Acts and Monuments Volume 1

* The lamentable overthrow and slaughter of the French armey fighting against the Infidels, through the sinister council of the Popes Legate.

TO make the story short, the king setting forward from Damiata, directed his journey toward Kayra, slaying by the way such Saracens as there were set to stop the vitailcs from Damiata. The Soldane in the mean time hearing of the courageous coming of the French host, as being in great hope to conquer all: sent unto the king by certain thrt were next about him, offering to the Christians the quiet and full possession of the holy land, with all the kingdom of Jerusalem, and more: besides other infinite treasure of gold and silver, or what else might pleasure them, only upon this condition they would restore again Damiata, with the captives there, and so would join together in mutual peace and amity. Also they should have all their Christian captives delivered home, and so both countries should freely pass one to another w ^t their wares and traficke, such as they lifted to occupy. Furthermore it was also firmly affirmed & spokē, that the Soldan, with most of his nobles were minded no less then to leave the filthy law of Mahomet, and receive the faith of Christ so that they might quietly enjoy their lands and possessions. The same day great quietness had entered (no doubt) in all Christendom, with the end of much bloodshed and misery, had not been for the pope and his Legate, who (having commandment from the Pope, that if any such offers should come, he should not take them) stoutly & frontose (as the words be of y ^e story) cōtradicēs, in no wise would receive the conditions offered Parisiens. fol. 233.

Thus while the Christians unprofitably lingered the time in debating this matter, the Soldan in the mean time got intelligence of the compact between the Tribune of Kayra, and the French king: whereupon he sent in all hast to the Citty of Kayra, to apprehend the Tribune till y ^e truth were fully tried. which seemed to him more aparēt, for that the Christian prisoners were already delivered. Hereupon the Soldan being in some better hope, and less fear, refused that which before he had offered to the Christians, albeit they with great instance afterward sued to the Soldan, and could not obtain it. Then the Soldan being wholly bent to try the matter by the sword, sent to the East partes for an infinite multitude of soldiers, giving out by Proclamation, that whosoever could bring in any Christian man's head, should have x. talentes, besides his standing wages. And whosoever brought his right hand, should have five. He that brought his foot, should have 2. talentes for his reward.

After these thiuges thus prepared on both sides to the necessity of war, the king cometh to the great River Nile, having gotten together many boats, thinking by them to pass over, as vpō a sure bridge. On the other side the Soldan pitcheth himself to withstand his coming over. In the mean time happened a certain feast amongst the Saracens, in which the Soldan was absent, leaving his tents by the water side. Which being foreseen by a certain Saracen lately converted to Christ, serving with the Earl Robert the kings brother, and showing them withal a certain shalow foorde in the River of Nile, where they might more easily pass over, the said Earl Robert & the Mayster of the Temple with a great power, esteemed to the third part of the armey, issued over the River, after whom also followed William Longspath with his band of English soldiers. These being together joined on the other side of the water, encountered the same day with y ^e Saracens remaining in the tents and put them to the worse. After this victory gotten, the French Earl surprised with pride and triumph, as though he had conquered the whole earth, would needs forward deviding himself from the main host, thinking to win the spurs alone. To whom certain sage men of the Temple, giving contrary counsel advised him not so to do, but rather to return and take their whole company with them, and so should they be more sure against all deceits and dangers, which there might be laid privily for thē. The manner of y ^t people (they said) they better knew, and had more experience thereof then he: Alledgists moreover their weryed bodies, their tired horses, their famished soldiers, & the insufficiency also of their number, which was not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies, especial at this present brunt, in which the adversaries did well see the whole state of their dominion now to consist either in winning all, or losing all: with ot • er such like words of persuasion. Which when the proud Earl did hear, being inflated with no less arrogance then ignorance with opprobrious taunts reviled them, calling them cowardly bastards, and betrayers of the whole country, objecting unto them the common report of many, which said, that the land of the holy Cross might be won to Christendom were it not for the rebellious Templarics, with the Hospitalaries and their fellows &c.

To these contumelious rebukes when the Master of the Tēple answered again for him and his fellows, bidding him display his ensign when he would, & where be durst, they were as ready to follow him, as he to go before thē: then began William de Longspath the worthy knight to speak, desiring the Earl to give care to those men of experience, who had better knowledge of those coūtries & people, then he had, commending also their council to be discrete & wholesome: & so turning to y ^e master of the temple began w ^t gentle words to mitigate him likewise. The knight had not half ended his talk, when the Earl taking his words out of his mouth began to fume & swear, crying out of these cowardly english mē with tails. What a pure army (said he) should we have here, if these tails, & tayled people were purged from it? w ^t other like words of great vilany and much disdain. whereunto the english Knight answering again: well Earl Robert (said he) where soever you dare set your foot, my step shall goc as far as yours: and as I believe, we go this day where you shall not dare to come near the tail of my horse, as in the event it proved true. Ibid. fol. 236.

In this mean time, the French king intending to aduannce forward his army, thought best to send away such as were feeble and lacked armor, to Damiata by boates. The Soldan hearing thereof, prepared a great number of boates to be carried by wayne and carte to the water side, which meeting them by the way, drowned and destroyed by wildefire everyone, so that of all that company of our Christians, of whom some were burned, some slain, some drowned, not one escaped alive, save one only English man named Alexander Giffard, who although he was sore wounded in the chase in five places in his body, yet escaped to the French canpe, bringing word to the king what was done. And this was upon the water.

Now vpō the land, seeing Earl Robert would needs set forward, weening to get all the glory to himself before the coming of the host: first they invaded a little village or castle, which was not far of, called Mansor. The country Bores and paganes in the villages by, seeing the Christians come, ran out with such a main cry and shout, that it came to the Soldans hearing, which was nearer then our men did think. In the mean while the Christians invading and entering into the munition incircumspectly, were pelted and pashed with stones by thē which stood above, whereby a great number of our men were lost, and the army sore maimed and almost in despair. Then immediately upon the same cometh the Soldan w ^t all his main power, who seeing the Christens army to be divided, and the brother separated frō the brother, had that which he long wished for, and so inclosing them round about, that none should escape, had w ^t them a cruel fight. Then the Earl began to repent him of his heady rashenes, but it was to late, who then seeing William the English knight dowrely fighting in the chief brunt of the enemies, cried unto him most cowardly to fly, seeing God (said he) doth fight against us. To whom the knight answering again, God forbid (saith he) that my fathers son should run away from the face of a Saracen. The Earl then turning his horse fled away, thinking to avoid by the swiftness of his horse, & so taking the river of Thasnis, oppressed with harnes, was there sokē and drowned. Thus the Earl being gone, the French men began to despair and scatter. Then William de Longaspatha, bearing all the force of the enemies, stood against thē as long as he could, wounding and slaying many a Saracen, til at length his horse being killed, and his legs maimed, he could no longer stand: who yet notw ^t standing as he was down, mangled their feet and legs, and did the Saracens much sorrow, till at last after many blows & wounds, being stoned of the Saracens, he yielded his life. After the death of him, then the Saracens setting upon the residue of the army, whom they had compassed on every side, devoured and destroyed them all, in so much that scarce one man escaped alive, saving two Templaries, one Hospitular, and one poor rascal soldier, which • brought tidings hereof to the king.

These things being known in the French campe to the king and his soldiers, first of their drowning which were sent to Damiata, then of the ruin and slaughter of the army, with the kings brother, by the town of Mansor, there was no little sorrow and heaviness on every side, with great fear, and doubt in themselves, what was best to doc. At last when they saw no remedy, but they must stand manfully to revenge the blood of their brethren, thē the king with his host past over the flood of Nile, and coming to the place where the battle had been, there they beheld their fellows and brethren pitifully lying w ^t their heads and hands cut of. For the Saracens for the reward before promised by the Soldan or Sultan, to them that could bring the head & hand of any Christian, had so mangled the Christians, leaving their bodies to y ^e wild beasts. Thus as they were sorowing and lamenting the rueful case of their Christian fellows, suddenly appeareth y ^e coming of the Sultan, with a multitude of innumerable thousands. Agaynst whom the French men estsoones prepare themselves to encounter, and so the battle being strocken up, the armyes began to join. But alacke for pity, what could the Frenchmen here do, their number first so maimed, their hearts wounded already with fear and sorrow, their bodies consumed w ^t penury and famine, their horses for feebleness not able to serve them? In conclusion, the Frenchmen were overthrown, slain, and dispatched, & seeing there was no flying, happy was he that first could yield himself. In which miserable conflict, the king with his two brethren, and a few that clave unto him, were taken captives, to the confusion of all Christian realms, and presented to the Soldan. All the residue were purto the sword, or else stood in the mercy of the Saracens whether to be slain, or to remain in woeful captivity.

And this was the end of that sorrowful battle, where in almost all the nobility of France was slain, neither was there one man welneare in all the multitude which escaped free, but either was slain, or taken prisoner. Furthermore, they that were slain or left half alive, had everyone his head and hand cut off, upon the Soldans proclamation above mentioned.

The Sultan or Soldan, after the taking of the French king, fraudulently suborning an army of Saracens, to y ^t number of the French army, with the arms and ensigns of them that were slain, made toward Damiata, where the Duke of Burgundy, with the French Queen, & Ddo the Popes Legate, and other bishops and their garrisons were remaining, supposing under the show of French men to be let in, but the captaynes mistrusting their hasty coming, and misdoubting their visages not like to the French men, shut the gates against them, and so returned they frustrate of their intent.

The purpose of the Soldan was, if he might have gotten Damiata, to send the French king hyer up in the East countries to Calipha the chief Pope of Damascus, to increase the titles of Mahomet, and to be a spectacle or gasing stock to all those quarters of the world. The manner of which Calipha was never left to any Christian prisoner come out, whosoever came once in his hands. But for so much as the Soldan missed his purpose, he thought by advise of counsel, to use the kings life for his own advantage in recovering the city of Damiata, as in the end it came to pass. For although the king at the first was greatly unwilling, and had rather die then surrender Damiata again to the Saracens, yet the conclusion so fell out that the king was put to his ransom, and the Citty of Damiata was also resigned, which city being twice won, and twice lost by the Christians, the Soldan or Saladine afterward caused utterly to be rased down to the ground. The ransom of the king, upon condition that the Soldan should see himself conducted to Achon (which I take to be Cesaria) came to 60000. marks. The number of Frenchmen, and others which miscaryed in that war by water and by land came to 80000, persons. tHaec Mat. Parisi. fol. 237.238.

And thus have ye the brief narration of this lamentable peregrination of Louis the French king. In which when the French men being once or twice well offered by the Soldan, to have all the kingdom of Jerusalem, and much more in free possession, they not contented with that which was reasonable and sufficient, for greediness to have all, lost all, having at length no more then there naked bodies could cover, lying dead vpō the ground: & all through the original cause of the Pope and Ddo his Legate. By whole sinister means and pestilent pride, not only y ^e lives of so many Christians were then lost, but also to the said Pope is to be imputed all the loss of other cities & Christian regions bordering in the same quarters: for a • much as by the occasion hereof, the hearts of the Saracens on y ^• one side were so encouraged, & the courage of the christias on the other side so much discomfited, that in short space after, both the dominion of Antioch and of Achon, with all other possessions belonging to the Christians, were lost, to the great diminishing of Christ's Church.

During the time of this good king lying at Achon • or Celaria, almighty God sent such discord between y ^t Soldan of Halapia, and the Soldā of Babylon, for letting the king so escape, that the said Soldan or Salidin of Babylon, to win the king unto his side, entered league with him (whom both his brethren, and all his nobles almost at home had forsaken) and remitted his ransom, and also restored unto him such prisoners as were, in the said battle found to be alive. Thus the Lord worketh, where man commonly forsaketh. Math Paris. fol. 261.

An other cause moreover, why the ruin of this French army may worthily be impured to the Pope, is this: for that whē Louis the French king perceiving what a necessary friend and helper Frederick the Emperor might be to him in these his affairs against the Saracens, and therefore was an earnest suitor for him to the Pope to have him released, yet neither he, nor the king of England by any means could obtain it. And although the Emperor himself offered to pope Innocent with all humble submission to make satisfaction in the Council of Lions, promising also to expugne all the dominions of the Saracens and never to return into Europe again, and there to recover whatsoever the Christians had lost, so that the pope would only grant his son Henry to be Emperor after him: yet the proud pope would not be mollified, but would needs proceed against him with both swords, that is, first with the spiritual sword to accurse him, and then with the temporal sword to depose him frō his Emperial throne. Through the occasion whereof, not only the French kings power went to wrack, but also such a fire of mischief was kindled against all Christendom, as yet to this day cannot be quenched. For after this overthrow of the French king and his army, the Christians of Antioch and of other Christian regions theraboutes, being utterly discouraged, gave over there holds and Cities. Whereby the Saracens, and after them the Turks, got such an hand over Christiandome, as to this day we all have great cause to rue and lament. Besides this, where diverse Christians were crossed to go over and help the French king, the pope for money dispensed with them to tarry still at home.

But as I said, the greatest cause was, that the Emperor, which could have done most, was deposed by the Popes tyranny, whereby all those Churches in Asia were left desolate. As touching the which Emperor Frederick, because we have diverse and sundry times made mention of him before, and for that his story is strange, his acts wondrous, and his conflicts tragical, which he sustained against iiii. or v. Popes one after another, I thought not out of story in a whole narration to set forth the same, for the reader to consider, what is to be judged of this Cathedral Sea of Rome, which had wrought such abhominable mischief in the world, as in the sequel of the story following faithfully translated out of Latiue into English is to be seen.

The whole tragical history of Frederick, 2. Emperor, translated out of the Latin book of Nich. Cisnerus.

FRedericke the second, came out of the ancient house of the Beblines or Gibillines: which Gibillines came of the most famous stock of the French king and Emperors.

He had Frederick Barbarossa to his Graundfather, whose son Henricus the 6. was Emperor after him: who of Constātia, the daughter (or as some write y ^e niece) of Roger the first, king of Sicily: begat this Frederick the second.

This Constantia was 50. years of age before she was conceived with him: whom the Emperor Henry 6. to avoid all doubt and surmise that of her conception & childing might be thought, and to the peril of the Empeir ensue: caused his regal tent to be pitched abroad in place where every man might resort. And when the time of his Queens travail approached, Constantia (in presence of diverse Ladies, and Matrons, and other Gentle women of the Empire, a great number was brought a bed and delivered of this Frederick: the vii. day before the Calendes of January, in the year of Christ's incarnation. 1193. who by inheritance was king of Naples, Apuha, Calabria, and Sicilia.

Henricus his father shortly after he was borne, obtained of the princes electors, that by their oth to hun given: they would choose his son Frederick for their Emperor after his discease, and so did, and immediately called him Caesar, being yet but in his cradle.

This Henry when he died (which was shortly after y ^e birth of Frederick) committed the protection of him to Constantia his wife, to Phillip his brother chief governor of Hetruria, and to the Bishop of Rome, then Innocentius the third.

Constantia, not long after the death of Henry her husband being sickely and growing into age, and thereby not so well able to govern the troubles and vnquiete state of the Empire, resigned, and willed by her testament, the safety both of her son Frederick and also of his dominions to the protectiō and government of Innocent 3. thinking thereby safely to have provided. &c.

This pope Innocent. assone as he had the protection of the young Emperor & his Segniories: became instead of a patron and protector, to him & to his dominions both an enemy and cōspiratour. The examples are many: One is, he persuaded Sibill the late wife of Tancredus (whō Henry put from the kingdom of Sicily) to recover y ^e same again, and that she should there unto require Phillip the French kings aid: whereupō one waltherus being of noble house of the Earls of Brenno, which in y ^e province of Barrencecis had great living, and marrying with Ateria the eldest daughter of Tacredus once king of Sicily (as is said) now by the instigation, counsel, & aid of the french king with the pope (well hoping to recover the kingdom) entered and invaded with great power Campania, & Apuha. At which time also, the same worthy protector Innocentius the third, sent his legates with letters of excommunication against all those that would not admit and take the said Waltherus for their king.

In other was, that where the princes Electors and other nobles as before is said had promised by their oath to Henricus, that they would make Frederick his son Emperor after his discease (whō the Pope saw to put their indenour thereunto to bring it to pass) absolved thē all frō the oath which they had taken and given for the election of Frederick the Emperor, as one not content he should obtain the same. And further, he raised slanders and defamations against Phillip, whom the electors had chosen to govern the Empire during the minority of Frederick his nephew. He wrote his Epistle (which is yet extant) to the Duke Barthold of Zaringia to be Emperor: who, for that he gave place to Phillip, he went about to procure, y ^t Otho the son of Henry Leo should be made Emperor, & y ^e the Princes & Lord's electors of Germany, would crown him forthw ^t after the manner of Aquisgrane. He deprived all such Bishops as he knew to favor Phillip as Emperor, in the defense of his nephews right. But Phillip, whose cause was better, his skill in martial affairs greater, & in power & strength mightier: after diverse and great cōflicts the marvelous disturbance and vastation of the whole Empire, by God's help put the other to the worse. All which calamities and mischiefs Conradus Lichtenanus at that time living, in his Annals most pitifully complaineth of: and accuseth the Bishop of Rome and his adherents to be the chief authors and deuisors of this great and lamentable mischief: as such that for to make themselves rich by the spoil thereof, sought by all means and desired the same.

Not long after a peace was concluded between Phillip & Otho, and Phillip reconciled again to the pope: who within a while after between Otho and him was murdered in his chamber and slain. And then was Otho again brought to the Imperial seat, and new elected for Emperor, with the counsel and consent of this Innocent the third: and so continued till that a great variance and discord chanced to rise between the said Otho & the pope. Whereupon Innocentius soughe by all means, howe against him likewise he might work mischief and bring him to his end. The occasion of this sudden change and alteration my author maketh no mentiō of, but that Otho (now being of great power) invaded and destroyed these dominions of Frederick: as Flamminia, Picenum, Umbria, Hetruria, but chiefly Campania, and Apulia, for that those properly appertained to the inheritance of Frederick.

Thus you see, how first by the counsel and consent of Pope Innocentius and by his instigation, besides his secret conspiracies: this good Frederick and his domininions were hurt and indamaged. Then again, through his default what damage he sustained by Otho, who by him and his means was made so strong as he was: notwithstanding the great trust he was put in for the protection both of Frederick and his dominions.

At this time. Frederick was come to the age of xx. years: who in his youth by the provision of Constantia his mother, was so well instructed in letters, and in other arts and virtues so imbued: that at these years there appeared and did shine in him, excellent gifts both of wisdom and knowledge.

He was excellently well scene in the Latin & Greek tongues, although at that time learning began to decay, & barbarousnes to increase. He had also the Germayn tongue the Italian tongue, and the Saracen tongue. He day exercised and put in practice those virtues which nature had planted in him, as piety, wisdom, justice, and fortitude: in so much, that well he might be compared and accounted amongst the worthiest and most renowned Emperors his predecessors.

Fazellus (the historician of Sicilia in this time) writeth, that Fredericus was again after this had in great honor and estimation with Innocētius: but yet notwithstanding, he had no sure confidence in him, for that he had the suspected name of Frederick his graundfather often in remembrance, and for that occasion was much desirous to have him far from Italy.

When Frederick had gathered his power, he purposet to set upon Otho his enemy: of which thing Otho hearing (as he was painful in travel) came out of Italy with his army into Germany, thinking to have met Frederick at the river of Rhene, and to have stopped his passage: but he was deceived of his expectation, and Fredericus was crowned as the manner of Aquisgrane is, before he came. And after that Frederick in the winter time took his iorny to Francosert, and after many meetings in Norico had, and that Otho was dead, he set the Empire in a stay and the whole country of Germany he in a manner appealed And then with all his nobles and princes he returned to Rome, and of Honorius the third was with great solemnity consecrated and called Augustus. which Honorius succeeded Innocentius 3. in the Papal Sea: and was a great help to Frederick (although he loved him not) in this behalf, to revenge him self upon Otho.

After the consecration of Frederick the second, he gave many great and liberal gifts, as well to the Bishop of Rome himself, as also to the court of Rome besides. Also he gave & assured, by his Charter to the Church of Rome, the Dukedom of Fundanum. For by the insatiable covetousness of the Romish Bishops, this wicked use and custom grew: that unless the Emperors elect & crowned would give unto thē such like great and large gifts: they could not obtain of them their consecration or confirmation which for that intent they devised.

Furthermore, Frederick the Emperor, willing to show himself more bountiful and liberal to the Church: neither yet to restrain any privilege that might benefit the same, gave & admitted those cōstitutiōs which the pope himself would desire, and are yet extant in their civil Law: By which his doings he delivered to their hands a sword as it were, to cut his own throat. For y ^e bishops of Rome, now having even what they lifted, & all in their own hands: might by the pain of proscription, bring what Emperor or king under coram nobis that them listed, and keep them by their own laws, as if it were bound in a certain bands, out of the which they might not start. For whatsoever he were, which for the diminution of the liberties of the Church were excommunicate, and so continued a years space: then he should be within the danger of this proscript, and should not be released before he had made satisfaction, and were admitted by the Pope to the Church and congregation of good men again. whereby it came to pass, that whatloeuer Emperor in the government of his dominions, should in any point displeased or do contrary to the lust of the Bishop of Rome: he then as enemy to the church, was excommunicate. And unless within a yere he were reconciled to them again (by this their principal law) he was in the proscript. And often it chanced, that Princes to avoid the pain of this proscript, were ready to do whatsoever the pope would have them, and command them to do.

After the consecration of Frederick was with great solemnity finished, and that the pope & Church of Rome in all ample manner (as is partly described) were gratified, and yet larger constitutions to them confirmed: he departed from Rome and went into Italy, there to set in order and stay the Cities and great towns, for the better tranquility of himself and safety of his subjects, and from thence into his own provinces and dominions: where he heard of certain, that began to raise and make new factions against him. Amongst whom, were found Thomas and Richard, the brethren of Innocentius the third, Earl of Anaquinos, that held certain castles in the kingdom of Neopolitanes from him by force: which castles, he besieged and beat down, and took from them all that he in them found. Richard he took, and sent as a prisoner into Sicilia: but Thomas escaped and came speedily to Rome, whither also repaired certain bishops and others that were conspirators against Frederick, as also such other as the fear of the Emperors laws, and their own gilty consciences caused to fly: and were (that notwithstanding) of this Bishop of Rome Honorius the 3. (to gratify again the liberality of the Emperor bestowed upon him) under his nose succored, maintained and defended. Which thing when Frederick understood, he began to expostulate with the Byshoppe, considering the vnseemlinesse of that his fact. Agaynst whom, the Pope on the other side was so chased & vexed, that he immediately without farther delay thundereth out against him like a tyrant his curses and excommunications.

Thomas Fazellus declareth, the detestation or defiance to happen between thē somewhat otherwise. There were saith he, amongst those which were found traitors to the Emperor certain Bishops, which fleyng to the pope, requested his aid: whereupon, the pope sent his Legates to the Emperor, and requested him that he would admit and receive to savor those Bishops, which he had banished and put frō their offices, and that he would not intermeddle with any Ecclesiastical charge wherewith he had not to do: And said further, that the correction and punishment of such matters pertained to the Bishop of Rome, and not to him: and moreover, that the oversight of those Churches in that kingdom, from the which he had expelled the Bishops, pertained and belonged to him.

Wherunto Frederick thus replieth: That for as much as now 400. years and more (from the time of Carolus Magnus) all Emperors and kings in their dominions might lawfully commit to apt and fit mē for the same, such Ecclesiastical functions and charges as within their territoryes and kingdoms fell: That he looked to have the like priuiliege & authority also, that other his predecessors before him had. And farther said, that he had the same and like authority in y ^e Empire that his father Henry, & Frederick his graundfather, and other his predecessors bebefore them had: neither had he so deserved at the hands of the Church of Rome: either of Honorius himself, to be deprived of those priueledges which his auncesters before him had had, and kept. And further, Friderick being chafed and moved with these demands of the Pope, breaketh forth and saith: how long will the Bishop of Rome abuse my patience? when will his covetous heart be satsfied? whereunto will this ambitious desire grow? with such like words more, repeating certain injuries and conspiracies, both against him and his dominions, as well by Honorius as Innocentius 3. his predecessor, as also other like injuries of Pope to his auncetours practiced. what man saith he, is able to suffer and bear this so incredible boldness and intolerable insolency of so proud a Bishop. Boe saith he (unto the Legates) and tell Honorius, that I will hazarde both the seignory of my Empire, and crown of my kingdom, rather then I will suffer him thus to diminish the authority of our majesty. Thomas Fazellus Lib. 8.

Now, because much disquictnes and controversy hath arisen (for the most part through all Christendom in every kingdom and realm severally) for and about the authority of choosing and depriving of Bishops (as may be seen by the example of this Fridericke) which the pope only and arrogantly challengeth to himself, and not to appertain to another: I thought good not with silence to over pass but somewhat to say: and to prove the authority of Christian kings & princes in this behalf, to be both sufficient & good: which thing, not only by the holy scriptures is right easy to be done, but also by Synodal decrees & councils (diverse and sundry) to be established and confirmed may easily be proved: as also by the ancient custom and manner of the primitive Church, may further be corroborated and made good.

Whereunto appertain certain places collected and gathered out of the decrees by Gratianus, & specially in these canons, 12, 13, 14, 26, 27, 32, and 63, distinction. Farthermore, when Christian kings and princes began to embrace Christ his religion, both for honor and orders sake it was granted: that when y ^e people desired such ministers as were convenient & by them thought meet: y ^t they which were then in the ecclesiastical functiou and chiefest in authority, should either confirm such as were presented, or else themselves to place fit men in their churches as need required. So did the Emperors of Constantinople (receiving the order and manner from Constantine the great) use and give the right of Ecclesiastical function, with the consent both of the people, and ecclesiastical persons, & long so retained they the same. As Honorious the Emperor unto Boniface. canon. 8. dist. 79. & canon. 2. dist. 97. Also of Pelagius and Gregorius Magnus: of the which one in the reign of Justinian the Emperor and Totila governing Italy) the other in the time of Maurice the Emperor (when the Lombardes possessed Italy) were appointed Bishops to the Church of Rome. can. 15.21, 24.

And where, as Bratianus in the beginning of the 96. and 97. distinction doth declare, that the rescript of Honorius the Emperor is void and of none effect, for that he determined the election of the bishop of Rome, contrary to the authority of the holy canons: when as yet, neither to y ^t civil magistrate, nor to any of the ecclesiastical order canbe read of any license given them for to dispence withal: each man may plainly see and discern his great folly and want of understanding. As though at y ^t time any decrees were made, which should debar Emperors for the consritituring of y ^t ecclesiastical ministers. Or that it were doubtful, whether the Emperors at that time had past any constitutions touching the causes of Ecclesiastical discipline, and the same laws then put in ure: when y ^t contrary most manifestly (both by the laws & histories of that age and time as well of the church as of the Empire) may appear. And that we need not seek far for the matter: this thing is sufficiently proved by these titles: De sacrosanctis Ecclesijs Episcopis, Clericis, besides other eccclesiasticall chapters, & matters touching religion. All which are to be seen in the books of the principal and chiefest constitutions, collected and set forth by Justinian. Amongst the which, many of the chapiters are said to be accepted and allowed of Honorius & Theodosius. So in like case, the 21. can. in the 63. distinction doth declare, that y ^e Grecian Emperors that next ensued after Justinian, did observe that manner of ordaining and election of the Bishop of Rome: although thē at that time interpellatum erat it was somewhat sporned at. Amongst whom mention is made of Constantine the fourth which was surnamed Pogonatus.

Carolus Magnus in like manner followed their steps and manner in the same, as in the 22. canon, and the same distinctiō is declared. And farther it was at a Synodal council in Lateran (Adrian being high Bishop where were convented and assembled 153. other Bishops) decreed: that the power and authority of creating the bishop of Rome, and ordaining of all other prelates & ecclesiastical orders, should be in the power and will of Carolus Magnus, as well in Italy as other his dominions and provinces: and y ^t whosoever was not promoted & allowed by him, should not be consecrated of any: And that those, which repugned and disobeyed this decree, should incur the most sharp pain of proscription and publication of law. The worthy example hereof is extāt in the 18. can. and 18. title. Yet notwithstanding, Stephanus the 4. author of this rescript against the said decree and w ^t out the Emperors consent was made Bishop of Rome. who to y ^e intent he might delude y ^e decreed & solemnised penalty, thereby to excuse himself: went into France to Ludouicus Pius the son of Carolus Magnus, & at Rheimis crowned he him w ^t the Imperial diademe. Neither could this Bishop here stay himself, but spying the great lenity of the Emperor, assayed to make frustrate the foresaid constitution. For his purpose was, & so brought it to pass, as in the 27. canon and the lame distinction appeareth) that it might be lawful for the Ecclesiastical order, with the people and senate of Rome (without the authority of the Emperor) to choose the Bishop of Rome: reserving, that he should not be consecrated without the will and consent of the Emperor. Thus is it manifest, that the Bishops of Rome themselves, not regarding but despising the strait penalty and sanction of the foresaid decree of the Lateran Council: were not only the first that brake the same, but also by contrary rescriptes and constitutions labored & endeavored to extol & set up themselves above all other.

Whereupon, Lotharius afterward being Emperor and nephew to Carolus Magnus, coming into Italy there to dissolve the cōspiracy and confederacy of Leo the fourth about the translation of the Empire: renewed & stablished again the Synodal decree of Lateran, touching the jurisdiction of the Emperor for the election of the Bishop of Rome and other ecclesiastical persons. And hereof it came, that those Epistles were written of Leo in the 16. & 17. canon, and the same distinction, which also as in the 9. canon and x. distinction, made a profession, that the same Imperial precepts should be kept in all ages. This Leo when he was reproved of treason and other evils, pleaded his cause before Ludouicus the 2. Emperor of Rome, and son of Lotharius above recited 2. q. 7. canon. 40.

But after this as time grew on, the bishops of Rome nothing relinquishing their ambitious desires: Otho the first Emperor of that name, deprived and put from the sea of Rome that most filthy and wicked Bishop John the xiii. both for diverse and sundry wicked and heinous acts by him committed, as also for his great treasons & conspiracies against his royal person: and did substitute in his place Leo. the 5. who calling a Synod at Lateran in the same temple and place where the other before was kept • did promulgate a new constitution w ^t consent of the Senate & people of Rome, concerning the Emperors jurisdiction in the foresaid election: which in the 23. canon is contained and 63. distinction. Whereby the old right and power of the Emperor in the election of the Bishop of Rome and other ecclesiastical prelates, was again with more sharper and straighter sanctiō confirmed & ratified. Again John the 18, whō Cressentius the Romayn (usurping y ^t Imperial crown) had made bishop by the consent of the people of Rome & the Ecclesiastical order: having his nose cut off, & his eyes put out, & so thrust out of the capitoll: was again of Otho 3. established and made Bishop. But when as yet notwithstanding, the Bishops of Rome would not alter their old accustomed disposition, but w ^t all their industry endeavored to abrogate that jurisdiction of the Emperor over the bishop of Rome (as people loath to be under subjection) Henry the 3. (then Leo y ^e 9 being constituted bishop) did once again ratify y ^t same, and caused the bishop which extolled himself before all his fellow bishops) to stoup and give place to Moguntinus.

So, after the death of Henry the 3. Emperor, Nicholas the 2. although in his decree (which in the first canon and 32. distinction is recited) gave the primacy for the electiō of the bishop of Rome by the means of the priests and people of Rome, unto the Cardinals: yet he would after that, that the prerogative therein should be reserved to Henry 4. the young Emperor, from whom the Empire afterward was for a time wrested and taken.

But now after this, whē Hildebrand which was called Gregory the 7. was Pope: This prerogative of the Emperors in their Election, which before in the creatiō of Alexander the bish. was neglected and broken: The bishops of Rome, not only did seek to diminish y ^e authority thereof, but also to euacuate, and quite undo the same. For he, not only aspired to that dignity, without the consent and appointment of the Emperor: but also made restraint that no Emperor, king, Duke, marques, Earl, or any civil Magistrate: should assign and appoint to any any ecclesiastical function and charge, neither that any of his Prelates so hardy, should take them at any of their hands, as q. 16. canon. 7.9. and 10. may be seen.

Yet notwithstanding, after that this horrible monster Hildebrand was proscript and thrust out of the papal seat, and Clement 3. put in his stead: Henry again challenged his Imperial prerogative of Election. But yet, when the Bishops which succeeded after this Hildebrand & led by his example, began to derogate from the Imperial prerogative of electiō: & Hen. on the other side by all means possible, sought to defend and maintain the same. By the subtle fraud & mischievous policy of the bishops which set the son against the father, and found means to steal from him the hearts of his nobles and subjects and to set them all against him, and especially the Princes of Germany: was deposed and disappointed of his purpose.

And although Henry the 5. (coming to Rome) brought Paschalis the second to that point, that he both in public concion, and in writing sealed, and also by oath confirmed, restored again to the Emperors of Rome y ^e prerogative of election, and of giving of ecclesiastical dignities: yet not withstanding, after that Henry the Emperor was gone from Rome: Paschalis the Pope, greatly repenting and sorrowing that he had done (in allowing and confirming the privileges of Emperors through fear) touching the giving and disposing of ecclesiastical functions, excommunicated the Emperor: And in a Sinodal council at Lateran ordained & decreed, that he should be had & accounted a wicked enemy, that would take any Ecclesiastical function or preferment at the hands of a civil Magistrate, whereupon were made these decrees qu. 16. chap. 7. 13.14.15. and 16.

Therefore, when these decrees touching the desiguatiō of bishops, in spite and contempt of the Emperor were practiced and put in ure: and when that uow (especially by the means and procurement of the bishops) intestine and civil wars begā to rise in the Empire: the Imperial jurisdiction in this matter was not only weakened and much debilitate, but also in manner utterly brokē and lost. For when Henry the v. Emperor was sharply of Lotharius and his vassals the Bishops, beset & laid unto by the provocation of the pope, and was mightily by the bishops that took his part on y ^• other side requested & entreated (in hope of public peace & tranquility) that he would condescend and somewhat yield to the Popes demands: He at length (the more was the pity) y ^t he might be reconciled and have peace with pope Calixtus the 2. In the city of Uangio departed from and with that his prerogative or iurisdictiō of giving ecclesiastical preferments to the pope and his prelates, now more then 300. years (frō the time of Carolus Magnus) in the hands of them Emperors of Rome, and until this time with great fortitude & princely courage, conserved and kept: which resignation turned to no small detriment both of the Church of Christ, and Christian common wealth.

Then first and never before, obtained the Bishop of Rome, and quietly enjoyed that prerogative of election, & bestowing of benefices: which he so long before with such great pollices (now secretly now openly, and now with force) had sought for. And with what sufficient and good authority Gratianus will prove, that before this time the same authority was given to the City of Rome for the election of the pope without the consent of the Emperor he showeth: as in the 29. and 30. Canon, and what good stuff he putteth in the latter, and howe subtly that Papistical flatterer or pontifical Parasite hath forged the same: Both Carolus Molineus sufficiently in diverse places hath noted, and by the obseruatiō of times may of a mean Historiographer that hath red the French and German histories, soon be espied & discerned. For first, five bishops one after another succeeded this Gregory 4. upon whom the 29. canon is entitled or fathered: that is, Sergius 2. John 8. Adrian. 2. John. 9. and Adrian the 3. which Adrian by force wresting the authority of the electiō from the people was made pope: when, as the Gregory (specially to be noted) would not take on him the Papacie, before that the Emperor had consented to his election. After this, Molineus compareth Raphell Uolateranus w ^t the 30. canon which again is suspected: For why, whē Eugenius was bishop which was the Successor of this Paschalis, with whom Ludouicus Pius is said to have made a league or paction: The same Ludouicus Pius with his son Lotharius together with the help of the king of Romaines, at Rome made laws both to all his subjects in the Empire, as also to the Romaines themselves: speaking nothing of y ^e renewing of the decree made by Lotharius. Thou again, how could Leo the fourth write to Lotharius and Ludouicus Emperors, that counterfeit or forged decree; beginning with Constitutio. &c. when in the same mentiō is made of Henricus Aucupes, & Otho the 1. which reigned more then 80. years after them, and Leo the 4. bishop of Rome.

Now with what face dare this fōd fellow Gratianus make Otho the first to be author of the 31. Canon, when as Otho deprived the same John the 12. of the Papacy: And not only took nothing from the Imperall jurisdiction concerning the election, nor from the city of Rome, nor any other bishops subject to the Romain Empire: but added somewhat more thereunto, as was said before. And yet notwithstanding, so shameless & senseless was this Gracian, y ^t he durst obtrude & lay before the reader, so manifest fraud and evident legerdemaine (feigned and made of his own brains in the compiling of this decree) being so necessary as he thought for the dominion and prunacy of the Romaine Bishops, in y ^e stead of good and true laws in either fearing that the same might be after his days reprehended, neither to his great shame and discredit unto him attributed. Where also by the way is to be noted, that as this graceless Gratianus to please these holy fathers and to erect their kingdom, would give so impudent an attempt to the blinding and deceiving of all posterityes: inserting for grounded truths and holy decrees such loud lies and detestable doctrine: what may be thought of the rabble of the rest of writers in those days what attempts hope of gain might cause them to work: By whom and such like is to be feared, the fasifying of diverse other good works now extant, in those perilous times writ̄.

Thus, when the Bishops had once wrested this authority out of the Emperors hands: they then so fortified & armed thenselves and their dominion, that although afterwards Frederick the first, graundfather unto this good Emperor Frederick the second, as also Ludouicus Boius, and Henricus Lucelburgensis (as men most studious and careful for the dignities of the Empire: unfeigned lovers and maintainers of the utility of the commō weal, and most desirous of the preseruatiō and prosperity of the Church) did all their indeuors with singular wisdom & strength, as much as in them lay, to recover again from the bishop of Rome this the authority of the Imperial jurisdiction lost, most cruelly & wickedly abusing the same to the destruction both of the Empire, undoing of the common wealth, and utter subversion of the Church of God yet could they not be able to bring the same to pass in those darck and shadowed times of perverse doctrine and errors of the people, and most miserable servitude of civil Magistrates.

The same and like privilege also in the election of their bishops & Prelates, and disposing of Ecclesiastical offices, as the Emperor of Rome had: every Prince and king in their several dominions had the like. For by the decree of the Council of Tolerane, which in the 25. canon and 63. distinction is mentioned: the authority of creating and choosing bishops and Prelates in Hispane, was in the power of the king of Hispane. The like also by the Histories of Clodoueus, Carolus Magnus, Ludouicus nonus, Philippus Augustus, Philippus pulcher, Carolus 5. Carolus 6. Carolus. 7. Kings of France, is apparaunt and well known: that all these kings had the chief charge and government of the French Church, and not the bishops of Rome.

And by our English histories also as you heard, it is manifest: that the authority of choosing ecclesiastical ministers and bishops, was always in the kings of England, till the reign of king Henry the 1. who by the labor and procurement of Anselmus Archb. of Cant. was deprived and put from the same.

Also the Princes of Germany and electors of the Emperor, till the time of Henry the 5. had all every Prince severally in his own dition and Province the same jurisdiction and prerogative: to give & dispose ecclesiastical functions to their Prelates at their pleasure: and after that it appertained to the people and prelates together. And how in the reign of Fridericke, the Prelates gate unto themselves alone this Immunity: Johannes Auentinus in his 7. book of the Annals of the Boiores doth describe.

Also it is probable, that the kings of Sicilia had the same faculty in giving and disposing their Ecclesiastical promotions and charge of churches. Andreas de Istmia ad 1. constit. Neap. nu. 12. And that because Fridericke defended him against the tyranny of the bishop of Rome, therefore as Fazellus saith, he was excommunicated of Honorius. But that Platina and Blondus allege other causes wherefor he was excommunicate of Honorius, I am not ignorant: Howbeit, he that will compare their writings with others that write more indifferently between Honorius and him: shall easily find, that they more sought the favor of the Romayn bishops, then to write a verity. But now again to the history of Fridericke.

Nicholaus Cisnerus affirmeth, that whilst Friderike the Emperor was in Sicilia, his wife Constantia died at Catrana or Catana. In the mean time, the Christians which was a great nauy sailed into Egypt and took the city Heliopolis, commonly called Damatia, and long ago named Pelucinum, being in good hope to have driven Sultanus y ^e Sowdā out of Egypt: had a great & marvelous overthrow, by y ^e conueiyng of the water of the flood Nile (which then overflowed into their Campe) & were sayne to accord an unprofitable truce with the Sowldane for certain years, and to deliver the city again: and so departing out of Egypt, were fain to come to Acone and Cyrus, to the no small detriment and loss of the Christian army. Wherupon, king John surnamed Brennus (being king of Jerusalem) arrived in Italy, and prayde aid of the Emperor against his enemies, in whō he had great hope to find remedy of the evils and calamities before declared and from thence he went to Rome to the Pope, declaring unto him the great discomfite and overthrow past, as also the present peril and callamitie that they were in, desiring also his aid therein. By whose means (as Cisnerus saith) the Emperor was reconciled again to the Pope, and made friends together: to whom also king John gave Ioell his daughter in marriage, which came of the daughter of Conradus King of Jerusalem, and Marques of Mounte Ferrat: with whom he had for dowry, the inheritance of the kingdom of Jerusalem, as right heir thereunto by her mother. By whom also, he atter obtained the kingdom of Naples and Sicill, and promised that with as much expedient speed as he might he would prepare a power for the recovery again of Jerusalem, and be there himself in proper person: which thing to do, for that upon diverse occasions he deferred (whereof some think one some another: Honorius) unto whom he was lately reconciled, purposed to have made against him some great and secrete attempt, had he not been by death before prevented, upon whom were made these Uerses.

After whom succeeded Gregorius the 9. as great an enemy to Frederike as was Honorius: which Gregory, came of the race whom the Emperor (as before ye heard) condemned of Treason which they wrought against him. This Gregory was scarcely settled in his Papacy, when that he threatened him that greatly with excommunication, unless he would prepare himself into Asia, according to his promise as ye heard before to king John. And what the cause was, why the Pope so hastened the journey of Frederike into Asia, you shall hear hereafter: In effect, he could not well bring that to pass, which in his mischievous mind he had devised, unless the Emperor were farther from him. Notwithstanding, Frederick it should seem smelling a ratte, or mistrusting somewhat (as well he might) alleged diverse causes and lets, as lately and truly he did to Honorius.

Fazellus a Sicilian writer saith, that the special cause of the Emperors stay was: for the oathe of truce and peace during certain years, which was made between the Saracens and Christians as you heard, which time was not yet expired.

The same also Fazellus, writeth thus of king John of Ierusalē, that when his daughter was brought to Rome the Emperor and the pope was reconciled together. And being called up to Rome to celebrate y ^• marriage. P. Gregory (as the manner of those proud prelates is) offered his right foot unto the Emperor to kiss. But the Emperor not stouping so low, scarcely with his lip, touched the upper part of his knee and would not kiss his foot: which thing the pope toke in very evil part and was therewith merueilously offended. But for that no opportunity at that time served to revenge his conceived grudge and old malice, he dissimuled the same as he might for that time, thinking to recompense it at the full as time would serve, and fall out therefore.

After this, it fortuned that the Emperor hearing how the Christians were oppressed by the Souldane in Syria, and that from Arsacida there came a great power against the christen princes: he made the more hast, and was with more desire encouraged to set forward his journey into Asia. Wherefore, assembling the Nobility of the Empire at Rauenna and Creinona: he gave in commandment to Henry his son (whō not long before he caused to be created Caesar) that he should persuade the nobles & Princes of the Empire: that they all, would be ready to put to their helping hands, in furthering this his journey and enterprise. This writeth Fazellus: howbeit, some other affirm that these things were done in the time of Honorius. But how soever the matter is, this thing is manifest: that Frederick to satisfy the popes desire, which never would sin but by all means sought to provoke him forward, gave him at length his promise: that by certain time he would prepare an army and fight himself against those, which kept from him the city of Jerusalem (which thing he also confesseth himself in his epistles, and also how he desired, and obtained of the pieres and Nobility of the Empire, their'aid thereunto) as also, to have a appointed & convenient time when they should be at Brindisi.

In the mean season, he with all his power and endeavor made hasty and speedy preparation for the wars: he rigged & manned a puissant nauy, he had the pykcost men and best soldiers that were in every country, and made warlike prouison & furmture, for everything that to such a voyage and expedition appertained. Neither was the matter slacked, but at that time appointed, great bands assembled & mustered both of German soldiers and others, and under their Captains appointed sot forth and marched to Brindisi. Theyr generals were, Thuringus and Sigebertus, and Augustinus the Bishop: where they, long time lying and attending the Emperors coming (being let by infirmity and sickness) great pestilence and sundry diseases molested them, by reason of the great heat and intemperance of that country: and many a soldier there lost his life, among whom also died Thuringus one of their Generals. The Emperor, when he had somewhat recovered his health, with all his nauy launched out and set forward to Brindisi. And when he came to the straits of Poliponences and Creta (being Islands lying in the sea) and there, for lack of convenient wind was stayed: suddenly the Emperor (his diseases growing upon him again) fell sick: and sending before all or the most part of his bands and ships into Palestine, promising them (most assuredly) to come after and follow them so soon as he might recover and get never so little health: he himself with a few ships, returned and came to Brindisi, and from thence for want of health, went into Apulia.

When tidings here of came to the Popes ear: He sent out his thundering curses and new excommunications against the Emperor. The causes wherefore, I find noted and mentioned by his own letters, that is. Now that whē he had robbed and taken from Brūdusius, Prince of Thuring, his horses, his money, and other rich furniture of his house at the time of his death, he sailed into Italy: not for y ^e intent to make war against the Turk, but to convey this pray that he had stolen and taken away frō Brundusius, who neglecting his oath and promise which he had made, and feiniug himself to be sick, came home again. And that by his default also, Damieta was lost, & the host of the Christians sore afflicted. Fazellus besides these causes spoken of before doth write that the pope alleged these also. That he defiled a certain Damsel, which was in y ^e Queens nursery: and that he slew his wife when he had whipped her in the prison, for declaring the mischievous act to her father king John. But all the writers, and also Blondus himself doth declare, that this Ioell died after the Publication of the proscript and excommunication: wherefore, y ^e Pope could not without great shame allege y ^e cause upon the death of Ioell: For undoubtedly the truth is, that she of her son Conradus died in childebed. Thē Frederick, to refell and avoid the foresaid slanders, sendeth the bishop of Brundis, and other Legates to Rome: whom the Pope would not suffer to come to his presence, neither yet to the Councils of the Cardinals to make his purgation. Wherefore the Emperor to purge himself of the crimes, which the pope did so falsely accuse him of: both to all Christian kings and specially to the Princes of Germany, & all the nobles of y ^e Empire, he writeth his lettters (which are to be seen) that those things are both false and also feigned, & of the popes own head muented. And showeth, how that his Ambassadors with his purgatiō, could not be suffered to come to the popes presence: also doth largely entreat how unthankful & ungrateful the Bishops of Rome were towards him for the great benefits which both he, and also his predecessors had bestowed upon them and the Romaine Church: which letter, for that it is over tedious here to place, considering the discourse of the histostory is somewhat long, y ^e sum of the purgation is this.

He protesteth and declareth universally, that he had always great care for the christen common wealth, and that he had determined even from his youth, to fight against y ^e Turk and Saracens. And for that occasiō he made a promise to the Princes electours of Aquisgraue, howe that he would take that war upon him: Afterward he renewed his promise to Rome, when he was consecrated of Honorius: Then, when he married the daughter of the king of Jerusalem, which was an heir of the same: And for because that kingdom might be defended & kept from the injuries of the enemies, & that he favored it even as he did his own: he prepared an huge nauy, and gathered together a strong army of men: neither did he neglect anything that belōged to the furniture of the war. But when the time was come, and his band was gathered together: his sickness would not suffer him to be there. And afterward when he had recovered the same, and came to Brindisi, and frō thence without any disturbance went forthwith to the sea: he fell into y ^e same sickness again, by the which he was let of his purpose: which thing (saith he) he is able to prove by sufficient testimony. Now the Pope also doth lay the loosing of Damieta, and other things which prospered not well with him, unjustly to his charge: when as he had made great provision for y ^e same journey both of soldiors & other necessary things. But he y ^t will understand these things more plainly among other Epistles of Petrus de Vineis, written in the name of Fridericke, let him read these especially, which begin thus: In admirationem, & iusticiam & innocentiam: & Leuate oculos. And truly even as Fredericus the Emperor declareth in his letters, concerning this matter, all the old writers of Germany do accord and agree in the same.

Math. Parisiensis also briefly collecteth the effect of another letter which he wrote to the king of England, complaing unto him of the excommunication of the Pope against him: Whose words are these. And amongst other Catholic Princes (saith he) He also wrote his letters unto the king of England, embulled with gold Declaring in the same, that the Bishop of Rome so flamed with the fire of avarice and manifest concupiscence: that not being contented with the goods of the Church which were innumerable, but also that he shamed not to bring Princes, Kings and Emperors to be subjects, and contributors to him, and so to disherite them and put them from their kingly dignities. And that the king of England himself had good experiment thereof, whose father (that is to say King John) they so long held excommunicate till they had brought both him and his dominions under servitude and to pay unto him tribute. Also that many have experience of the same by the Earl of Toulouse and diverse other Princes, which so long held their persons and lands in interdict: till they might bring them into like servitude. I pretermit saith he, the Symonies and sundry fortes of exactions (the like whereof was never yet heard) which daily are used amongst the ecclesiastical persons, besides their manifest usury (yet so cloaked and coloured to the simple sort) that therewithal they infect the whole world. They be the sugared and embalmed Simonistes, the insatiable horse leaches or bloudsuckers saying, that the Church of Rome is our mother and nurse, where as it is in deed the most polyng Court in the universal world, the root and right mother of all mischief-using and exercising no motherly doings or deeds but bringing forth the right exercises of a wicked stepdame: making sufficient proof thereof by her manifest fruits to all the world apparaunt. Let the Barons of England consider whether this be true or not, whom Pope Innocent by his bulls with one consent encouraged to rise and rebel against their sovereign Lord and Prince king John your father, as an obstinate enemy to the Church of Rome. But after that the king (far out of square) remembering himself, had crouched unto him and obliged both himself and kingdom to the Church of Rome, more liker a woman then a man: and that the wise Barons whom the Pope had first maintained and stirred up, without all shame either of the world or fear of God, had done the same: sought howe he might with gaping mouth devour and consume the sweet fat from thē, whom he had miserably to death betrayed and disherited, as the manner of the Roman Bishops is. By whose greedy avarice it came to pass, that England the Prince of provinces was brought under miserable subjection and tribute. Behold the manners and conditions of our Romaine Bishops: behold the snares wherewith these prelates do seek to entangle men withal: to wype their noses of their money: to make their children bondmen: to disquiet such as seek to live in peace: being clothed with sheep's clothing when in deed they be but ravening Wolves, sending their Legates hither, and thither to excommunicate and to suspend: as having power to punish whom they list: not sowing the seed, that is the word of God to fructify, but that they may bribe and pole men's purses, and reap that which they never did sow. Thus cometh it to pass, that they spoil the holy Churches and houses of God, which should be the refuge for the poor, and the mansion houses of saints, which our devout and simple parents to that purpose built and ordained to the refection of poor men and pilgrims, and to the sustentation of such as were well disposed and religious. But these degenerate varlets, whom only letters hath made both mad and malipert, do strive and gape to be both kings and Emperors.

Doubtless the Primatiue Church was built and laid in poverty and simplicity of life, and then as a fruitful mother begat she those her holy children, whom the Catologe of Saints now maketh mention of: and verily no other foundation can be laid of any other Church, then that which is laid by Jesus Christ. But this Church as it swimmeth and waloweth in all superstuitie of riches, and doth build and raise the frame in all superstuous wealth and glory: So is it to be feared least the walls thereof in time fall to decay, and when the walls be down, utter ruin and subversion follow after. Agaynst us, he knoweth that is the searcher of all hearts, how furiously these Catholics rage and go to work: Saiyng, therefore excommunicating me that I will not take upon me the journey I have promised beyond the seas: whereas inevitable and most urgent causes and perils, as well to the Church of God as also to the Empire, besides the annoyaunce of mine infirmity and sickness, do detain me at home, and stay the same, but specially, the insolency of the rebellious Sicilians. For why, neither do • we think it safety to our Empire, not expedient to the Christian state, that we should now take our journey into Asia, leaving behind us at home such intestine and civil wars: no more then for a good surgeon, to lay healing plaster to a grievous wound new stricken with the sword, and made. In conclusion, also to this he addeth: admonishing all the Princes of the world that they would beware and take heed (by their auaricious iniquity) of like peril and danger to themselves: Because that as the proverb is: It behooveth him to look about, that seeth his neighbors house on fire. Thus much out of Parisiens. pag 69.

But now, that Fredericus the Emperor might in very deed stop y ^t slanders of the cruel Pope, which did persist and go forward still in his excommunication against him: And that he might declare in the whole world, howe that the last year he torslowed not his journey by his own voluntary will, but by necessity: when he had deutied and prepared all thing meet for the war, and that he had gathered together and levied a great army of mē: He departed from thence to Brindisi, committing the government of his kingdom to Renaldus the son of Duke Spoletus, and to Anselmus a Baron of Instigensis and came by sea to Cyprus with his host.

From Cyprus, the Emperor with his whole nauy sailed into Joppa, which City he fortified, for that the passages by land were stopped and kept of the enemies: And by sea might he not pass nor travail, by means of y ^e extreme weather and tempest: whereby it came to pass, that within short space they lacked vitayles and were sore afflicted with famine. Thē fell they to prayer and made their humble supplicatiō to God, with whose tears his wrath being appealed: the great tempest and long continued foul weather ceased, whereby (the seas now being calm) they had both vitaile great plenty, and all other necessary things for their need, brought unto them: whereby immediately it came to pass, that both the Emperor & his army as also the inhabitauntes of Joppa were greatly refreshed and animated: and on the other side their enemies being disappointed of their purpose, were greatly discouraged. In so much, that the king of Egypt who with great power (accompanied with Scarapho his brother prince of Gaza, and the Prince of Damascus their nephew, with many other Dukes and nobles) having encamped themselves within one days journey of Joppa, thinking to have besieged the same: were contented upon the coming of the Emperors Harold's unto them to entreat of a peace. Whereupon, Ambassadors were sent unto them with the Emperors demands right profitable to the Christian common weal. The Sarasens (immediately consulting upon the same) granted thereunto: so that a peace for x. years was concluded, & was confirmed by solempne oath on the behalf of both Princes according to their several usages and manner: the form and condition of which peace, briefly collected are these.

First, that Fridericke the Emperor, should be crowned and annointed king of Jerusalem, according to the manner of the kings of Jerusalem before him.

Secondly, that all the lands & possessions which were situate betwixt Jerusalem and Prolomaida, & the greatest part of Palastina, and Cities of Tyrus and Sidon which were in Syria, and at other territories which Baldwinus the 4. at any time had and occupied there: should be delivered unto him, only certain castles reserved.

Thirdly that he might fortify and build what fortresses and castles he thought good, cities and towns: in all Syria and Palestine.

Fourthly, that all the prisoners which were in the Saracens hands, should be raunsomed freely and sent home: and again, that the Saracens might have leave without armor to come into the Temple where the Lord's sepulcher is, to pray: and that they should hold and keep still Chratum, and the kings mount.

Friderick now, for that he thought the conclusion of this peace to be so necessary as also profitable for at Christians, and had also gotten as much thereby, as if the wars had continued he should: he sent his Legates with letters into the west, to all Christian kings, princes, and potentates, as also to the bishop of Rome: declaring unto them the circumstance and success of his journey and wars, as partly ye have heard: Requiring thē, that they also would praise and give God thanks for his good success and profitable peace concluded: And desireth the Pope that for as much as he had now accomplished his promise, neither that there was any cause now wherefore he should be with him displeased, that he might be reconciled and obtain his favor.

In the mean season, the Emperor with all his army marcheth to Jerusalem: where, upon Easter day in the year of our Lord. 1229. he was with great triumph & comfort of all his nobles, and also the Magistrates of that kingdom (only the Patriarch of Cyprus the kings Legate, and Oliuer the master or captain of the Temple w ^t his company, excepted) solemnly and with great applause crowned king.

After this, he rerdifieth the Citty and Walls thereof which by the Saracens were beaten down and battered. After that, he furnisheth it with munition, he buildeth vy the Churches and temples that were ruinous, he fortifieth Nazarethum and Ioppen with strong garrisons, vita • e, and all other things necessary.

Now see and behold I pray you, whilst that Frederick was thus occupied in the kingdom of Jerusalem, what practices the Pope had in Italy: Not I warrant you any whit at all careful in the affairs of the Christian commonwealth, but studiyng and laboring what mischief and spite he might work against the Emperor: whom, of a set purpose he had so occupied (partly for hate, and partly to enriche himself) in Asia and Jerusalem, so far out of Italy, ye may be sure. First, he caused the soldiers which the Emperor sent for out of Germany to the maintenance of the holy wars, to be stayde as they passed through Italy: letting them of their journey, and took from them, and spoiled them of all such provision as they had. And not only this, but he sent secretly also his letters into Asia, to those that were of his own fac • ion: that is, to the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and soldiers that kept the temple and the hospital, enticing and inciting thē to rebel against the Emperor: which thing, Blondus himself that Popish Parasite or historiographer dissu • uleth or hideth not. But that he furthermore dissuaded the princes of the Saracens, that they should make no league nor take any truce with Fridericke, neither deliver up unto him the Crown and Kingdom of Jerusalem. Which letters as they were manifest testimonies of his treachery and treason towards him whom God had instituted and made his liege Lord and sovereign, and mightiest potentate upon earth: so was it his will, that he should come to the knowledge thereof, and that those letters should fall into his hands. And that he kept the same letters for the more credible testimony thereof: in the same his last Epistle unto the Christian Princes he proresteth. The copy of which letter amongst his other Epistles, you shall have expressed.

Neither were the Popes letters written to that leavened sect and factious in vain. For the Patriarch and his Collegioners which took their name of the Temple, did mightily repugn against Frederick. They raised a tumult in Ptolomaida against him: they accused him and his Legates openly of treason: and did malipartly & boldly w ^t stand the right worthy and good order he made amongst them. But as God would, by the help of the inhabitants of Pisa and the Genowayes, and the Dutch soldiers: both their false accusations were refelled, and also their seditious purpose & tumult expressed. And this was the cause, that when all other men rejoiced and were glad of the Emperors coronation, they as wicked confederatours were heavy therefore, and obtrectours of his worthy laud and fame.

The Pope, when he had thus conspired against Frederick, and had betrayed him to the public enemy of all Christian men, the Turk: he could not dissemble this his mischievous fact, nor content himself therewith, but that he would devise and practice yet another. For by reason of those sclaunders (which a little before I touched) of the death and slaughter of his wife Iola: he incited John Brennus his father in laws to make war against him, who caused the subjects of his Empire to withdraw from him their allegiance, as also the inhabitants of Picenum, & inhabitants of Lumberdy. And thus joining themselves together, craved farther aid of the French king, whereby they made a great power. That done, they divided their host in two armies, invading with the one the Empire, & with the other the proper territories and ditions belonging in the inheritance of Frederick: John Brennus and Pandolphe Sauellanus, leading the one (as Generals) into Campania and the kingdom of Naples: and the other (with John Columna Cardinals his Legat, and that Thomas before convicted of treason, being his Liefetenantes) he sendeth into Picenum.

Of this treason of the Pope against Fredericus, both also Mat. Paris. make mention during his wars in Asia. Who (saith he) purposed to have deposed him, and to have placed alium quem libet filium pacis & obedientiae loco eius subrogare, that is, any other he cared not whom (so that he were the child of peace and obedience) in his steed. And for the more certainty thereof, the said Mat. Paris. pag. 71. repeateth the letter which a certain Earl of Siria wrote unto him concerning the same, which letter here under ensueth word for word.

Thus whilst the host of this hostile enemy the Pope was encamped in the dominions of Fridericke, he received the letters which Fridericke by his Legates sent into Europa as you heard: whereby he understood the good success he had in Asia: Who not only took no delecration at all therein, but was also in a vehement perturbatiō therewith: whereby manifestly it may appear, what was the cause & meaning of the Pope, that he was so solicitous & urgent to have Frederick the Emperor make a voyage into Asia. Doubtless even the same, that Pelias had whē by his instigation he procured Jason with all the chosen youth and flour of Grecia to sail into Colchus, to fetch away the golden flease: and that by the opportunity of his absence he might use, or rather abuse his power & tyranny: And that Fridericke might either be long afflicted & molested in the Asian war, or that he might perish and lose his life therein, was that he sought and all that he desired.

And when he saw, that fortune neither favored his fetthes, nor served to his lōging lust, he was as a man berest of his wits, specially at these tidings of the prosperous success of y ^e Emperor. He tare and threw his letters on the ground: and with all opprobrious words rebuked & reuised the Legates for the Emperor their masters sake: which thing also Blōdus himself denieth not, although he write altogether in the favor of the Pope. And to the intent that he might cover this his rage and unbridled fury with some cloke & color of just deserved dolour: He feigned him self therefore so much to mislike therewith, as though the Emperor therein had only respected his own private commodity, not regarding the utility of the Christians: for y ^• the Saracens had license (although without armor & weapō) to have repair unto the sepulcher of Christ, & had left for thē somewhat near the same an hosterie or lodging place: For which occasion saith Blondus, his Lord Pope rebuked the Emperors Legates by the name of traitors and such like other opprobrious words. Now go to friend Blondus, by what strong arguments prove you & your Lord Pope, that the peace which the Emperor hath concluded, to be either against the Christian common wealth, or that the Emperor was a traitor. But who is it that seeth not these things either by reading of old and ancient writers, or else partly by me that have gathered & collected the same out of diverse monuments and histories: & plainly perceaueth not the consp • racies & treasons, of your good Lord the Pope so notable and filthy, as also his man • est shame and infamy. What? there be diverse that write, how the Pope commanded these Legates of Frederick to be made secretly out of the way▪ and also how he commanded diverse soldiers returning out of Asia to be slain, to the intent that none should hear the report of those good news which were in Asia, nor none go rhether to rel • y ^• fetches he had in hand at home. But I will make report of no more thē of those things which all the writers w ^t most consent agree upon: This is most certain, that the Pope caused this rumour to be spread of the death & taking of the Emperor upon this consideration, y ^t he might allure unto him the fidelity of those Cities in the kingdom of Naples, which yet kept their allegiance unto Fridericke, of whom they should now hope for no longer refuge. And of that doth the Emperor in his Epistle entitled Leuate oculos, greatly against him complain.

Great are these injuries of the Pope against Frederick, and most wicked treasons: but herewith could not y ^• cruel and titannicall mind of him be contented, nor yet his lust satisfied: but so far exceeded, as scarce is credible y ^t it could. For he presumed not only to set variance between Henry (whō Fridericke his Father had caused to be made king of Germany) and him: but also by his allurementes, caused him to become an enemy unto him. To whō, when his father had assigned the Duke of Bo • oria (named Ludouicus) to be his ouerscer and coūcellar: neither knew he amongst all the princes of Germany a man more mythfuller to him in his office and duty, or else more virtuous, or else more graver & apt to be in authority: Henry, fearing least he should understand & know of these secret councils which he with his conspirators had in hand against his father: or that he should utter the same unto him, or that he should go about to dis • wade him from that he was purposed to do: by authority of the court and Senate of Rome, he put him out of office. And this was the fetch of all their policy: that together and at one instance (but in diverse and sundry places far one from another) sharp & cruel war might be made against the Emperor: so that his power being distract to the appealing of variable contention, might be himself the easiyer oppressed of a few.

When the Emperor now understood what stir the Pope kept in all his dominions in his absence, and that he had somewhat reformed and appeased the troubles which he secretly had wrought him in the kingdom of Ierusalē: thinking to prevent the Popes purpose in that he went about, and also to confirm the friendship towards him of them, whom in his absence he found his trusty subjects: He left in Asia Renaldus with his garrisons, commanding all the other bands to be under his appointment, and with all speed came forth certain Gallyes to Calabria. During the time of his there being, which unlooked for came thither: he assembled his power and made with his friends all the speedy preparation that he might. From thence he went to Barleta, where he tarried xx. days: to whom came the Duke of Spolitanum with all his garrisons. And so frō thence, with all his power he came into Apulia, & removed John Brennus his father in law from the siege of Calatia: and within short time by God's help, recovereth again all his holds and dominions there. And from thence going into Campania, he winneth Ber • ueuentum, and as many other towns and holds as the Pope had there, even almost to Rome, and so after that, Umbria and Picena. And now, although the Emperor (being moved thereunto upon good occasion, & upon y ^e Popes worthy desert) had gotten & recovered this so likely an entrance upon the Popes dominions, whereby he might have revenged him of all the injuries done to him: yet notwithstanding, for r ^• he preferred nothing before the Christian and public tranquility (for y ^• love of which he restraining his wrath so v • hemērly urged & kindled) sendeth unto him his Legates to entreat a peace: declaring unto him, y ^t if no other conceived grudge towards him were, then that he simuled and pretended: he promiseth that he would make to him an accompt volūtarely, of all things that ever he had done in his life, and that he would, and was contented to submit himself unto the Church: and also that for this cause he willingly offered unto him both duty and obseruaunce. Furthermore to the entreating of this peace and deciding of all controversies, he sent to the Pope eight or x. of the noblest and chiefest about him, that were Princes and Dukes of the Empire. As Bartoldust the Patriarch of Aquileia, and his brother Otho prince of Dalmatia and Histria, Eberhardus Iunauensis, Sigifridus, Reginoburgensis, Sibbotus Augustanus, a worthy Prelate, Leopaldus of Austria & Stiria, and Bernhardus being all Dukes, besides others of the nobility to accompany them.

But yet so great was the insolency and pride of y ^• stubborn pope, that by no gentleness or beneficence, he of those Princes could be brought that year to the profitable concord of the Church and Christian common weal. O worthy head, y ^t challēgeth all authority to himself in y ^• Church of Christ, and in respect of his own willful revenge, setteth nothing by the health & utility of all Christendom. Then therefore, when nothing could be done in the matter, & the most part of these noble men departed from Rome: y ^t next year after (with much ado) a peace was made & concluded between thē, by the help and industry of Leopoldus of Austria, Hermannus capitaine of the Dutch soldiers, and the President of Messanea, The pope then absolving the Emperor Fridericus of his excommunication, took therefore of him an hundredth and twenty thousand ounces of gold, restoring unto him again the titles both of his Empire, and also of his kingdoms. Now considering y ^e uncourteous dealing of the Pope with Fridericke the Emperor herein: who can sufficiently muse & marvel at the vnshamefastnes of Blondus, which hath the face to write, that the Pope (yet notwithstanding) had dealt more gently and courteously with Fridericke then was meet, or beseemed him to do. Who is it that doth not see his manifest flatery, coulored neither with reason, nor secret dissimulatiō. But, much more truly, & better writeth Cuspinianus concerning this matter which saith, that the Pope doth occupy very profitable merchandise, which for so much money selleth that he received freely paying nothing therefore, if he had received it of Christ in deed, as he saith he had.

And yet although the Emperor Fridericke, concluded with the Pope this unprofitable peace for himself: yet he performed those things y ^t were agreed vpō faithfully & diligently. But the Pope, which thought it but a trifle to break his promise, would not stand to the conditions of y ^• peace he made. For by y ^e way to pass over other things, neither hath he restored as he promised the customs in the land of Sicill, neither yet the city Castellana, which he before the peace concluded between thē did occupy & enjoy. And that doth both Fridericke in his Epistles testify, and also Fazellus in his 8. book, writing of the affairs of Sicilia. Yet that notw ^t standing: Fridericke, for the quietness and utility of the commō wealth, purposed with himself to bear and suffer these small injuries. And further studied in all that he might, as well by liberal gifts as otherwise, to have the Pope to be to him a trusty friend. As whē the Romans & other of the Ecclesiastical number made war against y ^e Pope for certain possessions which he kept of theirs: he coming to him at Reate, and as one that tendered the unity of the church, & thinking to help the Pope at his earnest request in these matters: sent his Legates unto them, willing them to lay down their armor which against the Pope they bare. And when y ^t would not serve, at the Popes further request & desire he levied an army against them at his own charge, and drave them from the siege of Uiterbium: with other such like assured tokens of amity and friendship he shown him. Who notw ^t standing, so soon as the Emperor was departed with a small company which he took with him into Sicilia, leaving with him the greater and most part of his army for the maintenance of his wars: concluded a peace w ^t the Romaines (unknowing to the Emperor) whom he had procured to travel and labor therein with great expenses: affirming that without his will and commandment, the Emperor had expelled them, and drivē them out of the territories of Uiterbiū. And hereof, doth Fridericke also himself make mentiō in his second and third Epistle, where he complaineth of the injuries of the Popes towards him.

Therefore, greater commendation had Blondus deserved if he had written of these trecheries of the Pope, then that forgetting himself (as unto liars often it chanceth) in y ^t he writeth both contrary to himself in the effect of this matter, and contrary to the verity of Fridericus his history: which saith that the Romaines were incited to these new tumults by his enticing and setting on. As though simple men of understanding, could not both by the offering of his son in hostage, by the great preparation of y ^• wars, and by the event specially of the thing itself gather the contrary. But to to impudent will Blondus needs show himself.

Whilest that these things were done in Italy and Sicilia, great rebellions were moved in Germany against y ^e Emperor by Henricus Caesar and Fridericke of Austria, his sons being the chief authors thereof. For Henry, being disapoynted and shakē of from his Lord Pope and other conspirators by reasō of the peace between his father & him as ye heard: began now to make open challenge to the Empire. And for that cause, he as before is said, put frō him Ludouicus whom he knew to be unto the Emperor his father so loving and an assured friend: who as willingly (perceiving and smelling what mischief he went about) forsook his court and came to Boioria: who had not there remained a year, but was as he walked abroad at a certain time stabbed in with a dagger of one Kelhemius & presently died, his servants being not far from him. Of whose death diverse diversely write. Notwithstanding the sequel doth show them to write truliest, that affirm the said striker to be suborned by Henry Caesar: who coming unto him in the habit of a messenger, delivered unto him certain letters which he feigned to be sent frō the Emperor. And whilst Ludouicus was in reading the same, he strake him in with a dagger and gave him his mortal wound: & with speed fled vpō the same. After whose death succeeded in that Dukedom his son Otho, who when solempnly according to the manner of the Boiores he should have been created, was also let by the same Henry Caesar: who forbad the assembly of the magistrates and Citizens of the same. They notwithstanding, neglecting his unjust restraint created him: Wherefore, he first besieged Reginoburgh & with another company, sacked, brent, and wasted Boioria: w ^t many moe such great outragies & rebellions.

When intelligence was brought of these things to the Emperor, he sent his Legates and commanded that both the Caesar his son and other Princes of Germany which had assembled their armies should break up and disperse the same. And because he saw and perceived now manifestly that his son made so apparent rebellion against him, and fearing greater insurrections to insue in Germany, he thought good to prevent the same with all expeditiō: wherefor he determined to go in all hast to Germany with his army, (from whence he had been absent now 14. years) and hereunto he maketh the Pope privy. The Pope promised the Emperor hereupon, that he would write his letters in his behalf to all the Princes of Germany: but persuaded him to the uttermost of his power, that he should in no case go into Germany himself. For why, his conscience accused him that he had written to the nobles of Germany even from the beginning of his Papacy (for the hate and grudge he had against the Emperor) that they should suffer him, neither any of his heirs to enjoy the Empire, & farther had stirred them all up to rebel against him: and had moved Henry the Emperors son by his bribes and fair promises, to conspire against his father. And to conclude, he was the author & procurer of y ^e conspiracy which the Lombardes made then against him: and fearing least these things should come now to the Emperors ear, he was greatly troubled and careful. But the Emperor not thinking it good at so needful a time to be absent: he (all doubt set a part) with his second son Conradus, went speedily into Germany. And assēbling there a council in the City of Nureburgh: Henry Caesar his son, after his conspiracy was manifestly detected, which he had in practice with the Longoberdes (whereof, the Pope was chief autor) was by judgment and sentence of 70. Princes, condemned of high treason. And being commanded by his father to be bound, was as a prisoner brought to Apulia: where not long after in prison he died. In whose stead, he ordained Conradus his 2. son Caesar, by consent of all the Piers & Princes, Furthermore, by public commandment he renounced Fridericke Austriacus for his son, and for an enemy to the public weal he caused him to be proclaimed. And further, when he saw that neither that punishment could cause him to remember himself and acknowledge his abuse, the Emperor with a great army (accompanied with diverse of the noble men of Germany) took from him all Austria and Stiria, and brought them again under his own obedience and fidelity.

The same year, married he his third wife named Isabell, the daughter of king John of England. Then, when he had set Germany in a stay and quietness, he left there Conradus Caesar his son: and with his host returneth again into Italy, there to punish such as had with Henry his eldest son conspired against him: whose treasons were all detected at the condemnation of Henry Caesar his son, chiefly set on by the Pope. When the Pope had understanding that the Emperor with warlike furniture marched toward Italy: although he feigned himself reconciled, and to be a friend to Frederick, yet was he notwithstanding to him a most secrete & infestiue enemy. And understanding, that he brought with him such a power, both of horsemen and footmen, to do execution of such as he understood to have been conspirators against him in the late tumult and rebelliō: Those which were faulty herein and gultie (and all other that took their partes) he admonished to join thenselves together: and that they should furnish strongly their Cittyes with garrisons: that they send for aid to their friends, and that with all the force they were able, they should prepare them for the war. The rest of the Cities also in Italy, whether they were the Emperors or his own, he endeavoreth to make them all his, and proper to himself.

Furthermore, unto the Emperor he sendeth his Ambassadors: to whom, under the pretence of nourishing a peace, he had given secret commandment: that they should interdict him and his host, so soon as he came within the borders of Italy. To the preservation of which peace, saith he, he had (but late since) promulgate a subsidy to be gathered amongst the Christians, when he began the holy war. And also to say (not by way of entreaty, but cōmaundingly) that what cause of controversy he had with the Longobardes: the same he should commit to him, and stand to his arbitrement. Whereunto, the Emperor repliyng, maketh his Legate this answer.

Shortly after saith he, the peace was made between the Pope and me: he called me for a chief defense both of y ^• Church and himself, against the Romans which made war with him: and at his request, with mine own proper charge I maintained that his war, & gave his enemies the overthrow. And further said, that he should not do well through the pretence of peace, to be a let to him frō that which both by law and right he might and ought to do: But rather so he ought to dispose himself, with force to restrain and expel them, which gathered thē together as rebels thinking to exclude themselves from the subjection both of him and the Empire. And that, such rebels as both had restrained the soldiers which the Emperor sent for when he was in Asia, & diverse others also (which for necessary causes he had called to him) they had so wickedly dealt with & abused: He, as they had deserved, should rather desire to see punished & reformed, then to maintain them (under color of peace) being so wicked and manifest evil doers. And touching that he demandeth of him, that he should commit and defer so great a cause wherein the wealth and safety of the Empire consisteth, to his arbitrement by him to be determined: without either assignemēt of any time when, or adding thereunto any condition or exceptiō for not doing the same: neither the diminishing & impairing the dignity and regaltie of his Empire considered, he could not but marvel: Seeing y ^t neither it apperteined to his calling and faculty, nor to the benefit or commodity of the Empire. To this effect also writeth Fridericke in his last Epistle to the Pope: the effect whereof amongst other Epistles you may read.

And in the same his letters he showeth, that when the Emperor, at a certain time had been with the Pope: At his going away, he requested that when he came again he would come into Italy, but with his household band and family: For that, if he should come as before he did accustom with his army, he should terrify thē overmuch: amongst whom saith he, you may assure yourself to be in great safety, and find all things in rest and quiet: when quite contrary (as the Emperor for a certainty had tried) he had there all things ready and prepared for his destruction. So that, when he pretended unto him greatest friendship, he was busiest in conspiring his death. The certain time, when the Pope had this exercise in hand against the Emperor I cannot search out, neither may it be in his epistles vndated, easily found out: But y ^t of the certainty thereof no man need to doubt, I have assigned you to the Emperors Epistle where he maketh mention of the same.

The Emperor then, as he had determined prosecuteth his purpose & marcheth into Italy: where he brought under his subjection, those Cities that against him rebelled: as Mantua, Uerona, Ternisium, Patauium, and others. And then, he afterward set vpō the great host of the Mediolanenses, the Brixians, the Placentines and other confederators, unto whom the Popes Legate Georgius Longomantanus had joined himself: of whom he took 1000. prisoners, and also their general being the chief Magistrate in the Citty of Mediolanum, and Petrus Tenopolus the Dukes son of Venice, & slue diverse captains moe and took all their ensigns. And in this battle specially at the recovering of Marchia and Ternissana he used the friendly aid of Actiolinus.

The Pope now somewhat dismayd at this overthrow of his confederates & mates (though not much) began yet somewhat to fear the Emperor: & whereas before, that which he did he wrought secretly and by others, now he goeth to work (with might and main) to subdue and deprive the Emperor. And although the Emperor saw & perceived what inward hate and mortal malice he bare wards him: not only by that he so apertly stood with his conspirators against him, but also that on every side he heard, and from all partes was brought him certain word how greatly he labored against him: as w ^t opprobrious words, naughty reports, and slanders, to the intent to pull from him the hearts and fidelity of his subjects, and make those that were his friends his enemies, neither that he meant at any time to take up and cease from such evil and wicked practices: yet notwithstanding, for that there should be no default in him found, for the breach of the league and peace between them a little before concluded: he sendeth four Legates to the Bishop of Rome which should answer unto and refute, those criminous objections which he laid unto him: as also make him privy to his purpose, and what he meant to do, thereby to declare his innocence towards him (in such causes) and simplicity.

The Bishop, when he understood these Ambassadors to be not far of from Rome, & knew the cause of their coming: he thought with himself, that in hearing the excuse and reasonable answer of the Emperor, perhaps might be provoked to desist from his purpose, and so degenerate from other of his predecessors: refuseth to speak with them, and at the day appointed pronounceth the sentence of proscriptiō against him, depriving him of all his dignities, honors, titles, perogatives, kingdoms & whole Empire. And that he had no occasion hereunto, as well Pandolphus & Colonutius, as the letters of the Emperor himself do both right well declare. For it may appear, he dedicated as it were himself to his utter ruin and destruction, when he did sollicitate against Fridericus, Jacobus Tewpolus the Uenetian Duke: Whom, for the displeasure he took with y ^• Emperor in the imprisoning of his son, was in good hope he should allure unto him, he being in so troublous a time such a comforter & ayder unto him: that as Blondus writeth, in a certain Epistle gratulatory he calleth him Lord of the fourth part of Croatia and Dalmatia, and Lord of the half of the Roman Empire. And calling unto him the Uenetian and Benwetian Legates, made a peace betwixt them (which for certain causes about their sea costs were at variance) and couenaunted with them upon this condition: that at their public charges, they should rig and man 35, gallyes, which should spoil and burn all alongst the Sea coasts of the kingdoms and dominions of Frederick.

But the Pope, when he saw the good will and fidelity which the Duke of Venice bare unto the Emperor, and saw also what aid the Emperor had of him, neither that he was like to wynne him to his purpose: then had he recourse again to his old crafty practices & subtleties. And further devised, to put forth an Edict at Rome to the universal Church and people, the beginning whereof is Ascēdit de mari bellica bestia : wherein, he declareth the causes wherefor he curseth and giveth the Emperor to y ^• devil of hell, & hath deject him from all his princely dignity. He in the same, accuseth him of so many & so huge a heap of mischiefs, as to nominate thē my heart detesteth. And besides y ^t , he restrayneth his sovereign Lord, & Emperor of the appellatiō which every private man by law may have. He slandereth him of treason, perjury, cruelty, sacrilege, killing of his kind, and all impiety: he accuseth him for an heretic, a schismatic, and a miscreant: And to be brief, what mischief so ever the Pope can devise, with that doth he charge him and burden him. All this doth he saith the Pope, that when he hath brought our holiness, and all the Ecclesiastical estate to beggary, he might scoff at and deride the Religion of Christ, which as a miscreant he detesteth. And now for that the Pope had a great and special trust in Albertus Behauus of y ^e noble house called Equestri (as crafty apostle as the best) as one whom he saw ready to lean to his lust: To him the Pope delivered two oath • mandates in several letters sealed, in which he commandeth all Bishops, Prelates, & other of the Clergy: that they should solempnly recite the same in their churches instead of their sermon, that by his decree he had excommunicate Fridericke out of the fellowship of Christian men: put him from the procuratiō or government of the Empire: & that he had released all his subjects of their allegeāce & fidelity towards him. And farthermore, chargeth thē, & all other Christian men under the pain of cursing & damnation, that neither they succor y ^e Emperor, nor yet so much as wish him well. Thus he, being the Popes special & trusty seruiture & made to his hand, caused a most horrible confusiō and Chaos of public quietness, as shall after appear.

Amongst all other noble men of Germany at that time towards the Emperor, was Otho the governor of Rhenus and Duke of Boiora, both most serviceable and also a Prince of great honor, riches and estimatiō. This prince, both with fair promises & also rewards, he enticed from him, for that being made by him to believe, y ^t Ludouicus his father of whō we spake before, was by the Emperor murdered and slain. And the same Otho again, caused 3. other Princes & Dukes, to reuolte from the Emperor to the Pope, which were neighbors & near adjoining unto him: as Uuenceslaus, and Belus, princes of the Ungarians, and Henry Duke of Polonia. To whom came also Fridericus Austriacus his son: who because he was proscript or outlawed of his father, and had his dukedome wasted and brent as you heard, was easily won unto the pope. These gathering a Council (whē they had thought to have translated the Empiere unto the Kyngs son of Denmark) desired to have the popes Legates to be sent from him, to the effect of that election.

The Emperor was at Patauium when these news were brought unto him, what the pope had done at Rome Therefore he commanded Peter to Uineis his Secretary (upon Easter day) to make a Narration to the people, of his great & liberal munificence to the bishops and church of Rome, & again of the injuries of them towards him in recompense thereof: of his innocencye also in that whereof he had accused him: and of the vnseemelines of such an act or deed: of the right use of the ecclesiastical censure, & of the errors and abuse of the church of Rome. By which Oratiō of his, he so removed the cloud from many men's hearts of blind superstition, and the conceived opinion of holiness of the church of Rome, and Bishops of the same, and also of their usurped power and subtle persuasion: that both they plainly saw and perceived the vices and filthiness of the Church of Rome and Bishops of that sea, as also their fraudulent deceits and flagitious doings: most vehemently lamenting and complaynyng of the same. Albertus maketh mention of certain Uerses which were sent and written between the Bishop of Rome and the Emperor. The which verses in the latter of this present history of Fridericke you shall find.

The Emperor moreover both by his letters & Legates, giveth intelligence to all Christian kings, to the Princes of his own Empire, to the College of Cardinals, and people of Rome: as well of the feigned crimes wherewith he was charged, as also of the cruelty of the Bishop of Rome against him. The copy of which letter or epistle followeth here under inserted.

This done, he denounceth a solemn Parliament or council of all the princes & other nobility of the Empire at Aegra: whether came Conradus Caesar, Moguntinus Presul, the Saxon Dukes, the Lord's of Brandeburgh, Misna, Thuringus, and the Legates of all the nobles of Brabant to aid the Emperor. But the princes of Boiemus and Palatinus, being dissuaded by the legates unto whom the Austrians had joined thenselves, refused to come to the Council holden at Aegra. And being at their wits ends not knowing well what they might do, forsook at last the Emperor, and toke part with the pope and the other conspirators. Then Fredericus Austriacus the Emperors second son (whom he disherited as ye heard) by the aid of the Boiors and Bohemians, recovered again the Dukedoms of Austria and Styria: putting to flight and discōfiting, the Emperors bands and garrisons which he had there. And although the Cardinals (especially that honest man Albertus Boiemus) had allured unto the pope Otho the duke of Boioria as ye heard, & diverse other noble men of Germany: yet notwithstanding, certain bishops in Boioria (as Eberhardus Iuuanensis, and Sigrefridus Seginoburgensis, being at that time the Emperors Chancelor, Rudicenis Ratheuiensis, Conradus Frisingensis and others) left not or yet forsook the Emperor. All which the foresaid Albertus not only did excommunicate, but also by process sought to bring them up to Rome before the pope: Geuing commandment to their Collegioners and cloysterers, that they should deprive them of their offices, & choose such others in their stead as would obey the Pope. All which things the Pope understanding by Albertus, and of this their fidelity to the Emperor, corroborated and confirmed the same his doings, commanding them to choose other bishops in their stedes.

But the bishops & prelates with one consent contemning the popes mandates & writs, and also the curses and threatenings of Albertus, accused, reproved, & greatly blamed his temerity & also tyranny which he usurped against the churches of Germany, and especially against the good Emperor: that without his consent he durst be so bold as to meddle in churches committed to the Emperors government, against the old & ancient customs: and that he had excommunicated the Emperor without just cause, y ^t he had condemned the Emperors faithful subjects, as enemies to the Church, for standing with their liege and sovereign Prince (which allegiance to violate, without horrible iniquity they might not) and so had sought to disquiet them likewise in their charges and administrations, & had also in that quarrel given such defiance to the Emperor. They accused and condemned the same Albertus also, for a most impudent impostor, and wicked varlet, and for a most pestiferous botch & soar of the Christian common weal: and give him to the devil they do, as a ruinous enemy, as well of the church as of his own natural country: and further think him worthy to have his reward, with the rest of the popes pursiuants being the most wicked inuentors & deuisers of mischief y ^t were in all Germany. This done, they make relation hereof to the Emperor by their letters: and further, they advertise all the princes of Germany (especially those which were of the Popes faction or rebellion, & were the favorers of Albertus) that they should take hede and beware in any case of his subtle deceits & pernicious deceivable allurements: nor that they should assist the pope for all his words against the Emperor. And doutles by the counsel of the high prelate or Archb. of Boioria (whose name was Iuuanerisis ) and by his industry and persuasion: Fredericus Austriacus was again reconciled unto the Emperor his father, from whose aide and obedience after that (by no promises, threatenings, bribes, nor pains, no nor for the execrable curses of the Popes own holy month) he would be induced or removed. But Albertus prosecuteth still his purposed mischief, alluring & inciting by all means possible (and y ^t not amongst the worst but the best) friends to the pope, & enemies to the Emperor: To some, he gave their tithes to fight against the Emperor, to other some he gave the gleebe lands of benefices: and to other some he gave the spoil of such colleges and monasteries as took not part with the pope: and to some other also, he gave the colleges & monasteries themselves. And assuredly I find by Johannes Auentinus lib. 7. annalium Boiorum : y ^t there were certain of the popes own birds, that had their ecclesiastical tithes taken from them: and other some, had the rents and revenues of their colleges plucked away by force to the maintenance of the Popes quarrel against the Emperor. Hereby was there a window opened to do what they listed (every man according to his ravening and detestable lust) and all things lay open unto their greedy and insatiable desires. Who listeth to hear more hereof, let him read Auentinus in his Book before noted, and there shall he see what vastation grew thereby to the whole state of Germany, who largely entreateth of the same.

While these things were thus in working in Germany, Frederick leaving in Lumbardie Actiolinus with a great part of his host (he passing with the rest by Apeninum) came to Hetruria and set the same in a stay, after that he had alaide certain insurrections there: and from thence to Pysas, where he was with great amity and honor received and welcomed. This city was always assured and faithful to the Emperors of Germany. The Pope understanding of the Emperors coming into Hetruria, and knowing what power the Emperor had also left in Lumbardie, he with a great army besiegeth the city Ferraria, that always loved the Emperor full well: which City, when the Popes Legate had assauted sharply the space of 5. months and could not win the same: he devised with himself to send for Salingwerra out of the town by way of a parlie, promising his faith and truth to him for his safe return. Who, by the persuasion of Hugo Rambartus, that said without peril he might do the same (being but by way of Parley) was coming to the legate: who preventing him in his journey took him as prisoner, contrary to his truth and fidelity. And thus gate he Ferraria, and delivered the keeping thereof to Azones Astensis. And that the Popes Legate thus falsified his truth, and circumvented the capitaine & old man Salingwerra: the same is confessed of the Popes friendly Historiographers, to be but a Stratagem or warlike policy. But to return again: About the same time also the Uenetian nauie, at the mount Garganum chased 12. galleis of the Emperors which were appointed to the keeping of that cost, & spoiled, brent, and wasted all the region: and farther took one of the Emperors great ships, being driven by tempest and weather into the haven Sipontinum, fraught with men and munition.

Fredericus again getting on his side the Lucenses, the Uolateranes, the Genenses, the Aretines, and diverse Cities besides in Hetruria to help that country: came to Pisas and Uiterbium, which took parte with him. Some say, that the names and factions of the Gibellins & Guelphes, sprang from Frederick: that by them he might spy and know (having recourse to all the towns and cities in Italy) which took part with and favored the Pope, and which the Emperor: and called the one by the name of Gibellines, and the other by the name of Guelphes. But for that, both Blondus, and Platina, and some others, bring no sufficient proof thereof, but only by slender conjecture, I rather cleave to the opinion of Nauclerus, Hermanus, Antonius, Florentinus, and other such writers, which say: that these Guelphes and Gibellines in Italy, took their beginning of Cōradus 3. Fredericus his great uncle being Emperor. And that these Guelphes were dedicated to the Pope, of Guelphus the younger brother of Henry the proud: and that those which were called Gibellines were appointed either of Conradus himself or else of his son, being brought up in the Lordship of Uaiblingen. But to our purpose.

The Pope, when he understood that Frederick was come to Uiterbium, he was very heavy: for that he feared he would come to Rome, the good will of which City the Pope much mistrusted. He therefore caused a supplication to be drawn, portraying about the same the heads of Peter and Paul, & with a sharp and contumelious oration he much defaced the Emperor: promising them everlasting life, & gave them the badge of the cross, as many as would arm themselves and fight against the Emperor, as against the most wicked enemy of God & the Church. Now when the Emperor marching somewhat near to Rome gates, beheld those whom the Pope had with his goodly spectacle of S. Peter and S. Paul, and with his alluring oration stirred up against him, and marked with the badge of the cross to come forth in battle against him: Disdaining to be accounted for the enemy of the Church, who had ben thereunto so beneficial, giving a fierce charge upon them, put them soon to flight: and as many as he took (cutting off that badge frō them) he caused to be hanged. From thence he marching into Campania & his own kingdoms: levied a great mass of money, & mustered new bands, and augmented his army: and in these bands he retained the Saracens also. And to y ^e intent he might find the Saracens the more trusty unto him: he appointed them to inhabit in a city named Luceria. For which thing, although the Papistical writers do greatly blame and opprobriously write of Frederick: yet notwithstanding, Nicholaus Machiuellus doth write, that therefore he retained them: least that through the Popes execrable curses, he should be quite destitute of soldiers as was Fredericus Barbarossa a little before, his graundfather, when that of Alexander the Pope he was excommunicated, as ye have heard.

After this, when the Emperor had greatly afflicted by battle the Popes Ecclesiastical consorts, such as conspired with the Pope against him: and that he had wasted & destroyed Beneuentum, the mount Casenum, & Sora, for that they toke part with the Pope against him: Frederick, when he had manned the City Aquila, marched forth with a great host both of horsemen and footmen to Picenum, that he might vanquish his enemies in Italy. And by the way, he besieged the strong town of war named Asculinum, which was also converted to the popes faction and rebellion. He there having understanding what y ^e Popes assistents had done with the Princes electours and other princes of Germany, especially with Wenseslaus king of Bohemia, and Otho Palatinus: writeth his letters unto them. In the which, first he showeth how that those contumelies and spiteful words which the Pope blustered out against him, are light upon himself: And how the bishops of Rome have taken to them of late such heart of grace, and are become so lofty, that not only they seek to bring Emperors, Kings and Princes under their obedience, but also seek howe to be honored as gods: And say, that they cannot err, neither yet be subject or bound to any religion: and that it is lawful for them to do all things what they list, neither y ^t any account is to be sought or demanded of their doings, or else to be made of them to any, so impudent are they in these their affirmations. And further, as Princes they command (and that under pain of cursing) that men believe everything they say, howe great a lie soever it be. In so much that by this covetousness of his, all things go backwarde, and the whole state of the common weal is subverted: neither can there any enemy be found more hurtful or perilous to the Church of God then he. He wrote unto them furthermore, that he (to whom the greatest charge and dignity was in the whole common weal appointed and committed) seeing and perceiving to his great peril, their good harts, willes, & practices towards him: would with all the power and hability that God had given him, do his endeavor: that he which in the likeness of the shepherd of the flock, & the servant of Christ, and chief prelate in the Church, showeth himself so very a wolf, persecutor and tyrant: may be removed from that place, and that a true & careful shepherd of God's flock, may be appointed in the Church. Wherefore he exhorteth them, that if they desire the safety and preservation of the whole state of the common weal and Empire: that they be unto him no hinderers, but furtherers of his purpose and proceedings: least otherwise, they also should hap̄ to fall into the same snare of servitude with the Bishop of Rome. And further, he gave them to wit, that if he should aspire to that he sought for (that is to be an Emperor and King over kings) yet should that be no stay of his insatiable desire, but would be as greedy and ravenous as now he is. Therefore, if they be wise, to withstand him betimes: least hereafter whē they would it should be to late, neither were able to w ^t stand his tyranny. The effect of this Epistle I toke out of Avētine which more largely dilateth the same: who also writeth, that the Emperor (by his legates) sent the same to Wenseslaus.

Boiemus somewhat relenting at this letter, promiseth to accomplish the Emperors biddings and precepts: and forthwith gathereth the assembly of princes and nobles at Aegra: where, by commō consent they think to renouate w ^t the Emperor a new league and covenant. And furthermore, they find Otho Boius (which was absent, and would not be at this their assembly) to be the author of this defection, and an enemy to the common weal. Otho, then seeing himself not able to stand against Caesar, and the other Princes with whom he was associate, desiring aid of the Pope by his letters, came with all speed to Boiemus his kinsman: whom, when he could not persuade unto him again, neither he would unto their parts also be won: obtaineth notwithstanding yet thus much at their hands, that the league and covenant (which they were in hand to make with the Emperor) might for a time be deferred, and y ^t another assembly might be made: whereat he also would be, and join himself with them. Thus had they, who killed (as you heard) his father, bewitched also his son: and brought him to be both a rebel and traitor: In the mean season, the Pope sent his rescript unto the king of Boiemia and to Otho, tending to this effect: that in no case they should either forsake him, or else the church, to take the Emperors part. And so much prevailed he by the means of Bohuslaus and Budislaus (which were the chiefest of the Senate regal) and by his fair promises and bribes to such as he before had made to him: that again at Libussa by Boiemus and Boius new assemblies were gathered for the creation of a new Emperor, in despite of Augustus the Emperor, & Caesar his son. And whilst that this was thus in hand, Cōradus Caesar casteth Landshuta the wife of Otho (being absent) in the teeth for great benefit & possessions which her husband had and possessed by the aunciters of him: and that unless her husband took a better way with himself, and shown his obedience to the Emperor his father: that he should not enjoy one foot of that lande, which now he had by his predecessors. The promotion and dignities which Otho had by the aunciters of Conradus Caesar came thus. Fredericus Barbarossa in y ^e year of our Lord 1180. at a Parliament hold̄ at Reginoburgh, condemned Henricus Leo of high treason, and deprived him of his dominions of Boiora and Saxony, and gave Boiora to Otho Wiltespachius: for that he had done him so faithful service in his Italian wars. After that, Ludouicus the son of this Otho, obtained of this Emperor Fredericus the seconde, in recompense of his assured and trusty fidelity the dition of Palatinatum Rheni so called: which gave also Agnetes the daughter of Henry Earl of Palatine to Otho his son in marriage. This Henry was the son of Henry Leo the traitor: unto whom Henry the 6. the father of Frederick gave in marriage Clementia his brothers daughter Cōradus Palatine of Rhenus, & gave unto him the keeping of the palace of the same. And as touching the inheritance of Boiora, that he had also long now possessed by the heirs of Otho Wiltespachius. But to our purpose again.

At the same time also the governor of Colonia Agrippina reuolteth to the Pope: who not long after in a skirmish beweene Brabantinus & him, was vanquished and taken prisoner. And doubtless, Fredericus Austriacus after he was received into favor again with the Emperor (keeping most constantly his promise and fidelity renewed) during this time, made sharp war upon the Ungarians which took part with the Pope, & greatly annoyed them. As these things thus passed in Germany: the Emperor, when he had gotten Ascalum and led his host into Flamminia, having Rauenna at his commandment: from thence came to Fauentia, which city never loved the Emperor: the circuit of whose walls is 5. miles in compass, & pitched his campe round about the same. And although the siege was much hindered by austerity of the time & weather (being in y ^e dead time of winter) yet notwithstanding, through his great fortitude and courage, so animating his soldiers in the painfulness of the laborious siege, he endured out the same: who thought it no little shame having once made that enterprise, to come from thence without any assault given. And therefore, when now the winter (so extreme cold & hard) was well near ended, and the spring time now hard at hand, and by long battery had made the same in diverse places sautable: The citizens (being greatly discouraged, & in no hope of the defense thereof) sent their Legates to the Emperor, craving pardon for their offense, and that he would grant unto them their lives, and so yielded themselves unto his mercy.

The Emperor having against them good and sufficient cause of revenge: yet for that his noble heart thought it to be the best revenge that might be, to pardon the offense of vanquished men: he thought it better to grant them their requests, to save the city and citizens thereof, with innumerable people: then by arms to make y ^e same his soldiers pray, to the destruction both of the City, and great number of people therein. So doth this good Emperor in one of his Epistles Adacta nobis confess himself: which Epistle, to declare the lenity and merciful heart of so worthy a prince, if that with great & marvelous provocation and wrongs he had not been incited, I thought good in y ^e midst of history here to have placed. But thus I have kept you long herein, and yet not finished the same.

In this siege the Emperor having spent and consumed almost all his treasure both gold and silver: caused other money to be made of leather, which on the one side had his Image, & on the other side the spread Egle (the arms of the Empire) and made a proclamation y ^t the same should pass from man to man for all necessaries in stead of other money: and therwithal promised, that whosoever brought the same money unto his Exchequer when the wars were ended, he would give them gold for the same, according to the value of every coin limited: which thing afterward, truly and faithfully he performed, as all the hystoriographers do accord.

Thus, when the Pope as before is said, had stopped his cares and would not hear the Emperors Legates that came to entreat for peace, but rejected and despised his most courteous and equal demands: neither yet had left any wily policy unattempted or force vnpractised, y ^t with his confederates he thought himself either able to revenge or else resist: He by his Legates calleth to a Council at Rome, all such Prelates out of Italy, France, and England, as he thought to favor him and his proceedings: that hereby as his last shift and only refuge, he by their helps might deprive Frederick of his Empire, as an utter enemy to God and to the Church. All which things Fredericus having understanding of, & knowing that these assemblies should be but to the destruction & supplanting of him: determined to stop and let their passages to Rome, as well by sea as by lande in all that ever he might. So that, all the passages by land being now stopped & prevented, he commanded his son Henry with certain gallies to go and keep the coasts of Sardinia, which kingdom the Italians cal Entimum: and from thence to Pisas, and with the Pisans to rigge out a nauie to meet with (if it were possible) such as should come to aide the Pope at Rome. The Popes champions understanding, that by land they could not safely repair to Rome: they procured of Gallies and ships of Genua (having Gulielmus Graccius for their chief Capitaine or Admiral) for forty sails their defense: thinking hereby, that if they should fortune to meet with any of the Emperors ships or galleis, which should lie for them in wait, they should be able to make their part in good, and give them also the repulse. Encius in like manner and Huglinus (being Captain and admirall of the Pisan nauie for the Emperor) launched forth to sea with 40. ships and gallies: and betwixt the Isles of Lilium and Mons Christi, which lie between Liburnium and Corsica, they met with the Genewes ships: and straightwaies fiersly began to grapple with them & bourd thē, in which sight at length, were 3. of the Genewes ships with boulged and sonke, and 22. taken and brought away, with all the riches and treasure in them. In these were taken 3. Legates of the Popes, whereof were 2. Cardinals, Jacobus Columna, Otho Marchio, & Gregorius de Romania, (all cruel enemies against the Emperor) and many other Prelates mor: besides a great number of Legates and procuratours of cities, with an infinite number of Monks & Priests, beside of Genewes soldiers 6000. with diverse others.

Pandolphus Colonutius in describing the circumstances of the great loss and misfortune of these champions of the Pope by sea, amongst the rest declareth: that besides the great pray and bootie which the takers had from them, they also found many writings and letters against Frederick, which much helped him in the defense of those causes, wherein they had labored against him. The like mischance also, almost about that time happened on the popes side, by the Emperors soldieurs which lay in garrison at Ticinum, thus. There went forth upon a time out of Ticinum into the borders of Genewes, certain bands to give them larums in the country: which bands, the scuriers of Mediolanum (where lay a great garrison of the Popes) discrying: told the Captain of the town, that now a very opportune and fit time was to give an assault to Ticinum: for that say they, the greatest part are now gone a foraging. Whereupon, they immediately calling together the captains and such as had charge, set their soldiers in array and marched forewarde to Ticinum. And now, when they were come almost thither, the Ticinian bands (whom they thought to have been far a foraging) were returned and met with them, & fiersly gave a full charge upon them: who, being dismayed at the sodennesse of the matter, fought not long but gave over and fled. In which skirmish was taken (besides those y ^e were slain) 350. captains and brought prisoners into Ticinum with all their ensigns with them.

News hereof was brought to the Emperor not long after, who then was removing from the siege of Fauentia as ye heard to the city of Gononium thinking to have destroyed y ^e same. But upon the hearing of these good news, he altereth his purpose, and thinking to have hereafter a more convenient time thereunto, leadeth his army towards Rome: and in the way, he reconciled to him the City Pisaurum. But Fanum, for that the towns men shut their gates and would not suffer the Emperor to come in, he took by force and destroyed. For the Emperor, seeing that neither by petition made to the pope, nor yet by his lawful excusation be could do any good with him: thought, that by his sudden coming thither, and with fear of the peril imminent, he might be brought to some uniformity, & caused to leave of his accustomed pertinancy. And although the Emperor was too strong for him, yet for that he regarded nothing more then y ^e public tranquility of the Empire, and that he might then take the Tartarian wars in hand: if he could by any means conclude, he refused not so to entreat a peace with him as though he had been both in force and fortune much his inferior.

Whilest that this ruffle was betwixt the Emperor and the Pope, Ochodarius the Emperor of the Tartarians his son, with a great power & provision made and invaded the borders next adjoining unto him, & there wan Roxolanum, Godolium, Mudanum, with d • uers other cities, towns, and villages: destroying, wasting, & burning the countries all about, killing and slaying, man, woman and child, sparing none of any sex or age. At whose sodeine invasion, the people being in such fear & perplexity (having no city, no refuge, nor aide to stand in defense for them) were saine to leave all that ever they had, and disperse themselves into woods, and flee into marishes and mountains, or where soever any succoure else, did offer it self to them. And by this time, the Tartarian host was come as far as Uratislauia, where Henricus of Polonia and the Duke of Silesia w ^t their army met with them: who for the inequality of the number & small strength they were of, had soon an overthrow, and almost all their soldiers being slain, they themselves were taken and put to the sword. From thence, they came to Morauia, & from thence to the kingdom of Boiemia: which Country, while the king kept himself in strong defensed fortes, and durst not come abroad: he invaded & destroyed all Ungary, putting to flight and vanquishing Colmannus y ^c brother of Belus the 4. king of Ungary: by whom also, was great spoil made in both the Pannonias, Mesiarum, Bulgaria, and Seruia, whē Belus the king of Ungary had got̄ to Pola (which is a city of Histria) unto Otho the duke of Dalmatia: He sent his Legates to Frederick the Emperor, promising that if he would send him aid that the Tartarians might be expelled: that Ungary should ever after be under the jurisdiction of the Emperor: which thing if he refused to do, that then the same were in great danger to be subject to the Tartarians, to the no little peril of the whole Empire. And said further, that the cause wherefor he with more instance required the same, was: That so many Christian men and countries, made such pitiful lamentation in this their great calamity & misery, & that there was none able to help them: which saith he, is as great shame as may be to the whole Christian common state and Empire. And also said, that if the malice of this barbarous people were not suppressed, that then he thought they would make invasion upon the Empire and provinces of the same.

The Emperor, although he thought it very requisite, that with all convenient speed this mifchiefe should be remedied and prevented: yet notwithstanding, his great enemy the Pope with his confederates, was the only let and hindrance thereof. For when he saw and perceived that he himself could do no good, and only labored in vain in seeking peace with the Pope: he gave commandment to Boiemus and Boius, to entreat and persuade with him: And (considering the imminent peril like to ensue by reason of such civil dissention to the whole state of Christendom) that he would take up and conclude a peace, and mitigate some what his fierce and wrathful mood. Wherefore, when he saw further that nether by that means of entreaty, nor any other, the Pope would desist from his stubborn and malicious froward purpose: He writeth again to the king of Hungary, y ^e he was right sory and greatly lamented their miserable state, & that he much desired to relieve the need and necessity he and all the rest stood in. But why that he could not redress the same, nor stand him then in any stead, he blamed greatly the bishop of Rome: who refusing all entreaty of peace, could not without great peril to himself depart out of Italy: least that when he should come to the aide of him (by the Popes mischievous imaginations) he should be in peril of losing all at home. Notw ^t standing, he sent Conradus Celar king of Bohemia & other princes more of Germany to resist and withstand the enemy, as much as in them lay to do. The great army and number of such soldiers, as ware the cross by the Popes assignment, deferred their journey against y ^e Tartarians, and had commandment given them by that Albertus (the Popes procurator) to tarry and abide at home till they should be called for in battle to fight against the Emperor. This was the loving zeal and affection of the Pope and his adherents (to conclude) in this time of calamity towards the Christian state and common wealth: That he had rather bend his force and revenge his malice upon the Christian & good Emperor, then either he himself to withstand, or suffer and permit by conclusion of any profitable peace: that this most bloody and cruel Tartarian should be let and restrained from so great havoc, spoil, & slaughter of the Christian men. And yet forsooth these mē will seme to have the greatest regard of all other to the Christian preservation, and think to have the supremacy given therein: what thing else is this, then manifest mockery and deceiving of the people: But notwithstanding, evē in the midst of this spoil and havoc of Polonia, Bohemia and Hūgaria, was it determined: that at Libussa, the princes confederate should be assembled about the deposing of the Emperor and creation of another.

But now, notw ^t standing the provident foresight and wise policy of the Emperor (as you heard before) in restraining the passages both by the sea & land, who had special regard thereunto, and gave most straight charge that none should pass without privy search and examination, as one having sufficient trial as well in his own person as by the example of his predecessors, what great mischief & dissention by their Legates every way sent out they had procured, both to the Imperial state and dignity, and to the whole country of Germany: yet found they such means, and wrought such policies, that they had not only secrete passage and repassage with their letters and spials into all places of Christendom where they listed, but also so labored the matter and handled the same: that the long continued league of amity between the French king and the Emperor, whose predecessors as also they themselves had many years reverently observed in Christian concord & unity: was by this seditious prelate & arrogant vicar of Satan, now either utterly infringed, or else in variable suspense: as by their letters eche to other, and here under ensuing, are to be red and seen: which for the more probability of this history of Frederick (not being long or greatly tedious) I thought mete here to intext and place.

When Frederick now saw there was none other remedy, and that in vain he labored to have peace with the Pope, he prosecuteth his war to the uttermost: and when he had gotten Ludertum and reconciled the same, he destroyed y ^e town of Geminum and Naruia. and giveth the spoil of them unto his soldiers: He gently received the yielding up of Siburnum, and wasteth all the country round about Rome. The Pope here with dismayed and troubled with such as otherwise dissuaded and counseled him, and that things not so well prospered with him and against the Emperor as he wished and desired: being in despair of obtaining his purpose, died for very anger and thought.

What opinion the Prelates of Germany at that time had of this Gregory, is extant and to be seen by the oration of Eberhardus Bishop of Iuuauence that he made to the nobility of Boioria in the Parliament at Reginoburgh, written by Johannes Auentinus in his 7. book. Doubtless he not only brought great and ruinous calamities to the whole Christian common weal and also Empire: whilst he sought thus to depress & bridle the Emperor, & advance hiz papal sea and dignity; but also brought into the church of God much horrible impiety, blasphemy and wickedness, whereof both Blondus, Platina, Baleus and others make mention: And amongst others that most detestable Catilene Salue Regina in the which he attributeth the honor and worship only due to Jesus Christ, unto the virgins his mother. This is he in whose name the book of the Decretals was set out, which (to omit y ^e opinion of diverse other learned men) Johannes Baleus calleth it the sink or puddle of foolishness and impiety. Doubtless Charolus Molineus a man both of singular judgment in that law, which in tribunal courts & judgments is used: as also in this painteth forth the decree of this Gregory in his book of annotations unto Platina, whose words thereof are these. Certum est, multa capita in ijs mutila & decurtata esse, vt inuidiosum argumentum lateret. &c. That is, Doubtless, diverse Chapters in the same book of decretals be mangled & imperfect, that many contentious arguments therein might lurk. For when the ambitious desire of reigning like kings took them, they studied nothing else but how to enlarge and advance their See and dominion with the Empire it self and other kingdoms (often shaken and weakened through contention) and this purpose and end had they and none other, in all their constitutions. The proof whereof, Molineus declareth in his boke de regib{us} Galliae & Angliae. But many moe examples by the Emperors, Princes, and Lord's Electors of the Empire may be gathered: whereof to speak, more convenient place shall serve hereafter.

In the stead of this Gregory, was placed Coelestine horn in Mediolanum amongst the Castellians: who as Blondus declareth, by feigned promises offered a league with Fredericus, and the 18. day after he was created Pope, he also died.

Thus when the author of all this conspiracy was gone, Fridericus now thinking himself free and void of that fear which before he had, and durst not be absent out of Italy: with all his endeavor leuieth an army and prepareth his furniture and other necessaries for the delivery of the Christians, so mightily oppressed as ye heard by y ^e Turk or Tartarians. Who hearing of the coming of the Emperor, left the straight way thorough Hungary, which they came & returned by the river of Danubium to Taurica, and so through the fennes of Meotida: and by the river Tanaum, into Sarmatia Asiatica. When the Cardinals had now a long time protracted the creation of the Pope, and would not agree upon the same: The Emperor put them in remembrance of their duty, and blameth them for their disagreeing, and exhorteth them to be more careful for the Christian common wealth. His 2. Epistles touching this matter are extant. Whereby appeareth that only for the care and desire of peace he had to the Christian unity and state, he did the same: and for that (peradventure) the cardinals refused to make peace with him, before they had created a new Pope. The one for more brevity I have omitted, and here the other inserted.

The Emperor yet after this, at the request of Galdwinus, the Emperor of Constantinople, who came to Fredericus to Parma, released the Cardinals out of prison: thinking thereby not only to gratify the Emperor Baldwinus, but also thinking that thereby things would have the better grown to public tranquility on every side. When the Cardinals were all assembled at Auignia: they made Simbaldus a Genues Pope: whom by a contrary name for that he had determined (as I suppose) to be hurtful to the common wealth, they called Innocentius the 4. Of which election, when Frederick understood, be was well pleased therewith: And for that he had in all this troublous time been his friend, he well hoped y ^t the Christian common wealth, should by him have ben brought to much peace and concord. Wherefore, he sent both his legates and letters gratulatorie unto him, letting him to understand, howe well it contented and pleased him that he was made Pope, & what peace & quietness thereby he promiseth (as it were to himself) he maketh full relation thereof: offering again unto him obseruaunce, help and aide in all things, commonding his dignity to the public state and quietness of the Christian common weal and Empire, &c.

He also wrote his letters to Otho Duke of Boioria, who a little before was reconciled to the Emperor: that he which was elected pope was a good man, a lover of peace, and studious as well for the tranquility of the Christian common wealth as of the Empire.

The Legates of Frederick also with the furtherance of Baldwinus the Emperor of Constantinople, labored very diligently for y ^e conclusion of the promised peace: And to be brief, every man was in good hope, and looked for no less. But far otherwise fell the matter out, and contrary to all their expectations. For the Pope (set on and encouraged by the Cardinals and other against Frederick) secretly and amongst themselves wrought contrary to that they openly pretended: and not a little disappointed both Frederick and others of their expectation and good opinion they had in the Popes holiness. For whilst the Emperors legates attēded the answer of their peace before promised, Rainerus the cardinal went secretly to Uiterbium with a certain number of soldiors, and toke the town which before was on the Emperors part.

The Emperor having understanding hereof, mustereth his bands, and with a sufficient power entereth the popes dition, again to recover Uiterbium. But yet, taking this war so in hand (not thinking thereby to expel all conditions of peace) at y ^e request of certain of the Cardinals was contented to leave Uiterbium, being furnished by the Emperor of warlicke provision before, and came to Aqua. From thence he sent again other ambassadors to Rome, & with them also the Emperor of Constantinople with the Earl of Tholonse, who he thought were able to do much with the pope in y ^e prosecuting of this peace. And although at y ^e time of Easter the matter seemed to have ben through, and peace concluded, for y ^t his legates had sworn in the behalf of the Emperor (and as he willed them) that he would submit him self to the Pope. And again, for that the Cardinals and others, commonly called & named him Fridericus the Christian prince, yet all this was no more but for a further fetch and purpose. Not for that they meant in deed to conclude any peace w ^t him; or to go through there w ^t all, but that through this dissimulation & likelihood of peace which they understood the Emperor much desired: he should set free & open the passages which he straitly kept y ^t no man could pass & come to Rome, whether a great multitude daily resorted & flocked for religions sake. But when all came to all, & that the Legates perceived no conclusion of peace, was simply purposed on their behalf: they began to despair of y ^e matter, letting the Emperor so to understand. The Emperor yet notwithstanding doubted not, but if he might himself speak w ^t the Pope, he upon reasonable conditions, should well enough accord with him: wherefor, he by his Legates and letters desired him to appoint a place where the Emperor might resort to him. The Pope seemed to be contented herewithal, and appointed a day at Fescennia where they would talk together, & that the Pope w ••• be there before him, and accept the Emperors coming. But the Pope in this while, had made a confederacy w ^t the French king against Fredericus: who when he knew those 3. gallies to be ready and brought to Centincellas, which he before had spoken for unto the Genewes: secretly in the night with his company (hastening thither in post speed) took ship, and first came to Genua, and from thenre to Lions in France: where he (calling a Council) with a loud voice summoneth Frederick, and appointing him a day, commanded him there personally to plead his cause.

And yet, although he understood the sodeine departing of him out of Italy, made plain demonstration of no conclusion or meaning of a peace: and also knew the Council which the Pope had called, wherein he was himself both plaintiff and judge: and at the same council those which he had by bribes allured, pretended the destruction of the Emperor: with many other such evident demōstrations, both of his envious & hateful heart to wards him: yet the most modest Emperor using the innocence & uprightness of his cause, & as one most desirous of peace and Christian concord: sent the Patriarch of Antioch, which lately was come out of Syria, the B. of Panormia, and Thadeus Suessanus y ^e president of his court (a most skillful and prudent Ciuilian) to the council at Lions: which signified unto them y ^e the Emperor would be there for the defense of his own cause: and for y ^t the day was very short, required a time more convenient for him thither to make his repair. The Emperor also, being onward on his way & come as far as Taurinum, sent before other messengers (as the master of y ^e Flemish order, & Peter de Vineis ) to give them understanding of the Emperors coming, and that he would proroge the day of hearing, till y ^t he might conveniently travel thither. ••• for anything that could be either said or done, or upon how just cause so ever required: the pope would not give so much as 3. days space, in the which time the Ambassadors assured them of the Emperors presence: As though there had been no common proviso for every man in y ^t case, by the law to have used upon any reasonable let. What should I longer protract the time: when the day by them appointed was come, the Pope w ^t his confederates (whom for money & bribes he had gotten to that council) against gods law, against Christian doctrine, against both the prescript of the law of nature and reason, against the rule of equity, against the order of law appointed, against the constitutions of Emperors, and also the decrees of y ^e Empire, without any observation of the law, or granting dilatory days, w ^t out probation of any crime, or his cause suffered to be pleaded unto, or heard what might be answered therein: taking upon him to be both adversary & judge, condemned the Emperor being absent. What more wicked sentence was ever pronounced, what more crueller fact (considering the person) might be committed? Or what thing more brutish & beastly could have been imagined or devised? And yet hereat were these by shops nothing ashamed: but meaning to leave their doings in writing (as an impudent testimony to their posterity) established the same for a law to continue.

But mark what vengeance God toke upon this wicked judge. The writers of the Annals record, that when Fredericus the Emperor, and Conradus his son being Caesar were both dead: the Pope gaping for the inheritance of Naples & Sicily, and thinking by force to have subdued the same, came to Naples with a great host of men: where was heard in the Popes court manifestly pronounced this voice, Veni miser ad iudicium Dei. Thou wretch, come to receive thy judgment. And the next day after, the Pope was found in his bed dead, all black and blue as though he had been beaten with bats, as before in the history of king John is declared.

When the Emperor had understanding of this cruel & tyrannical sentence of the Pope, passed and pronounced against him (considering his furious purpose & mind therein) thought good by his letters to let all Christian princes & potentates understand, as well what injuries & manifold displeasures he had sustained by the 4. Popes in all their times, as also the cruelty and tyranny of this Pope in pronouncing the sentence of judgment and condemnation against him (passing the bounds both of justice, equity, and reason) which letter as he wrote the same, here vnderfolloweth to be seen.

This policy used the Pope to vex and disturb both the country of Germany and the whole Empire, and not so only, but also utterly to destroy and subvert the same: by the ruinous decay whereof, the Pope and his Prelates thought to make up their mouths. And thus, whilst that Germany was now newly again divided, some taking part with Frederick the Emperor, and Conradus Caesar his son & other nobles and princes of the Empire: some with those that should by the Popes procurement be the electors of the new Emperor: other some, with neither of both, as men not minding nor tending the public utility, but to serve their own purposes, armed themselves: And thus was the public peace and quiet brokē and disturbed, and altogether in ti • nult and hurley burley. For whilst the one part labored by all force to retain the dominion by public and common consent first to him committed: the other part in like sort indeuored themselves w ^t all their force & power to use and occupy the same, according to the decree of the bishop of Rome, & to take it from Frederick, and thus great conflicts grew on all partes.

By these civil wars, Germany suffered no little calamity: In every place was manslaughter and murder, the country spoiled, the towns and villagies set on fire and brent, the churches and temples violated & robbed, wherein the husband mē had put their goods & substance: houses were pulled down, the goods divided, & every man's cattle driven away. To conclude, in this turmoyle & cōtentiō of deposing & choosing another emperor, in this factiō of princes, in this liberty of wearing armor, in this license of hurting & sinning: The impudent boldness of diverse private soldiers, & especially of such as were y ^e horesemē thē counted y ^e better sort of soldiers, was so great: & there unbridled & insatiable desire in robbing, spoiling, and taking of booties, catching & snatching all that came to hand, so much: that nothing could be sure and in safety that any good in ā enjoyed. Wherefore a little before the death of Guilielmus the king, 60. Cities and Towns which were belonging to Ludouicus Palatinus Duke of Boioria and Rhenus, and Otho his son, and other princes, whose names Auentinus in his 7. book of y ^e Annals of the Boiores maketh mention oft joined themselves in a league for the expelling of these rebels & repressing of their so great injurious rapines and slaughter of men. Of which army the said Ludouicus being captain, chased & drave the whole rout of thē to the uttermost partes of Germany, and pulled down and overthrew their castles and fortresses, and every other place where they had intrenched themselves.

Otho Boius yet notwithstanding, keepeth his promise and faith most constantly made before to the emperor Frederick and Conradus his son. Whereupon, Philippus Iuuauensis, Albertus and others, calling a council at Mildorsus (by the Popes commandment) sent for Otho unto them, unto whom they opened the Popes pleasure & commandment. To all which, whē he had heard, Otho answered: I cannot marvel at some of you enough, that when as heretofore you persuaded me to leave and forsake the part I took with the Bishop of Rome, whom ye yourselves affirmed to be Antichrist, & that I should take part with the Emperor: why that you yourselves will not keep your fidelity and promise made to those good Princes: And said that he perceived in them a great inconstancy and levity, both in their words and deeds, which now call that wicked, unjust, and violent wrong, but lately that they thought equal, just & right. He said further, that they were overcome with pleasures, corrupted with superfluity, won with bribes▪ gaping for honor and estimation: & that they neither regarded honesty, godliness, nor their duty and office, but studied how to make dissention and commotions, and longed after war and bloody battle.

He said farther, that for his part he would obey God and his prince to whom he had sworn fidelity, and that he naught esteemed the feigned holiness and detestable practices of such Prelates: He said he believed in Christ and would trust in his mercy, & that he believed how those whom they cursed and gave to the Devil, were in greatest favor with God. Howbeit and notwithstanding those Prelates took in good part this expostulation with him, and seemed to bear Otho no malice or grudge for that he had said, but to be desirous of peace and unity: yet not long after, Otho was cursed as black as all the rest, and counted as bad as the best.

Albertus the pops champion now in Germany playeth not rex only amongst the citizens: But also bethought him of a mischievous devise against Conradus Caesar the Emperors son. When by fraud and subtletye he had gotten and taken many of the rich Burgises and Citizens of Reginoburgh, which bare the Emperor good will and had sent them prisoners to Staffum. Conradus joining with other noble men of the Empire (after he had spoiled and wasted much of his lands and others his companions) brave him so near, that upon certain other conditions he delivered again the Citizens. And shortly after coming again to Reginoburgh, and being received & welcommed into the College of D. Haimeranus: Albertus with certain of his confederates by the means of Ulricus a chief officer of the monks, came in the dead time of the night into the chamber, where the Caesar with a few other about him did lie: And falling upon them some they took, and other some they slew, & finding no other body in the chambers or lodginges, they thought that Caesar had been slain amongst the rest. But he hearing the noise, forsook his bed & hid himself under a beench and so escaped their hands. The next day he outlawd or prescribed the bishop and his mates, and also the monk bailif of treason, & ceased upon all the goods of the house. But at the suit of the guiltless monks, he released all to them again, taking by way of fine 100. pound. Ulricus lost his office and Albertus thereby to escape danger of punishment, took upon him the habit of a Monk, Conradus Hochensolseus which was the murderer of these men (although he escaped the punish meant of man's hand) yet the vengeance of God for y ^• fact, he escaped not. For as he rid in the day time abroad, he was suddenly stricken with a thunderbolt and died.

During all this busy and contentious time, it may well be gathered, Frederick the Emperor lay not still, but had his hands full: who notwithstanding (by God's help) ouercōming & suppressing these or greater part of these rebellious popish tumults, and had done strait executiō (of those especially) that had conspired against his person: calling a counsel and setting in some stay the troublesome affairs of his kingdom, came to Cremona with Fridericus Prince of Antioch, Richardus Earl of Umbria, the governor of Flamminia, and Encius king of Sardiuia, with a great number besides of soldiers & men of war. And besides, he took with him (which he sent for out of every part) the wisest, most virtuous, and best learned men that there was: thinking with thē to have gone himself to Lions to the Pope, and there to have had with him communication as well concerning the sentence definitive, as also about the cōclusiō of any peace, if by any means he might. And whē all things was prepared & ready, he took y ^• journey in hand & came to Taurinū, having with him both a great army of soldiers & also a great company of Legates and Ambassadors. From thence sending his carlages before, within 3. days journey of Lions: he was certified that Parma was taken & kept by the outlawes of diverse & sundry factions of the Pope: his nere neighbors & friends: as by the popes Legate, and other citizens as of Brixia, Placentia, & such like. Which thing when he understood, and that the Pope herein was the only and chief doer: he saw manifestly it should little prevail, to attempt any further the thing he went about: & thē at length, whē he saw no other remedy putting from him all hope of peace, determined himself to the wars with all his force and might. Thus altering his purpose & journey, he took the straitest way into Lumbarby: and with an army of 60000. men, he besieged Parma. And to the intent he might more aptly and nere the town, plant his siege and battery, without disturbance: first he entrēched his campe and fortified the same about with bulwarks & other defencible munition: After that, he caused diverse vitailing houses & tauerns in his canpe to be slightly built of timber: and without the campe he appointed the place where the market should be kept, & all vitailers resort that would. He appointed places for their churches & temples, & in seemly manner adourned the same: and for y ^e most part their tents were built with wood, so that it was like another Parma. All which things when he had finished, which was not long in doing: for this happy and prosperous success he called and named it Victoria, & had thought to have made the same to be in y ^e stead of the City Parma, which he purposed to have made level with the ground. And in the beginning both there and else where, all thing prospered well w ^t Frederick & had good success: for be sharply laid unto their charges that defeded & kept the city Parma. And further Robertus Castilioncus which was the Emperors lieftenant in Picen • , nere unto Auximum: discomforted the Popes army, & slue of them more then 4000. and took many such as were of the confederate cities prisoners. And when the factions or cōpanies of the Gibellines and Gwelphes in Florentia were at controversy: whē Fredericus of Hetruria came to y ^e Gibellines to whom they had sent for aid: The Guelphes therewith dismayd fled from thence to Bononia, whose goods & substance came all to the Emperors cofers, & Florentia also it self to the Emperors obedience. But this good success and prosperous fortune lasted not long: for as at a time Fridericus to recreate himself (which seldom had his health) rod about the fields with certain of his horsemē to hauke & hunt: Many also of the Emperors soldiers thinking nothing less then of such a matter to be attempted of a many staruelings within the town Parma, wandered & ranged unarmed out of their City Uictoria about the fields. The soldiers in Parma having this occasion offered, with all force & speed possible entered y ^e Emperors campe or town Victoria, which being not very strongly fenced nor having gates to shut against thē, was a thing easy enough to do. The sudden straūgenes of the matter much abāshed the soldiers, & rang out their lar • bell. The first assault was given vpō Marcus Malaspina his charge, whom when the Emperor returning in all haste found to be hard beset, had thought to have rescued him. But whē that was perceived of the enemy, they beent all their force altogether on y ^• side. In so much, that y ^e Emperor was enforced to take the trench, lest he should have been of the enemy environed, & from thence he retired into the city or campe where he had thought to have gathered further aide. But the enemy giving not so much tune thereunto, • a • l force entered the city Uictoria. The Emperor now, when the enemies were entered, left the campe & came to Dominum, who when they had killed & slain a great number of the Emperors soldiors, & had burnt & destroyed the same campe Uictoria, came, again to Parma. The Emperor thē suspecting this thing to be wrought by treason, whereby the enemy had understanding as well of the Emperors absence, as also of y ^e negligence of his soldiors, imprisoned certain of the chiefest about him, amongst whom also was Petrus de Vineis. Yet whilst he was at Dominum gathering together his soldiers and residue of his bāds: Encius getteth a great victory of the Mansuanos, who coming to the rescue of Parma, lost 50. of their ships and all that they had in them.

After this also, Richardus in another conflict in Picenum, discomforted the Popes soldiers, & slew their captain Hugolinus, besides 2000. others slain & taken prisoners. When now Fredericus had gathered again, and new mustered his bands at Dominum, he marched forth to Cremona: and notwithstanding, y ^t there he understood of the good success and victory that Encius had at Rhegium: yet for that he perceived the defection and backsliding of all or most part of Lumbardie from him: he determined to take his journey into Apulia, and when he had there levied a strong and sufficient power, he purposed to make his speedy return again into Lombardie. Therefore, in his journey through Netruria into Apulia, he joined with his son Fridericus, which besieged Capras, and took the same: and led with him diverse of the chiefest captains prisoners, and after that subduing unto the obedience of the Empire Miniatum, he came into Apulia.

When news was brought him thither, that Encius his son (coming to aide the Mutinenses against the Bononiens) was taken prisoner, two miles of from Mutina: and that in his absence, the Popes capitaines w ^t their bands and garrisons went throughout all Lumbardie, Aemilia, Flamminia, and Hetruria, to stir and procure the Cities to revolt from the obedience of the Emperor: And the same, partly working by subtle policies, & partly by force & sinister means to bring them to his purpose: determined with himself, that with all the force and power he might by any means procure and make, to have begun a fresh & prosecuted this war to the uttermost. Neither was it to be doubted as Pandolphus Colonucius writeth, but that he would have wrought some marvelous exploit & great attempt, but that he was of this his purpose (whereunto he was both willing & beent) prevented by unlooked for death. For whē he fell into this ague, being at a certain castle of his in Apulia called Florētinū, & saw by the extremity thereof, his days to be short: he remembered that which was once shown him, how he should die at Florence. Wherupon, he made and ordained his testament: and when unto Conradus and other of his children he had given and appointed the great and innumerable mass of money which he had collected & levied for the maintenance of his wars (and godly purpose as it is called) And unto them also had given all other his kingdoms & dominions (to everyone according to their ages and years) departed this wretched and miserable world.

Pandolphus writeth, that Fredericus was very willing to die, & as they made certain report to him which were present at his death, that his mind was altogether set and bent upon the heavenly joy & felicity. Which thing also Gulielmus Putranus, Andreas Panbalus, and Manardus the bishop, being Italian writers do all affirm of whom this last writeth, that he assuredly believeth Frederick to be one of the number of God's elect.

The writers notwithstanding are of sundry judgments & opinions touching this good Emperors death: Some write that he was traitorously poisoned by his cup bearer, being hired thereunto. Some other, that he was strangled with a pillow of Māfredo the son of Pherus. But Pandolphus as good a writer as the best, maketh no mention of any poison that was given him, but only that he died of an ague. The last opinion of Manfredus, he manifestly refuteth and that there is no manner of lykelihood of the same: & further, that the contrary is affirmed by diverse other writers that were of that time. He died in the year of our Lord. 1268. the 13. day of December, in the 57. year of his age, and 37. year of his reign, whose corpse was brought to Panorinum, and there intombed.

Frederick had 3. wives: the first was Constantia, the daughter of the king of Aragon: of whom he begat Henry the Duke of Sueuia and king of the Romans: The other Iole y ^e daughter of Iohaunes Brennus, king of Jerusalem, by whom he had the inheritance of Ierusale, Naples, and Sicily: of whom he begat Cōradus Duke of Suenia, king of Jerusalem & Naples being Caesar. The third Isabell the daughter of king John of England, by whom he had a son named Henry, which is said to die in his childhood. This Fredericus had not his peer in Marshall affairs to be compared unto him and warlike policies amongst all the princes of that age: A wise and skillful soldier he was: a great indurer of painful labors and travels: most boldest in greatest perils: prudent in foresight: Industrious in all his doings: prompt & humble about that he took in hand: and in aduer • ity mest stout & courageous. But as in this corruption of nature, few there be y ^e attain perfection: neither yet is there any pr • ice almost of such government and godly institution, both in life & doctrine as is required of them: So neither was this Frederick, without his fault & human fragility. For the writers •• pute to him some fault of concupiscence, wherewith he was stained and spotted. And it appeareth that he was not all clear thereof, for as much as by sundry Concubines he had sundry children: As Ene • is, the king of Sardina: Manfredus, the prince of Sarcutinū: And Frederick king of Antioch. And this is all that I find of the description of Frederick by Colonucius, which he affirmeth to have gathered out of good & probable authors. But as touching the heinous arts and flagirious verdes, which the Pope burdeneth him withal, and in his sentence against him, maketh mention of: Fredericus not only purgeth himself thereof, but also diverse historicians (as well Germain writers as Italiās) affirm the same to be false and of the Popes own brains, to do him skare & teene withal, invented. Of which matter, those things which Pandolphus (touching the commendation or disprayse of Fredericus writeth) I thought good out of Italian, to translate: whose words be these.

that they should follow him and also intimate his example as of their master and teacher: and commanded them farthermore, how they should not draw the sword, but put up the same into the skaberd: and farther gave thē in precept that they should not only forgive injuries seuē times but 70. times seven times to those that offended them: And when I now compare the lives of the Bishops of Rome, how near they follow him whose vicar they say they be: And consider so many and greet conspiracies, treasons, rebellions, disloyaltyes, lyinges in wait, and treacherous devises: So many Legates of the Popes (being Ecclesiastical persons) which will needs be called the shepherds of Christ's flock, to be such warriors and Captains of Soldiers in all the partes of Italy, Campania, Apulia, Calabria (being the Emperors dominions) in Picenum, Aemilia, Flamminia, and Lumbardy, to be sent out against him. And also when with myself I meditate, the destruction of so many great and famous Cities, the subversion of such common weals, the slaughter of so many men, and the effusion of so much Christian blood: And lastly when I behold, so victorious, prosperous, and fortunate Emperors to be: and so many miserable unfortunate, and vanquished Popes put to flight: Am persuaded with myself to think and believe, that the judgments of God are secret and marvelous, and that to be true which Aeneas Siluius, in his history of Austria writeth: That there is no great and marvelous slaughter, no notorious and special calamity (that hath happened either to the public weal, or else to the church of God, of the which the Bishops of Rome have not been the authors. Nicolaus Machiauellus also saith, that all the ruinous calamities and miserable chaunces that the whole Christian common weal and also Italy hath suffered: hath been brought in by the Popes and bishops of Rome.

Many Epistles of Fredericus there be, which he wrote unto the Bishops of Rome, to the Cardinals, and to diverse other Christian Princes, all which I have read and in them is to be seen nothing contrary unto Christian doctrine, nothing wicked and ungodly, nothing injurious to the Church of God, nothing contumelious or arrogantly written of Frederick. But in deed I deny not the same to be fraught and full of pitiful complaints and lamētatiōs, touching the auaritious ambitiō of the Ecclesiastical persons, and pertinency of the Bishops of Rome: and that he would receive and take no satifactiō, nor yet excuse in the defense of the right and privilege of the Empire, which he maintained: also of their manifold and infinite cōspiracies which they practiced both secretly and openly against him: And of the often admonitions which he gave to the whole multitude and order Ecclesiastical, to attend upon and discharge their functions and charges. And who, that farther is desirous to know and understand the truth, and coveteth to search out the renowned virtues of magnificēt Princes, let them read the Epistle of Frederick dated to all Christian Princes which thus beginneth: Collegerunt principes, pontifices & Pharisaei concilium:

And doubtless examples to the contrary doth appere, that Frederick was no enemy to the church of Rome, for that he both gave large and great gifts thereunto, and also franchised the same with great privileges & imminuities: which things, by his own constitutions, statutes, & customs may be perceived and understood. But rather contrariwise, that the Bishops of Rome most filthely recompēced the same his great liberality and princely benevolence again, which he gave and bestowed vpō the same, as partly in the discourse of this history you have heard: who not withstanding, they so molested and tired him with such & so many injuries as you have seen: he nevertheless, forgiving and pardoning all the same, for the great zeal he had to the common Christian wealth (whereof he more forced, then else of any other thing) sought by all the means he might for to have peace, although it wer to his own great hindrance. Therefore, seeing he was of necessity by the Bishops of Rome provoked to that war, if he did them any skath in revenge of his Imperial dignity, let them thank their own selves, which might otherwise have remedied the same. Notwithstanding vpō this occasiō diverse (both Italian and Germany writers, which at that time sought for fat benefices, and ever since even unto these our days have done the like, by flattery rather to obtain that which they hunted for, then to bear true and saythfull testimony of things as they were in deed) took great occasiō to write, and slander this good Emperor. But let us pass over these Parasites and return to those, which although they themselves were of that calling, I mean of the Ecclesiastical order: yet notwithstanding, for: that they rather preferred the study of veritye, and to reverence the truth before Popish authority, & flattering servitude: greatly extolled and commended this good Emperor Frederick. So did Nicholaus Cusanus a Cardinal, in his writing affirm this Emperor to be an alter Carolus Magnus, both for his wisdom and also diligent regard to y ^e common weal. So also writeth Aegidius Biturigum the Bishop, in his books of the institution & bringing up of a prince, which he wrote to the French king: exhorting him and all others, to take a pattern of this most worthy and excellent Prince. In commendation of whose worthy praise and virtue these verses are written on his tomb.

Wherefore, in as much as it appeareth by the approved writers of whom I have made mention: who & what manner of prince Frederick this Emperor was: And for that he diligently labored as well in the preseruatiō of the christen common weal, as in the conservation of the Imperial dignity: procured to himself the great hatred and displeasure of y ^e Romain Bishops (who have ben, to all the good Emperors for the most part utter foes and enemies) & with what wicked slaūders & other injuries both by thē & by their ministers they continually molested him withal: This lesson ought to be ours: that having the same in our memory, we imitate & follow his virtues, hating & detesting the wicked & flagitious doings of those holy fathers y ^e will so be called, & Bishops of Rome: desiring God that he will so guid the harts of all kings & Princes, that they may by his grace advance and set forth his glory, and reform the corrupt & vicious manner and order of y ^e Church to a ll sincerity and purity both of life and doctrine.

These verses which here ensue were sent and written between the Emperor & Pope Innocentius the 4. which for that to the learned are both cōmodious and profitable at the end of this history I thought good to place.

As ye have heard of the iniquity & raging pride of the popish church against their lawful Emperor: Now shall ye hear (Christ willing) how God beginneth to resist and withstand the corruption of that whorish Church, by stirring up certain faithful teachers in sundry countries: As in the country of Sucuia, about the time of this Emperor. an. 1240. or near upon the same, where were many preachers mentioned in the Chronicle of Urspergēsis, and also in Crantzius Lib. 8. cap. 16. & 18. which preached freelye against the Pope. These Preachers (as Crantzius saith) ringing the Belles, and calling the Barons in Hallis of Sueuia: there preached that the Pope was an heretic, & that his Bishops and Prelates were simoniacke and heretics. And that the inferior Priests and Prelates had no authority to bind and loose, but were all seducers. Itē that no Pope, Bishop, or Priest, could restrain mē from their duty of serving and worshipping of God. And therefore such cities or countries, as were then under the Popes curse, might notwithstanding lawfully resort to the receiving of Sacraments, as well as before. Item that Friers Dominic, and Franciscane, did subvert the church with their preaching. And as the indulgence of the Pope, & his Popelings was of no regard, so that remissiō, which they did preach unto them, they preached it not from the Pope but as from the Lord. And thus much I thought here to recite, whereby it may appear, how the resisting of the Popes usurped power and corrupt doctrine, is no new thing in these days in the Church of Christ. &c.

And not long after these aforesaid, rose up Arnoldus De noua villa, a Spaniard, and a man famously learned & a great writer. an. 1250. Whom the Pope with his spiritualty condemned among heretics, for holding and writing against the corrupt errors of the popish Church, His teaching was, that Sathā had seduced all the world from the truth of Christ Jesus. Item that the saith (which then Christian men were commonly taught) was such a faith as y ^e devils had: meaning belike (as we now'affirm) that the papists do teach only the horicall faith, which is the faith Historiae non fiduciae. Itē, that Christian people (meaning belike for the most part) are led by the pope unto hell. Item, that all cloisters are void of charity, and damned: And that they all do falsify the doctrine of Christ. Item, that the Divines do evil in mixting Philosophy with d iuinity. Item, that Masses are not to be celebrated. And that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead. Certain other opinions there be, which the slaundrous sects of Monks and Friers do attribute unto him: (but as they are wont in all other to do) rather upon envious taking, then of any just cause given.

And as this Arnoldus was condemned, so also the same time Johannes Semeca, the gloss writer of the Popes decrees, and Prouost of Halberstate was excommunicated, & deprived of his Prouostship, for resisting Pope Clement the fourth, gathering certain exactions in Germany. And therefore he appealed from the Pope to a general council, and had many great favorers on his side, till at last both the Pope and he died.

Consequently in this order and number, followeth the worthy and valiant champion of Christ & adversary of Antichrist Guilielmus de S. Amore, a master of Paris, and chief ruler then of that Uniuersity. This Guilielmus in his time had no small a do writing against the Friars, & their hipocrisy. But especially against the begging friers, both condemning their whole order, and also accusing thē as those that did disturb & trouble all y ^e churches of Christ by their preaching in churches against the will of the ordinaries and pastors, by their hearing of confessions, and executing the charges of Curates and pastors in their Churches. All the testimonies of Scripture that make against Antichrist, he applieth them against the Clergy of Prelates, and the Popes spiritualtye. The same Gulielmus is thought to be the author of the book, which is attributed to the school of Paris, and entitled: De periculis Ecclesiae. Where he proveth by 39. arguments, that Friers be false Apostles.

Moreover, he doth well expound this saying of Christ (if thou wilt be perfect, go and sell away all thou hast, and come follow me) declaring there poverty to be enjoined us of Christ, non actualem, sed habitualem : not in such sort as standeth in outward action, when no need requireth, but in inward affection of heart, when need shall require: As though the meaning & precept of our Lord were not that we should cast away actually all y ^e we have, but that when the confession of the name of God & the glory of christ shall so require: that then we be ready to leave & reliquish what things soever, for y ^e sake of him. &c. As when he requireth in us, after like phrase, y ^e hatred of father & mother, and of our own lives: he biddeth us not to dihonor father or mother, much less to hate thē: but that thē, when case shall require, we set all things behind the love of Christ. Many oth er worthy works he compiled, wherein albeit he uttered nothing but what was truth,