Acts and Monuments Volume 1

hatred of father & mother, and of our own lives: he biddeth us not to dihonor father or mother, much less to hate thē: but that thē, when case shall require, we set all things behind the love of Christ. Many oth er worthy works he compiled, wherein albeit he uttered nothing but what was truth, yet notwithstanding he was by Antichrist & his rabble, condemned for an heritick, exiled, & his books burnt: Whose heretical arguments as they called them, that thou mayst better judge thereof, here under I thought good to place.

Agaynst false Prophets with signs to know them by in these his words do follow. For because these seducers saith he, name thenselves to be Apostles: and that they are sent of God to preach, to absolve & dispēse with the souls of men, by means of their ministry. Read the saying of y ^e Apostle in his second Epistle to the Corinthians, the xi. chap. For such Apostles are subtle and cratty workmen, disguising themselves to be like the Apostles of Christ: Therefore, we mean to show some certain infallible tokens and probable, by the whic false Apostles may be discerned from the true preachers and Apostles of Christ.

The 1. sign or mark is, that such as be true preachers do not enter into simple women's houses ladē with sin and take them as it were captive, as many of the false preachers do: as in the second Epistle of S. Paul to Timothy the 3. chapter is manifest, saying: Of those sortes are they, which enter into women's houses. &c. Therefore those preachers which come into women's houses, to the intent they, may take thē captive, be not true preachers, but false Apostles.

The 2. sign and token is, that those that be true preachers do not deceive simple men with painted and flattering words, whereby they prefer their own trash and traditions, as all false Prophets do, as in the last Chapter to the Romaines appeareth, saying: By their pleasant & sugared talk. and by their blessing and crossing they deceive and beguile the hearts of innocent men and women. Glo. with gay glorious words they extol & set forth their traditions, whereby they deceive simple mē. Uery greatly do they deceive the souls of simple men, which cause them to enter into their sect, which they term Religion. And they which before led a noughty life, by reasō of their ignorance or simplicity: after their entrance, become subtle false deceiving hypocrites, entering together with the rest into poor men's houses: yea & oftentimes become worse then the other. wherupō Mat. 22. woe be unto you Scribes & Phareseis, hypocrites which go about. &c. Therefore they which do this, are no true messengers but false Apostles.

The 3. sign is, that the true Apostles if they be reproved, suffer the same patiently. 2. Cor. 12. saying: the tokens of my Apostleship are accomplished among you, in all patience & sufferance, meaning that patience, which pertaineth to the manners of the preachers. Therefore they which suffer not correction or punishment, be no true Apostles, but rather show themselves to be no Christians at all 1. Cor. 12. No man can say that Jesus is the Lord, but by the holy ghost. Glossa. It is meet that Christians should be humbled, to the intent that they may suffer themselves to be reproved, and not to be holden up with yea and nay. And also such men do show themselves to be carnal, and not spiritual at all, although they fain themselves to be spiritual. Gal. 3. Therefore am I become an enemy unto you? Notwithstanding the Glossa saith: no carnal man will be reproved although he err. Wher efore, those preachers which suffer not coroection, seem not to be true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 4. sign is, that true Apostles commend not them selves. 2. Cor. 4. For we dare not join our selves, nor yet compare our selves unto others which commend & boast many of their acts, when God alloweth none of them at all. Also true preachers although they be in deed praise worthy for their good deserts: In the consciences of men are they praise worthy, & not to the outward show alone. 2. Cor. 3. We commend our selves saith the Apostle to the consciences of all men: Then they do not commend them selves in comparison of other, wherefor the gloss saith upon the same place: those that deserve no commendation but in comparison of other, do challenge to thenselves other men's deserts and praise: wherefore in the second Epistle of S. Peter the last chapter it is said. Even as our well-beloved brother Paul according to the wisdom that God hath given unto him, hath written unto you: Glossa. The chiefest of the Apostles hath here forgotten his papal authority, and also his keys that were delivered unto him: For he is astonied as it were at the great wisdom given unto his brother Paul. For in deed it is the manner of the elect children of God, to be more in love with the virtues of other men, then with their own: wherefore in the second chap. to the Philipp is writ̄. Let those that are superiors esteem of themselves in all humility. They therefore that do the contrary, •• ving that their state or doings be better then other men's, although they be preachers, yet are they no true Apostles, in deed but false prophets.

The 5. sign is that true Apostles need no letters of commendation: nor yet desire to have themselves praised of men: as in the 2. Cor. 3. chap. the Apostle saith, we need not the letters of commendatiō of any man: that is to say of false prophets.

The 6. sign is, that true Apostles, do not preach unless they be sent, as in the 10. chap. to the Rom. how shall they preach unless they be sent; Glossa. There be no true Apostles but those that be sent. For they have no need of Signs which are true witness bearers, but those that be not sent and do preach, are false prophets.

The 7. sign is, for as much as false Prophets have their authority in their own names: wherefor, in the 2. epistle of S. Paul to the Cor. it is written. For we dare not boast of our selves or make comparison, Glossa. That is to say, with those that be false prophets: not taking their authority frō God, but usurping the same desirous to bear rule, claiming in their own name their authority. And therefore although peradventure by presumption they say that they are sent of God, as all heretics will say: yet notwithstanding, unless they shall prove their sending, either by spiritual prophecy as John the Baptist did, saying: I am the voice of a crier in the desert: As out of the prophet Isaiah in the first chapter of S. John's Gospel is alleged: Or else by miracles, as Moses did which turned his rod into a Serpent, and again from a Serpent to a rod, as in the 7. chap. of Exodus: they ought for to be excommunicated, till such time they cease from preaching: Yet notwithstanding, a miracle ought not to be a sufficient testimony, of their sending, for as much as they be done oftentimes and that of evil and wicked men. 1. q. 1. we may perceive towards the end. But miracles ought to be suspected, for as much as our Savior saith in the 23. of Matthew. Then shall false prophets arise, &c. Therefore, they which do challenge authority in their own name, for as much as they have not their authority from God, they are not true Apostles but false preachers.

The 8. sign is, that false Prophets pretending great wisdom and holiness to be in superstition, have named their own traditions to be religion, the which are rather to be counted sacrilege or Church robbery, and do usurp unto themselves the due deserts of other men by boasting and bragging among strange & unknown people. Wherefore, the Apostle speaking of false Prophets in the 2. chap. to the Col. saith: According to the precepts of men, which having a face of wisdom consist in superstition, interlaced with humility. Glose. That is to say, mingled with feigned religion that it might be called religion, when in very deed, it is nothing else but sacrilege, because it is contrary to all authority: that is contrary to God himself, that any man should desire to have government of a multitude without public commandment, as in Deuteronomi •• 23. chap. Thou hast entered into thy neighbors vineyard. Glose. that is to say, into the Church of another Bishop. May a man warn & admonish others, or else correct that congregation which is not lawful for him to govern, nor yet to take so great a charge upon him? no. And that it is not lawful to enter into another bishops Dioces, it is apparent: because it is not lawful for the Archbishopp so to do. To this effect appertaineth that which is red. 6. q. 3. And also it is written 9. q. 2. through out. Therefore those preachers which against God and his divine Scriptures do call their own traditions religiō, are not are Apostles but false Prophets.

The 9. sign is, by the authority which they have. For as much as they be no preachers of y ^e gospel or ministers of the Sacraments, yet they will live by the Gospel; and not by the labor of their own hands, against the text in the 2. Thess. 3. neither have we eaten any man's bread for naught, or of free cost. Glossa. Then, those false Prophets ought much more to live by their labor, which have not that authority which we ought to have, that is to say to live by the Gospel. And S. Augustine speaketh of this more expressly in his book De opere monachorum, by these words. Those our brethren do claim to themselves (very rashly as me thinketh) that they have any such authority, to live by the Gospel. If they be preachers of the Gospel, I grant that in deed they have such authority: if they be ministers of the alter, if they be disposers of the Sacraments: they cannot well but take to thenselves this authority, as also manifestly to challenge the same, if at the least they have not where with all to sustain this present life, without labor of their hands. &c. As though he would have said, if they be not such manner of men, then have they no authority to live by the Gospel. Therefore those preachers, which have not authority to line by the Gospel, or else minister the Sacraments, because they have no congregation whereby to take charge of souls, yet for all that will needs live upon the Gospel, they be no true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 10. sign is, that false teachers, rejoice more to be commonded themselves, then the word of God to have the commendation & praise. But they that are true preachers and Apostles, are far otherwise minded as to the Thess. 2. not seeking the praise of men. &c. And herein he toucheth those false Prophets, which desire rather to be commonded themselves, then that the word of God which they preach should have the commendatiō, but he is an Apostle which not seeking the glory of this present world, but for the glory to come, doth abase himself to the intent that y ^e preaching and word of God might be commended and exalted. They therefore which desire to have praise & to be commended of others, rather then that the word of God should have the praise, to be no true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 11. sign is, that true Apostles do preach only for God's cause, and for the health of souls, and for no temporal gain as in the 2. Cor. 4. saying, we preach not our selves. &c. Glose. Our preaching tendeth not to our glory and gain, but only to the glory of Christ. But the preaching of Christ by those that are false Prophets, tendeth to the contrary. Wherupon in the Phil. 1. is said: whether it be upon occasion givē, or else for the verities sake, let christ be preached. &c. Glose. False prophets do preach the Gospel upon some occasion, as either by seeking some commodity at the hands of mē, or else because of getting goods, honor, or praise among men. Which notwithstanding, that they be ready and willing as it should seem to bear and sustain iniuryes: yet they seek not so much the health of him to whom they preach, as in very deed they do their own commodity and gain. Whereupon. 2. Cor. 12. Gloss. Because I seek not the things that be yours, that is to say, not your treasure as gold & silver, but only you yourselves. Gloss. For other ways it could by no means be gathered, that they should understand him to speak or mean of their substance, because he more estemeth them then their money, to the intent that they might understand his great good will toward them. Therefore these evil and naughty preachers which preach for worldly gayn, or honor, or else for the praise & commendation of men, be no true Apostles but false Prophets. But it may be asked, how shall men understand when these good fellows preach for their own vain glory sake? It may be answered thus, when they preach before they be called, as in the 2. Cor. 11. whosoever boasteth let him boast and rejoice in the Lord. Gloss. Which thing to do, cannot he by any means, that hath not his authority from God. For if any such Prophet preach, he seeketh his own glory: and that may easily be perceived. Because he is not called of God he hath no such authority of him, that is to say, of his Church or congregation, as to the Heb. 7. No man taketh to himself any dignity, but he that is called of God as Aaron was. The Gloss. He is called of God that it is lawfully chosen of the congregation.

The 12. sign is, or token of a false prophet is: Because such Prophets do counterfeit themselves to have greater care, and love to men's souls, then those that be their very governors & pastors have, although they have no charge at all of them, against whom the Glose speaketh, and the 1. Thess. 2. We are become meek and loving towards you, even as the nurse which giveth her child suck. Gloss. A woman nurseth other men's children for wages & not for love alone, but she giveth her own suck of very love without respect of money. Therefore those preachers which fain themselves, to have a greater love & affection to the souls of men, then they that have the charge over them, seem not to be true Apostles. The Apostles study not for eloquence nor for the curious placing of their words, but false Prophets do them both. As in the 2. Cor. 11. If the simple and vncloquēt man. &c. Gloss. The Apostles were not eloquent, but false Prophets are full of curious eloquence. Also upon the same another Gloss. The Corinthians were led away from the Gospel by over nice eloquence, the 2. Cor. 7. Let us show our selves before all men as the ministers of God. Gloss. The ministers of God, do not flatter as false Prophets do. And for this occasion those that be true Apostles have not their abiding in princes Courtes, and noble men's houses, knowing this saying of Christ in S. Matthews Gospel. Behold those that are clothed with silks, dwell in kings Courtes. And therefore true Apostles are not conversant in Princes Courtes and noble men's houses. Gloss. Hard & strait life with the preaching of the Gospel loveth not to come near Princes palaces, and noble men's houses. Often times it cometh to pass that Courtiers are found great flatterers. Therefore those preachers that have their abode in Courtes, or that in any other place do use to flatter, are no true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 13. sign is, that true Apostles or messengers, do not circumvent or subtly go about to deceive men, that they should give unto them their goods: either in their life time or else at y ^e time of their death: as in the 2. Cor. 7. We have falsely deceived no man. Gloss. By the subtle and deceitful getting away of your substance as false Prophets do, which get away from you those things that be yours, under pretence of great friendship. Also Mat. 22. Woe be unto you Scribes & Pharisees you hypocrites which spoil widows houses, by your long prayers: which mean nothing else by your superstition, but that you may spoil & rob the people as in Luke. 20. Which devour widows houses, by dissembling of your long prayer. Gloss. The which make over long prayers, to the intent they may seem more devout, & that they may get both money & great commendation of all such as be sick and troubled with the burden of their sins: Whose prayers be turned into sin, which neither are profitable for themselves nor any other. But rather shall have for making those prayers greater damnatiō, for as much as by the same they deceive others. For by this that they receive and take both gold and silver, it appeareth that they preath not for soul healths sake, but only for filthy lucre and gain sake. Math 10, Be ye possessors neither of gold nor silver. Gloss. If they then have these things, they cannot seem, or be thought to preach for the health of y ^• soul, but for lucres sake. And so saith Hi • rome upon the Prophet Malachi. Because some Prophets took money, their Prophecy became diuinatiō: that is to say, their prophecy appeared not to be prophecy but divination, or inchauntment: that is, that such prophecy proceedeth not frō God, but from the devil. And this appeared in 1. q. 1. having this beginning Nunquā diuinatio. &c. Therefore these preachers which circumuēt and beguile men, to the intent that they should give them their good, either in their life time or after their death: are not true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 14. sign is, that false Prophets, when any verity is preached, which for the most part they are not acquainted with all, or that touched them: then begin they to chafe and bark against the same, wherupō the Apostle in the 3. chapter to the Philippiās saith: behold the dogs. Glossa. Understand you that they are not dogs by nature, but by their usage & conditions, barking against the truth, which they were never acquainted with. And so he compareth thē right well to dogs, because dogs follow rather custom, then reason: So false Apostles do keep the custom of the law, & do bite and bark against the truth, as though they were without the gift of reason. And also in the second epistle to Timothy, the 4, chapter, saying: They get them instructors according to their own desires. Glossa. Which may teach them what things they themselves are willing to hear, because the truth seemeth nothing pleasant unto them. Therefore, those preachers which bark against the late revealed truth, which toucheth thē very near & therefore cause the same to be hidden & kept under: are not true Apostles, but false prophets.

The 15. sign is, that the true Apostles do not enforce any to receive or hear them, which be unwilling thereunto: but send them away rather, least they should seem to seek after some earthly and transitory thing. Math 10 Who soever will not receive you, get you out of that Citty, and shake the dust from off your feet. &c. Glossa That you may thereby show, that the desire of earthly things hath no power in you. Therefore, those preachers which wrestle & strive as it were to that intent they would be received and heard, are no true Apostles: For as much as the Apostle saith. Corint. 11. If any man appear among you to be over contentions or full strife: such custom have we none nor yet the congregation of Christ.

The 16. sign is, that the Apostles did not procure the indi • nation of those princes with whom they were esteemed and regarded, against such persons as would not receive them and hear thē, according as we read in the life of Simon and Jude the Apostles: The chief ruler being very angry, commanded a very great fire to be made, that the bishops might be cast into the same, & all other which went about to de • ame the doctrine of y ^e Apostles of Christ: But the Apostles fell down before the Emperor, saying: we beseech you syr, let not us be the authors or causers of this destruction or calamity: Nor that we which are sent to be the preservation of men, and to revive those that are dead through sin, may seem to be killers of those that be alive. Therefore, those preachers which seek to stir up the displeasure of Princes against them. (whose favors now they enjoy) that will not receive and hear them, or rather whom they themselves hate, are no true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 17. sign is, that the Apostles of Christ have not only the knowledge of those things which God hath already done, but also of those things which he will hereafter do, as in the Apo • . 3. The beasts were full of eyes both behind and before. Glose. Obtaining the knowledge of those things which God had done, as also what he would do hereafter in the end of the world. Therefore those that say they know not the perils of the church in the latter time which are prophesied afore: or that they care not for them, or else if they know thē not, they have not eyes be hind and before, be no true Apostles. Therefore, what time as they call themselves Apostles, they are false prophets.

The 18. sign is, that true Apostles do not desire the riches and goods of them to whom they preach, whereby they are discerned from wolves, that is to say, from false Prophets. Act. 20. I have desired no man's gold nor silver: Glose. By this are Wolves discerned, for they desire such things. And again in the same place: For those things which I had need of, and to those which were with me these hands have ministered. Glose. This example also of laboring, is a spectacle for Bishops whereby they are discerned from wolves. For such as ask or beg of those to whom they preach, or set any other to ask or beg in their names: do seem to commit simony: Like Byezi, of whom it is red in the third book of kings the fi • t chapt. that craved certain apparel of Naaman the Sirian, to whom his master Elisha had restored the benefit of health. Not withstanding, he had gotten those garments, unwitting to his master. Whereupon Gregory Nazianzenus saith 1. q. 1. Qui isti debetur. But some man perhaps will say: cannot the preacher ask money or money worth of those to whō he preacheth? Or at y ^e least, may not he beg? To this may be answered. If the preacher by authority preach and doth feed his flock as a true pastor with the food of God's word, he may take money or money worth: but then it is not begging or craving, but it is by authority: as the second to Timothy the second chapter: It is meet that the husband man that tilleth the ground, should first and afore other receive the commodity of his increase. Glose. He putteth the virtuous preacher out of doubt, not preaching for that intent to make marchaundise of the Gospel, and giveth him to understand: that it is lawful for him to take of them whom he feedeth as his flock, what things soever he had need of: and doth it not in begging or craving, but by good authority. It is manifest that it cannot in any place of the holy scripture be found, that the preacher ought to beg. But begging is forbidden of all the Apostles of Christ, and is abhorted of Solomon, and S. Augustine▪ & reproved by diverse other holy men. Therefore, it is manifest, that the true Apostles do not desire the temporal goods of them to whom they preach, neither do they beg or crave the same. They therefore that require anything of them to whom they preach, or else that any other man asketh for them, or in their names: do not seem to be true Apostles, but false preachers.

The 19. sign is, that true Apostles are patient in tribulation: neither do they render evil for good, Matthew 10. Behold I send you as sheep among wolves. Glose. They that occupy the place of preaching, ought not to procure any evil toward their Brethren, as the example of Christ teacheth. 1. Peter. 2. saying: who when he was reviled, reviled not again, but did submit himself to him that judged him unjustly. They therefore that suffer not injury, but rather do wrong themselves, are not true Apostles, but false Apostles.

The 20. sign is, that true Apostles at their first coming are evil entertained, as the Lord saith, in the xxiii. chap. of Math. Ye shall be hated of all men for my names sake: but yet at the length such get the victory: According to that saying of the first of Saint John the v. Chapter. Every thing that is of God overcometh the world. They therefore that in the beginning rejoice and are well entertained, but in the end are rejected, seem not to be true Apostles but false.

The 21. sign is, that true preachers go not to preach unto those which have preachers appointed unto thē, because they have not to rejoice of a company belonging to another man's charge, as to the Romaines the 15. capter. I have preached the Gospel where Christ was not before preached, least I should build upon another man's foundation. And in the second Epistle of S. Paul to the Corinthians the x. chapter, he saith: we are no boasters, nor busy in other men's mattets. Glose. where another man had laid the foundation. Likewise in the same chapt. Not having pleasure to boast of other men's labors, that is to say of those which be committed to the government of another man. Likewise Augustinus saith. Honor ought to seek thee, and not thou honor. Also Chrysostom: Authority is in love with such a man as refuseth her, and yet abhorreth her not, They therefore that procure and have desire to preach unto the people committed to another mans charge, which is an office of honor: especially in counsels, Synods, and great assemblies, also in kings and princes courts, and Prelates palaces, are not true Apostles, but false teachers.

The 22. sign is, that true Apostles when they know themselves to do much good in the church & congregation of God: yet notwithstanding, are not puffed up with pride. Ezech. 3. O son of man, I have made thy face as an Adamants stone. The Adamant stone when it draweth irō unto it, is not thereby either lifted vpor altered. Likewise a true preacher when he draweth sinners unto him by his preaching (whose hearts were as hard as iron) is never the more lifted up or higher minded therefore. But as in Luke the 18. chapiter: when ye have done all that ye can, and as well as ye can, yet say that you are unprofitable servants. Psalm. Not unto us Lord, not unto us, but to thy name be given the glory. They therefore that do arrogantly boast themselves of the fruit and benefit that they have done in y ^e church of God, saying: we have givē light to the universal church, which was blind before our time, & we have put out the flame of sin in the church of God (when perhaps they have more furthered hypocrisy, then either truth or verity) they are not true prophets but false, of whom it is spoken in the psalms. The mouth of them that speak proud things. &c.

The 23. sign is, that true Apostles do not seek the favor of the world, nor yet how to please men: As to the • a. 1. If I should please men, that is to say, if I had a desire to please men, I should not be the servant of God, wherupō to tim. the 1. epistle & 2. chap. Not as men pleasers, Glose. Seeking to please because we have not the pleasing spirit. Therefore those preachers that seek the favor of y ^e world, & do labor to this intent that they might please men, are not true Apostles but false.

The 24. sign is, that true Apostles when they have meat and drink they are contented, neither do they desire over dayntye fare, according the saying of Math. 10. chap. Eating and drinking those things that are set before them. Glose. The gospel condemneth not altogether costly and delicate fare, yet so alloweth the same, that if we have meat and drink, we ought not to grutch, but to be therewith contented. Therefore, those preachers which although that neither they be sent, nor have authority to preach, and yet are offended when they have not fine and delicate fare, are not true Apostles, but false preachers.

The 25. sign is, that true Apostles do love more the law of God, thē their own estimatiō amongst their neighbors: According to that in the 7. chapt. of the Proverbs. Keep my law as the apple of thine cie, & bind the same up on thy fingers, and write the same in the table of thy heart: whereupon in the 119. psalm. The law of thy mouth is derer unto me thē thousands of gold and silver. Glose. Charite doth more love the law of God, thē the desire of gold & silver a thousand fold. He therefore that seeth the gospel of Christ trodden under the foot, which is the eternal glad tidings to be taken away by that cursed one, and doth neglect and contemn the same, or else peradventure consenteth unto the same, to the outward appearance of y ^e world: And yet because he will keep his temporal dignity and estimation, refuseth not to stir up strife and contention about y ^e same, and so to be evil spokē of: seemeth not to be an Apostle of Christ, but rather a false prophet, if he be a preacher.

The 26. sign is, that true Apostles seek not after such fine lodgings and wealthy habitations, where they may have all things at their commandments: but rather such honest resting places, where they may have necessary things for themselves, with their good wills of whom they have it. And they take nothing of such, whom they see to be so ready and liberal in giving: as that think the one doth him more pleasure in receiving the gift thē the other doth in giving him the same. According to that in the 10. chapter of Matthew, saying: Into what city or town so ever ye shall enter, inquire out those that be of good report in the same: & abide you with them, so long as you tarry in the same City or Town. Glose. Your host with whom ye lodge, ought to be chosen by the good report of neighbors, least your preaching be evil spokē of by reason of his infamy. Neither ought such men to run frō house to house. But whom shall we call worthy or of good report? Glose. Him, who knoweth better to do other men good, thē to receive a good turn of another: and this is he which giveth willingly for Christ's cause, and not in respect of any commodity. Also true Apostles receive nothing of such mē as lie waltering in their sins, but rather of those that are washed and cleansed from their sins whereupon the 2. to the Cor. the 7. chap. They have given themselves first to the Lord. Glose. Because they now amēding their old errors and vicious manners have vowed themselves unto y ^e lord, & afterward gave of that which they had to their brethren. For otherwise, they ought not to have taken anything of them, because gifts do blind the eyes. But those that give where there is no cause of reproof in their doing, have no just cause to give. Therefore those preachers that seek how to come by dainty fare, & do receive bribes & rewards of naughty men, that have this world at will: to the intent that those preachers may cover and hide their faults, and get of others what they can by subtlety, which give indeed rather to remove the shameless importunity of the crauer or else for avoiding of present shame, thē for any love they have to God: are not true Apostles, but false Prophets, according to that in the 2 • . to the Cor. the 9. chap. The Lord doth love a willing giver. Glose. He that giveth for present shame, or else for that he may be free from the importunacy of him that asketh, doth loose both his substance and merit: wherefore he that hath respect to these things, doth not seek the fruit and profit of the giver, but the gift it self as the Apostle to the Philip. the 4. chap. saith. Seek not the gift but the fruit or benefit of the giver.

The 27. sign is, that true Apostles do not endeuoure themselves to seek & enjoy the fruit of other men's labors that they may be fed thereby: because that the belly is such men's God, according to that in the 2. to the Thessa. the 3. cap. we have heard of some amongst you which walk vnordinately: not laboring at all, but living delicately or idly. Glose. of other men's labors, and deserve they to be fed▪ The discipline of the Lord cannot away with that doing: for the belly is their God, which provide to have more thē necessary dishes of meat. Therefore those preachers which so do, are no true Apostles but false.

The 28. sign is, that true Apostles do not rejoice only of the miracles, or other excellent works, which the Lord doth by them: but they rejoice rather of the saluatiō which they look for from the Lord, then that by doing those miracles, they desire any honor. According to that which is written in Luke x. saying: Rejoice ye not for that the spirits be subject unto you, but because your names are registered in heaven. They therefore that boast of their own miracles, or of any that belong unto them, for this cause that they are saved by the doing of them, as many do say, seme not to be true Apostles but false.

The 29. sign is, that the true Apostles do never seek their own glory in this life, but the glory of Christ, as in John. 7. He that speaketh of himself doth seek his own glory. But he that seeketh y ^e glory of him which sent him (that is of whom he is sent) is a true Apostle. Therefore those which seek the things that pertain to the glory of this world, of the which one is: To be assistent to those y ^t bear rule and authority, according to that saying of Boetius De consolatione. Those that do desire to be extolled, either they reign & bear rule themselves, or else do desire to be nere about thē, that have such dominiō. Another is, they desire to have the fame and victory, of that which they have nothing at all deserved before God. Whereupon is written that saying of the Apostle in the Gal. 5. Let not us become desirous of vain glory. Glose. To be desirous of vainglory is, to have victory without any merit or desert: & those I say that do such things seem not to be true Apostles but false.

The 30. sign is, That true Apostles care not for the solemnities of men, neither their salutatiōs, nor feastings, nor any other benefit of theirs. They therefore which love & seek the company and fellowship of men, their feastings, and other their commodities, do not seem to be true Apostles but false.

The 31. sign is, that true Apostles do not commonly resort to other men's tables, least y ^t they should for a meals meat become flatterers, as in the 2, Thessalon. 3. That we should give you an example to follow us. Glose. He that cometh oftentunes to another man's table, being givē to idleness, cannot choose but flatter him, which fedeth him: but Christ's religion calleth men to liberty, and to no such bondage. They therefore that resort oftentimes, & that of their own minds to other men's tables (living idly) are not true Apostles but false.

The 32. sign is, that true Apostles do not hate their enemies, and such as hate them: which doctrine the Lord taught Matthew. 5. saying. Love your enemies, do well to them which hate you. But false Prophets do both hurt & defame their neighbors, according as S. Jerome. 14. saith. The Prophets of Jerusalem have defiled the whole earth Glossa. They are not contented only to hurt their neighbors, but also whome they before this time have hated, they defame and speak evil of, in every place they come. Therefore those preachers which hate them whom they think are their enemies, and do defame them, are not true Apostles but false preachers.

The 33. sign is, that false Prophets when they are examined, & proved whether they be true Apostles or liars, take that very grievously. And persecute all those that can prove thē to be so. And also do stir up and provoke other to persecute the same men: which also join thenselves together by secular power even as certain false prophets did in the primitive Church, against the Bishop of Ephesus: to whom the Lord said in the Apoc. 2. I know, that is to say: I do alow thy works and thy labor: that is thy tribulation, because thou canst not away with those that be evil men. Glossa. But that thou hast a desire to amend thē, or else to expel them, and hast examined those, which say that they are Apostles, and are but liars: and also hast suffered this patiently. Glossa. The evils, which these false Prophets joined together by seculare power do bring in: Are not the doings of true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 34. sign is, that true Apostles go not to preach to those which are converted already by other men, but rather do convert those which are not yet converted: least that they should build upon another man's foundation, as S. Paul, Rom. 15, saith: I have labored so, that from Jerusalem to Iliricus, I have replenished the Gospel in every place. Glose. That is, I have preached the same aboūdantly, in whom the great virtue of the holy ghost appeareth: because so many nations, that is, the Gentiles have received the Gospel by my preaching. But I have preached the Gospel there, where Christ was not preached before, least I should build upon another man's foundatiō. Glose. I should not preach to those that were converted by another man. Also 2. Corinth. 10. we are not such as boast and glory in other men's labors. Glose. where another man laid the foundation: for that should be to boast inordinately. Also in the same place: not thinking to boast, where another man hath government, but in those things which are put in experience. Glose. Of other preachers. Because the Apostle did preach unto those to whō the Gospel was never preached, that he might get praise by his own proper labor. Therefore, those Preachers which go not to that people which have need to be converted, but to those which are converted already, which have apostles of their own: that is to say, Bishops, and Priests, and yet do boast over another man's flock: are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 35. sign is, because true Apostles when they are sent, go to their own diocese, & not to another mans diocese: even as Paul being sent, went to the Gentiles when he purposed to preach: Acts. 13. Seperate Paul and Barnabas, for the business which I have chosen them unto Glose. According to the appoyntmēt and decree of James, Cephas, and John, went he forth to be a teacher unto the Gentiles. But those preachers that stand upon their feet: That is to say, those Preachers which have but small worldly substance, for which cause they are more readier to go which way so ever it shall please the Lord to send them: I say, the Lord hath sent them to preach, not to those which be sufficiently learned, but to those that are infidels, as we read in Ezech. 2. After that, the spirit of the Lord set Ezekiel upon his feet, in qua spem situs vnus tangitur, and he said unto him: O son of man behold I send thee to the nations which have • art • acke from their profession: which have gone from me, that is to the Jewish heretics, and to those nations which sometime have been Christians: as the Egyptians, the Babylonians, and all those that observe the law of Mahomet. Therefore, if such go to those that are already instructed, & having both Apostles, bishops, and priests of their own: they go not into their own diocese, but into another man's diocese: and are not true Apostles, but false preachers. And it is greatly to be feared, least the Church be in hazard and danger by such, unless they be thrust o • t of the same betime: Evē as Jonah which whē he was sent to • i • iuy of the Lord, which is interpreted large or wide, and leadeth to the hill: that is to the Infidels we speak of before. They go not to those Infidelles according to the commandment of the Lord, but they turn another way, take their journey into • harsis, which is interpreted, • o • king after joy and pleasure: That is, they go unto thos • which receive thē with joy and gladness, & do well provide for them, that is to say▪ to godly and devout Christians▪ And therefore it is to be feared least the ship in which they be (that is the Church) be in great peril, unless they be thrown forth. And therefore the Apostle spake of such false Prophets, not without good cause. 2. Timo. 2. And shonne thou those. Glose. That is such men as those be.

The 36. sign is, because true Apostles do not boast, neither do they attribute unto thenselves any other thing, but in that God hath wrought the same by them. Paul, Romaines 15. saith: I dare not say anything, but that which Christ hath wrought and accomplished by me. Glo. That is, I speak only those things (which by me) that is by my ministry, Christ hath wrought. They therefore that boast of many things, & do attribute much unto thenselves, which they never did, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 37. sign is, that true Apostles do not apply them selves, or lean to Logical or Philosophical reasons. Therefore those preachers which do endeavor themselves to such kind of reasons, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 38. sign is, that true Apostles do not love carnally or after the flesh, but hate what thing soever doth resist them in the service of God, as Luke. 14. He that doth not hate his father and mother, his son and sister, and also himself, he cannot be my disciple. Glose. That is, he that doth not hate whatsoever doth resist or let him in the service of God, is not worthy to be a Disciple, neither can he abide in that office. Therefore for as much as true preachers are the true Disciples of the Lord, it must needs follow: that those Preachers which do promote their nephews and kinsfolks (how unworthy soever they be) to Ecclesiastical promotions and livings, contrary to the will of God: or do any other thing that letteth or hindereth them in the service of God, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 39. sign is, that true Apostles do not hunt for the friendship of this world: for he that is the friend of this world, is the enemy of God. Therefore those preachers which purchase the friendship of this world are not true apostles but false prophets, Therefore, for as much as the Scripture is infallible, as in the 24. chapter of Matthew, saying: Heaven and earth shall perish, but my words shall endure forever. And the holy ghost which spake in the Apostle cannot lie: for prophecy (for the most part) is not spoken by the will of man, but the holy men of God spake by the inspiration of the holy Ghost, as it is red in the first epistle of Peter the 5. chapter: It remaineth that all men which are bound to defend the Church, may rise up in the defense of the same, according to that in the 24. chapter of the Proverbs. Deliver those that are led to death and cease thou not to rescue those which are drawn to destruction. Neither may he allege vain accusations, because it is said in the same place: If he say he is not able, or strong enough, he that beholdeth the thoughts of men's hearts, shall know it. &c. what so ever perisheth in the Church of God for want of preachers: all that shall be demanded of them at the day of judgment: As Jacob confesseth to La • an, whose sheep he fed. Genesis. 31, I did restore all thy loss, and that which was stolen I made answer for. I will demand his blood at thy hands. Ezekiel. 3. This is said, to the Pastor or Prelate. But if the other things which we have spoken of before could not move the Prelates, and Cardinals: this at the least should move them: Because that then, the spiritual power which doth consist for the most part in y ^e exercise of preaching, in hearing confessions, & enjoining of penance: shall be taken away frō them by little & little. For by piece mele doth the wolf d • nour the poor & needy man. 3. q. cap 1. when the authority Ecclesiastical therefore shall be quite taken from them, and disposed to other, such as either by their order, or Apostolical grant, do challenge to have the same: Then doubtless, shall neither the iurisdictiō of civil causes and pleadings, nor any authority that such Prelates have yet remaining, neither yet the possessions of the temporal goods of the Church, any longer remain amongst them. Shall such have the temporal goods of the church which minister not the spiritual treasure thereof? 1. Cor. 9. Know ye not that they which kill the sacrifice ought to eat of the sacrifice, & they that serve at the alter are partakers of y ^e alter? For as the body without the soul cannot stand, so corporal things without spiritual things cannot continue. 1. q. 1. if any shall take away the same. Thus have you had the 39 arguments, for the which both he was condemned, and his books burned.

In the days of this Guilielmus, there was a most detestable and blasphemous book set forth by the Friers, (mentioned also in Math. Parisiens. ) which they called Euangelium aeternum, or Euangelium spiritus sancti : That is, the everlasting Gospel, or the Gospel of the holy Ghost. In which book, many abhominable errors of the Friers were contained, so that the Gospel of Jesus Christ was utterly defaced: which this book said, was not to be compared with this everlasting Gospel, no more then the shell is to be compared with y ^e carnell: then darkness to light. &c. More over that the Gospel of Christ shall be preached no longer but fifty years, and then this everlasting Gospel should rule the Church. &c. Item, y ^• whatsoever was in the whole Bible, was in the said Gospel contained. At length this Friers Gospel was accused to the Pope, and so 6. persons chosen of the whole vniuersitye to peruse and judge of the book: as Christianus Canonicus, Baluacensis: Odo de Doaco: Nicholaus de Baro: Johannes de Sicca Vella Anglus. Johannes Belim, Gallus : Among whom, this Guilielmus was one, who mightily impugned this pestiferous and devilish book. These 6. after the perusing of the book were sent up to Rome. The Friers likewise sent their messengers withal: where they were refuted, and y ^• errors of the book condemned: but so, that the Pope with the Cardinals commanded the said book to be abolished and condemned not publicly (tendering the estimation of the religious orders, as of his own most chief champions) but that they should be burned in secret wise: and the books of the foresaid • uilielmus to be burnt with all.

Besides other his books, 2. Sermons we have of his yet remaining, one upon the Gospel of S. Luke, of the Pharisy and the Publican: the other upon the Epistle, red in the Church on May day. where in the first he resembleth the Pharisees to our Monks, and that he proveth by all the properties of the Pharisees described in the Gospel. The Publican he resembleth to the Laity, such as for because the sooner they are reduced to acknowledge their sins, the more hope they have of mercy. The other, because they stand confident in their own righteousness, are therefore farther from their instification. In the latter sermō he setteth forth and declareth what perils and daūders be like to fall upon the Church by these religious orders of Monks and Friers.

Among the other besides of that age which withstood the bishops of Rome & his Antechristian errors, was one Laurēce an Englishman, and master of Paris. An other was Petrus Johannes a Minorite. Of whom the foresaid Laurence was about the year of our Lord. 1260. who in his teaching, preaching & writing, did stoutly defend y ^• part of the forsayd Guilielmus & the rest of his side against the Friers. Against the which Friers he wrote 2. books: One in y ^e defense of William afore mentioned: the other vpō this argument and title: To beware of false prophets. &c. Certayn other things also he wrote, wherein by diverse proofs and testimonies he argued & proved, that Antichrist was not far of to come.

The other, Petrus Johannes was about the year of our Lord. 1290. which taught and maintained many things against the Pope: proving that he was Antichrist, and that the synagogue of Rome was great Babylon. He wrote upon Matthew, upon the Epistles, and upon the Apocalypse. Mention of this Petrus Johannes is made in Nicholaus Emericus in Lib. Inquisitionum. &c. And saith moreover, that Mi • hael Cesenas (of whō Christ willing shall follow hereafter) took of him a great part of his opinions. And because the pope could not burn him alive, after his death he caused his bones to be taken up and burned.

To these and with these above specified, is to be added Robertus Gallus, who being borne of a right noble parentage for devotion sake, was made a Dominic Frier, about the same year of our Lord above touched, an. 1290▪ This man, as appeareth by his writing, had diverse and sundry visions: whereof part is annexed with the visions and prophecy of Hildegardis. His visions all tend against the spiritualty of Rome. where in the fifth chapter, he calleth plainly the Pope an Idol: which having eyes seeth not, neither lusteth to see the abominations of his people, nor the excessive enormity of there voluptuousness. But only to see to the heaping up of his own treasure: & having a mouth, speaketh not, but saith: I hane set good men over them, (which is sufficient for me) to do them good either by myself or by some other. And followeth in the same chapter, woe to that Idol: woe to the mighty and proud, who shall be equal in all the earth to that Idol? He that exalted up his name in earth, saying: who shall bring me under? Is not my house compared with the mighty Potentates of the land? I am higher then Dukes: Knightes on their horseback do service unto me. That which my Fathers had not before me, y ^• have I done to me. My house is strowed with silver: gold and pearl are the pavement of my palace. &c.

Again in the 12. chapter and also in the first, under the name of a Serpēt he paynteth out the Pope: whom he declareth to extol himself above measure, and to oppress y ^• , few that be godly, and to have many fall • e prophets about him, which neglecting the word and the name of Christ, do preach & extol him only, obscuring the name of Christ. The church of Rome and the Pope he describeth in these words: I was praying (said he) on my knees, looking upward to heaven, nere to the altar of S. James in Paris, on the right side of the alter: & saw in the air before me the body of a certain high bishop all clothed in white silk, who turning his back on the East, lift up his hand toward the west, as the Priests are wont in their Mass turning to the people, but his head was not seen. And as I was considering advisedly whether he had any head or no: I perceived a certain head in him all dry, lean & withered, as though it had been a head of wood. And the spirit of the Lord said to me: This signifieth the state of the Church of Rome.

Moreover, the same author in his visions well describing the manner of the school sophisters, and Sorbonists, addeth in this wise. An other day as I was in like contēplation as before, I beheld in spirit: and behold I saw a man appareled like to the other before: which went about, having fine bread, and excellent wine, that hanged about him on both sides. And the same having in his hand a long and an hard flint stone, was gnawing hungerly upon the same, as one being hungry is wont to bite upon a loaf of bread. Out of the which stone came two heads of two serpentes, the spirit of the Lord instructing me, and saying: This stone purporteth the friuilous, intricate, & curious questions, wherein the hungry do travail and labor, leaving the substauntiall food of their souls. And I asked, what these two heads did mean. And he said, The name of the one is vain glory, the name of the other is the marring and dissipation of religion.

Also, concerning reformation of the church, this vision he declareth▪ It happened as I was (saith he) in the same City in the house of a certain noble man (a Britain) and was there speaking with certain: I saw a cross of silver very bright, much like to the Cross of the Earl of Toulouse. But the 12. apples which did hang beside in the arms of the cross, were very vile, like the apples which the sea is wont to cast up. And I said: what is this Lord Jesus? and the spirit answered me: This cross which thou seest is the church, which shall be clear and bright in pureness of life, and shall be heard and known all over through the shrill voice of the preaching of sincere verity. Then being troubled with the apples, I asked, what these apples so vile did signify? and he said: it is the humiliation of the Church. &c.

This godly man did forewarn (as in a certain chro • ticle is declared) how God would punish the simony and avarice of the clergy with such a plague, that rivers should run with blood. &c. It is said, that there is remaining a great volume of his visions, which are not yet abroad: for these that be abroad, are but a brief extract out of his visions and revelations.

After y ^• we have thus long straid in these foreign stories of Frederick, and in the tractation of other matters pertaining to other countries: Now after this sufficient disgression, it is time that we return to our own country again. where, in following y ^e continuatiō of time, & course of the Church: we will now adjoin to these good fathers and writers, the history of the learned Bishop of Lincoln named Robert Grosted, a man famously learned (as that time served) in the three tongues, both Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, also in all liberal sciences. whose works & Sermons, yet this day are extant, which I have seen in the Queens Majesty’s Library at Westminster. wherein is one special Sermon writ̄ and exhibited in four sundry skrolles to the pope, and to other four Cardinals, beginning Dominus noster Jesus Christus. &c. Nicolas Triuet in his chronicle writing of this bishop, affirmeth that he was borne in Suffolk, in the Dioces of Norfolk: who giving him the praise to be a man of excellent wisdom, of profound doctrine, & an example of all virtue: witnesseth, that he being master of Art, wrote first a Commentary in librum posteriorum of Aristotle. Also that he wrote Tractations de sphera, & de art comput. And that he set forth diverse books concerning Philosophy. Afterward being Doctor in Divinity, and expertly seen in all the 3. tongues, drew out sundry Treatises out of the Hebrew glosses: also translated diverse works out of the Greek, as namely the Testaments of the xii. Patriarchs, & the books of Dionisius, commenting upon the new translation with his own gloss. Haec ill. Many other works and volumes besides were written by the said Grosted, as De oculo morali, de Dotibus, De cessatione legalium, paruus Cato, Annotationes in Suidam, in Boetium, De potestate pastorali, expositions in Genes. in Lucam, with a number mo • , besides diverse Epistles, Sermons, and Inuections sent to the Pope, for his immeasurable exactions, wherewith he overcharged & oppressed the Church of England.

This godly and learned Bishop after diverse conflicts and agonies sustained against the Bishop of Rome: after the example of Frederick: of Guiliel. de sancto amore, of Nico. Gallus and other after minded: at length after great labors and trauells of life, finished his course, & departed at Buckdone in the month of Octob. an. 1253. Of his decease thus writeth Mat. Parisiens. pag. 278. Out of the prison and banishment of this world (which he never loved) was takē y ^e holy bishop of Lincoln Robert, at his manor of Buck • one in the even of S. Dionise: who was an open reprover of the Pope and of the King: a rebuker of the prelates, a corrector of the Monks, director of the Priests, instructor of the clerks, fau • or of scholars, a preacher to the people, persecutor to the incontinent, a diligent searcher of the Scriptures. A malle to the Romaines, and a contemner of their doings. &c. Haec Mat. what a malle he was to the Romaines, in the sequel hereof (Christ willing) shall better appear. The story is this.

It so befell, among other daily and intolerable exactions wherein Pope Innocēt was grievous and injurious (manifold ways) to the Realm of England: he had a certain cosin or nephew (so Popes were wont to call their sons) named Frederick, being yet young & under years: whom the said Innocent the Pope would needs prefer to be a Canon or Prebendary in the church of Lincoln, in this time of Robert Bishop of the said Church. And vpō the same directed down letters to certain his factors here in England for the execution thereof. The copy of which letter, by chance, yet not by chance, but by the oportune sending of God, came to my hands, as I was pēning this present story, written in the ende of an old parchment book and otherwise rare I suppose to be found. As is this.

Which letter to be englished is this.

As the • e is no mā which hath any eyes to see, but may • asely understand in reading this letter of the Pope, how unreasonable his request is how impudently he commaūdeath, how proudly he threateneth, how wickedly he oppresseth and racketh the Church of God, in placing boys and strangers in the ministry & cure of souls, & also in making them his prouisors, to rauen up the Church goods: So is it no great marvel, if this godly Bishoppe Robert Grosted was offended therewith. who in my mind, deserveth herein a double commendation, not only that he so wisely did discern error from sincerity and truth: but also that he was so hardy and constant to stand to the defense thereof against the Pope, according as in this his answer to the Pope again may appear, as followeth.

Then followeth it in the story both of Mathaeus Parisiēsis and of Florilegus, in these words: That when this Epistle came to the knowledge of the Pope, he fuming & fret • ing, with anger and indignation answered, with a fierce look and proud mind saying: what old doting frantic wretch is this so boldly, & rashly to judge of my doings? By sweet S. Peter and Paul, were it not but that upon our own clemency and good nature we are restrained, we would hurl him down to such confusion, that we would make him a fable, a gasing stock, an example and wonderment to all the world. For is not the king of England our vassal? and to say more, our mansiple or page (to use the very words of mine author) which may at our pleasure & beck both hamper him, and imprison him and put him to utter shame? This when the Pope in his great fury and rage had uttered amongst his b •• thren the Cardinals, who were scarce able to appease the furious violence of y ^e pope, with mild moderatiō of words, they said unto him: that it was not expedient for thē to proceed against that bishop in such rig • rous m • ner, For said they to confess the truth to your holiness, it is but very truth that he affirmeth, neither can we condemn him therefore. He is a catholic man yea also a holy man: more holy & also religious thē we our selves: a man of excellent wit and excellent life, so as it is thought among all the Prelates he hath not his better nor yet his like. This is not yet unknown both to the french & English clergy universally, neither can our cōtradictiō prevail against him: The truth of this his epistle perhaps is known now to many & shall stir up many against us: for he hath the name to be a great Philosopher and singularly seen in all the tongues both Greek, Latin & Hebrew: zealous in justice, a reader of divinity in the schools, • preacher amongst the people, a lover of Chastity, & a persecutor of Simony. These words spake L. • iles, a Spanish Cardinal to the Pope and other mo moved by their conscience to speak. And this counsel they gave to the Pope, that he should dissemble and wink at these things as one not seeing or regarding them: least otherwise perhaps, some tumult might rise and spring thereof: Especially seeing this is manifest and known to all men, that once must needs come a defection and parting from the Church of Rome.

Not long after this (about the canicular days) this reverend & godly Robert bishop of Lincoln lying at his manor place in Bugden fell grievously sick: and thereupon within few days departed. In the time of his sickness he called to him a certain Frier, of the preaching order named M. John Giles, a man expert & cunning both in physic & Divinity: partly to receive of him some comfort of his body, and partly to confer with him in spiritual matters. Thus vpō a certain day, the said. B. cōferring w ^t the foresaid M. John, & riciting to him the doings & proceedings of the Pope: did grievously rebuke & reprehend his fellow brethren the preaching Friers, and the other order also of the Minorites. That for so much as their order being planted in willful poverty of the spirit, to the intent they should more freely carpe and reprove the vices of the mighty, & not to flatter or spare them, but sharply to rebuke & reprehend the same: The said Friers contrary to their profession did not boldly enough cry out and inuey against the abuses of their superiors and men of power, nor did uncover nor detect their faults and wickedness. And therefore said the Bishop, I judge them to be no better thē manifest heretics: And addeth moreover (demanding of M. John) what is heresy? and that he should give him the true difinition thereof. whereat, when the Frier did stay and pause, not remembering the solemn difinition of that matter: the Bishop thereupon inferreth, giving this difinition in Latin, by the true interpretation of the Greek word: Heresis Greece, electio Latin, est sententia humano sensu electa, Scripturae sacrae contraria, palam docta, pertinaciter defensa. That is. • eresy is a sentence taken and chosen of man's own brain, contrary to holy Scripture, openly maintained, and stiffly defended. And this difinitiō given consequently he inferred sharply reprehending the Prelates of the church, but especially the Romaines: which commit the charge of souls unto their kinsfolks being both in age unworthy, and in learning insufficient. To give saith he, the charge of souls to a boy is a sentence of a prelate chosen and taken of man's own head, only for carnal and earthly respect: & also is contrary to holy scripture the which forbiddeth any such to be made ministers or pastors, which are not sufficient to drive away the wolves. And moreover it is also openly maintained, because it is manifestly borne abroad and commanded, with chartes imbulled both with wax & lead. And finally, it is stiffly defended: for if any man shall dare to presume to withstand the same, he is suspensed and excommunicated and open war cried out against him: Therefore to whom the whole definitiō of an heretic doth agree, he is a very heretic. But every faithful Christian man ought to set himself against an heretic as much as he may: wherefore he that can resist him and doth not, he sinneth and seemeth to be a fautor thereof according to the saying of Gregory. He lacketh not conscience of secret societye which ceaseth to resist open impietye. But the Friers both Franciscans and Dominicks, are most chiefly bound to withstand such, seeing both of them have the gift of preaching committed to them by their office, and be more apt to the said office, by reason of their poverty: And therefore, do not only offend in not resisting such, but also are to be roūted mayntayners of the same, according to the sentence of the Apostle to the Romans saying: Not only they which commit such things, but also they that consent are worthy of death. wherefore it may be concluded, that as well the Pope (unless he cease frō that vice) as also the same Friers, unless they show themselves more earnest and studious in repelling the same, are both worthy of death, that is, perpetual damnation. Item saith the Canon decretal, that upon this vice of heresy the Pope both may & ought to be accused.

After this, the vehemency of his disease more & more increasing and because the nights were something longer: the third night before his departure, the bishop feeling his infirmity to grow upon him willed certain of his clergy to be called unto him, thereby to be refreshed with some conference or communicatiō: unto whom the bishop mourning and lamenting in his mind for the loss of souls through the avarice of the Popes court said on this wise, as by certain Aphorisms.

1. Christ came into the world to save and win souls: Ergo, he that feareth not to destroy souls, may he not worthily be counted Antichrist?

2. The Lord created the whole world in six days, but in restoring of man he labored more then 30. years. wherefor he that is a destroier of that, about which the Lord so long labored, is not he worthy to be counted the enemy of God, and Antichrist?

3. The Pope shameth not impudently to adnihilate and disannul the privileges of his holy predecessors of Romain Bishops, by this obstacle ( Non obstante ) which is not done without the prejudice and manifest injury of them, For in so doing, he doth reprove and destroy that which so many and so holy men have built up before, and thus seemeth he to be a contenmer of the Saints: worthily therefore he that contemneth shall be contemned, according to the saying of Isaiah: woe to thee that doest despise, for shalt not y ^u thyself be despised? And who shall keep his privileges which so breaketh the privileges of others.

4. The Pope answering hereunto thus defēdeath perhaps his error. He that is equal, hath no superiority over his equal. Therefore, no Pope hath power to bind me being pope as well as he. To this I answer again (quoth the Bishop) It seemeth to me, that he that now presently is sailing in the dangerous seas of this world: and he that is safely ariued in the haven, having past all ieopardyes, are not both like and equal. Graūt that some Popes be saved (God forbid any should say contrary.) Then saith our savior: He that is least in the kingdom of heavē, is greater then John the Baptist, a greater thē whom did never rise amongst the children of men. Is not therefore some Pope greater being a giver and cōfirmer of privileges then this that is alive? Truly me thinks he is greater. Therefore he hath dominion over his inferior.

5. Doth not the Pope thus say, speaking of all his predecessors for the most part: This our predecessor, and this our predecessor of most worthy memory. &c. And again, we (saith he) cleaving to, or following the steppes of our predecessors. &c. And why then do such Popes as • me after, destroy these foundations which their predecessors have laid?

6. Many Apostolic men coming after, have confirmed some privilege being granted by other before: And be not many Bishops being already saved by the grace of God, to be counted greater and better then one Bishop which hath not yet attained, but standeth in danger to obtain that which the other have got already?

7. Also our former fathers bishops of y ^• Apostolical sea, in preferment of time go before the other, which in time come after. And those whom the estimatiō of ancient time doth advance, such are we bound to esteem and to have in more reverence. This did the holy man Benedict well consider who in his rule preferreth such as came first in time, what so ever men they were, before them, which (albeit being more ancient in years) come after them into the order: & commandeth them to be their superiors, and to have the preeminence. which being so (as it is) true and certain: how cometh then this injurious and rash presumption, which dare repeal and disannul, the old privileges of many ancient holy Bishops, in time and in reverence going before them.

8. Moreover, and though many Popes have been grievous to the Church, yet this Pope most specially hath brought it most into servitude & manifold ways hath dānified the same. For these Caursini, these open userers, whō our holy forefathers and doctors (whom we have seen) and namely our learned master in France preacher: also the Abbot of Flay a Cistercian: master Jacobus de veteri, and master Steph. Archbishop of Cant. in the time of his banishment: And also master Rob. Curcun, with his preaching, banished out of France (for before that time these kind of • surers were never known in England) the same Caursini, these wicked userers (I say) were by this Pope induced, supported and maintained: so that if any do speak against them, he is miserably tossed and tro •• sed for his labor, whereof partly Roger bishop of London hath some experience.

9. The world doth know, that usury is counted a detestable thing in both the Testamēts, and is forbidden of God. But now the Popes usurers or Exchaungers (the very Jews crying out against them) being openly suffered in London to exercise their usury, to the great damage & detrimēt of all ecclesiastical persons (but especially houses of religion) compelling such as be in poverty, to counterfeit, and to put to their scales unto forged writings: which is no less then to commit Idolatry, and to abrenoūce the veritye which is God himself. As for example, I borrow 100. Markes for a year, instead of 100. Poundes. I am compelled to make my writing, and to seal the same, confessing that I have received in borrow an 100. pounds to be repaied again at the years end to such a man. &c. And if it shall chance that your occupying be such, that within a month you bring again the principal to the Popes usurer, he will receive no less notwithstanding, then his full 100. pounds: which condition of usury is much worse then that of the Jews. For to the Jew what principal you bring, he will require no more then proportionally, for the commensuration of so much time, wherein his money hath been out of his hands.

10. Moreover, we have seen & known the Pope to have given in charge and commandment to the Friers preachers, and minorites: to inquire diligently for such as lie sick and like to die, and so coming to them diligently to persuade them, to make their wills and Testaments fa • orably to the profit and subsidy of the holy lande, and to take the cross upon them, that if they do amend, they may wring them in the law. And if they die, they may wrast the money from their executors.

11. We have known likewise and seen men that have taken the vow and sign of the cross upon them, to be sold to lay men, as sheep and oxen were wont in time past, to be sold in the temple.

We have seen w ^t our eyes, the Popes letter, in which we have found this to be written: that they which bequeath anything to the behoove or subsidy of the holy land, shall receive so much indulgence, as they have disbursed money.

12. Ouer and beside all this, the Pope in diverse and sundry his letters, hath willed and commanded Prelates to receive into Ecclesiastical benefices, and to provide some such living in their Churches, as shall be sufficient to such and such a stranger, (being both absent, and also unworthy) which have neither learning, nor yet the language of the country: whereby they are neither able to preach, nor to hear confessions, nor to keep residence for to refresh the poor and waifarers.

13. Item, we know and have seen our selves, that the Pope hath written to the Abbot of S. Albane, to provide for one called John de Camezana, whom he never saw, in some competent benefice. whereupon in few days after, when provision was made for him in a certain Church, worth 40. marks by the year and more: the party being not therewith contented, complained to the Pope. who then writing to the foresaid Abbot, commanded him to provide for the foresaid M. John in some better thing, reserving notwithstanding the gift of the former benefice, to himself.

14. Again, not long after came also to the house of y ^e foresaid Abbot two other persons like begging vagabondes, bringing with them the Popes letters: in the tenor whereof the Abbot was commanded, that incontinent upon the sight thereof, he should give & disburse to the said persons for the expedition and dispatch of his affairs 10. marks in hand, without any delay or sticking: The which persons uttering to the Abbot proud and threatening words, he was fain to agree with them and send them away.

15. Item, of men which are both holy and well learned, which have left the world for the following of God in such order, as they ought not to turn back again, the Pope of them maketh his Tolners and bankers to get in his money: The which charge they are compelled against their willes to take upon them, least they should seme to be disobedient: and so of spiritual men, are made more secular then the most secular. And so, y ^e baseness of their chimmers and scapillers which they wear, doth prove them to be liars: whilst under the habit of poverty and humiliation, lurketh the spirit of pride and elation. And because no Legate may be sent into England, but being first required of the king: the Pope sendeth sophistical Legates and such as be disguised in counterfeit apparel, and are guarded with great might and power: neither is it hard to bring forth examples thereof. For so many such daily do come into the realm, that to hear the names of them recited, it would be tedious for any man to hear.

16. Furthermore (as we have seen our selves) the Pope granteth for secular favor, that a man may have a Bishopric, and yet be no Bishop consecrated, Sed electus sempiternus, that is, elect forever. which is as much to signify, to have the milk and the wolle of the sheep, and not to keep the wolves away from the sheep: To retain the rents of a Bishop, and not discharge the function of a Bishop.

And when this godly Bishop had thus reproved these and such other detestable enormities of the court of Rome: as all kinds of avarice, their usury, their simony, their extortion, all kinds of filthiness, fleshly lust, glottonie, and their sumptuous apparel reigning in that Court: then saith he, this old verse may be truly verified upon it.

Afterwarde he went about more to prosecute, how • he foresaid court like a gulf never satisfied, ever gaping (so wide, that the flood of Jordan might run into his mouth) aspired howe to usurp the goods of them that die vntested, and of Legacies bequeathed without form of law, and whereby more licentiously to bring this to pass, they used to join the king to be fell • ow and partaker with them in their spoils, extortions, and robbings. Neither saith he, shall the Church be delivered from the servitude of Egypt but by violence and force, and with the bloody sword. And albeit saith he, these be yet but sight matters, yet shortly more great and grievous things then these shall be seen.

And in the end of this his propheciyng which he scarcely could utter, with sighing, sobbing and weeping, his tongue and breath began to rai • e, and so the organe of his voice being stopped, made an ende both of his speech and life. Ex Math. Paris.

And for as much as mention hath been made before, of the insatiable a • arice of the Popes court by his inordinate provisions and reservations, it is testified by the said author Math. Paris that the foresaid Robert Grosted being bishop of Lincoln, caused to be vewed and considered diligently of his clearks, what the revenues of foreigners and strangers within England set in by the Pope, came to by the year: and it was found and evidently tried, that this Pope now present, to wit, Innocentius 4. did empouerish the universal Church throughout Christendom, more then all his predecessors from the time the Pope first began: So that the revenues of foreigners and clearkes placed by him here in England, mounted to the sum of 70000. marks and above, whereas the mere revenues of the crown came not to 30000.

Of this Robert Grosted writeth Cestrensis in his 7. book of his history: that partly for that it grieved him to see y ^e intolerable exactions of the Pope in this realm, and partly because he refused to admit a certain young nephew of the Pope to be canon of his Church (as hath been before recited). He therefore writing to the Pope, and signifying that he could not admit any such persons into his Church, which neither knew themselves, nor the tongue of the people, nor the charges committed unto them: was called up to Rome, and there excommunicated, who then appealing from y ^e Pope, shortly after departed, which was An. 1253. It chanced within 2. years after his decease, the said Pope Innocent being a sleep: a certain Bishop appareled bishop like, appeared unto him, and striking him with his staff on his left side, said: Surge miser veni in iudicium. That is. Rise wretch and come to thy judgment. The next day after, the Pope was found amazed as a man stricken on the side with the stroke of a staff. This Robert though he was greatly commended for his sanctimony, & as Cestrensis saith, for his miracles: yet was he not permitted in the court of Rome to be ascribed in the Cataloge of Saints. And thus much out of Cestrensis concerning this matter. But Math. Paris. and the author of Flores historiarum prosecuting this story more at large, addeth this more unto it & saith. That Pope Innocent the next year following, which was An. 1254. being passing angry: contrary to the mind of his brethren the Cardinals, would have the bones of the foresaid bishop of Lincoln cast out of the Church, and purposed to bring him into such spite and hatred of the people, that he should be counted an Ethnic, a rebel, and disobedient person through the whole world. And thereupon caused his letters to be written and sent down to the king of England, knowing that the king would gladly serve him therein to have the spoil of the bishop and of his church. But the night following, the said B. of Linc. appeared unto him as coming in his pontificalibus, and w ^t a severe countenance and stern loke, and terrible voice speaketh unto him being in his rest, & smiting him on the side with a vehement stroke with the ende of his crossestaffe thus said, O thou scourfie, lazy, old, bald, lousie, wretched, doting Pope. Hast thou purposed to cast out my bones out of the Church to the shame and slander of me? Now cometh this rash willfulness in thy head? It were more meet for thee being this advanced by God & honored, to make much of the zealous servants of God, although departed. The lord will not suffer thee henceforth to have anymore power over me. I have writ̄ unto thee in the spirit of humility and love, that thou shouldest correct thy manifold errors. But thou with a proud eye and disdainful heart hast despised my wholesome admonitions. Woe to thee that despisest, shalt not thou also be despised? And so the Bishop departing from the Pope, stricken as is said on the side, le • t him for half dead, and so lying in sorrow & lamentation. Wherupon his chamberlains being amazed hearing these things, came running to the pope to know what him ailed. To whom the Pope much troubled and bexed in his spirit, said: that great terrors in his sleep, vehemently disturbed and molested him in such sort, that he thought he should never recover it, nor be restored to himself again. Oh (saith he) howe sore is my side, and howe eagerly it vexeth me, as being run through with a spear. Neither did the Pope eat or drink all that day, but feigning himself to be sick of a burning ague, kept in. And yet the indignation of the ireful hand of God (saith the story) so left him not.

For after these wholesome admonitions given to him by the servant of God: the Pope not regarding them, but all set upon war, suppression of his enemies, and secular affairs, gave his mind wholly unto them. And yet all his labors, counsels, & expenses bestowed upon them, could never prosper after that day, in that he went about. For the Pope the same time having war with the Apulians, all his army fighting under y ^e Popes nephew their captain, were slain & confounded the number of many thousands. whose lamentable slaughter all y ^e country of the Romans did much bewail. The Pope not yet quiet in his mind, directeth his journey toward Naples, although sore vexed in his side like a man sick of a pleurisy, or s • itten rather w ^t a spear. Neither could any physic of his Cardinals help him. For Robert of Lincoln (saith the story) did not spare him. And he that would not hear him gently correcting him, being alive, his stripes did he feel whē he was dead. So that he never after that enjoyed any lucky or prosperous day, till time of his death: nor yet any prosperous or quiet night until the morning. And so continued he unto his death, which shortly after ensued, he being at Naples. An. 1255. or as N. Triuet recordeth. An. 1254. And thus have ye the whole discourse between Robert Grosted & Pope Innocent.

In the which story is to be noted (gentle reader) that although in the story of Cestrensis, of Matthew Paris and of Flor. hist. it is expressly testified and reported, that the Pope was smitten with the staff of Robert the foresaid Bishop of Lincoln: yet thou must wisely understand, that how so ever God's hand dealeth here in this world in punishing his enemies, or how so ever the Image of things not seen but phantasied, offer themselves to the secrete cogitation of man (his senses being a sleep) by the operation or permission of God, working after some spiritual influence in our imaginations: certain it is, that no dead man materially can ever rise again or appear, before the judgment day, to any man with his staff or without his staff, to work any seat, after he have once departed this life.

After the death of this Robert Grosted bishop of Lincoln, great dissention fell between the Archb. of Cant. Boniface, and the canons of the said church of Lincoln, about the right of giving prebendships, and about the revenues of the said church, in time of the bishops see being now vacant. Which right & power the Archbishop claimed to him self, but the canons of that Church (maintaining the contrary side) stood against him, and for the same were excommunicated of the Archbishop. Amōg whom, one M. Wolf resisting the Archb. to the face, in the name of all the other canons, made up his appeal to Rome, where much money on both sides was spent. At length, after this Grosted, was elected Henry Lexinton in the see of Lincoln.

About which time, the wicked Jews at Lincoln had cruelly crucified, whipped, & tormented a certain child named Hugo of 9. years of age. An. 1255. in the month of August. Ex Gualt. Gisburn. At length the child being sought & found by y ^e mother, being cast in a pit. 32. of those abhominable Jews were put to executiō. whereof Matthew Paris. reciteth a long story. The same or like fact was also intended by y ^e like Jews at Norwich 20. years before upon a certain child, whom they had first circumcised, & detained a whole yere in custody, intending to crucify him, for the which the Jews were sent up to the tower of London, of whom 18. were hanged, & the rest remained long in prison. Ex Cestrens. lib. 7. Of this wicked Jewish people I find also in the boke of Flor. hist. that about this yere of our Lord 1255. they began first to be expelled out of France, by the commandment of the French king, being then in Palestine, warring against the Turks: By the occasion that it was objected then by the Turk against him and other Christian princes, for the retaining the Jews amongst thē which did crucify our savior, and warring against them which did not crucifye him. Ex Flor. Hist Of these Jews moreover king Henry the same yere 1255. exacted to be given unto him 8000. marks in pain of hanging. Who being much agreued therewith, & complaing that the king went about their destruction, desired leave to be given thē of the king, that they might depart the realm, never to return again. But the king committed the doing of that matter unto Earl Richard his brother, to enforce them to pay y ^e money whether they would or no. Moreover of the same Jews mention is made in the story entitled Eulogiū. Of the Jews in Northhampton, who had among thenselves prepared wild fire, to burn the city of Londō. For the which diverse of thē were takē, & burned in the time of Lent, in the said city of Northhamptō, which was 2. years before, about the yere of our Lord. 1253. Ex Eulogio. And for so much as mention here is made of the Jews, I cannot omit what some English stories write of a certain Jew: who not long after this time about the year of our Lord. 1257. fell into a privy at • uekesbury upon a Sabbath day which for the great reverence he had to his holy Sabbath, would not suffer himself to be plucked out. And so Lord Richard Earl of Gloucester, hearing thereof, would not suffer him to be drawn out on Sunday for reverence of the holy day. And thus the wretched superstitious Jew remaining there till Monday, was found dead in the dong.

And to note the blind superstitiō of that time, not only among the Jews, but also among the Christians, to omit diverse other stories as of Walter Gray, Archbish. of York, who coming up to the Parliament at Londō. an. 1255. w ^t inordinate fasting, did so overcharge nature, & pyned himself, & (as the story mentioneth) did so dry up his brain: that he losing thereby all appetite of stomach, going to Fulham, there within 3. days died, as in the compiler of Flor. Hist. is both storyed and reprehended. Let this also be adjoined, which the forenamed author, and in the same yere is recorded of one named Peter Chaceporce, who diyng in France, an. 1255. left in bequest of his testament 600. marks for lands to be purchased to the house of Mertō for God to be served there perpetually pro anima eius, & omnium fideliū i for his souls health, and all faithful souls. As who would say, Christian faith were not the ordinary means sufficient to salvation of faithful souls, without the quire service of the Monks of Merton.

Ye have heard it often complained before, how y ^e usurped power of the Pope hath violently and presumptuously encroched upon the Church of England, in giving & conferring benefices and prebends to his Italians and strangers, to the great damage and ruin of Christ's flock manifold ways. This violent injury & oppression of y ^e Pope, as by no lawful and gentle means could be reformed: so by occasion & means inordinate about this time, it began somewhat to be bridled. The matter whereof was this, as it is in the collector of Flor. Hist. recited. In the days of the reign of this king 44. The Bishop of London named Fulco, had given a certain prebende in the Church of S. Paul, to one master Rustandus y ^e Popes messenger here in England. Who entering into the profession of the gra • e friers, & shortly after dying on the other side of the sea: the Pope immediately conferred the said prebend to one of his specials, a like stranger, as y ^e other was before. About the same instant it befell, that the bishop also of London deceased, whereby the byshoprick now vacant fell into the kings hands. Who hearing of the death of y ^e forenamed Rustandus, gave the said prebendship (given of the Pope before) to one John Crakehale his under treasurer. Who with all solemnity took his installation, unknowing as yet that it was bestowed of the Pope before. It was not long after as time grew, but this being noised at Rome, forthwith cometh down a certain Proctor named John Gras with the Popes embulled letters, to receive the collation of the benefice by his commission procuratory, given by y ^e Pope: wherein John Crakehale had been already installed, as is aforesaid, by the kings donation. This matter coming in trauise before Boniface Archbishop of Cant. he inquiring and searching which donation was the first, finding the popes grant to be the former, gave sentence with him against the king: so that in conclusion, the Roman clearke had the advantage of the benefice, although the other had long enjoyed the possession thereof before. Thus the popes man being preferred, and the Englishman excluded, after the party had been invested & stalled after the use and manner, he as thinking to be in sure possession of his place, attempted with the rest to enter the Chapter house, but was not permitted so to do: whereupon the popes clerk giving place to force and number, went toward the archbishop to complain. This being known, certain recluses pursued him, and so being compassed about, one in the thickness of the throng being never after known, suddenly rushing upon him, a • itle above his eyes so pareth of his head, y ^• he fell down dead. The same also was done to another of his fellows in fleing away. This heinous murder being famed abroad, strait inquiry thereof was made, but the deed doer could not be known. Although great suspicion was laid upon Crakhale the kings Chaplein, yet no proof could be brought. But moste men thought, y ^• bloody fact to be done by certain ruffians, or other light persons about the City or the Court, disdaining belike, that the Romans were so enriched with Englishmens livings, by whom neither came relief to any Englishman, nor any godly instruction to the flock of Christ. And therefore, because they saw the Church and realm of England in such subjection, and so much to be trodden down by the Romans and the popes messengers: they thought thereby something to bridle, as w ^t a snaffell, the Popes messengers, from their intemperate ranging into this land. Ex Flor. Hist.

Here by the way is to be noted, that unto the death of this foresaid Fulco Bishop of London, continueth the history of Matthew Paris. monk of S. Albons, which was to the year of grace 1260. The residue was continued by another Monk of the same house, but not with such like commendation, worthy to make any autentike story, as I have seen it noted in a written book.

It were to tedious and curious in order to prosecute what happened in every yere, through this kings reign: as how it was provided by y ^e king, that whosoever could despend 15. li. land by yere, should be • ound to make to the king a soldier, that watch should be kept every night in Cities: that who soever was robbed or otherwise damnified in any country, he that had the custody, should be compelled to make up the loss again, or else to pursue the malefactor, which was An. 1253. witnessing Flores hist. Item, how the king making his viage into • ascone, his expenses were reckoned to mount 270000. marks, beside 30000. Markes bestowed upon his brethren by the mother side, & beside other great gifts given abroad. By reason whereof, great taxes and colonies and tenths were required of his subjects, especially of the Churchmen: who were wont to receive tithes of other, now were constrained to give tithes to the laity. Flores Hist. An. 1254. Item, howe in the year next following, the Londoners offering a 100. li. for a gift to the king with a precious cup of gold, at his return out of France, were shortly after compelled by the King to pay 3000. Marks, for the scape of a certain prisoner being a clerk condemned: which clerk being granted of the King to the Bishop, and he having no prison sufficient for him, borrowed of the Londoners to have him kept in the prison of Newgate, who escaping thereout, they as is said, were demanded this recompense aforesaid. Anno 1255. Item, how the king greatly complaining of his debt, the same year required the whole tenths, which should be gathered in 3. years, to be takē up all at once. To whose request, the nobles and commons agreed to strain themselves, so that the Charter of their liberties and customs might be ratified, & fully by him confirmed. And so for that year they were. Flores Hist. Item, howe Pope Alexander the 3. to destroy the city Michera, with king Menfrede the son of Frederick the Emperor, sent forth the same yere Octauianus his Cardinal with a puissant army: who coming to the City with his siege, through the counsel of Marchisius one of the chief Captains, discharged a great part of his host, whereby the most of the Popes army was slain and destroyed, almost all, save only the family of Marchisius. An. 1255. Flor. Mat. Paris.

Many other things during the time of this King might be congested, as the rising of Lewlynus King of Wales and of the welshmē against the king, and wasting the land unto the town of Chester, who destroyed diverse of the Englishmen horsemen, taken in the Marrys, with whom at length they fell to agreement by the means of Octobonus: that his successors should be called princes only of Wales, and should do the king his homage. And the king of him to receive 3000. Markes. And this being stablished in writing, was confirmed by the Popes seal. An. 1257. Ex Polychron.

About the same time, such famine oppressed the land and lack of victuals, that a sum of corn was then sold for 26. shillings: in so much, that the poverty were forced to eat nettle roots, thissell roots, & whatsoever they could get. Ex Eulogio. Although some refer this to the yere 1262.

Hereunto moreover might be adjoined, how Pope Alexander abusing and mocking the kings simplicity, made him believe that he would make his son Edmund king of Apulia, so that he would sustain the charges and costs thereof, to maintain the war which thereto should appertain. Whereby the king cast in a sudden hope, caused his son incontinent to be proclaimed king of Apulia. And upon the same sent up to the pope all y ^e riches he could well make in his realm. And thus was the realm manifold ways miserably unpouerished to enrich the pope. Ex Flor • Hist. About which season, Rich. Earl of Exceter the kings brother, was made king of Almaine by the Electors.

Here might be shown moreover, and added to the stories above, how the yere next following, which was 1259. (as Nicholas Triuet writeth,) the King entering into France, required the restitution of such lands in Normandy and Angiew, as of old righte was due unto him, and wrongfully with holden from him. But the French King again alleged, saying: that the country of Normandy by old time was not givē away from the crown of France, but usurped, and by force extorted by Rollo. &c. In conclusion, the King fearing and suspecting the hearts of his nobles, and looking for none other but for rebellion at home, durst not try w ^t them, but was compelled to agree w ^t them upon such peace & conditions as he could get, which was this. That he should have of the French king xiii. C. M. of Turen pounds, with so much lands else, as came to the value of xx. M. pound in yearly rent: so should he resign fully and purely to the hands of the French king, all such lands and possessions which he had in France. Whereby the King given over his style and titles which he had in those partes, ceased then to be called Duke of Normandy, or Earl of Angiew.

Albeit if it be true that Gisburn writeth, the king afterward repenting of his deed, did never receive the money in all his life, neither did he cease during his life, to entitle himself Duke of Normandy. But after him, his son Edward and his successor in their style left out the title, to be called Duke of Normandy. &c. Ex Gisburn.

Beside many other matters omitted, here I overpass also the sore and vehement conflict, not between the • rogs and the mise which Homer writeth of, but the mighty pitched field fought in the year of our Lord 1259. between the young students and scholars of the University of Oxford, having no other occasion (as I read in Math. Pariens. ) but only the diversity of the Country where they were borne. For the Northern men joining with the welshmē, to try their manhood against the Southerne part: fell both parts together in such a broile, with their ensigns & warlike array, y ^t in conclusion diverse on both sides were slain. This heavy & bloody conflict during and increasing among them, the ende was this: that the Northern lads with the welsh had the victory. After that fury and fiery fierceness had done what it could, the victorers bethinking at length w ^t themselves, partly what they had done, partly howe it would be taken of the higher powers: and fearing due punishment to fall upon them, especially seeing the brother of Leoline prince of Wales, and son of Giffine, was newly dead in prison, drawing their counsel and helps together: they offer to king Henry 4000. marks, to Edward his son 300. and to the Queen 200. to be released of their trespass. But the king answering them again, that he set more price by the life of one true subject, then by all, which by them was offered: would in no wise receive their money. And so the students without hope of peace, went home with small triumph, learning what the common Proverb meaneth: Dulce bellum inexpertis. Notwithstanding, the King being then occupied in great affairs and wars, partly with Leoline and y ^e welshmen, partly inwrapped with discord at home with his nobles, had no leisure to attend to the correction of these university men, which was. An. 1259. Ex Mat. Pariens. Likewise concerning the dissention following the next year after, in the University of Paris, between the students there and the Friers: the number of whom then did so much increase, that the commons vnneth was able to sustain them with their alines. Also between the Universities both of Oxford and Cambridge, for a certain prisoner taken out of prison by strength, and brought into sanctuary the same year, as is testified in Matthew Paris. An. 1259. In like manner, touching the variance between the Archbishop of Caunterb. and the Chapter of Lincoln. Again, between the said Archbishop of Canterb. and the Chapter & bishop of London: and how the said Bishop at his consecration would not make his profession to the Archb. but with this reception, Saluis iure & libertate Ecclesiae Londinens. quae pro posse meo defendā in omnibus. &c. recorded in Flores Hist. Al which wranglinge and dissensions, with innumerable other reigning daily in the Church at those days, if I had so much leisure to prosecute them, as I find them in stories remaining: might sufficiently induce us to understand what sma • l peace and agreement was then joined with that doctrine and religion in those days, during the state & reign of Antichrist.

These with many such other matters moe, which here might be discoursed and storied at large, being more foreign then Ecclesiastical, for brevity I do purposely contract and omit, cutting of all such superfluities as may seem more curious to write upon, then necessary to be known.

This that followeth concerning the pitiful & turbulent commotion between the king and the nobles, which lasted a long season: because it is lamentable, & containeth much fruitful example, both for Princes and subjects to behold and look upon, to see what mischief and inconvenience groweth in common weals, where study of mutual concord lacketh, that is: where neither the Prince regardeth the offending of his subjects, and where the subjects forget the office of Christian patience, in suffering their princes injuries, by God's wrath inflicted for their sins. Wherefore, in explaining the order and story thereof, I thought it not unprofitable to occupy y ^e reader with a little more tariance in perusing the full discourse of this so lamentable a matter, and so pernicious to the public weal.

And first to declare the occasions and first beginnings of this tumult, here is to be understood, which before was signified: howe king Henry married with Alinor daughter of the Earl of Province, a stranger, which was about the yere of our Lord 1234. Wherupon, a great door was opened for strangers, not only to enter the land, but also to replenish the court: to whom y ^e king seemed more to incline his favor, advancing them to more preferment, then his own natural English Lord's, which thing was to them no little greuance. Moreover, before was declared, how the king by Isabel his mother who was a stranger, had diverse brethren: whom he nourished up with great livings and possessions, and large pensions of money, which was another hearts sore to diverse, & also an hindrance. Ouer & beside hath also ben declared, what unreasonable collections of money from time to time, as quindecims, subsidies, tenths, mersements, fines, payments, lones and taxes, have been levied by the king, as well of the spiritualty, as of the lay sort, partly for maintaining the kings wars against Wales, against Scotland and France, to recover Normandy: partly for helping the kings debts, viagies & other expenses: partly for the kingdom of Apulia, which was promised the kings son by the pope: partly for moneying and supporting the Pope in his wars against the Emperor. By reason of all which sundry and importable collections, the common wealth of the Realm was utterly excoriate, to the great impouerishment of poor English men. Neither did it a little vex the people to see the king call in so many Legates from Rome every year, which did nothing else but transporte the English money unto the Popes cofers. Besides all this, what variance and altercation hath been between the king and his subjects about the liberties of Magna charta, & de foresta, granted by king John, and after confirmed by this king, in the former council holden at Oxford, hath been afore declared.

Perhaps this might be also some piece of a cause, that the king considering and bearing in mind the old injuries done of the Lord's and Barons to his father Kyng John before him: did bear some grudge therefore, or some privy hatred unto the Nobility, to revenge his fathers quarrel. But of things uncertain I have nothing certainly to affirm. This is certain, by truth of history, that the year next ensuing, which was 1260. thus writeth Nicho. Triuet, that the kings Justices called Itinerarij, being sent thither to execute their office, were from thence repelled: the cause being alleged for that they were against the king in proceeding and enterprising against y ^e form of the provisions enacted and stablished a little before at the Town of Oxford.

It befell moreover the same year, above other times (as Gualt. Demmingford writeth) that a great number of aliens coming out of France and other provinces, resorted into England: and had here the doing of all principal matters of the Realm under the king. Unto whom the rewards and reliefes, & other emoluments of the land did most chiefly redound, which thing to see did not a little trouble & vex the nobility and baronage of England. In so much, that Simon Montfort Earl of Leicester, offering to stand to death for the liberties and wealth of the Realm, conferred together with other Lord's and Barons upon the matter. Who then coming to the king after an humble sort of petition, declared to him howe all the doings of his Realm and his own affairs, were altogether disposed by the ha • des, and after the willes of strangers, neither profitable to him, nor to the weal public: for so much as his treasures being wasted and consumed, he was in great debt, neither was able to satisfy the provision of his own house, but driven to ta • e for his own cates, to no small dishonor to his own state. And now therefore said they, pleaseth your highness to be informed by our advise, and to commit your house to the guiding and government of your own faithful and natural subjects: And we will take upon us to discharge your whole debt within one yere, of our own proper goods and revenues, so that we within 5. years may clear our selves again. Neither will we diminish your family, but rather increase it with a much greater retinue: providing • o for the safety and seeing to the custody of your royal person, as your highness shall find and understand our diligence most trusty and faithful unto you in the ende.

To these words so lovingly declared, so humbly pretensed, so heartily and freely offered, the king as willingly condescended: assigning to them both day and place, where to confer & to deliberate farther upon the matter, which should be at Oxford, the 15. day after Easter. At which day and place, all the states and Lord's with the bishops of the realm were summoned to appear at the said town of Oxford, for the behalf of the king, and the Realm convented together. Where first of the King himself, then of the Lord's an oth was taken: that what decrees or laws in the said assembly should be provided to the profit of the king and of the realm, the same universally should be kept and observed to the honor of God, & utility of his church, and wealth of the Realm. Besides these Lord's and the King, were also 9. Bishops, which swearing to the same, did excommunicate all such as should gainstand the said provisions there made, the King holding a burning taper in his hand, and the Lord's openly protesting, to rise with all their force, against all them that shall stand against the same.

There were at that present in the Realm, four brethren of the kings (most part of them by the mothers side) which would in no case agree hereunto, but in anger departed privily unto wint. The nobles hearing thereof, in all spedy wise pursued them, fearing least they should take the City of Wint. and forcibly keep the same. Wherefore, the Lord's preventing their purpose, and seeing them stiffly to persist in their stubborn sentence, wrought no other violence against them, but returning to Oxford again, prescribed to them these conditions, that they departing the realm should repair to their own lands & possessions, which they had beyond the sea. And that forthwith they should put this injunction in execution. Notw ^t standing that the King made for them great intercession, yet it took no place. And because this should seem to proceed of no special displeasure against thē, they enacted moreover, that all strangers and aliens of what state or condition soever, should forthwith avoid the realm in pain of death. Divers other provisions the same time were ordained and stablished: that if any did hold of the king in whole or in part, and should chance him to depart (his heir being under age) the wardship of him should belong to the king, as hath partly before been specified.

Moreover it was there decreed, that the wool of England should be wrought only within the realm, neither should it be transported out to strangers.

Item, that no man should wear any cloth, but which was wrought and made only within the realm.

Item, that garments too sumptuous, should not be brought in nor worn.

Item, that all excessive and prodigal expenses wasted upon pleasure and superfluity, should be e •• hued of all persons.

Many other laws & decrees (saith the author) in this assemble were ordained, wherein they continued the space of 15. days: and many of them were empoisoned, of whom was the Abbot of Westminster, a man in that order much commended. Also William brother to the Earl of Gloucester. Also the Earl himself being • mpoisoned hardly escaped w ^t life, his hear and nails falling of his body, whereof the author not long after was taken, and duly executed at Wintchester. In the mean time, y ^e nobles considering those dangers and ieoperdies, were constrained to break off for that time, appointing the 14. day of Octob. next following to conuent together at London with weapon and harnes: to prosecute & finish the residue, that was in the said counsel to be concluded. All which at the time & place appointed was fully accomplished, and the acts thereof in order of writing promulgated, and so committed to execution.

After the promulgation whereof, many things therein displeased the king, and it began to repent him of his oath. But because he could not at that present otherwise choose, he dissimuled for a season. Thus time passing on, within a year following, which was 1261. the king seeing himself more & more to grow in debt, and not to be relieved according to promise made, but especially being egged (as may be thought) by his brethren, taking it to stomach, sent up the Pope both for him, and his son Edward, to be released of their oath made before at Oxford. The benefit of which absolution being casely obtained (or rather bought at the Popes hand) the king stepping back from all that was before concluded, calleth another parliament at Oxford. Where he before the Lord's and nobles declared: how in the late counsel of Oxford they had agreed among them selves for the common utility of the Realm and of the king (as they pretended) for the increasing of his treasure, & his debt to be diminished. And thereupon bound themselves w ^t an oath, causing also himself, and his son Edward to be bound to the same. But now by experience proving & trying the matter to be otherwise then their promise was: and that they, contrary to their covenant made, sought not so much the prof • te of him & of the Realm as their own, taking him not as their Lord, but going about to bring him under their subiec • ion as an underling: and for that moreover his treasure greatly decreasing, his debts increased, and his princely liberality was cut short and trodē under foot: They should not marvel therefore, if he henceforth would be no more ruled by their counsel, but would provide himself of some other remedy, such as he might. And moreover, as touching the oath wherewith he & his son stood bound unto them, he had sent already unto Rome, & had obtained absolution and dispensation of the same, both for him, and his son Edward also, and for all other that would take his part. And therefore, he required of them to be restored again to that state & condition, he had enjoyed in times past.

To this again gave answer the state of nobility on the other side, being in the same place present. In the number of whom was Simon Moūtfort Earl of Leycester, Richard Clare Earl of Gloucester, Humphrey Ronne Earl Ferrence, with a great number of Barons: as Lord John Fitze, John L. Hastings, L. Geoffrey Lucie, Lord John Uescy, L. William Segraue, Hugh Spencer, L. Roberte Uespoynt, with diverse and many mo, whose answer to y ^• king again was this. That the provisions made at the counsel of Oxford (whereunto they were sworn) they would hold, defend, and maintain to their lives end: forso much as they did sound, and also were agreed vpō, both to the honor of God, to the profit of the prince, & stable wealth of the Realm. &c. And thus partes on both sides discording among themselves, would so have departed, had not certain of the Bishops coming between both, labored between thē to take up the matter. By whose mean (saith Gualt. Gisburn. ) and procurement, the determination of the cause was brought in comprimis, and referred to Ludouick y ^• French king to judge between them, who hearing both the allegations (saith he) like no equal judge, but a partial friend: inclined wholly and fully to the kings sentence, and condemned the nobles. But the author of Flores Hist. saith, y ^t by the mediation of certain discrete men, two were chosen: one for one side, the other for the other. To whom the third also was adnexed, who hearing as well what was brought of the kings part, as also what was answered of the other, should define between them both. And so peace was between them concluded, til the coming of Edward. Al this while as yet, the Popes absolution for the king, although it was granted and obtained at Rome, yet was it not brought down in solemn writing, neither was prince Edward as yet returned out of France to England.

At length, the writing of the kings absolution being brought from Rome, the king eftsoons commanded the same to be published throughout the Realm, and sendeth to the French king and other strangers for help. Moreover sesseth all his Castels into his own hand, rejecting the counsel of the Lord's, to whose custody they were before committed. Also removing the former officers, as instices, and the Chancellor: with other placed afore by the Lord's, he appointed new in their stead.

To this foresald absolution procured frō Rome for the king and his son: Edward returning out of France, at that time did not give his consent, but held w ^t the Lord's. Who then putting themselves in arms, with a great power repaired up to London (keeping there, in the suburbs and places about) while the king kept w ^t in the tower, causing the city gates to be watched and locked, and all within the said city being above the age of 12. years to be sworn unto him. But at length through the means of certain coming between, this tumultuous perturbation was somewhat appeased, (at least some hope of peace appeared) so that the matter was takē up for that time without war or bloodshed. Notw ^t standing, some false pretensed dissemblers there were, which secretly disclosing all the counsails and doings of the Lord's unto the king, did all they could to hinder concord, and to kindle debate. By the means of whom, the purpose of the Lord's came not to so good effect, as otherwise it might. Ex Flor. Hist.

In this present yere (as affirmeth y ^t forenamed author) it was rumored abroad, that all the Bishops of England went about to recover again out of y ^t hands of religious men, all such churches and benefices, which were to them improperated or appropriated: and y ^• they, for the expeditiō of the same had sent up to Rome, both messengers & money nothing misdoubting to obtain their purpose. But as a little good fruit in those days used to spring out of that sea: so I do not find, that godly suit and labor of the bishops to take any fruitful effect. The same yere died Pope Alexander, after whom succeeded Pope Urban the fourth.

Of the which Pope Urbane the king also obtained, or rather revived a new releasemēt from his oth, made to the provisions and statutes of Oxford. Which being granted, he commandeth incontinent all the foresaid laws & provisions through England to be dissolved and brokē. This done, the King with the Queen taketh his voyage into France, where he fell into great infirmity of sickness, and the most part of his family taken with the fener quartane, of which many died. In y ^e number of whom beside other, died Richard the worthy Earl of Gloucester and Heriord, after whom succeeded Gilbert Clare, his son.

The Welshmen this yere, breaking into the borders of England, did much annoyance in the lands of Roger lord Mortimer: but mightily again by him were expulsed, not without great slaughter of the inuaders. About which time, the king through some discrete counsel about him, inclined to peace and concord with his nobles, granting of his mere voluntary will, the constitutions and provisions of Oxford to take place in the Realm, directing his commandment to every shire. All be it, the Realm yet was not altogether pacified for all that.

In the latter end of this yere, the kings palace at westminster was brent, and for the most part was all consumed with fire, which seemed to many an evil prognosticate against the king. Ex Flor. Hist.

In some English Chronicles it is also recorded, that the same year 500. Jews at London were slain for taking usury more then 2.d. a week for 20. s. being before forbid by the king to take above that rate by the week.

After this followeth the year 1263. in which, the Barons of England confederating themselves together, for maintaining the statutes and laws of Oxford, and partly moved with the old grudge conceived against the strangers (maintained by the King and the Queen, and Edward their son, in the realm of England) joined powers in all forceable wise: and first invaded the said strangers, namely thē which were about the king. Their goods and manors they wasted and spoiled, whether they were persons ecclesiastical or temporal. Among whom besides other, was Peter a Burgundian (Bishop of Hereford, a rich prelate) with all his treasure apprehended and spoiled: also his coūtreymen, whom he had placed to be Canons of the same church. With like order of handling other alienes also, to whom was committed the custody of diverse castels, as of Gloucester, of Worcester, of Brignorth: were spoiled, imprisoned, and sent away. Briefly, whatsoever he was in all the land that could not utter the English tongue, was of every rascal disdained, and happy if he might so escape. By reason where of it so came to pass, that a great number as well of other foreners, as especially religious men and rich Priests (which here had gathered much substance) were urged to that extremity, y ^t they were glad to flee the lande. In the catalogue of whō, was one most principally named John Maunsel, a priest notoriously grown in riches and treasures not to be told: having in his hand so many & rich benefices, that near no bishop of this realm might compare with him in riches. Who notw ^t standing he kept with the king at London, yet was compelled privily to void the Realm, & was pursued by Henry the son of Rich, king of Almaine. Certain other strangers there were, to the number of 200. and more, which having the castle of Winfore there immured and intrenched themselves, to whom at length prince Edward also adjoined himself.

In the mean time while this stir was abroad, the king keeping them in the tower, & seeing the greatest part of his nobles & commons with the Londoners to be set against him: agreed to the peace of the Barons, & was contented to assent again to the ordinances and provisions of Oxford. Albeit the Queen, by all means possible went about to persuade the king not to assent thereto. Who as seemed, was a great worker in kindling this fire of discord between the king & the baronage. In so much, that when the said Queen Almore should pass by barge from the tower to Windsore: the Lōdiverse standing upon y ^e bridge with their exclamations, cursings, and throwing of stones & di • t at her, interrupted her course, causing her to return to the tower again. Notwithstanding, the peace yet continued with the nobles and the king, the form thereof was this. First, y ^t Henry son of Richard king of Romans, should be delivered by the King & Queen. Secondly, that the Castels again should be committed to the custody of Englishmen, not of strangers. Thirdly, that the provisions and statutes decreed at Oxford, should as well by the king, as by all other inviolably be observed. Fourthly, that the realm henceforth should be ruled and governed not by foreners, but by personages borne within the land. Fifthly, that all alienes and strangers should void the land, not to return again, except only such, whose abode should by the common assent of the kings trusty subjects be admitted and allowed.

Thus the King and the nobles joining together after this form of peace above prefixed, although not fully with heart, as after appeared: put themselves in arms with all their power to recover the Castell of windsore out of the strangers hands. But Edward in the mid way between London & the Castel, meeting with his father and the barons, entered communication upon the matter. Which being finished, & he thinking to return into the Castell again, by the policy of the Earl of Leicester, & William bishop of Worcester, was not permitted to reenter. Whereupō, the strangers within the hold (destitute of all hope to withstand the great force approaching) rendered the Castell unto the king and barons, upon this conuention: That with horse and harness they might be suffered safe to depart the land, not to return anymore. Which being granted, certain of the Barons conducted them in their journey toward the sea side, and there they left them.

In the same year about the beginning of October, the king and Queen made over to France, w ^t Simon Montfort and other nobles, to hear and stand to the arbitremēt of Louis the French king, concerning the controversy between the states of England, and all through the procurement of Alinore the Queen. For she not forgetting the old contiunelie of the Londoners, exclaming against her upon the bridge, wrought always what revenge she could against them. Concerning the arbitrement of this matter put to the French king, part hath been said before, more shall be said (Christ willing) hereafter. Some stories do add moreover, that the king continuing long in France: word was sent to him out of England, that unless he returned again to the realm, they would elect a new king. Whereupon the king returning out of France to Dover, would have entered the castel, but he was stopped. Wherefore the king in fierce anger and great indignation, prepared his power toward London: where, Simon Montfort the worthy Earl of Leicester, through subtle train, was almost betrayed and circumvented in Southwarke, by the sudden pursuing of the kings army, had not the Londoners with more speed breaking bars and chains, made way to rescue him. By the means of whom the Earl at that time escaped the danger.

Now, to come to the sentence of the French king, for so much as the arbitrement of this matter was committed to him, as hath before been specified: he in a great frequency, both of French and English persons about him, considering & peysing the cause on both sides, between the king and the nobles: clearly and solemnly pronounced on the kings side against the Barons, ordaining that the king of England all this while had suffered wrong, and that he should be restored again to his pristine state, notwithstanding the provisions made at Oxford, which he ordained to be repealed and abrogated. Ex Flor hist. Gisburn.

The sentence of the French king thus awarded: as it gave to the king of England, with his retinue no little encouragement, so it wrought in the nobles hearts great indignation: which, notwithstanding that partial decreement of the French king, spedde themselves home out of France to defend themselves with all their strength and power. And not long after, followeth also y ^e king, by whose train, Simon Mountfort Earl of Leicester (as is above recited) was well near circumvented in Southwarke. Then the king calling his counsel together at Oxford (from whence he excluded the university of students for a season, who were then at Northampton) there consulted, conferring with his friends and counsailours, what way was best to be taken. And hearing that the Barons were assembled in a great number at the town of Northampton, went thither with his host, and with his banners displayed, accompanied with Richard his brother king of Almaine: Also with Edward his son, John Comyn of Scotland, with many Scots, John of Dalliolo, Lord of Galewaye, Robert of Bruse, Lord Walter of Auand, Roger of Clifford, Philip of Marmyon, John of Wans, Roger of Layburne, Henry Percie, Phillip Basset, Roger of Mortymer, and William of Walance, and many other. Therefore the king commanded the Barons that were within, to yield unto him presently the city and the pledges or else he would immediately destroy them. But they counseling with the younger Simon de monte forti, which by his fathers commandment had got y ^e residue thither to take counsel together (for his father and the Earl of Gloucester were not yet come) boldly and with one mind answered: that they would not obey the kings will, but would rather defend themselves and the City if need were even to the death. With the noble men of the kings part hearing, sent word again, that at the least they should come to the wall of the City to speak to the King, if by any means peace might be made. And they suspecting no deccite, followed their counsel, and leaving their holds, came to the wall towards the medowe, for there lay the king and his strong host hard by. But in the mean space, whilst diverse matters were reasoned and entreated of between the king and y ^e Lord's: the Lord Phillip Basset (which before was appointed to work that feat) with mattockes and other instruments of iron and men prepared for the nonce: near to the monastery of S. Andrew, did undermine the wall of the City. And by this means, the wall fell down lightly, and there was made a great plain, so that in one forefront there might have gone together on a row 40. horsemen. And of this subteltie, the alian Monks that were there, were thought to be the workers, because they made way and entrance for them that came in. But when they that passed by saw this, & the kings banners were erected, ready to enter in: There was a great howling made, & the noise of the people came to the ears of the Barons, & they made speed to resist them, but it was all in vain, because they were already prevented of a great company of their enemies. But Simon Mountfort the yōger, after he had valiantly fought a while in the midst of his enemies with Peter Mountfort, and a few that were with him: when Edward the kings son came, was by his commandment taken and led away prisoner. But the clearks of the university of Oxford (which university by the Barons commandment was translated thither) did work against the kings men, more hurt then the other Barons, with their slings, long bows, and crossebowes: for they had a banner by themselves, and that was set up a hie against y ^e king. Where withal the king being greatly moved, sware at his entering in, y ^t they should all be hanged. Which when they hard, many of them shaved their crowns, & they that were able ran away as fast as they could. And when the king entered the City, many fled in their armor into the Castell: other left their horse and harness and ran into churches, and a few were slain, and those were of the common people. But there was not much bloodshed, because all things were done as upon a sudden. When the City was at the length set in a quiet, the king commanded his oath to be executed upon the Clerks. But his counselors said unto him: This be far from thee O king, for the sons of thy Nobles, and of other great men of thy kingdom were there gathered together into the University: whom if thou wouldest cause to be hanged or slain, even they that now take thy parte would rise up against thee, not suffering to the uttermost of their powers the blood of their sons and kinsfolks to be shed. And so the king was pacified, and his wrath against the Clerks was stayed.

In the same day, after little more then an hour, the kings host assaulted the Castell, and the new hold keepers were afraid, for that they had not victuals & other things necessary for their resistance: therefore they sent immediately messengers unto the King, and yielded themselves to the kings mercy. There were taken that day these Knights & Barons under written: Lord William de Ferrers, Lord Peter Mountfort, companion of the said Simon de Moūtforte the younger, Lord Baldwyn de wake, Lord Adam de Newmarche, Lord Roger Bertram, Lord Simon the son of Simon a valiant warrior, which first erected his banner against the king, Lord Berengarius de waterwile, Lord Hugo Bubiam, Lord Thomas Maunsell, Lord Roger Botemlam, Nicolas wake, Lord Robert de Newton, Lord Philip de Driby & Brimbald de Pauncefoote. All these afore hand did the king take prisoners and 〈1 page duplicate〉 many more, of whom he committed some to the Lord Nicolas of Hauersam to be kept in the same Castle well defēsed: some he led away with him, and some he sent to diverse Castels, and appointed Simon Mountfort to be cast into windfore Castell. And all these things, as touching the taking of Northampton, were done on the Sabbath day in passion week, being the third of April, in the year of our Lord. 1264. And the king went forward even to Nottingham, burning and wasting the manners of the Lord's and others his enemies, and there he gathered together his nobles, and greatly increased his number.

When this ill luck was told of them that there were run away to the Earl Simon, which was coming towards Northampton w ^t a great host: he was in a great rage, & yet was not discouraged. But immediately going to London, caused a chariot to be made him after the manner of lytters or couches, wherein he might ride as though he were sick: for he feigned himself to be feeble and weak, whereas he was in deed a stout and valiant warrior. And there gathered to him other noble men that were cōfederate with him, Earls and Barons, everyone bringing with them their several armies. And preparing their ingynes of wood, they went to besiege Rochester, for the Earl of Worcester in the kings behalf, kept both the town and castle. When they had gotten the first gate and the bridge, they were partly wounded and compelled to retire, and there that valiant knight Roger de la Bourne was wounded and very il handled: And whilst they continued siege there a while, it was told them that the king was coming toward London with a mighty host. And they said one to another: if the king at his coming should take London, we shall be shut in as it were in a straight corner. Let us therefore return to London that we may keep in safety both the place and the people. Therefore appointing certain persons to keep the siege, they returned to London. At the length when the king came, they went forth with the Citizens to mere him, not with flowers and palms in their hands, but swords and spears. The K. shunned them, and after he had the Castell of Kingston, which was the Earl of Glocesters, he went from thence to Rochester: where after he had killed a few, he brake y ^t siege, and from thence the king went to Tunbridge. And the town and Castell now being given up to him, he took there the Countess of Gloucester, & put her into an Abbey, not to be kept in hold, but to go at liberty whether she would: And he left for the custody of the Castell and City a great part of his host to the number of above xx. picked out ensigns, for that it was commonly said that the Earl of Gloucester would come out of hand to assault them. Which being done, he continued on his journey to Winchester, where he received to peace, the seamen of the havē towns. And three days alter upon the Sunday following he came to the town of Louis, and was received into the Abbey, and his son Edward into the Castell. Then the Barons sent letters to the king the 12. day of May, the tenor whereof followeth.

These letters being read and heard, there was a counsel called, and the king writ back to them, and specially to the two Earls of Leicester and Gloucester, in manner and form following.

Both which letters being read, they drew near to the king for they were not far distant from the place which is called Louis. And for that there wanted to the Kings store provision for their horses, it was commanded them, on tewsday to go forth to seek for hay and prouender. Which when they were gone forth, were prevented most of them, of their enemies and killed: but the residue returning, saw their enemies coming very early, on y ^t wednesday morning, and making outcries stirred up the king, & his host to arm themselves. Then the Barons coming to the full plain descended there, and girding & trunming their horses made fit their harnies to them. And there the Earl Simon made the Earl of Gloucester, and Robert Deuer, and many other new knights: which being done, he divided and distincted his host into four several battails. And he appointed noble men to guide & govern every battle. And over y ^t first battle were ordained Captains, Henry Mountfort the eldest son of the Earl Simon & Buidd his brother, Lord John de Bruch the younger, & Lord Humphrey de Boun. Ouer the second battle, Lord Gilbert Clare Earl of Gloucester, Lord John the son of Lord S. John and Lord William of Mouncherisi. And over the third, in which the Londoners were at their request, the Lord Nicholas Segraue was assigned. Which required also very instanntly, that they might have y ^t first stroke in the battle, at the adventure come what come would. But over the fourth battle, the Earl himself was captain with the Lord Thomas of Pilnestone. In y ^t mean season came forth the kings host, preparing themselves to the field in three battayles: of which Edward the kings son led the first, with the Earl of Warwick and Malence the kings brother: and the second the king of Alinaine guided, with his son Henry: but the king with his nobles guided the third. And the fourth legion the king appointed not, by reason that he had left many of his chief soldiers behind him, to keep the Castell and town of Tunebridge against the Earl of Gloucester. And the most part of the kings army were but young men, for the king thought not that his Barons had been come so nigh hand. Theyr arms being on both sides set in array & order, they exhorted one another on either party to fight valiantly: & after they buckled together, the battle was great & many horsemen were overthrown even in a moment. But by and by Edward the kings son with his band, as a fierce young gentlemen, & valiant knight fell upon his enemies with such force, that he compelled them to re • ule back a great way: so that the hinmost (thinking by reason of their giving back, that the foremost were slain) ran many away of them, and taking water to pass over, were almost threescore soldiers drowned, & a few of the being slain, all the rest fled. Straight way the Londoners which had asked the first fight, knowing not howe the battle went took them to their hecles: Whom Edward pursued with his band killing the himmost of them by the space of two or three miles. For he hated them because they had rebelled against his father, and disgraced his mother whē she was carried by barge upon the Temse, frō the tower to Windsore, as is above touched, pag. 000.

Whilest that Prince Edward was thus in the chase of the Lōdoners, who had the vawward of the Barons battle: In the mean time the main battle of the Barons set upon the kings main battle, of the which the king of Almaine y ^e brother of king Henry had the leading: which being soon discomforted, and he with his son Henry & Robert de Brus, John Couen with diverse other Captains taken prisoners: the reareward wherein the Kyng himself fought, being immediately so hardly beset, & seeing his knights and soldiers on every side about him beaten down and slain, and diverse other of his soldiers to forsake the field and shift for themselves: thought good to take again the town, and so retired into the Abbay frō whence he came, shutting and rampering up the gates, & caused the same to be strongly warded with soldiers. To be brief, the Barons thus getting the field after long fight, and many men on either side slain: entered also the town of Louis, pursuing in chase such soldiers as thither fled for succor.

In the mean time, Prince Edward returning from the chase of the Lōdiners, as ye heard, who desired to give the first onset: and first espying the chariot of y ^e Earl Simon (which he caused purposely to be made for him) & the horses in the same, without either waggener or any other to govern the same: fell immediately upon the chariote, & brake it all in pieces, & slew two Burgeses that were within the same. But when he came nearer to the place where the bloody battle had been fought, & saw the great discomforture and overthrow which in his absence w ^t great mortality and slaughter had happened: his heart was much dismayd, and his countenance altered. Yet notwithstanding comforting & couraging his knights & soldiers, of whom he had a valiant company, in battle array marched toward the town. Agaynst whom, came the Barons again with all their power. And this was begun betwixt them a fresh field and new battle, & many men slain on either side. But at length, the Earl de Warenia, with the kings two brethren, forsook the field and fled: after whō went more then seven hundred chosen soldiers, which were of their house and family: who the same day came to Penensie, and there took shipping over the sea. Also Hugh Bigot with diverse other fled, and left the valiant Prince fighting in the field: which thing he also perceiving, took the town. And when he found not the King his father at the Castle, he went frō thence to the Abbey where he was. In the mean season the town was divided in parts: some fighting: some spoiling, some getting of booties, neither could scarcely one of them know, & discern another whether he were his friend or enemy. But when win a while the Barons had assembled some company, they gave an assault upon the Castel, thinking to have rescued John Bifford and others whom the kings soldiers had takē prisoners and put therein. But the soldiers win defended manfully the same, add in throwing out balls of wyld fire, as for the defense thereof they had, they also fired part of the town. Then the Barons retired and left the Castell, and purposed to have set upon the Abbey where the King and prince Edward his son was, which also was set on fire by the assault given to the Castell. But yet it was shortly recovered & quenched. Then Edward the kings son perceiving the bold enterprise of the Barons, prepared with courageous knights and soldiers as were yet remaining & within the Abbey, to have issued out, & to have givē a new charge upon thē, But that perceiving the Barons, sent unto the king Messengers to entreat a truce for that day, & on the morrow to talk and conclude of a further peace between them. This battle was fought vpō the 19. day of May, being the year of our Lord. 1264.

The next day, which was Thursday, there were sent on either side two preaching Friers between the king & the Barons, with certain articles, & demands of peace: so that with certain others, these conditions were agreed on: that on the morrow being Friday, y ^e prince should give himself in hostage for the king his father and other of his partes. And Henry the Kings son of Almayne also should give himself the like for his father. That those things which should be concluded upon for the benefit and commodity of the Realm, and peaceable quietness thereof might be performed: and that all such prisoners as were taken on either side, should be freely raunsomed and sent home.

The next day which was Saturday, the king discharged all his soldiers, and other that were with him in the Abbey, licensing them to depart whether they listed. And furthermore, by the advise of his son and the Barons: he gave commandment to those which he had appointed to the keeping of Tunbridge, that they should make no attempt to the prejudice or hurt of the Barons, but in hope of the peace which was now at the point to be concluded, they should also depart every man to their houses and habitations. But they giving no credit thereunto, went w ^t their furniture to Bristow, where they kept themselves in garrison, until the escaping of Edward the kings son out of prison. But first before that, when they heard at Tunbridge that the king was vanquished in battle, & that the Lōdiners in the forward were put to flight by Prince Edward (by a messenger that escaped from the same) and that also the same Londoners were at Crowdown: they set upon them in the evening tide, and taking from them much spoil: slew also many of them.

But when Roger Mortimers part began to decrease, & Simon the Earls part on the other side to increase: he bare himself more stoughter, for that both the king and all that was his, did depend upon the good will and favor of the Earl: and led with him the kings son to such holds & Castles as he thought to be most strōgest. As though all were in his hands to do as him liked, and kept the hostages more straightly thē he was wont to do. In so much that when it was blown abroad that the kings son was kept as a prisoner, diverse couusailed him that were his friends, that he should desire to disport himself at the barriers, that y ^e people might have a sight of him, but he being narrowly guarded as he knew, and fearing some tumult to arise, thought good to refuse their counsel and so did.

In this troublesome year, which was 1264. as the Londoners with the nobles were thus occupied in war and dissention: the malignaunt Jews thinking to take vauntage of that time, w ^t privy treason conspired against the whole Citty and state of the Nobles. Who being taken with the manner, were almost all slain that dwelt in the city of London.

In this year after the death of Pope Urbane, succeeded the said year of our Lord. an. 1264. Pope Clement the 4. Which Clement, as affirmeth Nich Triuet, was first a married man & had wife and children, and was the sollicitor and counsailor to the French king. Then after y ^e death of his wife was bishop entitled Podiēsis. After that archbishop of Narbone. And at last made Cardinal. Who being sent of P. Urbane in Legacy, for reformation of peace in his absence was elected Pope by the Cardinals. About this time flourished Thomas of Aquine, reader at Paris among the Dommike Friers, and Bonaventure among the Francis Friers. Ex Nich. Triuet.

As this passed on, the sons of Simon the Earl, to wit, Henry, Simon, Buido, and Henry being puffed up, and with the pride of this success eleuated, did that which nothing contented the Earl of Gloucester. In so much that he challenged Henry the eldest son of the Earl Simon Mountfort, at the barriers, to be tried at Northampton. But that challenge was taken up, least some further inconvenience might have risen thereof. But the Earl of Bloucester being moved therewith in his mind, sent unto his father the Earl that he should deliver him such prisoners being Noble men, as he took at the battle of Louis. Amongst whom, the king of Almaine was named first. But he by countermaund answered him and said: that it might content and satisfy him, for that he had saved and preserved to him his lands, that day the battle was fought at Louis. And that furthermore he would not send him such prisoners as he demanded: But that he himself kept more nobler then they in the Castell of Dover: among whom was John Basset, which undermined and brast down the walls of Northampton, at that conflict as is said before and specified.

The Earl of Gloucester being herewith displeased, as soon as he heard this answer: sent incontinently to the Lord Roger Mortimer, which always took the kings part, desiring that they two might take together touching the benefit and commodity of the king. Who, doubting some deceit, desired sureties and pledges for his safe return, & he would come and talk with him, and so had. Whē they met, and had a while talked familiarly: the Earl of Gloucester shown him all that he was purposed to do: and that further he lamented, he had so much and greatly offended the king: And that he would with all his power and ability make amends for that offense in the restitution of the king again to his kingly dignity, as much as he possible might. Therefore they sent secretly to Robert, y ^e brother of y ^e Earl of Gloucester, which was near about the Earl Simon, & made him to consent with them therein. And to work this thing more circumspectly, whē opportunity served thereunto: Roger Mortimer sent unto the kings son a horse excelling all other in footmanship, unto whom he might be sure to trust, when he saw convenient time thereunto. After which things thus contrived, Prince Edward desired leave of the Earl to prove his courser against such time he should ride at the tylt, as they might when they listed. As soon as he had gotten leave, and that with gallopyng and raunging the field he had weryed diverse of their horses: at the last, getting up upon the horse which for that purpose was sent, and spying a servant on horseback coming toward him with two swords: He turned about unto his keeper, whose name was Robert de Rose, & to other his playfellowes that were with him, saying: My loving Lord's, thus long have I kept you company, & have been in your custodies: And now not purposing to use your cōpanyes any longer, betake you to God: And quickly turning his horse about, put to the spurs and away went he. The other pricked after a pace, but yet came far enough behind, and overtake him they could not. At last, when they saw Roger Mortimer coming from his Castle of Wygmore, accompanied with many armed men to meet him as before it was appointed, they returned again home as wise as when they came forth. And when this the princes escape was diuulgated: much people came unto him out of every quarter, with great joy thereof. Amongest whom, the first was the Earl of Gloucester, and the other soldiers of the kings, which had long now lien at Bristow, and thereaboutes. And within a short space he had a great and mighty host.

Which thing when the Earl Simon understood, he much doubted and mistrusted himself: And sending into Wales, he gate from thence a great many men, and augmented his power as strongly as he might, from every part of England. He sent also Simon his son to the noble men of the North partes, that with all possible speed he might bring them with him: who with a great company came with him, and at Kenelworth a while they stayed, and there pitched their tents. But leaving Kenelworth for a certain time they went to Winchester, and spoiled the same, and then returned again to Kenelworth. And when this by a certain spiall was declared to Edward the kings son, who then was at Worcester, which he had gotten after he came from Gloucester a little before: prepared himself with his soldiers, in the night season to go to the place where the spy should bring him, which was into a deep valley nere unto the place, where Simon and his company had pitched. And whē in the morning they were very early about to arm thenselves, and prepare their horses: they heard a great noise of their enemies coming towards them. Then thinking, that they had prepared themselves against their coming, and so had been betrayed: they set forth in battle array marching forward, till that they met certain of their enemies straggling in long wings, thinking to have gone aforaging & to have sought for vitailes: whō they took, & with their fresh horses, new horsed their soldiers that had their horses tired w ^t long travel. And so marching forward, came very early in the morning vpō their enemies, whom for the most part they found sleeping and laying lustily about them: they slew diverse, some they toke, the rest they put to flight: and 15. of their chiefest ensigns they took, and many other rich spoils. But young Simon himself lodged in the Castell, who with a few with him escaped and fled. And this was the fourth day before the Nones of August. an. 1265.

But when Edward, heard that Earl Simon was coming toward Kenelworth, to join with his sons battle: he marched forward to meet him, y ^e third day after at Eusham. where he divided his host into 3. battayles, he himself having the leading of one, the Earl of Gloucester the second, and Roger Mortimer the third, which came vpō their backs. The kings son Edward came Northward as though he came frō Kenelworth to Eusham, & because he would not be descride, he caused his own standerdes and ensigns to be taken down, and young Simon's which he had taken before to be advanced. But the Earl Simon's Scurier, whose name was Nicholas, shown the Earl y ^t such bands and companies were marching towards him who thinking the same to have been Simon his sons power, not knowing of the overthrow which he had before, gave small credit thereunto: till that y ^e said Nicholas the better to view and descry them, went up to the Abbey steple of Eusham, where he might plainly discern them all and their standerds: For by this time, they were mounted the hill which they labored to attain, thinking to have that vauntage, when they should give their charge as they had purposed: and had also advanced again his own standerdes, and pulled down Simon's, whereby they were the more ease • yer descried and known. Then he cried aloud to the Earl Simon and said, we are all but dead men: For it is not your son as you suppose that cometh, but it is Edward the kings son, that cometh from one parte: and the Earl of Gloucester, from another part, and Roger Mortimer from the third part. Then said the Earl. The Lord be merciful unto our souls, forasmuch as our bodies and lives are now in their hands: commanding that every man should make himself ready to God, and to fight out the field, for that it was their willes to die for their laws and in a just quarrel: And such as would depart, he gave leave to go their ways that they should be no discomfiture to the rest.

Then came unto him his eldest son Henry & comforted him, desiring him to have no despair, nor yet mistrust in the good success of this victory, with other such cheerful words. No my son (saith he) I despair not: but yet, it is thy presumption and the pride of the rest of thy brethrē that have brought me to this end ye see. Notwithstanding yet I trust, I shall die to God and in a righteous quarrel. After words of comfort given to all his host, and the oration made as is the manner, they all armed themselves. The king also (whom the Earl always kept with him) he armed in an armor of his own. And then deviding their battles, they marched toward their enemies, but before they joined, the welchmen ran their ways, and thinking to scape over the river of Dee, were there some drowned, & some slain. Then when the battayles joined and came to handy strokes, within short space, many of the Erles part fell and were slain. And the king himself being stricken at, cried with a loud voice to them, saying: kill me not, I am Henry your king. And with these the kings words the Lord Adam Monhaut knew him, and saved him. At whose voice and cry came also prince Edward his son, and delivered him to the garde and custody of certain knights. In y ^e mean season, the Earl Simon was hard bestead and beaten down, and also slain before Edward the prince came at him. Howbeit, before he fell, when as ye fought for his life, & Henry his son & other noble men on his part were about him, he brake out in these words unto his enemies saying: what, is there no mercy & compassion with you? who again answered, what compassion should there be shown to traitors? Then said he, y ^e Lord be merciful to our souls, our bodies are in your hands. And as soon as these words were spoken, they mangled his body, and divided his members, and cut of his head, which head Roger Mortimer sent unto his wife. And not far of from him also was slain Henry his eldest son, the lord Hugh Spencer, the L. Radulphe Basset, the Lord Thomas de Hestele, the Lord William Maundeuile, the Lord John Bewchampe, the Lord Guido Baillofer, the Lord Roger Rowley, and many other noble men besides with a great multitude of people the Lord knoweth howe many. This battle was fought in the month of August & continued from one of the clock till it was night: in the which, was not so much as one man on the Earls part of any estimation, fortitude, and courage, but in that battle lost his life: more then the Lord John, who by the great grace of God escaped death. Neither is this to be forgottē, that the same day being Tuesday, at that instant hour, when the battle began, which was at one of the clock at after noon: there was such a darkness over all, such thunder and such tempest: that the like before that time was never seen, being very calm and fair weather both immemediately before and after, which seemed (saith mine author) to give a plain demonstration of that which afterward chanced and followed.

After this great slaughter and overthrow, there was a Parliament sūmoned at Winchester by the Earl of Gloucester, and other of his part. Here by the is to be considered, that the king although he was in the camp of the Earl of Leceister, being then in custody, and his son Edward with the Earl of Gloucester, yet the king was in that side against his will, and therefore in the said Parliament, the king was restored to his kingly dignity which was before that time under the custody of the Barons. But after the battle was ended and done, certain of them that loved the Earl: upon an old ladder, gathered up such partes of his body as remained, and covering the same with an old gown brought it to Eusham: where they putting y ^e same in a fair linen cloth, buried it in y ^e church. But not long after, by such as thought not themselves sufficiently revenged with his death (to wreke them of the dead corpse) took up the same and threw it in another place, saying: that he which was both accursed, and a traitor, was not worthy of Christian burial.

The same year also died Walter Cantilupus Bishop of Winchester, after whom succeeded Nicholas of Eli, the kings Chancellor.

The same year the king perceiving, that unless y ^t Castle of Kenilworth were recovered, and the boldness of thē restrained that kept the same: many evils and inconveniences might ensue thereupon, to y ^c prejudice of his kingdom: for that the number increased every day more & more, wasting and spoiling the country all about. Therefore, he gathered an army and came down to warwick, where he a while tarried expecting the meeting and assembling of his Marqueses and Lord's, with engines and other munition sautable. Who when their bonds were furnished and mustered, and all things ready, the morrow after Midsomer day he displayed his banner, & began his vyage marching towards Kenilworth & besieged the same. During which siege, by the advise and counsel of the king, the Popes Legate, and other noble men 12. persons were chose which should have the disposing of those things y ^t pertained to the state of the Realm, & of those that had lost their lands and inheritaunces: who amongst other things, made and established this one proviso, that was commonly called Kenelworth decree. That all those whieh hast lost their lands by attaynder (although yet not attainted) should fine therefore at the kings pleasure, and take their lands of him again: paying some three years, some four years, some two years reueneues of the same, according to the quallitie of the crime & offense committed. All which prouisos or provisions, were established and confirmed as well by the corporal oath, as by signment of the same with the hands & seals of all the Prelates and clergy of England, there assembled for that purpose by the Popes Legate upon the feast of all Saints. When these things were thus finished, messengers were sent on the kings behalf, as well to those that kept y ^t castle of Kenilworth, as also to those that were assembled in the I will of Eli: willing them to come under the protection of the Kings peace, and yield to the foresaid prouisos established by the twelve commissioners. who altogether answered & said: that they would in no wise condescend thereunto: both for that it was done without their consentes not being called unto it, and also for that the said decree was over straight and intolerable. Within short space after, great famine and pestilence chanced amongst them which kept the castle, in so much as they were without all hope of keeping the same: wherefore, soon after the king sending again to them to yield the Castle and take their pardons, they consulting together of their own estate: thus answered the kings messengers, if it please the king and his counsel to permit us to send our messenger unto the Lord Simon Mounfort which is beyond the sea: that he may come by a certain day to the defense of this his garrison & fort: and that in the mean space, we be not disturbed by the kings army that hath environed us, til the return of our mess̄gers: If by the day appointed he come not, we will yield up the same, so that we may be pardoned of life, limb, and moucables.

When the messengers were returned, and had declared to the king their answer: he consulting with his Nobles about the matter, agreed to their petitions. And caused the truce to be proclaimed throughout all his campe, after that sufficient hostages were on either side givē for the performance of the same: whereupon, they set forward their messengers, as before was said they would. But after that many of thē within the Castell being very grievously vexed with the bloody flixe and other diseases, in so much that the whole men might not abide the corruption, and anoyaunce of those that were diseased: delivered up the Castell before the return of the messengers again, and were permitted to go whether they would to refresh themselves, as men molested with great vexation & miseries. After the rendering up of the Castell, the king committed the custody thereof to his son Edmund, and so with his host departing from the siege, came upon Christmans euens even to Osney: where, he with great solemnity and triumph kept his Christmas during seven days, and from thence with his host came to windsore, from whence after a few days he marched towards Eli: In which Island he besieged those, which were disherited, and sharply assaulted them.

The same year, Pope Clement the 4. promoted master Walter Giffard Bishop of Bathe, to be Archbishop of York.

In which year also the Church of England began to pay the tenths of all their revenues as well spiritual as temporal, to the king: to continue for 3. years space, and this was done by the authority Apostolical.

Within a while after, the Barons which were yet remaining, gathered themselves together again: Amongst whom John Daywile (being a subtle and stout man of war) began to have a name & was well esteemed amongst them: who altogether did what mischief they might, and in the month of May, they assembled at Chesterfield, under the said John Daywile & the Earl Ferarence, upon whom the kings soldiers, coming suddenly in the night toke them sleping, and slue many of them. Then the said John Daywile quickly arming himself came forth: thinking w ^t more defense both to save himself and to escape. who in the way, stroke the Lord Gilbert Humsard such a blow with his dimilance, that he feld both him & his horse to y ^t ground, & so fled with a few more after him. And thus whilst the poor soldiers fought & were slain, the Barons fled away & saved thenselves. Also the Earl Ferarence fled, & hid himself in a Church. But being be wrayed by a womā he was taken forth, and led away prisoner. After this, the king kept a parliament at Northampton, where he disherited all those, that took any part with the Earl Simon & all their childrē, where also the Popes Legate Octobonus held a convocation, and excommunicated all such bishops, as had taken any part with Simon, against the king: of whō diverse he sent up to Rome, to be absoyled of the pope, and farther the said Legate caused to be proclaimed certain decrees, which he himself had made: And also the new grant of Pope Clement, to the king and Queen, of all the tenths for seven years to come. And shortly after a tax also was fined upon y ^t country of Norfolk: to the gathering whereof, Walter the bishop of Norwich was appointed. Ex Scala mundi.

After this, in the year of our Lord. 1267. King Henry besieged again the Castell of Kenelworth, from the 7. day before the first day of July, until the beginning of December: whether came Octobonus y ^t Popes Legate, by whose entreaty Henry Hastinges delivered the same unto the K. which stoutly had defended the same and resisted the king, having pardon granted both for him and his, of his life, lands, goods, and cattels. In which time also the Barons again assembled, with John Dayuile in the I will of Axioline, & so proceeded till they came to Lincoln: which also they took, and spoiled the Jews, and slue many of them: And curring their Sinagoge tear and rent the book of their law, and burnt the same, and all other writings & obligations which they could come by. which thing when the king heard, he sent thither his son prince Edward: but as soon as they heard that, they fled into y ^e I will of Eli, and fortified the same with Bulwarks as strongly as they might, at every entrance into the same. This was in the month of April when Edward the kings son came thither. Who for the great abundance of waters in the same, could by no means enter the Island, til at length by the counsel of the inhabitauntes of that province, he caused with a number of workmen great trenches and ditches to be made, somewhat to convey away the water: And so long used the Counsayle of them, in making bridges with planks and hurdles, till at last they entered the Island. who as soon as they were entered, the Barons fled to London, where they were of the Londoners well entertained. The rest which were in the Island, yielded themselves (amongst whom was Roger Wake, Simō the younger, and Peches) saving their lives and members. After this, both the King and Edward his son, came to Londō with a great power, but yet were kept out of the city, by the Barons and Citizens, for the space of 40. days. And Octobonus the Legate (who for fear was fled into the Tower) they narrowly laid for, that he should not escape. At length by the entreaty of the Earl of Gloucester and other Earls that were his friends, both the Barons and Citizens were pardoned, and admitted to the kings favor. And 4. Bishops and 8. other noble men were chosen, such as were at Coventry first nominated: that they should order and dispose all matters between the King and such as had lost their inheritance, as also the form of their peace and ransom. And proclamation was made upon the feast of all Saints, of perfect peace and record throughout all the Realm.

The 52. year of this king Henries raigue 8. days after the feast of S. Martin, he held a parliament at Marlberge in the year of our Lord above recited: where by the advise of wise and discrete men, & with all the consentes of the nobles, he ordained and enacted diverse good and profitable statutes for the reformation and bettering of the state of the realm & execution of common justice, which are called the statutes of Marleberge.

The same year upon S. Gregoryes day, Octobonus the Legate called a Council at London, where were fine Archbishops, and a great number of Bishops, Abbots, & other Prelates: which Council also within three days brake up again.

The same year upon S. John's day the Baptist, Edward the kings son & diverse other noble men of England took upon thē the cross by y ^e legates hands at Northhampton, to the relief of the holy land, and the subversion of the enemies of the cross of Christ, which done, the legate y ^t same year went out of England, not purposing after that to return again. This holy Legate (saith mine author) which might well be resembled to Lynx the monstrous beast whose quick sight penetrateth everything: enrolled to perpetual memory the valuation of all the churches in the realm of England so narrowly, as by any means possible be might inquire the certainty thereof. The same was he, that made all the Cathedral & Conuentuall Churches to pay pencions: so that those Churches which gave not the vacancy of their benefices to their Clerks and strangers should pay unto them a certain yearly pencion during the vacācy of the benefices which they should have.

The same year died Pope Clement 4. after whose death the Church of Rome was two years vacant: & then was chosen an archdeacon Cardinal, whose name was Theardus, as he was taking his journey into the holy lande, and called him Gregory the 10.

Then also did Edmunde Earl of Lancaster and Leicester, and seconde son of king Henry, take to wife the Earl of Albemark his daughter, and the Niece of y ^• Earl of Gloucester: at which marriage was the king and the Queen: and all the Nobility of England.

The same year was the body of S. Edward the king & Confessor, by Walter Gifford Archbishop of York and other Bishops intombed in a new & rich Schrine of gold and silver, beset with precious stones in the presence of Henry the king of England: In which year also fell great rain and inundation of waters, such as hath not lightly been seen, which increased and continued the space of 40. days and more.

The same year died Walter de Lawile Bishop of Sarum the third day before the nones of January. After whō succeeded Robert of Northampton the Dean of the same Church. And because the see of Cant. was then vacant, he was confirmed by the Chapter of Canterbury: which Chapter had always the jurisdiction in spiritual causes, during the vacancy of that see, in as ample manner as the Bishop himself had being alive. After this, the Bishop elect coming thither, thinking to have had his consecration, was notwithstanding put back for two causes: one was, for that there was present then no more but one Bishop: the other was, for that all the other Bishops had appealed, that he might not be consecrated to their prejudice, that is, by the authority of the Chapter of Cant. saying, that they would not be under the obedience of the monks.

After this, solempne Messengers were for this cause sent to the Cardinals of Rome, for that then y ^t see of Rome was vacant: who received answer, that during the vacation of that see, the confirmation and consecration of the Bishop elect, pertained to the foresaid Chapter of Canterbury.

The same year also was the Lord Henry the son & heir of the Lord Richard king of Almayne and brother to king Henry 2. slain at Uiterbium, in a certain Chapel hearing Mass, by the Lord Simō and Buido the sons of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earl of Leister.

During this kings reign, there was made a great & general expedition of diverse and sundry Christian princes to Jerusalem, taking upon them the Lord's character: that is the Cross: among whom was also Edward the kings son one, to y ^e which expeditiō was granted him a subsidy throughout all y ^e realm. And the month of May, the year of our Lord. 1270. or as saith Florilogus, an 1269. he set forward on his journey.

About the time when Prince Edward was preparing his journey toward Asia. Boniface the Archbishop of Canterbury ended his life, in the country of Sebaudia, going belike to Rome or coming thence. After whose death, the Monks of Canterbury proceeding to a new election granted by the king, agreed upon the Prior of their house named Adam Chelendene. But the king & his son Prince Edward consenting and speaking in the behalf of Robert Burnell their Chancellor: did solicit the matter with the Monks, partly entreating. partly threatening them, to choose the said Robert to be Archbishop. Notwithstanding the Monks being stout, would neither relent to their courteous request, nor yet bow to their boisterous threats, but constantly persisting in their former election, appealed from the king and prince to the Pope, Prince Edward being now on his journey, and seeing himself thus frustrated of the Monks, writeth back to the king his father: devoutly praying and beseching in no wise to admit the election of the foresaid Monks. And so passing to Dover with Henry the son of Rich. his uncle king of Romans, with their wives took their passage in the month of August. After this the Prior thus elected, as is foretold, but not admitted by the king to be Archbishop went up to Rome.

In the mean time, the Monks in the absence of their elect) ordained one Geoffrey Pomenall to be their Official: who seeing himself advanced to that dignity, & bearing belike some old grudge against the Prior of Dover, caused him to be cited up to appear in the Chapter house of Canterbury. The Prior of Dover seeing this citation to be prejudicial to him and to the Church of Dover, whereas the Monks of Cant. have no such jurisdiction (the see of Canterbury being vacant) but that all things appertaining to that Church, ought to be reserved whole to the consecratiō of the new Archb. therefore, for the state both of him and of his Church, he appealed up also unto Rome. But to return to the archbishop again.

The second year after, Adam Chelindon the foresaid Archb. elect, remaining all this while at Rome: at last resigned up his election to the popes hand, being Breg. 10. who then gave the same to Rob. Kilwarby. Who then coming to Dover, restored again the Prior of that house, being before excluded upon certain causes. By these coutentions, judge good reader, of the religion of these men, and of these tunes, And now to return to our former story.

About which time came out the great concordaunces by an English Frier, called John Dernington. Ex Eulogio.

It was above declared, how a general voyage being proclaimed to war against the Turks, and a subsidy being collected in England upon the same: prince Edward with other was appointed to take their voyage, & now were onward in their journey. Who at Michelmas following, with his company came to Egermorth, which is from Marsilius 8. leagues westward: & there taking ship again (having a merry wind and prosperous) within x. days ariued at Sunes at Tunicium, where he was with great joy welcommed & entertained of the Christian princes that there were to this purpose assembled, as of Philip the French king, whose father Ludouicus, died a little before: of Carolus the king of Sicilia: and the two kings of Navarre and Aragō. And as the Lord Edward came thither for his father the king of England, thither came also Henry the son of the king of Almaine for his father, who at his return from the voyage, was slain in a chapel at Uiterbium hearing mass, by the Lord Simō and Buido, the sons of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earl of Leicester.

When Prince Edward demanded of these kings and Princes what was to be done, they answered him again and said: The Prince of this City said they, and the province adjoining to the same, hath been accustomed to pay tribute unto the king of Sicily every year. And now, for that the same hath been for the space of vii. years vnpayed and more, therefore we thought good to make invasion upon him. But the king knowing the same tribute to be but justly demanded, hath now according to our own desires satisfied for the time past, and also paid his tribute before hand.

Then said he: My Lord's what is this to the purpose? Are we not here all assembled, and have taken upon us the Lord's Character to fight against the Infidels and enemies of Christ? what mean you then to conclude a peace with them: God forbid we should do so: for now the land is plain and hard, so that we may approach the holy Citty Jerusalem: then said they now have we made a league with them: neither is it lawful for us to break the same: But let us return again to Sicilia and when the winter is past, we may well take shipping to Acra. But this counsel nothing at all liked him, neither did he show himself well pleased therewith: But after that he had made them a princely banquet, he went into his closet or priny chamber, from amongst them: neither would be partake • of any of that wicked money which they had taken. They notwithstanding continuing their purpose: at the next merry wynd took shipping, and for want of ships, left CC. of their men a shore crying out & piteously lamenting for the peril & hazard of death they were in. wherewith Prince Edward being somewhat moved with compassion, came back again to the land and received and stowed them in his own ships, being the last that went aborde. within 7. days after, they arrived in the kingdom of Scicilia over against the Citty Trapes, casting their anchors a league from thence within the sea, for that their ships were of great burden & thoroughly fraught. And f • ō the haven of the City they sent out varges and boates to receive and bring such of the Nobility to land as would: but for their horses for the most part, and all their armor they kept still within bourd. At length towards the evening, the sea began to be rough & increased to a great tempest & a mighty: In so much, that their ships were beaten one against an others sides, and drowned there was of them at that rēpest lying at anchor, more then 120. with all their armor and munition with innumerable souls besides, and that wicked money also which they had taken before likewise perished and was drowned. But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of Prince Edward's, who had in number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby, for that as it may be presupposed, he consented not to the wicked counsel of y ^• rest. When in the morning the Princes and kings came to the sea side, and saw all their shyps drowned: and saw their men and horses in great number cast upon the land drowned, they had full heavy hearts, as well they might. For of all their shyps and mariners, which were in number a 1500. besides the common soldiers: there was no more saved, then the Mariners of one only Shyp, and they in this wise. There was in that ship a good and wise Matrone (a Countess or an Earls wife) perceiving the tempest to grow, and fearing herself, called to her the Master of the ship: & asked whether in attempting to the shore, it were not possible to save themselves: who answered, that to save the ship it was impossible, howbeit the men y ^t were therein by God's help he doubted not. Then said y ^e Countess, for the ship force no whit: save the souls therein, and have to the, double the valure of thy ship. who immediately hoysing the sails, with all force ran the ship a groundso near the shore as possible was. Thus with the vehemency of the weather and force he came withal, brast the ship and saved all that was within the same, as the matter had shown and said before.

Then the kings and princes (altering their purpose after this so great a shypwrack) returned home again eueuery one unto their own lands: Only Edward the kings son remained behind with his men and ships, which y ^• Lord had saved and preserved. Then Prince Edward (renouating his purpose) took shipping again, and within 15. days after Easter arrived he at Acra, and went a land taking with him a thousand of the best soldiers & most expert, & tarried there a whole month, refreshing both his men and horses and that in this space he might learn and know the secretes of the land. After this, he took with him 6. or 7. thousand soldiers and marched forward twenty miles from Acra, and took Nazareth: and those he there found he slew, and afterward returned again to Acra. But their enemies following after them, thinking to have set upon them at some straight or other advantage: were by the Prince premonished thereof, and returning again upon them gave a charge, and slew many of them and the rest they put to flight. After this about Midsomer, when the Prince had understanding that the Saracens began to gather at Cakhow, which was 40. miles from Acra: he marching thither, set vpō them very early in the morning, and slue of them more then a 1000. the rest he put to flight, and took riche spoils, marching forward till they came to a Castle named Castrum Peregrinorum, situate upon the Sea cost, and tarried there that night, & the next day they returned toward Acra. In the mean season, the king of Jerusalem sent unto the noble men of Cypres, desiring them w ^t speed that they would come and aid the Christians: but they would not come, saying: they would keep their own land and go no further. Then Prince Edward sent unto them, desiring that at his request they would come & join in aid with him. Who immediately thereupon came unto him with great preparation and furniture for the wars, saying: that at his commandment they were bound to do no less, for that his predecessors were sometimes y ^t governors of their lande, & that they ought always to show their fidelity, to the kings of England. Then the Christians being herew ^t animated, made a third voyage or Rode, and came as far as the fort called Vincula S. Petri, and to S. Georges: and when they had slain certain there, not finding any to make resistance against them, they retired again from whence they came.

When thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst his enemies, and that they began to stand in doubt of him: they devised amongst themselves, howe by some policy they might circumvent him and betray him. Whereupon, the great Prince and Admiral of Joppa, sent unto him: sayning himself under great deceit to become a Christian, and that he would draw with him a great number besides so that they might be honorably entertained & used of the Christians. This talk pleased the Prince well, and persuaded him to finish the thing, he had so well begun, by writing again: who also by the same messenger sent and wrote back unto him, diverse times about the same matter, whereby no mistrust should spring. This messenger, saith mine autor, was one ex caute nutritis, one of the slony hearted that neither feared God, nor dreaded death. The fifth time when this messenger came, and was of the Princes servants searched, according to the manner and custom what weapon and armor he had about him, as also his purse, that not so much as a knife could be found about him: he was had up into the Princes chamber, and after his reverence done, he pulled out certain letters, which he delivered to the Prince from his Lord, as he had done others before. This was about eight days after whitsontide upon a Teusday, somewhat before night: at which time the Prince was laid upon his bed bare headed in his Ierkin, for the great heat and intemperature of the weather.

When the Prince had red the letters, it appeared by thē y ^t upon the Saturday next following, his Lord would be there ready to accomplish all that he had written and promised. The report of these news by the prince to the standers by liked them well, drawing some what back to consult thereof amongst themselves, In the mean time, the messenger, kneeling & making his obersance to the Prince (questioning further with him) put his hand to the belt, as though he would have pulled out some secret letters: & suddenly he pulled out an inuenomed knife, thinking to have stricken him into the belly through ^t as he lay: But y ^• Prince lifting up his hand to defend the blow, was stricken a great wound into y ^t arm. And being about to fetch another stroke at him, the prince again with his foot took him such a blow y ^t he feld him to the ground: w ^t that the prince gat him by the hand, and with such violence wrasted the knife from him, y ^t he hurt himself therewith on the forehead, and immediately thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker, and slue him. The Princes servants being in the next chamber not far of, hearing the bulkling, came with great hast running in: and finding the messenger lying dead in the flour, one of them took up a stool, and bet out his brains: whereat the Prince was wroth, for that he stroke a dead man, and one that was killed before. The rumour hereof as it was strange, so it soon went throughout all the Court, and from thence amongst the common people: wherefore they were very heavy and greatly discouraged, To him came also the Captayne of the Temple & brought him a costly and precious drink against poison, least the venom of the knife should penetrate the lively blood, and in blaming wise said unto him: Did I not show your grace before of the deceit & subtlety of this people? Notwithstanding, saith he, let your grace take a good heart, you shall not die of this wound, my life for yours. But straight ways, y ^e surgions & phisitiōs were sent for, and the prince was dressed: and within few days after the wound began to putrefy, and the flesh to look dead and black, whereupon they that were about the prince began to mutter amongst thenselves, and were very sad and heavy. Which thing he himself perceiving, said unto them: why mutter you thus amongst yourselves? What see you in me, can I not be healed? Tell me the truth, be ye not afraid. Whereupon one said unto him: and like your grace you may be healed, we mistrust it not, but yet it will be very painful for you to suffer. May suffering, saith he, again restore health? Yea saith the other, on pain of loosing my head. Then said the Prince, I commit myself to you, do with me what you think good. Then said one of the Physicians, is there any of your Nobles in whom your grace reposeth special trust? To whom the Prince answered yea, namyng certain of the Noble men that stood about him. Then said the Physician to the two whom the Prince first named, the Lord Edmund, and the Lord John Uoysie: And do you also faithfully love your Lord and Prince? Who answered both, yea undoubted. Then saith he, take ye away this Gentlewoman and Lady (meaning his wife) & let her not see her Lord and husband, till such a time I will you thereunto. Whereupon they took her out of the princes presence, crying out and wringing her hands. Thē said they unto her, be ye contented good Lady & Madame. It is better that one woman should weep a little while, then that all the realm of England should weep a great season. Then on the morrow, they cut out all the dead and inuenemed flesh out of the Princes arm, and threw it from them, and said unto him: how chereth your grace, we promise you w ^t in these fifteen days you shall show yourself abroad (if God permit) upon your horse back, whole and well as ever you were. And according to the promise her made the prince, it came to pass, to the no little comfort and admiration of all his subjects. When the great Souldan heard of, and that the Prince was yet alive, he would scarcely believe the same▪ and sending unto him three of his nobles and princes, excused himself by them, calling his gods to witness, that the same was done neither by him, nor his consent. Which Princes and messengers standing a loofe of from the kings son, worshipping him, fell flat upon the ground. You saith the prince doc reverence me, but yet you love me not. But they understood him not, because he spake in English unto them, speaking by an interpreter. Neuertheles, he honourably entreated thē, and sent them away in peace.

Thus when Prince Edward had been 18. months in Acra, he took shipping about the assumption of our lady, as we call it, returning houseward, & after 7. weeks he arrived in Sicilia at Trapes: and from thence traveling through Palestine and Mermes, and so through the middes of Apulia, till he came to Rome, where he was of the Pope honourably entertained. From thence he came into France, whole same and noble prowes was there much bruted among the common people: and envied of y ^• nobillitie, especially of the Earl de Chafōs: who sent unto him and required him, that he might break a staff w ^t him at the Tilte in his country: which thing to doc, for that the prince would not diminishe his honor and fame (although he might have well alleged a sufficient cause and excuse by means of his travel) yet he would not, but willingly consented thereunto. Wherupon it was proclaimed, that Prince Edward by such a day, with those that were with him, had challenged all comers at the Tilt & Barriers. Whereupon great assemblies were made in the country all about: and diverse as well horsemen as footmen had conjured amongst themselves, and conspired against the Englishmen, selling their horses and armor a forehand, & drinking one to another in bon voyage of the spoil of them whom they would take as their prisoners. Prince Edward in the mean time, sent into England for diverse Earls and Barons which came unto him. Whē the day appointed was come, the Prince had w ^t him more then 1000. horsemen, which were knights, besides his footmen. But yet there was as many mo on the other side both in horsemen and footmen. When the parties should meet: The French footmen which had before conspired: began both to spoil, rifle, and kill. The Englishmen resisted & defended thenselves both with bows & slings: many of thē they slue & drave them to the gates of their Citty, the other they chased over a river, where many of them were drowned. In the mean season, the Earl with fifty of his knights which followed him, came forth and joined together so many for so many, and a long time together they tried it with their swords, laying one at another. At the last, the Earl perceiving himself not able to match with him at the arms end: enclosed with him, and taking him about the neck held him with his arms very strait. What mean you my Lord, saith the prince, think you to have my horse? Yea marry quoth y ^t Earl, I mean to have both thee and thy horse. Hereat Prince Edward being ascourued, lifted up himself, and gave him such a blow y ^t therwithall he forsaking his horse, hong still about the Princes neck, till that he shook him off to the ground. Herewith the Prince, being somewhat in a heat, left the press to take some air, thereby to refresh himself. But when he saw the injury of the Frenchmen towards his men, and how they had slain many of them, he then said unto them that they used rather the exercise of battle then of Torny Spare you not therefore, saith he, from henceforth none of them all, but give them again as good as they bring. Thē they assayed to kill eche other freely on either part, and let their swords walk. And when by this time the English footmen were again returned, and saw the conflicte of horsemen and many other Englishmen overthrown: they put themselves amiddes the press, some pāching the horses, some cutting a sonder the girthes of y ^• Frenchmens saddels, overthrew • the ryders and gave them holibread. Then when the foresaid Earl was horsed again by some of his men & amongst the throng, Prince Edward also rushed in amongst the thickest & coped again w ^t him: to whō he often spake and cried, that he should yield himself as vanquished: but that he would not doc. Notwithstanding when his strength began to fail him, he was fain to yield himself unto a simple knight, according as Prince Edward him bad: and all the rest of his horsemen & Knights fled and saved themselves: Howbeit, many of them in that place were slain, and our men returned having the victory. But when after this they thought themselves to be quiet and at rest: they were killed by two & by three at once as they went in the streets of the Citizens. Which thing, when the prince heard, he sent for the Major and Burgeses, commanding them to see the same redressed, and that immediately: for otherwise, of his knighthoode, he assured them, that upon the morrow he would fire the city, and make it level with the ground. Whereupon they went their ways, and set watchmen in diverse places of y ^• same to keep the peace, by which means the Prince and his mē were in safety and quiet. Thus in this pastime of Torneing and Barriers, much blood was spilte, whereupon the name of the place was changed: so that it is not called Torniamentum de Chalons, but paruum bellum de Chalons.

From thence the prince came to Paris, and was of the french king honorably entertained: & after certain days, went from thence into Vascouia, where he tarried till that he heard of the death of the king his father.

In the year of our 1272. died pope Clement the 4. After whom succeeded Pope Gregory the 10. who in the next year following, which was the year of our Lord. 1273. called a general Council at Lions, about the controversy between the Greek Church and the Latin Church, and for the vacancy of the sea Apostolical. &c.