between them both. Now after that Becket was thus promoted, what variance and discord happened between them, remaineth to be shown: The causes of which variance were diverse and sundry.

As first when (according to the custom) the Kings officers gathered, of everyone, hyde money through the Realm, for the defense of their own country: the Kyng would have taken it to his cofers. But the Bishop said, that which every man gave willingly, he should not co •• t as his proper rent.

An other cause was, that where a Priest was accused of murder, and the kings officers and the friends of the dead, accused the priest earnestly afore the bishop of Salisbury his Diocesan to whō he was sent, desiring justice to be done on him: the priest was put to his purgation. But when he was not able to defend himself, the Bishop sent to the archbishop to ask what he should do. The Archb. commanded he should be deprived of all ecclesiastical benefices, & shut up in an abbey to do perpetual penance. After the same sort were diverse other handled for like causes, but none put to death, nor lost joint, nor burned in the hand, or the like pain.

The third cause was, that where a Chanon of Bruis did revile the kings iustices: the king was offended with the whole clergy. For these and such like, the Archbishop (to pacify the kings anger) commanded the Chanon to be whipped, & deprived of his benefices for certain years. But the king was not content with this gentic punishment, because it rather increased their boldness: and therefore he called the Archbishop, bishops, and all the clergy to assemble at Westminster. Whē they were assembled together: the king earnestly commanded, that such wicked Clerks should have no privilege of their Clergy, but he delivered to the Iaylers, because they passed so little of y ^e spiriturll correction: and this he said, also their own Canons and laws had decreed. The Archbishop counsailing w ^e his bishops and learned men, answered probably: and in the end he desired heartily the kings gentleness (so: the quietness of himself and his realm) that under Christ our new king, and under the new law of Christ, he would bring in no new kind of punishment into his Realm (upon the new chosen people of the Lord) against the old decrecs of the holy fathers: And oft he said, that he neither ought nor could suffer it. The king moved therewith (and not without cause) alledgeth again and exacteth the old laws and customs of his grandfather, observed and agreed vpō by archbishops, bishops, prelates, & other priuileged persons: inquiring likewise of him, whether he would agree to the same, or else now (in his reign) would condemn that which in the reign of his graūdfather was well allowed. To which laws & customs, the said Thomas did partly grant, and partly not grant. The copy of the which foresaid laws are contained in the number of xxviii. or xxix. whereof I thought here to recite certain, not unworthy to be known.

By these and such other laws and decrees it may appear that the abolyshing of the pope, is no new thing in the realm of England. This only difference there is, y ^e the P. being driven out then, could not be kept out so long as now he is. The cause is, that y ^e time was not yet come, that antechrist should so fully be revealed. Neither was his wickedness then so fully ripe in those days, as it hath been now in our time. Now these premised, let us return where we left, to the matter betwixt the king and Thomas becket.

The communication and controversy between the king and Thomas Becket with his Clergye.

THe king as is aforesaid, conventing his Nobles and clerks together, required to have y ^e punishment of certain misdoers of the Clergy. But Thomas Becket not assenting thereunto: the king came to this point: to know whether he would consent with his clergy, that the customs then set forth in the realm (meaning by the first part of those decrees above specified) should be observed. To which the Archbishop consulting together with his brethren, giveth answer again, that he was contented y ^e kings ordinances should be observed, adding this withal, Saluo ordine suo : that is, saving his order. And so in like manner all the other bishops after, being demanded in order, answered w ^t the same addition, Saluo ordine suo. Only Hillarius bishop of Chichester, perceiving the king to be exasperate with that addition, instede of Saluo ordine, agreed to observe them Bona fide. The king hearing thē not simply to agree unto him but with an exceptiō, was mightily offended: who thē turning to the Archbishop and the Prelates said: that he was not well contented with that clause of theirs, Saluo ordine suo, which he said, was captious and deceitful: having some manner of venine lurking under, & therefore required an absolute grant of them w ^t out any exception to agree to the kings ordinances. To this the Archbishop answered again, that they had sworn unto him their fidelity, both life, body, and earthly honor, Saluo ordine suo : and that in the same earthly honor, also those ordinances were comprehended: and to the observing, they would bind themselves after no other form, but as they had sworn before. The king with this was moved, & all his nobility not a little. As for y ^e other bishops, there was no doubt but they would easily have relented, had not the stoutness of the Archb. made thē more constant then otherwise they would have been. The day being well spent: the king (when he could get no other answer of them) departed in great anger: giving no word of salutatiō to y ^e bishops. And likewise, the bishops everyone to his own house departed. The bishop of Chichester (amongst the rest) was greatly rebuked of his fellows, for chaūging y ^e exception contrary to the voice of all the other. The next day following, the king took from the archbishop all such honors & Lordships, as he had givē him before, in the time that he was chauncellor: whereby appeared the great displeasure of the king against him and the clergy. Not long after this, the king removing from London (unknowing to the bishops) sailed over to Normandy, whither the bishop of London called Gilbert (not long after) resorted to crave the Kings favor: & gave him council withal to join some of y ^e bishops on his side, least if all were against him, peradventure he might sooner be overthrown. And thus the greatest mumber of y ^e bishops were by this means reconciled again to the King: only the archbishop with a few other remained in their •• outnes still. The K. (thinking to try all manner of ways) when he saw no fear not threats could turn him: did assay him with gē • lenes, it would not serve. Many of the nobles labored betwixt thē both, exhorting him to relent to the King, it would not be. Likewise the archbishop of York with diverse other Bishops and abbots (especially the bish. of Chester) did the same. Besides this his own household daily called upon him: but no man could persuade him. At length understanding (partly by them y ^e came to him) what danger might happen not only to himself, but to all the other clergy upon the kings displeasure: partly considering the old love & kindness of the king towards him in time past, was content to give over to the kings request: & came to Oxeford to him, reconciling himself about the addition, which displeased the king so much. Wherupō, the king (being somewhat mitigate) receiveth him with a more cheerful countenance: but yet not all so familiarly as before, saying: that he would have his ordinances and proceedings after y ^e form confirmed in the public audience & opē sight of his Bishops and all his Nobles. After this the K. (being at Clarendon) there called all his pieres and prelates before him: requiring to have that performed which they had promised, in consenting to the observing of his grandfathers ordinances and proceedings. The archbishop suspecting (I cannot tell what) in y ^• kings promise, drew backward, & now would not that he would before. At last with much a do he was enforced to give assent. First, came to him the bishop of Salisbury and of Norwich, who (for old matters endangered to the king long before) came weeping & lamēting to the archbishop, desiring him to have some compassion of them, & to remit this pertinency to the king: left if he so continued (through his stoutness to exasperate the kings displeasure) happily it might redound to no small danger, not only of thē which were in ieoperdy already: but also of himself to be imprisoned, and the whole Clergy to be indaungered. Besides these two bishops, there wet to him other two noble pieres of the realm laboring w ^e him to relent & condescend to the kings desire. If not, they should be enforced to use violence, as neither would stand with the kings fame, and much less with his quietness. But yet the stout stomach of the mā would not give over. After this, came to him ii. rulers of the temple called Templars: one Richard de Hast: another Costans de Heuerio with their company: lamenting & bewailing their great peril which they declared unto him to hang over his head: yet neither with their tears nor with their kneelinges, would he be removed. At length came y ^e last message from the king, signifying unto him with express words (and also with tears) what he should trust to, if he would not give over to the kings request.

By reason of which message, he (either terrified or else persuaded) was content to submit himself. Whereupon, the king incontinent assembling the states together: the Archbishop first before all other beginneth to promise to the king obedience and submission unto his custom, and that Cum Bona fide leaving out of his former addition, Saluo ordine, mentioned before: in steed whereof he promised in Verbo veritatis, to observe and keep the kings customs and swear to the same. After him the other Bishops likewise gave the like oath. Whereupon, the king commanded incontinent certain instruments obligatory to be drawn: of y ^e which: the king should have one: the archbishop of Canterbury another: the Archbishop of York the third: requiring also the said Archbishop to set his hand and seal. To the which, the Archbishop (although not denying but that he was ready so to do) yet desired respite in the matter, while that he (being but newly come to his bishoppricke) might better peruse with himself the foresaid customs and ordinances of the king. This request as it seemed but reasonable, so it was lightly granted: and so the day being well spent, they departed for that season and brake up.

Alanus one of the iv. writers of y ^e life of this Thomas Becket, recordeth: that the archbishop in his viage toward Winchester, begā greatly to reap̄t that he had done before, partly through the instigation of certain about him, but chiefly of his crossebearer, who going before the Archbish. did sharply and earnestly expostulate with him, for giving over to the kings request against the priuelege & liberties of the Church: polluting not only his fame and conscience, but also giving a pernicious example to them that should come after, with many like words. To make the matter short: the Archbishop was so touched upon the same with such repentance, that keeping himself from all company, lamenting with tears, with fasting, and with much penance macerating and afflicting himself, did suspend him self from all divine service: and would not receive comfort, before that (word being sent to his holy graundfather the pope) he should be assoild of him: who tenderyng the tears of his dear chicken, directed to him letters again by the same messenger which Thomas had sent up to him before. In which letters not only he assoiled him from his trespass: but also with words of great consolation did encourage him to be stout in the quarrel he took in hand. The copy of which letters consolatory sent from the Pope to Popish Becket, here follow under written.

Thys letter with other moe after like sort, the pope thē wrote to him: animating and comforting him in this quarrel so nearly pertaining to the popes profit. By the occasion whereof, Becket toke no small heart and consolation In so much, y ^t thereof seemeth to me to proceed, all the occasiō y ^e made him so stout & malipart against his prince, as hereafter followeth to be seen by his doings. What y ^e other letters were that the pope wrote unto him, shortly after (when we come to the appellatiōs made to the pope) shall appear God willing. In the mean season (as he sat thus mourning at home) the king hearing of him, & howe be denied to set his seal to those sanctions, which he condesceded to before, took no little displeasure against him. In so much that he (threatening to him and his, banishment & death) began to call him to reconinges, and to burden him with paymentes: that all men might understand that y ^e kings mind was sore set against him. The Archbishop hereupon (whether more for the love of the pope, or dread of his prince) thought to make an escape out of the realm, and so went about in the night (with two or three with him stealing out of his house) to take the sea privily. Now amongst other the kings ordinances and sanctions, this was one: that none of the prelacy or nobility without the kings license (or of his iustices) should depart out of the realm. So Becket twice attempted the sea, to flee to the see of Rome: but the wether not serving, was drivē home again, and his devise for that time frustrated. After his departure began to be known and noised abroad, the kings officers came to Canterbury to season upon his goods in the kings behalf. But as it chanced the night before their coming, Becket being returned and found at home, they did not proceed in their purpose.

Upon this, the Archbishop (understanding the king sore bent against him, and the seas not to serve him) made hast to the court, lying then at woodstock. Where the king received him (after a certain manner) but nothing so familiarly as he was wont: taunting him gestingly & merrily, as though one realm were not able to hold them both. Becket (although he was permitted to go and come at his pleasure to the court) yet could not obtain the favor that he would: perceiving both in himself, and confessing no less to other, how the matter would fall out: so that either he should be constrained to give over with shame, or stoutly stand to that which he had so holdly taken in hand. The Archbishop of York in the mean time (going between y ^e king and the Archbish.) labored to make a peace & love between them, but the King in no case would be reconciled, unless the other would subscribe to his laws. So the while, neither the K. would otherwise agree, nor yet the archb. in any wise would subscribe: there was a foul discord. Where the fault was, let the reader here judge between thē both. The K. (for his regal authority thought it much, that any subject of his, should stand against him. The Archb. again (bearing himself bold upon the authority, & especially upon the letters of the P. lately writ̄ to him) thought him strong enough against the king & all his realm. Again, such was his quarrel for the maintenance of liberties and glory of the Church, that he could lack no setters on, & favorers in that behalf, in so sweet a cause amongst the clergy. Wherefore the Archb. (trusting to these things) would give no place, but by virtue of his Apostolic authority gave censure upon these laws and constitutions of the king: condemning some, & other some approving for good and catholic, as is before declared. Besides this, there came also to the K. Rotrodus Archbishop of Rotomage (sent from the Pope) to make peace between the K. and Canterbury. Whereunto the king was well content, so that the Pope would agree to ratify his ordinances. But whē that could in no wise be obtained at the Popes hands: then the king being stopped and frustrate of his purpose by reason of Beckets Apostolic legacy (being Legatus a Latere ) thought good to send up to the pope and so did: to obtain of him that the same authority of the Apostolic Legacy might be conferred to another after his appointment, which was the Archbishop of York. But the pope denied. Notwithstanding at the request of the kings Clergy, the Pope was content that the king should be Legate himself: whereat the king took great indignation (as Houeden writeth) so that he sent the Pope his letters again. Here the Pope was perplexed on both sides.

If he should have denied the king, that was to hot for him. For the Pope useth always to hold in with kings howsoever the world speedeth. Agayne, if he should have forsaken such a churchly chaplen (the cause being so sweet and so gainful) that should have been against himself: what did he thē? Here now cometh in the old practice of popish prelacy, to play with both hands: privily he cōspireth with the one, and openly dissembleth with the other. First, he granted to the kings ambassadors their request, to have the Legate removed, and to place in that office the Archbishop of York, after his own contentation, and yet notwithstanding (to tender the cause of Tho. Becket) he addeth this promise withal, that the said Becket should receive no harm or damage thereby. Thus the Pope craftily conneying the matter between them both (glad to further the Archbishop for his own advantage, and yet loath to deny the king for displeasure) writeth to the king openly, and also secretly directeth another letter to Becket: the contents whereof here follow.

Upon these letters and such other, as is said before: Becket seemed to take all his boldness to be so stout and sturdy against his Prince as he was. The Pope (beside these) sent secretly this Chaplain of his, and directed another letter also unto the king: granting and permitting at his request, to make the Archbishop of York Legate Apostolical.

The king (after he had received his letters sent from the Pope) began to put more strength to his purposed proceedings against the Archbishop: first beginning with the inferiors of the clergy, such as were offenders against his laws, as fellons, robbers, quarellers, breakers of peace, and especially such as had committed homicide and murders, whereof more then an hundred at that time were proved upon the clergy (as witnesseth Guliel. Neuburgēsis, in his book de gestis Anglorum, lib. 2. cap. 16 ) urging and cōstraining them to be arreigned after the order of the law temporal, and justice to be ministered to them according to their deserts: as first to be deprived, and so to be committed to the secular hands. This seemed to Becket to derogate frō the liberties of holy church, that the secular power should pass in causes criminal, or sit in judgment against any ecclesiastical person. This law, the roisters (then of the clergy) had picked and forged out of Anacletus & Euaristus by whole falsely alleged and pretensed authority, they have deduced this their constitution from the Apostles, which giveth immunity to all ecclesiastical persons to be free from secular jurisdiction. Becket therefore like a valiāt champion (fighting for his liberties, and having the Pope on his side) would not permit his clerks infamed, otherwise to be conuēted, then before ecclesiastical judges, there to be examined & deprived for their excess, and no seculare judge to proceed against them. So that after their deprivation, if they should incur the like offense again, then the temporal judge to take hold vpō them, otherwise not. This obstinate and stubborn rebellion of the Archb. stirred up much anger and vexation in their king, & not only in him, but also in the nobles and in all the bishops (for the greater part) that almost he was alone a wonderment to all the realm.

The kings wrath daily increased more and more against him (as no marvel was) and caused him to be cited up to appear by a certain day at the town of Northhampton, there to make answer to such things as should be laid to his charge. So when the day was come (all the Pieres and nobles, with the prelates of the Realm upon the kings proclamation being assembled in the Castle of Northhampton) great fault was sound with the Archb. for that he (personally cited to appear) came not himself, but sent another for him. The cause why he came not, Houeden assigneth to be this: for that the king had placed his horse and horsemen in the Archb. lodging (which was a house there of Canons) wherewith he being offended, sent word again that he would not appear, unless his lodging were voided of the kings horsemen, &c. Wherupon (by the public sentence as well of all the Nobles, as of the bishops) all his moveables were adjudged to be confiscate for the king, unless the kings clemency would remit the penalty. The stubborn Archbishop again (for his part) quarellyng against the order & form of the judgment, complaineth: alleagyng for himself (seeing he is their Primate and spiritual father not only of all other in the realm, but also of the king himself) not to be convenient, the father so to be judged of his children, nor the pastor of his flock so to be condened: saying moreover that the ages to come should know what judgment was done, &c. But especially he complaineth of his fellow bishops (when they should rather have taken his part) so to sit in judgment against their Metropolitan, and this was the first days action.

The next day following, the king laid an actiō against him in the behalf of one that was his Marshall (called John) for certain injury done to him, and required of the said Archb. the repaying again of certain money, which he (as is said) had lent unto him being Chancellor, the sum whereof came to 500. marks. This money y ^e Archb. denied not but he had received of the king, howbeit (by the way and title of gift as he took it) though he could bring no probation thereof. Wherupon, the king required him, to put in assurance for the payment thereof: whereat the Archbish. making delays (not well contented at the matter) was so called upon, that either he should be countable to the king for the money, or else he should incur present danger, the king being so bent against him. The Archbishop being brought to such a strait (and destitute of his own suffragans) could here by no means have escaped, had not v. persons of their own accord stepped in, being bound for him, every man for one C. marks a piece. And this was upon the second day concluded.

The morrow after (which was the third day of the council) as the Archb. was sitting below in a certain cōclave with his fellow bishops about him consulting together (the doors fast locked to them, as the king had willed & commanded) it was propounded unto him in the behalf of the king, that he had had diverse bishoprikes & Abbarikes in his hand which were vacant (with the fruits and revenues thereof due unto the king for certain years) whereof he had rendered as yet no accompt to the king: wherefor it was demanded of him to bring in a full and a clear reckoning of the same. This (with other such like) declared to all the council great displeasure to be in y ^e king and no less danger toward the Archbishop.

The advise of the bishops for Thomas Becket.

THus while the bishops and prelates were in council, (advising and deliberating what was to be done) at length it came to voices, every man to say his mind, and to give sentence what were the best way for their Archb. to take. First began Henry bishop of Winchester, who thē took part with Becket so much as he durst for fear of the king, who said, he remembered that the said Archb (first being Archdeacon, and then Lord Chancellor, at what time as he was promooted to the church of Canterbury) was discharged from all bands and reckonings of the temporal court, as all the other bishops could not but bear record to the same.

Next spake Gilbert bishop of London, exhorting and motioning the Archbishop that he should cal with himself to mind, from whence the king took him, and set him up, what and how great things he had done for him, also that he should consider with himself the dangers and perils of the time, and what ruin he might bring upon the whole church (and upon them all there present) if he resisted the kings mind in the things he required. And if it were to render up his Archbishoprike (although it were x. times better then it is) yet he should not stick with the king in the matter. In so doing it might happen, the king seeing that submission and humility in him, would release him peradventure of all the rest. To this the Archbishop answering, well, well (saith he) I perceive well enough my Lord, whether you tend, & where about you go. Then spake Winchester, inferring upon the same. This form of council (saith he) seemeth to me very pernicious to the Catholic Church, tending to our subversion, and to the confusion of us all. For if our Archbishop and Primate of all England do leave to this example, that every Bishop should give over his authority and the charge of the flock committed to him, at commandment & threatening of the prince: to what state shall the Church be brought thē, but that all should be confounded at his pleasure and arbitrement, and nothing to stand certain by any order of law, and so as the priest is, so shall the people be:

Hilary the bishop of Chichester replieth again to this saying: If it were not, that the instance and the great perturbation of time did otherwise require and force us, I would think this counsel here given were good to be followed. But now seeing the authority of our canon faileth, & cannot serve us, I judge it not best to go so straightly to work, but so to moderate our proceedings, that dispensation with suffrance may win that which severe correction may destroy. Wherefore my counsel and reason is, to give place to the kings purpose for a time, least (by over hasty proceeding, we exceed so far) that both it may redounde to our shame, & also cannot rid our selves out again when we would.

Much to the same end spake Robert the bishop of Lincoln after this manner: Seeing (saith he) it is manifest that the life and blood of this man is sought, one of these two must needs be chosen: that either he must part with his Archbishoprike, or else with his life. Now what profit he shall take in this matter of his Bishoprike, his life being lost, I do not greatly see.

Next followed Bartlemew bishop of Exceter, with his advise, who (inclining his counsel to the state of time) confirmed their sayings before, affirming how the days were evil and perilous. And if they might so escape that violence of that raging tempest under the cover of bearing and relenting, it were not to be refused. But that he said could not be, except straight severity should give place to tractabilitie, and so the instance and condition of time then present, required no less, especially seeing that persecution was not general, but personal and particular, & thought it more holy and convenient, one head to run in some part of danger, then the whole church of England to be subject and exposed to inconvenience inevitable.

The answer of Roger bishop of Worcester was divided in a double suspense, neither affirming the one, nor denying the other, whose saying was this: that he would give no answer on neither part. For if I (saith he) shall say that the pastoral function & cure of souls, ought to be relinquished at the kings will or threatening, then my mouth shall speak against my conscience to the condemnation of mine own head. And if I shall give again contrary counsel to resist the kings sentence, here be they that will hear it, and report it to his grace, and so I shall be in danger to be thrust out of the sinagoge, and for my part to be accōpted amongst the public rebels (with them to be condemned) wherefor neither do I say this, nor counsel that.

And this was the consultation of the Bishops in that place, assembled together by the kings commandment. Against these voices & censures of the bishops Becket the Archbishop replieth again, expostulatyng and checking them with rebukefull words. I perceive (saith 'he) and understand ye go about to maintain and cherish but your own cowardnes, under the colorable shadow of suffrāce: and under pretence of dissembling softness, to choke the liberty of Christ's church. Who hath thus bewitched you, O insatiable bishops? What mean ye? Why do ye so under the impudent title of forbearing, bear a double heart, and cloke your manifest iniquity? What call ye this bearing w ^e time, the detriment of the Church of Christ? Let terms serve the matter, why pervert you the matter that is good, with vocables & terms untrue? For that ye say we must bear with the malice of time, I grant with you, but yet we must not heap sin to sin. Is not God able to help the state and condition of his church, but with the sinful dissimulatiō of the teachers, of the church? Certes God is disposed to tempt you. And tell me (I pray you) whether should the governors of the church put themselves to dangers for the church in time of tranquility, or in time of distress? Ye will be ashamed to deny the contrary but in distress. And now then (the church lying in so great distress and vexation) why should not the good pastor put himself into peril therefore? For neither do I think it a greater act or merit for the ancient bishops of the old time, to lay the foundation of the church then (with their blood) then now for us to shed our blood for the liberties of the same, And to tell you plain, I think it not safe for you to swerve from an example, which you have received of your holy elders. After these things were spoken, they sat all in silence a certain space, being locked in together. At length (to find a shift to cause the door to be opened) I will saith the Archbishop speak with two Earls which are about the king, and named them whom they were. Which (being called) opened the door and came in with hast, thinking to hear some thing which should appease the kings mind. To whom the Archbishop spake in this manner: As touching and concerning the matters between the king & us, we have here conferred together. And for as much as we have them not present with us now, which know more in the matter then we do (whose advise we would be glad also to follow) therefore we crave so much respite as to the next day following, and then to give up our answer unto the king. With this message two bishops were sent to the king, which was the bishop of London, and the bishop of Rochester.

London (to help the matter, and to set quietness as I take it, adding something more to the message) said to the king, that the Archb. craved a little delay of time to prepare such writings and instruments, wherein he should set forth and declare his mind, in accomplishing the kings desire, &c. Wherefore, two barons were sent to him from the king to grant him that respite or stay, so that he would ratify that which the messengers had signified to the king. To the which the Archb. answereth, that he sent no such message as was intimate in his name: but only, that the next day he would come and give answer to the king, in that which he had to say. And so the convocation of the bishops was dissolved, and dismissed home: so that the most part of them that came with the Archb. and accompanied him before, (for fear of the kings displeasure) severed thenselves from him. The Archb. thus forsaken and destitute (as his story saith) sent about for the poor, the lame, and the halt, to come in and furnish his house, saying, that by them he might sooner obtain his victory, than by the other which had so slipped from him.

On the next day following, because it was Sunday, nothing was done. But the night before (being taken with a disease called passio iliaca, the colicke) all that day he kept his bed, and was not able, as he said, to rise. Every man supposing this to be but a feigned sickness, as it seemed no less, certain of the chief Nobles were sent to try the matter, and to cite him to the Court: namely, Rob. erle of Leicester, and Reginald Earl of Devonshire. To whom the Archb. answered, that as that day he was so diseased that he could not come, yea though he were brought in an horse litter. So that day passed over. The morrow after certain that were about him, fearing no less, but that some danger would happen to him, gave him counsel in the morning to have a mass in the honor of the holy Martyr S. Stephen, to keep him from y ^e hands of his enemies that day. When the morrow was come (being Tuesday) there came to him the Bishops & Prelates, counsailyng and perswadyng him covertly by insinuation (for apertly they durst not) that he would submit himself with all his goods (as also his Archbishoprike) to the will of the king, if peradventure his indignation by that means might swage. Adding moreover, that unless he would so do, perjury would be laid against him: for that he being under the oath of fidelity to keep the kings laws and ordinances, now would not observe them. To this, Becketh the Archbishop answereth again: Brethren ye see and perceive well how the world is set against me, and how the enemy riseth and seeketh my confusion. And although these things be dolorous and lamentable, yet the thing that grieveth me most of all, is this: the sons of mine own mother be pricks & thorns against me. And albeit I do hold my peace, yet the posterity to come will know and report how cowardly you have turned your backs, and have left me your Archbishop & Metropolitan alone in this conflict. And how you have sit̄ in judgment against me (although vnguilty of crime) now ii, days together, and not that only in the civil & spiritual court, but also in the temporal court ready to do the same. But in general this I charge and command (by the virtue of pure obedience, and in peril of your order) that ye be present personally in judgment against me. And that ye shall not fail so to do, I here appeal to our mother (the refuge of all such as be oppressed) the church of Rome: and if any secular men shall lay hands upon me (as it is rumord they will) I straightly enjoin and charge you in the same virtue of obedience, that you exercise your censure ecclesiastical upon them, as it becometh you to do for a father & an Archbishop. And this I do you to understand: that though the world rage, & the enemy be fierce, and the body trembleth (for the flesh is weak) yet God so fauoring me, I will neither cowardly shrink, nor vily forsake my flock committed to my charge, &c.

But the bishop of London, contrary to this commandment of the archbishop: did incontinent appeal frō him. And thus the bishops departed from him to the court, save only two (Henry Winchester and Ioceline of Salisbury, who returned with him secretly to his chamber and comforted him. This done, the Archbishop (which yesterday was so sore sick that he could not stir out of his bed) now addresseth him to his mass of S. Stephen with all solemnity, as though it had been an hie festiual day, with his Metropolitan Pall, which was not used but upon the holy day to be worn, &c. The office of his mass began, Sederunt principes, & aduersum me loquebantur : that is, Princes sat and spake against me, &c. (the kings servants being also there and beholding the matter). For this mass, Gilbert bishop of London accused Becket afterward, both for that it was done per artem magicam, & in cōtemptum regis (as the words of Houeden purport) that is, both by art, magike, and in contempt of the king, &c.

The mass being ended, the Archbyshop (putting of his pall, his miter and other robes) proceedeth to the kings Court: but yet not trusting peradventure so greatly to the strength of his mass (to make the matter more sure) he taketh also the sacrament privily about him, thinking thereby himself sufficiently defensed against all bugs. In going to the kings chamber (there to attend y ^e kings coming) as he was entering the door, he taketh from Alexander his crosier, the cross with the cross staff, in the sight of all that stood by, and carrieth it in himself (the other Bishops following him & saying) he did otherwise then became him. Amongst other Robert bishop of Hereford offered himself to bear his cross rather then he should so do, for that it was not comely: but the Archbish. would not suffer him. Then said the bishop of London to him: if the king shall see you come armed into his chamber, perchance he will draw out his sword against you, which is stronger then yours: and then, what shall this your armor profit you? The Archb. answereth again: if the kings sword do cut carually, yet my sword cutteth spiritually, & striketh down to hell. But you my lord as you have plaid the fool in this matter, so you will not yet leave of your folly for anything I can see: and so he came into the chamber. The king hearing of his coming and of the manner thereof, tarried not long but came where Becket was set in a place by himself, with his other Bishops about him. First, the crier called the prelates and all the lords of the temporality together. That being done, (and everyone placed in his seat, according to his degree) the king beginneth with a great complaint against the Archb. for his manner of entering into the court: not as (saith he) a subject into a kings court: but as a traitor, showing himself in such sort, as hath not ben seen before in any christen kings court, professing christiā faith. To this, all (there present) gave witness with the king, affirming him always to be a vain & a proud man, and that y ^e shame of his fact did not only redound against the prince himself, but also against his whole realm. Moreover they said that this had so happened to the king, for that he had done so much for such a beast, advancing him so highly in such a place and room next under himself. And so altogether with one cry called him traitor on every side, as one that refused to give terrene honor to the king, in keeping (as he had sworn) his laws and ordinances: at whose hands also he had received such honor and great preferments: and therefore was well worthy (said they) to be handled like a perjured traitor and rebel. Wherupon, great doubt and fear was what should befall upon him. The Archb. of York coming down to his men said, he could not abide to see what the archb. of Cant. was like to suffer. Likewise, the Tipstaues and other ministers of the assembly coming down with an outcry against him, crossed them to see his haughty stubbornness, and the business there was about him. Certain there were of his disciples sitting at his feet, comforting him softly, and bidding him to lay his curse upon them. Other (contrary) bidding him not to curse, but to pray and to forgive them, and if he lost his life in the quarrel of the church and the liberty thereof, he should be happy. Afterwarde, one of them named Johannes Stephani, desired to speak something in his care, but could not be suffered by the kings Marshal, who forbade, that no man should have any talk with him. Then he (because he could not otherwise speak to him) wrought by signs, making a cross, and looking up with his eyes & wagging his lips, meaning that he should pray, and manfully to stand to the cross. In the mean time cometh to him Bartlemew B. of Excetor: desiring him to have regard and compassion of himself, and also of them, or else they were all like to perish for the hatred of him: for there cometh out (saith he) a precept from the king that he shall be taken, & suffer for an open rebel, that hereafter taketh your part. It is said moreover, that Iocelinus B. of Salisbury, and William B. of Norwich, are to be had to the place of execution for their resisting and making intercession for the B. of Canterbury. When he had thus said, the Archbyshop (looking upon the said Bishop of Exceter) avoid hence from me (saith he) thou understandest not, neither doest savor those things that be of God.

The Bishop and Prelates then going aside by themselves from the other nobles (the king so permitting them to do) took counsel together what was to be done. Here the matter stood in a doubtful perplexity, for either must they incur the dangerous indignation of the king, or else with y ^e Nobles they must proceed in condemnation against the archbishop for resisting the kings sanctions: which thing neither, they themselves did favor. In this straight necessity (they devising what way to take) at length agreed upon this: that they with a common assent should cite the Archb. to the sea of Rome upon perjury. And that they should oblige and bind themselves to the king with a sure promise, to work their diligence in deposing the Archbish. (upon this condition) that the King should promise their safety, & discharge them from the peril of that judgment, which was toward them. So all the bishops obliging thē selves thus to the king, went forth to the Archbishop: of whom, one speaking for the rest (which was Hillarie Bishop of Chichester) had these words: Once you have been our Archbishop, and so long we were bound to your obedience: but now for as much as you (once swearing your fidelity to the king) do resist him: neglecting his injunctions and ordinances concerning and appertaining to his terrene honor and dignity: we here pronounce you perjured, neither be we bound to give obedience to an Archbishop thus being perjured. But putting ourselves and all ours in the popes protectiō, do cite you up to his presence. And upon the same, assigned him his day and time to appear. The Archbishop answering again, said: he heard him well enough. And upon this sendeth up to Rome in all hast to y ^e pope, signifying to him by letters the whole matter, how and wherefore, and by whom he was cited. To whom the Pope directed again his letters of comfort (as he had done diverse before) the copy whereof here ensueth.

As the Archbyshop was thus cited up to Rome (sitting with his cross waiting in the Court, neither giving place to the k • ngs request, nor abashed with the clamor of the whole court against him calling him traitor on every side, neither following the advertisement of his fellow Bishops) at length the king by certain Earls and Barons sent commandment to him, (Robert Earl of Lecester doing the message) that he should without delay come & render a full accompt of all things that he had received, as the profits and revenues of the Realm, in the time he was Chauncelor: and especially for the 30000. Markes, for the which he was accōptable to the king. To whom the archbishop answereth again: the king knew, how oft he had made his reckoning of those things which now were required of him. Farther and besides, Henry his son and heir of his realm, with all his Barons, and also Richard Lucie chief Justice of England, told him: that he was free and quit to God and to holy Church, from all receipts and computations, and from all secular exactions on the kings behalf. And so he taking thus his discharge at their hands, entered into his office, and therefore other accompt besides this he would make none. When this word was brought to the king, he required his Barons to do the law upon him. Who so doing, judged him to be apprehended, & laid in prison. This done, the king sendeth to him Reignalde Earl of Cornewall & Devonshire, and Robert Earl of Leycester, to declare to him what was his judgment. To whom the Archbyshop answereth: hear (my son & good Earl) what I say unto you: how much more precious the soul is more then the body, so much more ought you to obey me in the lord, rather then your terrene king. Neither doth any law or reason permit the children to judge or condemn their father. Wherefore, to avoid both the judgment of the king, of you, and all other: I put myself only to the arbitrement of the Pope, under God alone to be judged of him, and of no other. To whose presence here before you all, I do appeal: committing the ordering of the Church of Cant. (my dignity, with all other things appertaining to the same) under the protection of God and him. And as for you my brethren & fellow Bishops (which rather obey man, then god) you also I call and cite to the audience and judgment of the pope, and depart hence forth from you, as from the enemies of the Catholic Church, and of the authority of Apostolic see.

While the Barons returned with this answer to the king, the Archbishop passing through the throng, taketh to him his Palfrey (holding his Cross in one hand, and his bridle in y ^e other) the courtiers following after and crying: traitor, traitor, tarry & hear thy judgment. But he passed on till he came to the uttermost gate of the Courte, which being fast locked there had ben staid, had not one of his servants, called Peter (surnamed Demunctorio) finding there a bunche of keys hanging by: first proved one key, then another (till at last finding the true key) had opened the gate, and let him out. The archbishop went straight to the house of Canons, where he did lie, calling unto him the poor, where they could be found. When supper was done, making as though he would go to bed (which he caused to be made betwixt two altares) privily while the king was at supper, prepareth his iorny secretly to escape away: and changing his garment and his name (being called Derman) first went to Lincoln, from thence to Sandwiche, where he took ship, and sailed into Flaunders: and from thence journeyed to France, as Houedenus saith. All be it Alanus differing something in the order of his flight, saith: that he departed not that night, but at supper time came to him the bishop of London, & Chichester (declaring to him) that if he would surrender up to the king his two manners of Oxford & wyngecham, there were hope to recover the kings favor, & to have all remitted. But when the Archbishop would not agree thereunto (forasmuch as those manners were belonging to the Church of Canterbury) the king hearing thereof, great displeasure was taken: In so much that the next day, Becket was fain to send to the king two bishops and his chaplein, for leave to depart the realm. To the which message the king answered, that he would take a pause thereof til the next day, & then he should have an answer. But Becket not tarrying his answer, the same day conveyed himself away secretly (as is aforesaid) to Ludouicus the French king. But before he came to the king, Gilbert the bishop of London, & William the earle of Arundel (sent frō the king of England to France) prevented him: requiring of the said French king (in y ^e behalf of the king of England) that he would not receive nor retain in his dominion the archb. of Canterbury. Moreover (that at his instance) he would be a means to y ^e pope, not to show any familiarity unto him. But the King of England in this point seemed to have more confidence in y ^e French king, then knowledge of his disposition. For thinking that the French king would have been a good neighbor to him (in trusting him to much) he was deceived. Neither considered he w ^e himself enough the manner & nature of the Frenchmen, at that time against the realm of England: who then were glad to seek and take all manner of occasions to do some act against England.

And therefore Ludouicke the French king, understanding the matter: & thinking (percase) thereby to have some vauntage against the king, and realm of England, by the occasion hereof: contrary to the kings letters and request: not only harboreth and cherisheth this Derman: but also (writing to the pope by his Almener and brother) entreateth him (upon all loves, as ever he would have his favor) to tender the cause of the Archbishop Becket. Thus the kings Ambassadors repulsed of the French king, returned, at what time he sent another ambassage (vpō the like cause) to Alexander the pope thē being at Sene in France. The Ambassadors sent in this message were Roger archbishop of York, Gilbert bishop of London, Henry Bish. of Winchester, Hilary Bish. of Chichester, Bartholomew bishop of Exceter, with other doctors & clerks: also william Earl of Arundell, with certain moe Lord's & Barons. Who coming to the popes court, were friendly accepted of certain of the Cardinals: amongst y ^e which cardinals, rose also dissention about the same cause: some judging the Bishop of Canterbury, in y ^e defense of the liberties of the Church (as in a good cause) to be maintained: Some thinking again, that he (being a perturber of peace and unity) was rather to be bridled for his presumption, then to be fostered & encouraged therein. But the P. partly bearing with his cause (which only tended to his exaltation and magnificence) partly again incensed with the letters of the French king: did wholly incline to Becket as no marvel was. Wherefore (y ^e next day following) the pope sitting in consistory with his Cardinals, the ambassadors were called for, to the hearing of Beckets matter: and first beginneth the bishop of London: next, the Archbishop of York: then Exceter: and the other Bishops, everyone in their order to speak. Whose orations being not well accepted of the Pope, and some of them also disdained: the Earl of Arundel perceiving that (and somewhat to qualify and temper the matter to the Popes ears) began after this manner.

This oration of his, although it was liked of them for the softness and moderation thereof: yet it could not so persuade the Romish Bishop to condescende to their suit and request. Which suit was, to have two legates or arbiters to be sent from his Popish side into England, to examine and take up the controversy between the king and the Archbyshop. But the pope incensed (as is said before) would not grant to their petition: forasmuch as it should be (saith he) prejudicial, and tending to the oppression of the archbishop to grant unto it, he being not present. And therefore he willed them to tarry his coming up, otherwise (he being absent) he would not (he said in any case) proceed against him. But they (alleging again their time to be expired appointed them of the king, having besides other lets and causes as they alleged) said that they could not there wait for the coming of Becket: but returned back (their cause frustrated) without the Popes blessing to the king. Within iv. days after, Becket cometh to the Popes court, where he prostrating himself at his feet, brought out of his bosom a scrolle containing the customs and ordinances of the king, afore mentioned fol. 207. The Pope receiving the foresaid scrolle, and reading it in the open hearing of his Cardinals, condemned and cursed the most parte of the said decrees of the King, which he called consuetudines auitas, that is, his grandfathers ordinances. Besides this: the Pope moreover blameth Becket, for that he so much yielded to them at the beginning, as he did: yet notwithstanding (because he was repentant for his unadvised fact) he was content to absoil him for the same, and the rather because of his great troubles, which he for the liberties of holy church did sustain: and so with great favor for that day dimissed him.

The next day (Alexander the Pope assembling his cardinals together in his secret chamber) appeareth before them archbishop Becket, having this oration to the pope and his popelings: which here I thought to set out in our vulgare English tongue (translated out of Latin) to the intent that the posterity hereafter may understand, either the vain superstition or vile slavery of the Churchmē in those days: who (being not content with their own natural Prince and king given them of God) must seek further to the Pope: thinking no ecclesiastical living to be given, which is not taken at his hands. The words of his Oration be storied rightly thus.

This done, the Archbyshop was bid to stand a parte. The Pope conferring upon this with his Cardinals, about the resignation of Becket what was best to be done: some thought it best to take the occasion offered, thinking thereby the kings wrath might easily be swaged if the church of Canterbury were assigned to some other person, and yet the said Becket otherwise to be provided for notwithstanding. Cōtrary, other again thought otherwise, whose reason was: If he (which for the liberties of the church had ventred not only his goods, dignity and authority, but also his life) should now at the kings pleasure be deprived: like as it might be a president hereafter to others in resisting their king in like sort (if his cause were maintained) so contrariwise if it quailed: it should be an example to all other hereafter, none to resist his Prince in the like case. And so, might it redounde not only to the weakening of the state of the Catholic Church, but also to the derogation of the Popes authority. Briefly, this sentence at length prevailed: and so Becket receiveth his pastoral office of the Popes hand again, with commendation and much favor. But for so much as he could not be well placed in England: in the mean while, the Pope sendeth him with a monks habit into the abbay Pontiniak in France: where he remained 2. years, from thence he removed to Senon where he abode 5. years. So the time of his exile continued a 7. years in all. &c.

Uppon this, the King being certified by his Ambassadors of the Popes answer, howe his favor inclined more to Becket then to him: was moved (and woorthely) with wrathful displeasure. Who upon the same sailing frō England unto Normandy, directed over certain Inunctions against the Pope, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, as were recited above. Fol. 207. The contents whereof were declared to be these.

If any person shall be found to bring from the Pope, or from the Archbishop of Canterbury. &c.

Of these and such other injunctions Becket specifieth partly in a certain letter, writing to a friend of his in this manner.

Besides these and such like injunctions, it was also set forth by the Kings proclamation. An. 1166. that all manner of persons (both men and women, who soever were found of the kindred of Thomas Becket) should be exiled without taking any part of their goods with them and sent to him, where he was: which was no little vexatiō to Becket to behold them. Moreover, for so much as he then was lying with Gwarine Abbot of Pontiniacke (to whom the pope as is aforesaid had commended him) therefore the king writing to the same Abbote, required him not to retain the Archbishop of Canterbury in his house: for if he did, he would drive out of his realm, all the monks of his order. Whereupon Becket was enforced to remove from thence, and went to Louis the French King, by whom he was placed at Senon, and there found of him the space of five years, as is above mentioned.

In the mean time, messengers went daily with letters between the king and the pope, between the Pope again and him, and so between the Archbishop and other. whereof if the Reader (peradventure) shall be desirous to see the copies: I thought here to express certain of them, to satisfy his desire: first beginning w ^e the Epistle of Becket complaining of his prince, to the Pope in manner and form as followeth.

Besides this Epistle sent unto the Pope: he writeth also another letter, sent to the King in Latin: the tenor whereof (he that is disposed to read) may peruse in our former edition, with the notes adjoined withal.

Besides which Epistle to the king in Latin, he sent also one or two mo, to the said king Henry the second, much after the like rate & sort. The one thus beginning: Loqui de Deo, liberae mentis est & valde quietae. Inde est quod loquar ad Dominum meum, & vtinam ad omnes pacificum. &c. which Epistle, for that I would not overcharge the volume of these Hystories with too much matter superfluous, I thought hore to omit. The other he sent afterward, whereof the words be these.

Besides these letters of the Archbyshoppe sent to the king, the Pope also in the same cause writeth to the king, beginning after this sort:

The whole tenor of the letter as 〈◊〉 wrote it to the king I would here express, but for treating of the time & straightness of room, having so many things else in this story (by the grace of Christ) to be comprehended. But the letter tendeth to this effect: to exhort and charge the king to show favor to Thomas Becket. Where, in the process of the Epistle, it followeth in these words: That is: therefore we desire you, monish and exhort your honor by these our Apostolical writings, and also enjoin you vpō the remission of your sins, in the behalf of almighty God, and of S. Peter Prince of the Apostles, by our authority, that you will receive again the foresaid Archb. into your favor and grace, for the honor of God, his Church, and of your own Realm, &c. Thus you heard the Popes entreating letter: now here is another letter sent unto the foresaid king, wherein he doth manace him, as in the tenor thereof here followeth.

To answer these letters again: there was another certain writing drawn out & directed to the Pope, made by some of the Clergy, as it seemeth: but not without consent of the king, as by the title may appear, inueying and disprouing the misbehauior of the Archbishop. The tenor whereof here followeth, and beginneth thus.

By this Epistle it may appear to the Reader thereof: that Becket (being absent from England) went about to work some trouble against certain of the Clergy and of the laity (belike) in excommunicating such as he took to be his evil willers.

Now to understand further what his working was, or who they were whom he did excommunicate: this letter (sent to William Bishop of Norwich) shall better declare the matter.

Hitherto hast thou seen (gentle reader) diverse & sundry letters of Thomas Becket, whereby thou mayest collect a sufficient history of his doings & demeanor (though nothing else were said further of him) concerning his lusty and haughty stomach, above that beseemed either his degree or cause which he took in hand. And here peradventure I may seme in the story of this one man to tarry t • o long, having to write of so many others better then it: yet for the weaker sort (which have counted him, and yet do count him for a Saint, having in themselves little understanding to judge or discern in the causes of men) I thought to add this letter more, wherein he complaineth of his king to a foreign power: doing what in him did lie, to stir for his own cause mortal war to the destruction of many. For suppose wrong had been offered him of his Prince: was it not enough for him to fly? What cause had he for his own private revenge, to set potentates in public discord? Now having no just cause but rather offering injury in a false quarrel, so to complain of his prince: what is to be said of this, let every man judge, which seeth this letter.

By this Epistle, he that listeth to understand of the doings & quarrels of Becket, may partly judge what is to be thought thereof. Which his doings, although in some part may be imputed either to ignorance of mind, or blindness of zeal, or human fragility: yet in this point (so vilely to complain of his natural Prince, for the zeal of the Pope) he can by no wise be defended. But such was the blindness then of the prelates in those days, who measured and esteemed the dignity and liberty of Christ's church by no other thing, then only by goods and possessions flowing and abounding in the clergy: and thought no greater point of religion to be in the church then to maintain the same. For the which cause they did most abominably abuse Christian discipline & excommunication of the church at that time: as by this foresaid Epistle may appear. And what marvel if the acts and doings of this Archb. seem now to us in these days both fond and strange: seeing the suffragans of his own church & clergy writing to him: could not but reprehend him, as in this their Epistle tranflated out of Latin into English may be seen.

A brief Censure upon the former rescript of Becket to his Suffragans, in the page before with a general resolution of the reasons therein contained.

If the king of England had been an idolater, covetous, an adulterer, an incest, a murderer, with such like: than the zeal of this Archbishop (threatening the king and such as took his part) had deserved praise in this Epistle, & the scripture would have borne him out therein. For these and such causes, should bishops prosecute the authority of the Gospel against all persons. But the matter standing only upon Church goods, liberty (or rather licentiousness of Priests) making of Deans, titles of Churches, superiority, of crowning the king, with such other: to stand so stiff in these, is not to defend the church: but to rebel against the king. Again, if the principles which he here groundeth upon, were true: to wit that the Pope were to be obeyed before Princes: that the liberty of Church standeth upon the immunity of priests exempted from princes laws: or upon ample possessions of the Church: or that the Popes law ought to prevail in all foreign countries: and to bind all princes in their own dominions: or that the sentence of the Pope & his Popelings, (how, or by what affection so ever it is pronounced) may stand by the undoubted sentence of God: Then all the arguments of this Epistle do proceed and conclude well. But if they stand not ratified upon gods word: but tottering upon man's traditions: Then whatsoever he inferreth or concludeth thereupon (his assumpt being false) cannot be true, according to the school saying: One inconvenience being granted in the beginning, innumerable follow thereupon. So in this Epistle it happeneth as is above noted, that the Major of this man is true, but the Minor is clean false, and to be denied.

But to proceed farther in the order of the history : After these letters sent to & froe (the year of our Lord 1169) which was the 15. of the reign of Henry the 2. The King misdoubting and fearing with himself that the Archbyshop would proceed (or exceed rather) in his excommunication against his own person (to prevent y ^• mischief) made his appeal to the presence of the pope: requiring to have certain Legates sent down from Rome from the popes side, to take up the matter between the Archbishop and him: requiring moreover that they might also be absolved, that were interdicted, whereupon, two Cardinals (being sent from Alexander the Pope with letters to the King) came into Normandy: where they appointed the Archb. to meet them before the King upon S. Martines day. But the Archb. (neither agreeing with the day nor place) delayed his coming to the vi • j. day after: neither would any further go then to Brisorlium. Where (the two Cardinals and the Archb. with other bishops conventing together) had a certain entreaty of peace and reconciliation, but came to no conclusion. The contents of which entreaty or action (because it is sufficiently contained in the Cardinals letters, who were called Bulie • nus & Otho, written to the pope) it shall require no further labor, but to show out the words of the letter, where the sum of the whole may appear. The words of the letter be these.

And this is the Epistle of these two Cardinals sent to the pope: wherein, may sufficiently appear at the discourse and manner of that assembly (although particularly everything not expressed) concerning the talk betwixt the Cardinals and the Archbishop. As whē that William (who of the two Cardinals was the more eloquent) amongst other commun • cation had, reasoned long w ^t him concerning the peace of the church: which Becket said he preferred above all things, well then (saith the Cardinal) seeing all this contention between the king and you, riseth upon certain laws & customs to be abrogate, and that you regard the peace of the Church so much: then what say you: will you renounce your Bishopric, and the king shall renounce his customs? The peace of the Church now lieth in your hands, either to retain or to let go, what say you? To whom he answereth again, that the proportion was not like. For I saith he (saving the honor of my Church and my person) cannot renounce my Byshopricke. Contrary, it standeth the king upon, for his souls health and honor, to renounce these his ordinances and customs. Which thing he thus proved, because the Pope had condemned those customs, and he likewise with the church of Rome had done the same. &c.

The talk between the French king, the king of England, and Becket.

After the Cardinals were returned: the French king seeing the king of England disquieted and solicitous to have peace (or at least wise pretending to set agreeme • t between them) brought the matter to a communication among them. In which communication the French king made himself as umpeare between them. The King of England hearing that the Archb. would commit himself to his arbitrement, was y ^• more willing to admit his presence. Whereupon, many being there present, the Archb. prostrating himself at the Kings feet, declared unto him kneeling upon his knees that he would commit the whole cause (whereof the dissention rose between them) unto his own arbitrement: adding thereto (as he did before) Saluo honor Dei, that is, saving the honor of God. The king, who (as is said before) being greatly offended at this word: hearing & seeing the stiffness of the man sticking so much to this word Saluo honor. &c. was highly therewith displeased: Rebuking him with many grievous words as a man proud and stubborn, and also charging him with sundry & great benefits bestowed upon him, as a person unkind & forgetting what he had so gently done and bestowed upon him.

And speaking to the French king there present: See sit (if it please you, saith the king of England) whatsoever displeaseth this man: that he saith, to be contrary to the honor of God. And so by this means, he will vendicate & challenge to himself both that is his and mine also. And yet notwithstanding: for that I will not seem to do anything contrary or prejudicial to God's honor, this I offer him. There hath been kings in England before, both of greater and les puissance then I am: Likewise there hath been bishops of Cant. many, both great & holy men: what the greatest and most holiest of all his predecessors before him hath done to the least of my progenitors and predecessors before me, let him do the same to me & I am content. They that stood by hearing these words of the king, crying all w ^t one voice: the king hath debased himself enough to the bishop. The Archb. staying a little at this with silence: what (saith the French king to him) my lord Archbishop, will you be better then those holy men? will ye be greater then Peter? What stand you doubting? Here now have you peace & quietness put in your own hands, if ye will take it. To this y ^• Archb. answered again: truth it is (saith he) my predecessors before me were much both better and greater then I, and of them everyone for his time (although he did not extirpe and cut off all) yet something they did pluck up and correct which seemed adverse & repugnant against God's honor. For if they had taken altogether away: no such occasion then had been left for any man to raise 〈◊〉 fire of temptation now against us, as is now raised to prove us with all: that we being so proved w ^t them might also be crowned with them being likewise partakers of praise and reward, as we are of their labor and travail. And though some of them have been slack, or exceeded in their duty doing: in that we are not bound to follow their example.

Peter, when he denied Christ, we therefore rebuke him: but whē he resisted y ^e rage of Nero, therein we comēd him. And therefore, because he could not find in his conscience to consent unto y ^t he ought in no wise to dissemble: neither did he: by reason thereof he lost his life. By such like oppressions the church hath always grown. Our forefathers & predecessors, because they would not dissemble the name & honor of Christ, therefore they suffered. And shall I, to have the favor of one man, suffer the honor of Christ to be suppressed? The nobles standing by (hearing him thus speak) were greatly aggrieved with him: noting in him both arrogancy & willfulness, in perturbing and refusing such an honest offer of agreement. But specially one among the rest was most aggrieved, who their openly protested: that seeing the Archbishop so refused the counsel and request of both the kingdom, he was not worthy to have the help of either of them: but as the kingdom of England had rejected, so the kingdom of France should not entertain him.

Alanus, Herbertus, and certain other of his Chaplains that committed to story the doings of Becket, do record (whether truly or no I cannot say) that the French king sending for him as one much sorrowing and lamenting the words that he had spoken: at the coming of Becket did prostrate himself at his feet: confessing his fault in giving counsel to him in such a cause (pertaining to the honor of God) to relent therein & to yield to the pleasure of mā: wherefor declaring his repentance, he desired to be absolved thereof. So that after this, the French king and Becket were great friends together: in so much, that king Henry sending to the king to entreat him, and desire him that he would not support nor maintayn his enemy within his Realm: the French king utterly denied the kings request, taking part rather with the Archbishop then with him.

Besides these quarrels and grudges betwixt the king and the Archbishop above mentioned: there followed yet moreover another, which was this. Shortly after this communication recited between the king and Becket: the K. of England returning again frō Normandy to England (which was the year of our Lord, 1170. and the 16. year of his reign) about Midsomer, kept his court of Parliament at Westminster, In y ^e which Parliament he (through the assent both of the Clergy, and the Lord's temporal) caused his son Henry to be crowned king. Which coronation, was done by the hands of Robert Archb. of York with the assistance of other bishops ministering to the same, as Gilb. of Londō, Goceline of Salisbury, Hugo of Duresme and Gwalther of Rochester. By reason whereof Becket of Cant. being there neither mentioned nor called for, took no little displeasure: and so did Lodouike the French king, hearing that Margaret his daughter was not also crowned w ^t her husband. Whereupon he gathering a great army forthwith marched into Normādy. But the matter was soon compassed by the king of England, who sending his son to him in Normandy, entreated there and concluded peace with him: promising that his son should be crowned again, & then his daughter to be crowned also. But the Archb. not ceasing his displeasure and emulatiō, sent unto the Pope complaining of these four bishops, especially of the Archb. of York, who durst be so bold in his absence & without his knowledge or his license, to intermeddle to crown the king, being a matter proper and peculiar to his jurisdiction. At the instance of whom the P. sent down y ^e sentnce of excommunication against y ^e B. of London. The other 3. bishops with the Archb. of York, he suspended: whose sentence and letters thereof, for avoiding prolixity, I here omit.

Besides these foresaid bishops excommunicated diverse other clerks also of the court he cited to appear before him by virtue of his large commission which he gate from the Pope, to whō they were bound to obey, by reason of their benefices, And some he commanded in virtue of obedience, to appear in pain of forfeting their order and benefices. Of which, whē neither sort would appear, he cursed thē openly. And also some lay men of the court & the kings familiars: some as intruders, and violent withholders of Church goods, he accursed: as Richard Lucy, and Iocelin Balliot, and Rafe Brocke which took bells and goods that belonged to the Church of Caunterburye, and Hugh Sainctcleare, and Thomas the son of Bernard, and all that should hereafter take any church goods without his consent, so that almost all the court was accursed either by the name, or as partakers.

This being done, the Archb. of York with the foresaid bishops, resorted to the king with a grievous complaint: declaring how miserably their case stood, and what they had sustained, for fulfilling his commandment. The king hearing this, was highly moved as no marvel was. But what remedy. The time of the ruin of the Pope was not yet come? and what Prince then might withstand the injurious violence of that Romish potestate?

In the mean season the French King for his parte his clergy, and courtiers, stackt no occasion to incite, and solicit Alexander the Pope against the king of England to excommunicate him also: seeking thereby and thinking to have some vauntage against the realm. Neither was the king ignorant of thes, which made him more ready to apply to some agreement of reconciliation. At length cometh down from the Pope two Legates (the Archb. of Rhotomage and the Bishop of Nauerne) with direction and full commission either to drive the king to be reconciled, or to be interdicted by the popes censures out of the church. The king understanding himself to be in greater straits then he could avoid: at length (through the mediation of the French king, and of other Prelates and great Princes) was content to yield to peace and reconciliation with the Archbishop whom he received both to his favor, and also permitted and granted him free return to his Church again. Concerning his possessions and lands of the Church of Canterburye, although Becket made great labor therefore: yet the king (being then in Normandy) would not grant him, before he should repair to England, to see how he would there agree with his subjects.

Thus, peace after a sort concluded between the king & him, the Archb. after six years of his banishment, returned to England: where he was right joyfully received of the church of Cant. albeit, of Henry the young king he was not so greatly welcomed. In so much that coming up to London to the king, he was returned back to Canterburye and there bid to keep his house, Roger Doueden maketh mention in his Chronicle, that the Archbishop (vpō Christmas day) did excommunicate Robert de Broke, for cutting of the tail of a certain horse of his the day before. In the mean time, the four bishops before mentioned whom the Archb. had excommunicate (sent to him, humbly desiring to be released of their censure. To whō when the archb. would not grant clearly and simplye, without cautels and exceptions: they went over to the king, declaring to him and complaing of their miserable state and vncurtuous handling of the archbishop, wherupō the K. conceived great sorrow in his mind, and displeasure toward the party. In so much, that he lamented oft & sundry times to thē about him, that (among so many y ^t he had done for) there was none that would revenge him of his enemy by the occasion of which words, certain that were about the king (to the number of four) hearing him thus to cōplain and lament: addrest thenselves in great heat of hast, to satisfy the aggrieved mind and quarrel of their prince. Who within four days after the said Christenmas day (sailing over to England, & having a forward and a prosperous wind in their journey, being in y ^e deep of winter) came to Canterbury, where Becket was commanded to keep. After certain advisement and consultation had among themselves, they preased at length into the palace where the archbishop was sitting with his company about him: first to assay him with words, to see whether he would relent to the kings mind, & come to some conformity. They brought to him (said they) commandment from the king: which whether he had rather openly there in presence, or secretly to be declared to him, they had him choose. Then the company being bid to avoid, as he sat alone, they said: you are commanded from the Kyng beyond the sea, to repair to the king here is son, and to do your duty to him: answering to him your fidelity, for your baronage and other things, & to amend those things wherein you have trespassed against him, whereupon, the archbishop denying to swear, and perceiving their intent, called in his company again, and in multiplying of words to and fro, at length they came to the bishops which were excommunicate for the coronation of the king, whom they commanded in the kings name, he should absolve and set free again. The archbishop answered, that he neither suspended nor excommunicated them, but the pope: wherefor, if that were the matter that grieved them, they should resort to the Pope, he had nothing to do with the matter. Then said Reignald, one of the four: although you in your own persō did not excommunicate them, yet through your instigation it was done. To whom the Archbishop said again: and if the Pope (said he) tendering the injuries done to me and my Church, wrought this revenge for me: I confess it offendeth me nothing. Thus then (said they) it appeareth well by your own words, that it pleaseth you right well (in contempt and contumely of the kings majesty) to sequester his bishops from their ministry, who at the commandment of the king did service in the coronation of his son. And seeing ye have so presumed thus to stand against the exaltation of this our sovereign, our new K. it seemeth likely that you aspired to take his crown frō him, & to be exalted king yourself. I aspire not said he, to y ^e crown & name of the K. But rather if I had 4. crowns (to give him more) I would set them all upon him: such good will I do hear him, that only (his father the king excepted) there is none, whose honor I more tender and love. And as concerning the sequestering of those Bishops this I give you to understand: that nothing was done in that behalf, without the knowledge & assent of the king himself. To whom when I had made my complaint, at the feast of Mary Magdalene, of the wrong and injury done to me and my Church therein: he gave me his good leave to obtain at the Popes hand such remedy therein as I could, promising moreover his help to me in the same. What is this, quoth they, that thou sayest? Makest thou the king a trator, and betrayer of the king his own son? that when he had commanded the bishops to crown his son, he would give thee leave afterward to suspend thē for so doing? certes it had been better for you not to have accused so the king of this prodition. The Archb. said to Reignald, that he was there present at that time, and hard it himself. But that he denied, and swore it was not so: and think you (say they) that we the kings subjects will or ought to suffer this? And so approaching nearer to him, said: he had spoken enough against his own head, whereupon followed great exclamation and many threatening words. Then said the archb. I have sith my coming over, sustained many injuries and rebukes, conceruyng both myself, my men, my cattle, my wynes, and all other goods: notwithstanding, the king (writing over to his son) required him that I should live in safety and peace: and now besides all other, you come hither to threaten me. To this Reignald answering again said: if there be any that worketh you any injury otherwise then right is, the law is open: why do you not complain▪ To whom, said Becket should I complain? To the young king said they. Then said Becket, I have complained enough if that would help, and have sought for remedy at the kings hands, so long as I could be suffered to come to his speech: but now seeing that I am stopped from y ^t , neither can find redress of so great vexations and injuries as I have and do daily sustain: nor can have the benefit of y ^• law or reason: such right and law as an archb. may have that will I exercise, and let for no man. At these words one of thē bursting out in exclamation, cried, he threateneth he threateneth, what, will he interdict the whole realm & us altogether? Nay y ^t he shall not saith another, he hath interdicted to many already. And drawing more near to him, they protested and denounced him to have spoken words to y ^t ieoperdy of his own head. And so departing in great fury and many high words, rushed out of y ^t doors: who by the way returning to the Monks, charged them in the kings name to keep him forth coming, y ^t he should not escape away. What quoth the archb. think ye I will flee away? Nay neither for the king, nor any man alive, will I stir one foot from you. No say they thou shalt not annoyed, though thou wouldest, and so the departing with many words, the arch. followeth them out of the chamber door crying after them: here, here here, shall you find me, laying his hand upon his crown.

The name of these four soldiers above mentioned were these. 1. Reignald Beresō. 2. Hugh Morteuil. 3. William Thracy, and 4. Richard Brito: who going to harness themselves, returned the same day again. But finding the hall door of the palace of Canterbury shut against them: they went to an inward back door leading into the Orcharde: there brake they up a window and opened the door, and so issued into the place. The Monks (being about Evensong time) had got the Archbishop into the Church: who beying persuaded by them, caused his cross to be borne before him, and so through the Cloister (by a door which was broke up for him) proceeded into the quire. The harnest men following after, at length came to the Church door: which door the monks would have shut against them, but (as the story saith) the Archbishop would not suffer them. So they approaching into y ^e Church, and the Bishop meeting them upon the stairs, there was slain: everyone of the four soldiers striking him with his sword into the head. Who afterward flying into the North, at length with much ado obtaining their pardon of the Pope (through the kings procurement, as some stories record) went to Jerusalem.

Thus you have heard the life and death of this Tho. Becket: of whom what is to be judged, let his own acts and facts declare. And albeit the scripture ought to be only the rule to us to judge all things by: yet if any shall require farther testimony (partly to satisfy their minds therein) ye shall hear the judgments of certain men, in years and times almost as ancient as himself, what they writ, and affirm of him.

And first to begin with the testimony of one of his own religion, and also not far (as it appeareth) frō his own time: who writing of his martyrdom & miracles, thus testifieth of the judgment and sentence of diverse concerning his promotion and behavior. The Chronicle being written in lattin, & having the name of the author cut out, thus beginneth:

After like manner we read of the saints of the new testament, whereof many were preferred oftentimes to their bishopriks, and functions of the Church by mere • orcement and compulsion rather of other, then by their own willes. So was blessed Gregory after his flight, and going away, brought back again, and placed in the sea & chair of Rome. Likewise S. Ambrose fore against his mind, who also of purpose accusing and contessing his own defectes, because he would be repealed: yet by the commandment of Valentinian the Emperor was enforced to take the burden vpō him, which he could by no wise shake of S. Martin in like sort unknowing of any such matter: was circumvented by a certain godly trayne and wile of the Citizens, before he could be brought to his consecration, which he did not so much take, as he was thrust into it, with much pensiuenes and sorrow of heart. By these and such other examples this Chancellor likewise should have rather excused himself as unworthy and vumeet for that romthe, showing himself more willing to refuse then to take it. To the which this archbishop is judged to do clean contrary, &c. Haec ex Chronico. Cui tutulus. De passion & miraculis beati Thomae.

And although scarcely any testimony is to be taken of that age (being all blinded and corrupted with superstittiō) yet let us hear what Neuburgensis an ancient Historiographer saith: who in the days of the son of this K. Henry the ii. prosecuting his history unto King Richard the first hath these words: writing of Thomas Becket:

That is in English.

And in the same author, in another place it followeth to the like effect, in these words: That is in English.

And hear yet more what the said author writeth in the same cause of the kings wrath & Beckets faults.

That is.

To this matter also pertain the words of Cesarius the monk, in his 8. book of Dialogues cap. 69 about the 48. year after the death of Thomas Becket, which was the year of the Lord. 1220. whose words in sum come to this effect.

In English.

And thus have ye the judgment, and censure of the school of Paris touching this question, for the saincting of Thomas Becket. In which judgment for so much as the greatest argument resteth in the miracles wrought by him after his death: let us therefore pause a little upon y ^• same, to try and examine these his miracles. In the trial whereof we shall find one of these two to be true, that either if they were true, they were wrought not by God, but by a contrary spirit: of whō Christ our Lord giveth us warning in his gospel, saying: whose coming shall be with lying signs and wonders to deceive, if it were possible, the elect. Math 24. for else we shall find that no such were ever wrought at all, but feigned and forged of idle Monks and religious bellies for the exaltatiō of their churches, & profit of their powches: which thing in deed seemeth rather to be true: And no less may appear by the miracles thenselves, set forth by one of his own Monks & of his own time, who in fine solemn books hath comprehended all the revelation, virtues, and miracles of this archb. the which books (as yet remaining in the hands of William Stephenson Citizen of London) I have seen and perused: wherein is contained the whole sum of all his miracles to the number of 270, being so far of from all truth & reason, some ridiculous, some monstrous, vain, absurd, some also blasphemous & some so impudent: that not only they deserve no credit (altogether sauoring of mere forgery) but also for very shame will abash an honest pen to write vpō thē. First if miracles serve for necessity & for infidels: what cause or necessity was there (in a Christian realm having the word of God) for God to work such miracles after his death, who never wrought any in all his life? Thē to consider the end of these miracles: whether do they tend, but only to bring men to Canterbury, with their vows and offerings to enrich the convent?

Beside the mumber of the miracles which he said so many, that they lose their own credit: what disease is there belonging to man or woman in the curing whereof, some miracle hath not been wrought by this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : as fevers, fistula, the gout: toothache: palsy, consumption, falling sickness, leprosy, headache, broken arms, maimed legs, swelling throats, the raising up of the dead, which have been two days departed, with infinite other. And as all these have healed (for the most part) by one kind of salve (as a certain panacea ) which was, with the water only of Canterbury, like as a cunning Smith which should open with one key all manner of locks: so again in reading of the story of these miracles, ye shall find the matter so conveyed, that the power of this dead Saint, was never twice shown upon any one disease, but every diverse disease to have a diverse miracle.

To recite in order all these prodigious revelations and phātasticall miracles, falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop: were nothing else, but to write a legend of lies, & to occupy the people with tristes. Which, because it pertaineth rather so y ^e idle professiō of such dreaming monks and cloysterers, that have nothing else to maintain that religion withal: I will not take their profession out of their hands. Wherefore, to omit all such vain & lying apparitions and miracles, as how this angry saint (3. days after his death) appeared by vision at the altar in his pontificalibus, commanding the query not to sing, but to say this office of his mass: Exurge, quare obdormis Domine. &c. Which vision the author himself of y ^e book doth say he did see. To omit also y ^e blasphemous lie, how in other vision the said Archbishop should say: that his blood did cry out of the earth to God, more then the blood of just Abel. Itē, in another visiō it was shown to a monk of Louis, how S. Thomas had his place in heaven appointed with the Apostles: above Stephen, Laurence, Uincent, and all the other Martyrs. whereof of this cause is rendered, for that • . Stephen. Laurence, and such other, suffered only for their own cause. But this Th. suffered for the universal church. Item, how it was shown to a certain young man ( Ormus by name) xii. years before the death of this Becket: that among the Apostles & martyrs in heaven, there was a vacaunt place left, for a certain priest, as he said of England: which was credibly supposed to be this Tho. Becket. Item, how a certain knights son being two days dead, was revived again so soon as he had the water of Canterbury put in his mouth, & had by his parents 4. pieces of silver bended, to be offered in Caūterbury in the childes behalf. All these, I say, with such other like, to omit (the number whereof cometh to an infinite variety) only this one story or another that followeth shall suffice to express the vanity and impudent forgery of all the rest.

In the fourth book of this fabulous author, and in the 3. chap. a miracle is there contained of a certain countryman of Bedfordshire in kings Weston, whose name was Gilwardus: which Gilwardus in his drunk̄nes brusting into another man's house, which was his debtor, took out of his house a great whetstone, & a pair of hedging gloves: The other party seeing this value not sufficient for his cōdamnation (by the council of the towneclerk) entered an action of felony against him for other things besides, as for stealing his wimble, his axe, net, and other clothes. Wherupon, Gilwardus being had to y ^t Iaile of Bedford, and afterward condemned for y ^e same: was judged to have both his eyes put out, & also those members cut of, which nature with secret shame hath covered. Which punishment by the malice of his adversary being executed upon him, he lying in great danger of death by bleeding, was coūsailed to make his prayer to this Tho. of Canterbury. Which done (saith the miracle) appeared one to him by night, in white apparel, bidding him to watch and pray, & put his trust in God, and our Lady, and holy S. Thomas. In conclusion, the miracle thus sel out: the next day at the evening, y ^e man rubbing his eye lids began to feel his eyes to be restored again: first in a little, after in a greater measure: so y ^t one was of a gray color, y ^e other was of a black. And here was one miracle rong. After this followed another miracle also upon the same person. For going but the space of 4. miles whē his eyes were restored, he chanced (in like manner) to rub the place, where his secret partes were cut of. And immediately upon the same, his pendēda (to use the words of my story) were to him restored, Principio parua quidem valde, sed in maius proficientia, which he permitted everyone to feel, that would and shamed not to deny. In so much that he coming up to S. Thomas: first at London was received with joy of the B. of Dirchā, who then sending to the burgers of Bedford for the truth of the matter, received from thē again letters testimonial: wherein the Citizens there (saith this fabulous festival) confirmed first to the bishop, thē to the convent of Canterbury, the relation of this to be as hath been told. This one miracle (gentle reader) so shameless & impudent, I thought here to express, that by this one, thou mightest judge of all y ^e residue of his miracles: & by the residue thereof mightest judge moreover of all the filthy wickedness of all these lying monks and cloysterers, which count it a light sport so impudently to deceive the simple souls of Christ's Church with trifling lies and dreaming fables. Wherefore, (as I said) if the holy saynting of Thomos Becket, standeth upon no other thing but upon his miracles: what credit is to be given thereto, & upon what a weak ground his shrine so long hath stand, by this may easily be seen. Furthermore, another fable as notable as this, and no less worthy of y ^e whetstone, we read in the story of Geruasius : That Thomas Becket appearing to a certain priest, named Thomas, declared to him that he had so brought to pass, that all the names of the Monks of the Church of Canterbury, with the names of the priests and Clerks, & with the families belonging to that city and church of Cant. were written in the book of life, Ex Geruas. fol. 6.

But whatsoever is to be thought of his miracles, or how soever the testimony of the school of Paris, or of these ancient times went with him or against him: certain it is, that this Anthem or Collect lately collected & primered in his praise, is blasphemous, and derogateth frō the praise of him, to whom all praise only and honor is due, where it is said.

That is. For the blood of Thomas, which he for thee did spend, Grant us (Christ) to climb, where Tho. did ascend.

Wherein is a double lie contained: first, that he died for Christ. Secondly, that if he had so done, yet that his blood could purchase heavē. Which thing, neither Paul nor any of the apostles durst ever challenge to themselves. For if any man's blood could bring us to heaven, then the blood of Christ was shed in vain.

And thus much touching the testimony or censure of certain ancient times concerning the cause of Thomas Becket. In the explication of whose history I have stood now the longer (exceeding peradventure in overmuch prolixity) to the intent that his cause being fully opened to the world and duly weighed on every part: men's minds (thereby long deceived by ignorance) might come unto the more pexiect certayntie of the truth thereof, and thereby to judge more surely what is to be received, and what to be refused.

Whereby the way is to be noted out of the testimony of Rob. Crikeladensis, which in him I find: that the Pieres and nobles of this land near about the king, gave out in straight charge upon pain of death, and confiscating of all their goods, no man to be so hardy to name Tho. Becket to be martyr, or to preach of his miracles. &c. Ex Crikeladensi.

After the death of Thomas Becket, the king fearing y ^t Popes wrath and curse to be laid upon him (whereunto Ludouike the French king also helped what he could to set the matter forward) sent to Rome the archb. of Rotomage with certain other bishops and Archdeacons unto the P. with his excuse, which, the Pope would in no wise hear. And after other messengers being sent, whom some of the Cardinals received, it was shown to them that on good Friday (being then nye at hand) the pope of custom was used to assoil or to curse, & that it was noised, how the king of England with his bishops should be cursed and his land interdicted, and that they should be put in prison. After this certain of the Cardinals shown the pope, that the messengers had power to swear to the Pope, that the king should obey his punishment and penance. Which was taken both of the King and the Archb. of York. So that in the same day the pope cursed the deed doers, with such as were of their consent, either that aided or harboured thē. Concerning these deed doers it is touched briefly before: how they fled unto Yorkshire lying in Gnarsboborough. Who after having in penance to go in their linen clothes barefoot (in fasting and prayer) to Jerusalem: by reasō of this hard penance are said to die in few years after.

The kings Ambassadors lying as is said in Rome: could find no grace nor fanor a long time at the Popes hands. At length with much ado it was agreed, that two Cardinals should be sent down to inquire out the matter, concerning them that were consenting to Beckets death. The king perceiving what was preparing at Rome, neither being yet certain: whereto the intent of the Pope, & coming down of the Cardinals would tend: in y ^e incane time addressed himself with a great power to enter into Ireland, giving in charge and commandment (as Houedenus writeth) that no bringer of any brief or letter should come over into England or pass out of y ^e realm (of what degree or condition so ever he were) without special license and assurance to bring nothing that should be prejudicial to the realm.

This order being set and ordained, the king with 400. great ships taketh his journey to Ireland: where he subdued in short time the whole land unto him, which at that time was governed under diverse kings to the number of v. Of whom four submitted themselves unto the said king Henry; only the fifth (who was the king of Ionacta) denied to be subdued, keeping him in woods and Marishes.

In the mean season while the king was thus occupied in Ireland, the two Cardinals that were sent from y ^e Pope (Thedinus and Albertus) were come to Normādy. Unto whom, the king the next year following resorted, about the month of October, an 1172. But before (during the time of the kings being in Ireland) the Bish. of London, and Ioceline v. of Salisbury, had sent to Rome, and procured their absolution from the pope. The K. returning out of Ireland by Wales into England, & from thence to Normandy: there made his purgation before the Popes legates, as touching the death of the foresaid Becket: to the which he sware he was neither aiding or consenting, but only that he spoke rigorous words against him, for that his knights would not avenge him against the said Thomas. For the which cause, this penance was ouioyned him under his oath.

First, that he should send so much to the holy lande, as would find two C. knights or soldiers for the defense of that land.

Also, that frō Christmas day next following, he should set forth his own person to light for the holy land y ^t space of 3. years together, unless he should be otherwise dispesed withal by the Pope.

Item, that if he would make his journey into Spain (as his present necessity did require) there he to fight against the Saracens: And as long time as he should there abide, so long space might he take in prolonging his journey toward Jerusalem.

Item, y ^• he should not hinder nor cause to be hindered by him, any appellations made to the Pope of Rome.

Item, that neither he nor his son, should depart or disseuer from pope Alexander, or from his catholic successors: so long as they should recount him or his son for kings catholic.

Item, that the goods and possessions taken from the Church of Canterbury, should be restored again (fully and amply) as they stood the year before Thom. Becket departed the realm, and that free liberty should be graūto all such as were outlawed for Beckets cause to return again.

Item, that the foresaid customs & decrees by him established against the Church, should be extinct and repelled (such only except, y ^t concerned his own person) &c besides other secret fastinges and alms enjoined him.

All these former conditions, the king with his son did both agree unto: debasing himself in such sort of submission before the two Cardinals: by the occasion whereof, the Cardinal took no little glory, using this verse of the Psalm: Qui respicit terram, & facit eam tremere: qui tangit montes & fumigant. That is, which looketh upon the earth, and maketh it to tremble: which toucheth the hills, and they smoke &c. Moreover it is mentioned in histories of the said king: that a little after William king of Scots with his army had made a rode into y ^e realm, he returning out of Normandy into England, came first to Canterbury: who by the way (so soon as he came to the sight of Beckets church, lighting of his horse and putting of his shoes went barefoot to his tomb: whose steppes were found bloody through the roughness of the stones. And not only y ^t , but also received further penance by every monk of the cloister certain discipline of a rod. By which so great dejection of the K. (if it were true) y ^u mayest see the blind and lamentable superstition and ignorance of those days. If it were pretensed (as might so be in time of war, to get the hearts of the people) yet mayest thou learned Reader see, what slavery kings and Princes were brought into at y ^t time, under the popes Clergy. The same year (as Houeden writeth) which was 1174. the whole city of Canterbury, was almost all consumed with fire, and the said minster Church clean burnt.

The next year ensuing, which was 1175. a convocation of Bishops was holden at Westminster by Rich. archbishop of Cant. In which conuenticle, all the bishops & Abbots of the province of Canterbury and of York being present, determined (as it had done a little before in king Henry. 1, days, an. 1113.) about the obedience that York should do to Canterbury. That is, whether the Archb. of York might bear his Cross in the diocese of Cant. or not: whereof something was touched before in the former process of this history. Also about the Bishopric of Lincoln, of Chichister, of Worcester, & of Herford: whether these churches were under the jurisdiction of the see of York or not, &c. Upon these and other like matters: rose such controversy between these 2. seas, that the one appealed the other to the presence of the Bishop of Rome.

In these and such causes like, howe much better had it been, if the supremacy had remained more nere in the kings hands at home, whereby not only much labor & travel had been saved, but also the great and was • full expenses bestowed at Rome, might with much more fruit and thank have been converted to their cures and flocks committed unto thē, and also percase their cause no less indifferently heard (at least more speedily might have been decided) but to the purpose again. In this controversy diverse of y ^t bishop of Yorks clergy (such as were of Gloucester, belong to the church of S. Oswald) were excommunicate by the Archb. of Cant. because they being summoned, refused to appear before him. &c. At length the same year which was 1175. there was a Cardinal sent down from Rome by the kings procurement: who studied to set a peace between the two archbishops. Whereupon, this way of agreement was takē (by the means of the king) at Winchester: that as touching the church of S. Oswald at Gloucester, the Archbishop of Canterb. should cease of his claim thereof, molesting the see of York no more therein. Also should absolve again the Clerks thereof, whom he had excommunicated before. And as concerning the bearing of the cross and all other matters: it was referred to the Archbishop of Rhotomage, and of other Bishops in France: so that for five years, a league or truce was taken betwixt them, till they should have a full determination of their cause.

The next year following, the foresaid king Henry the 2. (deviding the realm of England into 6. partes) ordained upon ouery part 3. Justices of assise. The circuit or limitation of which Justices was thus disposed. The first upon Norfolk, Suffolk, Cantebridshire, Huntendūshire, Bedfordshyre, Buckinghamshire, Essex, Hertfordshire. 2. Upon Lincolnshire. Notinghamshire, Darbishire, Stamfordshyre, Warwickshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire. 3. Upon Kent, Surrey, Southamptonshyre, Southsaxe, Barkeshire, Oxfordshire. 4. Upon Herefordshyre, Gloucestershyre, Wyrcestershyre, Salopsshyre. 5. Upon Wiltshyre, Dorcetshyre, Somercetshyre, Deuonshyre, Cornwall. 6. Euerwickshire, Richmondshire, Lancaster, Copland, Weshnarland, Northumberland, Cumberland.

In the which year also, Richard Archb. of Canterbury, made 3. Archdeacons in his diocese, where as before there was but one. About which time also it was granted by the king to the popes legate, that a Clerke should not be called before a temporal judge, except for offense in the forest, or for his say see that he holdeth.

Item, that no Archbishop or Bishopric, nor Abbey should remain in the kings hands over one year w ^t out great cause. It chanced the same year, y ^t this was done there was at Canterbury one elected to be Abbot in the house of S. Agustine named Albert: who made great labor and suit unto the Archbishop that he would come to his Church, and there consecrate him Abbot of S. Augustine's. To whom the archb. sent word again, that he was not bound to come to him but rather the other should repair to the Metropolitan church of Canterbury, there to receive his consecration. Whereupon (controversy rising between them) the foresaid new Elect appealed up to the audience of the Pope, and so labored up himself to Rome. Where, he so handled the matter (by what means I cannot tell, unless with his golden bottle, wherewith he quenched the popes thirsty soul, for Abbots never travel lightly without far purses to Rome) that with short dispatche he procured letters from Alexander the pope, to Roger bishop of Worcester: Signifying to him, that he had given in charge and commandment to the archb. of Cant. (in the behalf of his dear son Albert) that he should consecrate him within his own monastery: which monastery properly and solely without mediation, belonged to the jurisdiction of Rome, and so likewise should do to his successors after him, without any exaction of obedience of thē. Which thing further he said if the archb. would refuse to do, within the term appointed: that then he the foresaid B. of Worcester (should by the authority committed unto him) execute the same, all manner of appellatiō or other decree whatsoever should come notwithstanding. This letter being obtained, the Abbot (that would be) returneth home supposing with himself all things to be sure. The archb. understanding the case, and seeing himself so straightly charged, and yet loath to yield and stoop to the Abbot, took to him policy where authority would not serve: and both to save himself, and yet to disapoynt the Abbot, he watcheth a time when the Abbot was about business of his house. And coming the same time to the monastery (as he was commanded to do) with all things appointed, that to such a business appertained: called for the Abbot, pretending no less but to give him his consecration. The Abbot being called for, was not at home. The archb. feigning himself not a little agreued at his labor & good will so lost departed, as one in whom no ready diligence was lacking: if in case that the Abbot had been at home. Wherupon, the Abbot (being thus disapoynted) was fain to fill his silver stagon a fresh, & make a new course to Rome to his father the pope, of whom he received his consecration, and so came home again with as much wit as he went forth: but not with so much money perad • enture as he went withal.

We have declared a little above, pag. 175. touching the acts and doings of this Pope Alexander the 3. howe he had brought the Emperors head under his foot in S. Markes Church at Venice: at which time and place peace was concluded, and a composition made between the P. and the said Frederick the Emperor. Which pacificatiō, Rog. Houedenus, and Gualterus Gisburgensis, refer to this time being the year of our Lord. 1177. bringing in two several letters sent from the said Pope to Richard Archbishop of Canterbury, and to Roger Archbishop of York, and Hugh bishop of Duresme. Out of the which letters (so much as serveth to our purpose) I have taken and here inserted.