Acts and Monuments Volume 1

3. Thirdly, because it was against the liberty of the Church: for so it is in the bill: that they that would not, should be excommunicate.

4. Fourthly, because that when a late they gave the tenth part of their goods, it was with this protestatiō, that they should contribute to the pope no more hereafter.

5. Item, because they had cōtributed before, if they should now contribute again, it were to be feared least an action twice done should grow into a custom, as is in the law. Lege nemo &c.

6. Item forasmuch as they shall have causes continually to seek to Rome through the Emperors land: it were to be feared, least the said Emperor by the way would work their annoyance.

7. Item, because the king hath many enemies abroad, & for his wars hath need of much money at home: it is not convenient that the goods of the realm should be alienated out of the Realm.

8. Item, because that could not be done without prejudice to the patrons of their churches, not knowing whether their patrons did or would agree unto the same.

9. Lastly, because they hear say, that the general state of the Church is in danger: for the which they understand there shall be shortly a general Council, wherein such matters shall be determined: and therefore if they should contribute now, it should be to the hindrance and damage of the Church.

The Legate and his fellow hearing these allegations, seeing their own confusion were the less importunate.

Not long after this, followed a general Council at Lions, called by Pope Innocentius 4. in the which Council the English nation did exhibit certain articles of their greuāces, not unworthy to be known. Grauatur regnum Angliae eo quod D. Papa non est contentus subsidio illo quod vocatur denarius be. Petri. &c. In English thus.

• 1. The kingdom of England is grieved that the pope being not contented with his Peter pence, requireth and extorteth from the Clergy great exactions, and (more is like) without the consent both of the king, and against the customs of the realm.
• 2. Item, the church and kingdom of England is grieved, that the patrons of the same, cannot present as they were wont into their Churches, for the popes letters. But the churches are given to Romaines, which know neither the realm, nor the tongue thereof, both to the great peril of souls and robbing away the money out of the realm.
• 3. Item, it is grieved, for that the Pope promising by the tenor of his letters, that in requiring of pensions and provisions in the realm of England, he would require but only twelve benefices▪ now contrary to the tenor thereof, many more benefices and provisions are bestowed away by him.
• 4. Item, the realm is grieved and complaineth, that in the benefices in England, one Italian succeedeth another, the English men being not only excluded, but also compelled (for y ^• determining of their matters) to seek to Rome: contrary both to the customs of the Realm, and also to the priueledges granted by the popes predecessors to the king and kingdom of England.
• 5. The fifth greuance is, for y ^e oft recourse of that infamous Legate, by whom both faith and fidelity, the ancient customs of the realm, the authority of old grauntes, statutes, laws, and privileges, are imbeseled and abrogate: whereby an infinite number in England be grievously afflicted and oppressed.
• 6. The said realm is also grieved in general tallages, collections, and assizes, made without the kings consent, the appellation and contradiction of the kings Proctors to the contrary notwithstanding.
• 7. Seventhly, the foresaid realm complaineth and is grieved: that in the benefices given to Italians, neither y ^• old ordinances, nor relief of the poor, nor hospitality, nor any preaching of God's word, nor care of men's souls, nor service in the Church, nor yet the walls of the Churches be kept up and maintained, as the manner & custom of the same realm requireth. Ouer and above these foresaid grievances, there came moreover from the pope other fresh letters, charging and commanding the prelates of England to find of their proper costs and charges, for one whole year, some ten armed soldiers, some 5. some 15. to be ready at the popes commandment there, where he should appoint.

After these and other grievances & enormities of Rome the states of England consulting together, direct their letters to the pope for reformation thereof: first the Abbots & Priors, then the bishops and Suffragans, after the Nobles and Barons, last of all the king himself. But as the proverb is, venter non habet aures. so the popes purse had no ears to hear. And as our common saying goeth, as good never a whit, as never the better, so went it with the pope. Who not long after the same, sent ye for new tallage and exactions to be collected: which thing when it came to the kings ear, he being moved and disturbed vehemently withal, writeth in this wise to the bishops, severally to everyone in his diocese.

At length, the Ambassadors which were at Rome, came home about the latter end of December, bringing word, that the pope hearing what was done in the Council of Winchester and of the king, was greatly displeased with him and the realm, saying:

Whereupon, when the Ambassadors began to speak in the kings behave: frō that time, they were half counted for schismatics, & could no more be heard in y ^• court of Rome. The king hearing this, was maruelously incensed therewith, commanding by general proclamation through all this realm: that no mā should hereafter consent to any tax or subsidy of money for y ^e court of Rome. When this came to the popes ear, upon a cruel rage, he directed his letters to the Prelates of England, charging that under pain of suspense or interdiction, they should provide the same sum of money to be collected against the feast of the Assumption, the charge being given to the Bishop of Worcester to be executor of the said curse. The king, that lately intended to stand to the liberties of the Church: now for fear of the pope, and partly for persuasions of the said Bishop of Worcester and other Prelates, durst not stand to it, but gave over. Moreover, the greedy gulf of the Romish avarice waxt so immeasurable, that at length the pope shamed not vpō the censure of his curse, to ask the third part of the Church goods, and the yearly fruit of all vacant benefices, The chief doers and Legates in England, were Otho, Stephanus Capellanus, Petrus Rubeus nuncius, Mag. Martin. & Mag. Marinus, Johannes Anglicus Episcopus Sabi • ensis. Of whom to speak further (for that I have matter much more to write) for this present time I think beast to surcease: least in opening all the detestable doings and pestilent workinges of those men, I might perhaps not only molest good cares: but also infect the air. Yet one thing concerning the said Otho, I cannot well overpass.

This Otho, as he left no place unsought, where any vauntage might be got: so amongst all other he came to Oxford. Where lying in the house of Osney, he was received w ^t great honor: the scholars presenting him honourably with such dishes and rewards as they had, thinking to gratify the Cardinal after the best manner. This being done before dinner, & the dinner ended, they came reverently to see and welcome him, supposing y ^t they also should w ^t like curtesy again of him be entertained. As they came to y ^e gate, the porter (being an Italian) with a loud voice asketh what they would have. They said they came to see the Lord Legate. But Cerberus the porter holding the door half open, with proud and contumelius language thrust them out, and would not suffer them to enter. The Shollers seeing that, by force thrust open the gate and came in: whom when the Romans which were within would have repelled with their fistes, and such staves as they had in their hands, they fell to alar •• and by the ears together, with much houing and shouing and many blows on both sides. In the mean time while some of the scholars ran home for their weapons, their chanced a poor scholar (an Irishman) to stand at the gate waityng for his alms. Whom when the master Cook saw at the gate, he taking hot skalding water out of the pan where the meat was sodden: did cast it in his face. One of the scholars a Welchman, that came with his Bowe and shaftes, seeing that: letteth drive an arrow, and shooteth this Nabuzardan (that master of Cokes) clean through the body, and slayeth him out of hand. The Cook falling dead: there was a mighty broyle, & a great clamor, throughout all the house. The Cardinal hearing the tumult and great noise about him, like a valiant Romayn runneth as fast as as he could into the steple & there locket y ^• doors fast unto him, where he remained till midnight. The scholars in y ^e mean while not yet all pacified sought all corners about for the Legate, exclayming & crying out: where is that usurer, y ^t symoniack, that pillar & poler of our livings, y ^t proyler and extortioner of our money which perverteth our king: and subuerteth his kingdom; enriching himself with our spoils. &c. all this heard the Cardinal, and held his peace. When the night approaching had broken up the field: the Cardinal coming out of his forte, and taking his horse (in silence of the night) was privily conveyed over the river toward the king, conveying himself away as fast he could. After the king heard this, he sendeth to Oxford a garrison of armed men, to deliver y ^• Romaines which were there hidden for fear of scholars. Then was master Odo a lawer, with 30. other scholars apprehended, & carried to Walingford Castle: & frō thence had in Cartes to London, where at length through much entreaty of the bishops) being brought barefoot to y ^• Legates door, had their pardon, & the University released of interdiction. And thus much concerning the Popes Legates in England.

Thus partly you have heard, & do understand the miserable thralldom and captivity of this realm of England and the clergy of the same: who before refused to take part with king John their natural Prince, against the foreign power of the pope: and now how miserably they are oppressed and scourged of the same pope. Whose insatiable extortion & rapacity, did so exceed in pilling & poling of this realm long after this, that neither the K. now could help thē, neither could the pope with any reasonable measure be content. In so much (as writers record) in the days of Sudbury Archb. of Canterbury an. 1360. the pope by his proctors gat from the Clergy in less then one year, more then lx.M. florences, of mere contributiō: besides his other auayles & common revenues out of benefices, prebendaries, first fruits, tributes, Peter Pence, collatiōs, reseruatiōs, relaxations, & such merchandise. &c.

Mention was made a little before pag. 231. and 239. of Albigenses keeping about the City of Toulouse. These Albingauses because they began to smell the pope, and to control the inordinate proceedings and discipline of the sea of Rome: the Pope therefore recounting thē as a people heretical, excited and stirred up, about this present time & year an. 1220. Ludouick the young French king through the instance of Phillip his Father: to lay siege against the said City of Toulouse, to expugne & extinguishe these Albigenses his enemies. Wherupon Ludouicke (according to his fathers commandment) reared a puissant and a mighty army, to compass about and beset the forenamed city: and so did. Here were the men of Toulouse in great danger. But see how the mighty protection of God fighteth for his people, against the might of man. For after that Ludouicke (as Matthew Paris. testifieth) had long weryed himself and his men in waste, and could do no good with all their ingines and artilery against the City: there fell moreover upon the French host by the hand of God, such famine, and pestilence both of men and horses, beside the other daily slaughter of the soldiers: that Ludouick was enforced to retire, and with such as were left to return again home to France from whence he came. In the slaughters of which soldiers besides many other, was Earl Simon de monti forte, general of y ^e army, to whō the lands of the Earl of Toulouse was givē by the pope, who was slain before the gate of the Citty with a stone. And so was also the brother of the said Simon the same time in besieging a castle near to Toulouse slain with a stone in like manner. And so was the siege of the Frenchmen against Toulouse broke up. Ex Mat. Par.

As the siege of these French men could do no good against the Citty of Toulouse: so it happened the same time that the Christians marching toward the holy land, had better luck by the way in laying their siege to a certain tower or castle in Egypt, near to the city Damieta: which seemed by nature, for the situation and difficulty of the place, inexpugnable: as which being situate in the midst of the great flood Nile (hard by the city called Damieta) could neither be come to by land, nor be undermined for the water, nor by famine subdued for the nearenes of the city, yet notwithstanding, through the help of God and policy of man, in erecting scaffoldes and Castles upon tops of mastes, the Christians at last conquered it: and after that the Citty also Damieta, albeit not without great loss of Christian people. In the expugnation of this City or forte, among other that there died, was the Lantgraue of Thuring named Ludouicke, the husband of Elizabeth, whom we use to call S. Elizabeth. This Elizabeth (as my story recordeth) was the daughter of the king of Hungary, and married in Almayne, where she lived with the forenamed Ludouicke Lantgraue of Thuringe. Whom she thorough her persuasions provoked and incēsed to take that vyage to fight for the holy land, where he in y ^e same vyage was slain. After whose death, Elizabeth (remaining a widow (entered the profefliō of cloysterly religion, & made her self a Nun. So growing and increasing from virtue to virtue, that after her death, all Almayne did sound with the fame of her worthy doings. Mat. Paris. addeth this more, that she was the daughter of that Queen, who being accused to be naught with a certain Archbishop: was therefore condemned w ^t this sentence pronounced against her.

. That is (although it be hard in English to be translated as it standeth in Latin) To kill the Queen will ye not to fear that is good: And if all men consent thereunto, not I myself do stand against it &c. The which sentence being brought to Pope Innocent, thus in pointing the sentence which otherwise seemeth to have a double understanding, so saved the Queen: thus interpreting and pointing the sentence: . That is: To kill the Queen will ye not: to fear, that is good. And if all do consent thereto, yet not I: I myself do stand against it: And so escaped she the danger. This Queen was the mother as is said, of Elizabeth the Nun, who for her holy Nunny shenes was canonised of the popes church, for a Saint in Almanie, about the year. 1220. Ex Mat Parisiens.

And this by the way, now to proceed farther in the years and life of this king Henry. The next year following which was an. 1221. the king went to Oxford: where he had something to do with William Earl de Albemartia, who had taken the Castle of Biham: but at last for his good service he had done in the realm before, was released of the king with all his men, by the intercession of Walter Archbishop of York, and of Pandolphe the Legate. About which present year, entered first the Friers Minorites, or gray friars into England, and had their first house at Canterbury: whose first patron was Fraunciscus, which died an. 1127. and his order was confirmed by the pope Honorius 3. an. 1224.

About the first coming of these Dominic and gray Friers Franciscane into the Realm (as is in Nic. Triuet testified) many Englishmen y ^• same time entered into their orders. Among whom was Johannes de sancto Egideo, a man famously expert in the science of Physic and Astronomy. And Alexander de Hales both Englishmen and great divines. This Johannes making his Sermon ad clerum, in the house of the Dominick Friars: exhorted his auditory with great persuasions unto willful poverty. And to confirm his words the more by his own example, in the midst of his sermon he came down from the pulpite and put on his Friars habit: and so returning into the pulpite again made an end of his Sermon. Likewise Alexander Hales entered the order of the Fraunciscanes, of whom remaineth yet the book entitled De. Summa Theology in old Libraries.

Moreover, not long after by William de longa spata, which was the Bastard son of K. Henry 2. and Earl of Salisbury: was first founded the house of the Carthusian monks at Heytrope. an. 1222. After whose death his wife Ela was translated to y ^e house of Hentone in Barkeshyre, an. 1227. which Ela also founded the house of Nuns at Lacockes, and there continued herself Abbes of the place. The Bishop of London named William, the same time gave over his byshopricke: after whom succeeded Eustace in that sea. Flor. hist.

In the town of Oxford above mentioned, where the king kept his Courte: Simon Langton Archbishop of Canterbury held a Council, where was condemned and burned a certain Deacon, as Nic. Triuet saith, for apostasy. Also another rude country man who had crucified him self, & superstitiously bare about the wounds in his feet & hands, was condemned to be closed up perpetually w ^t in walls. Ex Nic. Triuet. About which year also Alexander king of the Scots married Iohanne sister to king Henry.

Not long after, began the new building of the minster of Salisbury. Whereat Pandulphus the Popes Legate, laid the five first stones: One for the Pope (such was the fortune of that Church to have the Popes stone in his foundation) the second for the young king Henry: the third, for the good Earl of Salisbury. The fourth for the Counties: The fifth for the Bishop of Salisbury. &c. Which was about the same year above mentioned. an. 1221. Ex Chron. Do. Sal.

In the same year about S. James tide, fell a dissention between the Citizens of London, & men of Westminster, the occasiō whereof was this. A certain game between these two parties was appointed to try whether parte in wrestling could overcome the other. Thus in striving for maistry, ech part contending against the other (as the manner is in such pastime) it happened the Lōdiners to get the uictory, and the other side was put to foil, but especially the stuard of the Abbot of Westminster. Who being not a little confounded therewith, begā to forethinke in his mind how to be revenged again of the Londoners. Wherupō, another day was set, which was at Lāmas, that the Lōdiners should come again to wrestle: and who so had the victory, should have the belweather, which was the price of the game appointed. As the parties were thus occupied in their play, y ^e stuard suddenly bringeth upon y ^e Londoners unawares a company of harvest mē, prepared for the same before, & letteth drive at the Londoners. Who at length being wounded and grievously hurt, after much bloodshed were driven back again into the City. This contumely thus being received, the Citizens eagerly stricken with ire and impacience, ran to the common vell: and by y ^t ringing thereof, assembled their commons together to consult with themselves, what was to be done in the case so contumelious, wherein, when diverse sentences were given diversely Serle the same time Major of London (a wise & discrete man) gave this counsel, that the Abbot of Westminster should be talked withal: who if he would rectify the injury done, and satisfy for the harm received, it should be to them sufficient. But contrary, on • Constantine a great mā then in the Little of London, in much heat exciting y ^t people, gave this sentence: that all the houses of the Abbot of Westminster, but especially the house of the steward, should be cast down to the ground. In fine, that which he so unadvisedly counseled, was as madly performed: for the furious people, according to his coūsails so did. This tumultuous outrage, as it could not be priuye, coming to the knowledge of Hubert de Burgo Lord chief justice of england above mentioned, he coming w ^t a sufficient strength of armed soldiers to the City of London, sent to the Major & Aldermen of the city to will them to come unto him. Who so obeying his commandment, required of thē the principal beginners of the riot. To whom Constantine there being present answered, that he would a warrant y ^t which was done: sorrowing moreover, that they had not done more then they did, in y ^t matter. The justice upon the same his confession, commanded him with 2. other, w ^t out any further tumult to be taken. And so, with the same two was hanged, offering for his life, xv. thousand marks. &c.

The said Hubert Earl of Kent, & Lord chief justice, although he was a faithful & trusty officer to his prince, & had the whole guiding of the realm in his own hands, the king as yet being in his minority: yet afterward, what indignation he sustained for this his seuerit • e and other things, both of the nobles & of the commons: & how sharply he was tossed and trounsed of his prince, wonder it is to see, as in his due place & time (by the Lord's leave) hereafter shall appear. Haec'ex Mat. Parisiens.

And for so much as mention hath been made of the wrāgling between the cōmoners of Londō & of Westminster: both time & occasion bringeth me in remembrance, something to speak likewise of the Ecclesiastical conflicts among churchmē, nothing inferior, in my mind, nor less worthy to be noted, then the other. For so I read in Mat. Parisiens. and in Flor histor. that at what time this wrasfling was among the Citizens for the sheep: the like contention kindled & flamed between Eustace Bishop of London, & the chapter of Paul's on the one side: & the Abbot of Westminster with his Convent on the other side about spiritual jurisdiction & subiectiō: to wit, whether the monastery of Westminster were exempted from the subjection & jurisdiction of y ^e B. of Londō, or not. Which controversy at last coming into comprimis was committed to the arbitrement of Stephen Archb. of Canterbury, Phillip Bishop of Wintchester, Thomas of Merton, & Richard prior of Dunstable. And at length was thus agreed, that the monastery of Westminster should be utterly exempted frō the jurisdiction of the bishop of London. And that Stanes with the appurtenaunce thereto belonging, should appertayn to the Monastery of Westminster. Also, that the Manure of Sunnebury should be due & proper to the Church of S. Paul, and also the Church of S. Margarite with all the lands belonging to the same, to be exempted from all other jurisdiction, but only to the Bishop of Rome. And so was this matter decided. an. 1222. Ibidem Floro histor.

The same year, as writeth Mat Parisiens. horrible tempests, with such thrundring & lightning, & whirlewindes went through all the land, that much harm was done, Churches, steeples, towers, houses, & diverse trees w ^t the violence of winds were blown up by the roots. In Warwickeshyre, a certain wife with eight other in her house were slain. In Grantham the Church was set on fire by lightning most terrible. with such a stink left there behind, that no man could after a long time abide it. The author addeth, that manifest marks of the tempest did remain long after in that Monastery to be seen. Some also write, that fiery Dracons and spirits were seen then flying in the air.

An. 1223. Phillip the French king died, after whō his son Ludouicke succeeded in the crown. To whom king Henry sending his message, and desiring him to remember his promise and covenant made in rendering again the lands lost in Normandy, could obtain nothing at his hands. Whereupō Richard Earl of Cornewale, also William the kings uncle Earl of Salisbury, with diverse other nobles, made over into France: where they recourred Poytiers, & kept Gascoine under the kings obedience. Ex Mat. Parisiens. Triuet. Flor hist.

In the same year, or as Fabian giveth, the next following which was. 1224. by the virtue of a certain Parliament: was granted of the Lord's and Baronie of the land the king and his heirs, to have the ward and marriage of their heirs: which thē was called, & after so proved, to be Initium malorum, the beginning of harms.

In the same year, by the count of Gisburne and other writers, the said king ho • ding another Parliament at Oxford, by the advise of his counsel & of his clergy: did grant and confirm under his great seal, two chartes of the old liberties and customs of this realm, forever to be kept & observed, the one called Magna Charta : the other Charta de foresta. The contents whereof, fully in the forenamed author be expressed. For the which cause, was granted again by the whole Parliament a Quindecim, or a fifteen of all his subjects as well of lay men, as also of the Clergy.

Where is to be noted, y ^t these liberties were afterward broken, and confirmed again by the said king. an. 1236.

An. 1226. died pope Honorius a great adversary against Frederick the Emperor, after whom succeeded Gregory the ix. more grievous then his predecessor. In the which year also died Ludouick the perjured French king, at the siege of Avigno. Whom the pope now the second or third time had set up to fight against Reimund the good Earl of Toulouse, and the heretics Albingensis of that country▪ For so the pope calleth all them, which h • ld not in all pointes, with his glorious pride, & usurped power & ungodly proceedings. The origin whereof was this, as in Mat. Parisiens. appeareth. In the daes of Phillip the French king, this Reimundus Earl of Toulouse was disdained of the Pope for holding w ^t the Albigenses: & therefore by the instigation of the pope, the lands of the Earl were taken from him & given to Simon Montfort▪ and instruments made vpō the same. But when the said Earl Reimundus would not be removed frō the right of his possessions by unrighteous dealing: then the pope setteth Phillip the French king, to make open war against him. Wherupō, Louis the French kings son was sent with a great power (as is above declared) to besiege the City of Toulouse. But being repulsed from thence, by the marvelous band of God fighting for his people, could not prevail, & so returned home, after he had lost the most part of his army by pestilence, and other calamity as hath been before described. And thus continued the good Earl still in quiet possession, till this present time. an. 1226. In the which year, the pope not forgetting his old malice against the Earl, and no less enflamed with insatiable avarice, directeth down his Legate master Romanus to the partes of France, for 2. several purposes. One to extirye the Earl, the other to enlarge his revenues. Thus the Legate being entered into France, beginneth to summone a Council, willing the French king with the Archbishops, Bishops, & Clergy of France to appear before him at Bitures. To whom estsoones repaired vi. Arcbishops with the bishops & Suffragans of ix. provinces, to the mumber of 100. besides the Abbates, Priours, & Proctors of all the couentes of France, to hear the popes will & commandment: but because there was a discord feared to rise (saith Mathaeus ) about preeminence of sitting, for that the Archbishop of Lions challenged the superior place above the Archbishop of Sene. Also the archbishop of Roane, above the archbishop of Britures, and above the Archbishop of Harbone. &c. Therefore the session was hold̄ there, not in manner and form of a Council, but of a certain parlie, or consultation. Thus the meek and holy Council being set, & the popes majesties letters read & declared: appeareth before them Reimund Earl of Toulouse of the one part. And Simon Mountfort on the other part. Which Simon required to be restored unto him the lands and possessions of the said Reimund, which the pope & Phillip the French king, had given to him & to his father before: having good evidences to show for the same, confirmed by the donation of the pope, and of the king. Adding moreover, that the Earl Reimund was deprived and disherited in the general Council at Rome for heresy, which is called the heresy of Albigenses. At least if he might not have the whole yielded unto him, yet the most part of his Lordships he required to be granted him.

To this the Earl Reimund answered again, offering himself ready to all duetyes & office both toward the French king, and to the church of Rome, whatsoever duly to him did appertain. And moreover touching the heresy, wherewith he was there charged: he did not only there offer himself in that Council before the Legate but most humbly did crave of him, that he would take the pains to come into every Citty within his precinct to inquire of every person there the articles of his belief: and if he found any person or persons, holding that which was not Catholic, he would see the same to be corrected and amended, according to the censure of holy Church to y ^t uttermost. Or if he should find any city rebelling against him, he to the uttermost of his might with the inhabitance thereof, would compel them to do satisfaction therefore. And as touching himself, if he had committed or erred in anything (which he remembereth not to have done) he offered their full satisfaction to God & Church, as becomed any faithful christen man to do, requiring moreover therefore the Legate to be examined of his faith. &c. But all this (saith Mathaeus ) y ^e legate despised: neither could the catholic Earl (saith he) there find any grace, unless he would depart from his heritage: both from himself and from his heirs forever. In fine, when it was required by the contrary part that he should stand to the arbitrement of xii. peers of France: to that Reimundus answered, that if the French king would receive his homage, which he was ready at all times to exhibit, he was contented therewith. For else they would not (said he) take him, as one of their society & fellow subject.

After much altercatiō on both sides about the matter, the Legate willeth every archbishop to call aside his Suffragans, to deliberate with them upon the cause: and to give up in writing what was concluded. Which being done accordingly, the Legate denounceth excommunication to all such as did reveal any piece of that which was there concluded, before the pope and the king had intelligence there of.

These things thus in hudder mutter among thenselves concluded, the Legate gave leave to all proctors of couents and chapters to return home, only retaining with him y ^t Archbishops, bishops, and Abbots, & certain simple prelates, such as he might be more hold withal to opē, and of thē to obtain the other part of his commissiō: which was in deed to obtain of every cathedral church 2. prebendships one for the bish. the other for the chapter. And in monasteries also after y ^t like sort, where the Abbot and the Convent had diverse and several portions: to require two churches, one for y ^e Abbot, the other for the convent, keeping this proportion: that how much should suffice for the living of one Monk, so much y ^e whole convent should find for their part, and as much the Abbot likewise for his. And for so much as he would not seem to demand this without some color of cause, his reason was this: that because the Courte of Rome had long been blotted w ^t the note of avarice, which is mother of all evil, for that no man could come to Rome for any business, but he must solfe for the expedition of the same: therefore for the removing away of the occasiō of that slander: the public help of the Church therefore must necessarily be required. &c.

The proctors and parties thus sent home by the Legates, merueiling w ^t themselves why the Bishops & Abbots should be stayed & they sent home, & suspecting no les but as the matter was in deed: conferred their counsels together, & devised w ^t themselves to send certain unto him in the behalf of all the cathedral & conuentuall Churches in France, & sent to the said Legate the message, to signify unto him: That they were credibly informed, that he came w ^t special letters from the court of Rome, for the obtaining of certain prebendaries w ^t in every cathedral and conuētuall church. Which being so, they much merueiled y ^t he would not in the public counsel, make manifest to thē those letters which specially cōcerned thē as much as the others. Wherefore their request was to him in y ^• Lord, that no such offensive matter might rise by him in y ^t French church: knowing this that the thing which he enterpriseth could not be brought to effect, without great offense taken, and inestimable damage to the Church of France. For grant said they, that certain will assent unto you, yet their assent standeth in no effect, concerning such matters as touch the whole: especially, seeing both the states of the Realm with all the inferior subjects, yea and the king himself, they are sure, will withstand the same: to the venture nonet only of their honor, but of their life also, considering the case to be such, as upon the offense whereof, standeth the subversion both of the realm public, and of the whole Church in general. Declaring moreover the cause of this fear to rise hereof, for that in other realms such communicatiō hath been with bishops & prelates, for the procuring of such prebendships, where as neither the prince nor the subjects, were made any thing privy thereto.

In conclusion, when the matter came to debating with the Legate, the objections of the inferior parties, against the cruel exaction, were these in brief effect, as is in Parisiens. noted.

First they alleged their great damag • s and expenses which they were like to sustain thereby by reason of the continual procurators of the Pope, which in every diocese must live not of their own, but must be sustained upon the charges of the cathedral Churges, and other churches also: and many times they being but procurators will be found as Legates.

Item, by that means, they said great perturbations might ensue to the couentes and Chapters of Cathedral churches in their elections: for so much as the Popes agents and factors being in every cathedral church & chapter house, percase the pope would command him in his person to be present at their elections, and so might trouble the same: in delaying and deferring till it might fall to the court of Rome to gene. And so should be placed moe of the Popes clientele in the churches of France, then of the proper inhabitance of the land.

Item, by this means they affirmed, that all they in the court of Rome should be richer and should receive more for their proportion, then the king of the realm: by reason of which abundance of riches, it was like to come to pass, that as the worm of rich men is pride: so by the means of this their riches, the court of Rome would delay & drive of great suites, and scarce would take any pains w ^t small causes: the experiment whereof is evident, for that now also they use to delay their matters whē they come w ^t their gifts, and being in assurance to receive. And thus should justice stand aside, and poor suitors die at y ^e gates of the court of Rome, thus flowing and triumphing in full abundance of all treasure and riches.

Item, for so much as it is mete and convenient to have friends in the court of Rome, for the better speeding of their causes: therefore they thought to keep them needy, whereby their gifts may be the sweeter and their causes sooner dispatched.

Item, when as it is impossible the fountain of greedy desire to be stopped, it was to be feared, that either they would do that by other, which they were wont to do by themselves: or else they should be enforced to give greater rewards then before. For small gifts in the sight of great rich men are not looked upon.

Item, where he alleged the removing away of the slāder which goeth on the court of Rome: By this means rather the contrary were to be feared: wherein they alleged the sentence of the verse, that great riches stop not the taking of much, but a mind contented with a little.

Farther they alleged that great riches would make the Romaines mad: and so might kindle among thē sides and partes taking: so that by great possessions sedition might follow, to the ruin and destructiō of the city: whereof some experiment they had already.

Item, they added that although they would condescend and oblige themselves to that contribution, yet their successors would not so be bound, nor yet, ratify the bond of theirs.

Lastly thus they conclude the matter, desiring him that the zeal of the universal Church, and of the Church of Rome would move him. For if this oppression of y ^e church should be universal: it were to be doubted, least any universal departing might follow from the Church of Rome (which God forbid say they) should happen.

The Legate hearing these words, being therewith something moved, as seemed, thus excused himself, that he being in the court, never agreed in this exaction. And that y ^t letters hereof came not to him before he was in France, whereat he said was greatly sory. Adding this withal, that the words of his precept included this secret meaning in them, thus to be understand and taken: so far forth as the Empire and other realms would agree unto y ^e same. And as for him, he would stir no more in the matter, before it were proved, what other countries would say and do therein.

And thus much concerning the second part of the blind commission of this Legate, touching his exaction of prebendships in every Cathedral and conuentuall Church, wherein as ye hear, he was repulsed. Ex Mat. Paris. pag. 62. • How to return to the first part of his commissiō again which was concerning Reimundus y ^e godly Earl of Toulouse, thus y ^e story proceedeth. That while the legate was in hand with this matter of the popes money, in the mean season certain preaching Friars were directed by the said Romannes the Popes Legate, into all France: to incite & stir up the Frenchmen to take the cross upon them, and to war against the Earl of Toulouse, and the people thereof of whom they accounted then for heretics. At the preaching whereof, a great number of prelates and lay mē signed themselves w ^t the cross, to fight against the Tholosians, being thereto induced as the story saith, more for fear of the French king, or favor of the legate, then for any true zeal of justice. For so it followeth in the words of Paris.

Yet all this notwithstanding, the proud Legate contemning this so honest & reasonable purgation of the earl Reimundus, ceases not by all manner means, to prosecute the Popes fury against him and his subjects, stirring up the king and the French men under pain of excommunication, to war against them. Ludouick the French king thus being enforced by the Legate, answered again, that he for his own safety would not atchiue that expeditiō or adventure against the Earl, unless it were first obtained of the Pope, to wr • te to the king of England: commanding him, that during y ^e tune of that expedition, he should invade and molest no piece of his lands and possessions, which he the same present time did hold, whether by right or by wrong, or howsoever they were holden, while y ^e time of the said war against the heretics (as they were then termed) did endure: but rather should aide and assist him with counsel and money in that enterprise. All which being done and accomplyshed, the French King and the Legate (crossing themselves to the field) appointed a day peremptory, for the French army to meet together at Lions, under pain of the popes excommunication, and with horic and harnes to set upon the Tholosians, against the Ascension day next ensuing.

When the Ascension day was come, which was y ^e day peremptory appointed. The French king having prepared at Lions all things necessary for his army, marcheth forward with a great and mighty host: after whom also cometh the Legate, with his Bishops & Prelates. The number of fighting men in his army besides the vitlars and wagoners were 50000. men. The Legate by the way openly excommunicated the Earl of Toulouse, & all that took his parte, & furthermore interdicted his whole land. Thus the king came marching forward, till he came into the province of Toulouse, & the first city which they came unto there of the Earls, was Avigno. Which City they thought first to have besieged, and so in order after, as they went to have destroyed and wasted all the whole province belonging to the Earl. And first the King demanded of them to have his passage through their city, feigning himself in peaceable wise for the expedition of his journey, but to pass through the same. The Citizens consulting with themselves what was to be done, at length gave answer that they mistrusted their coming, and supposed that in deceit they required the entrance of their City, and for no necessity of their journey.

The king here at being much offended, sware an oath that he would not depart thence till he had taken the city, & immediately in those places where he thought most mete he began to give sharp assaults, withal manner of saultable engines: The Citizens again within, manfully defended themselves, casting stone for stone, and shooting shot for shot, and slew and wounded many of the French men. Thus, when they had long besieged the city and could not win the same: at length vittailes in the French campe began to fail, and many of them died for hunger. For the Earl of Toulouse as a wise man of war, hearing before of their coming, took into the Town, all the provision that was abroad, and left nothing w ^t out to serve for their defense and succor, he plowed up the fields, that there should no stouer be found to serve their horses, be put out of the town all the old people, & young children, least they should want vittailes that kept the town, & before their coming sent them far away. So that within y ^e town they had plenty, and without they died for famine: and besides in seeking far for their forage, many fell into the hands of them that kept the city, who secretly lay in wait for them abroad and slew many of them. Besides a great number of cattle and horses died for want of forage: and poor soldiers that had no great store of money, died for want of vittailes. By which mortality and stench both of men and cattle, grew great infection & pestilence amongst them, insomuch that the king himself and also the Legate were greatly dismayed, thinking it to be no little shame as well to the realm of France, as also to Rome, that they should so depart and break up their siege. Thus again thought the soldiers, that much better it were for them to ende their lives by battle, then so to die like dogs and starve: wherefor with one consent they purposed to give a new assaut at the bridge that goeth over the flood Rodanus into the town, to which place they came in such noneber, that either by the debilitye of the bridge, or subtiltye of the soldiers that kept the town: 3000. of them with bridge and all, fell armed into the violent stream & were browned▪ What was there then but joy and gladness of the Citizens part, and much lamentation & heaviness on the other part. Then shortly after, the Citizens of Avigno (when they saw a convenient time whilst their enemies were in eating meat) came suddenly upon them out of the town, and slew of them 2000, and took the town again with safety. But the Legate with his company of prelates (like good men of war) practiced none other Martial feats, but all to be cursed the Earl of Toulouse, his Cities, and his people. Ludouicus the king, to avoid the pestilence that was in the campe, went into an Abbey not far off, where shortly after he died, of whose death are sundry opinions, some saying that he was poisoned, some that he died of a bloody flixe.

Whose death notwithstanding, the Legate thought to keep secret & conceal, till that the town might be rendered and given up: for he thought himself shamed forever, if he should depart before the town were won: wherefor, after he had encouraged the soldiers a fresh, and yet after many sharp assaults could not prevail: He bethought him how by falsehood he might betray them, and sent unto them certain Haroldes, to will them that they should amongst themselves consult upon articles of peace, & bring the same to their camp, whose safe conduite they faithfully promised and warrāted both of coming and going. And when they had given their pledges for y ^• same, the messengers from the Citizens talked with the Legate: who promised them if they would deliver up their city, they should have their lives, goods, & possessions in as ample manner as now they enjoyed the same. But the citizens and soldiors refused to be under the servitude of the French king, neither would so deliver up their city, to those of whose insolent pride they had so good experiment. After much talk on both sides, & none like to take effect: the Legate requested them and friendly desired, y ^t he and his Prelates which were about him, might come into their City to examine what faith & belief they were of, and y ^t he neither sought nor meant any other thing thereby, but their own safeties, as well of body as soul, which thing he faithfully sware unto: for (saith he) the brute of your great infidelity hath come to the lord popes ear, & therefore desired he to make true certificate thereof. Wherupon the citizens not mistrusting his faithful oath and promise made to them, granted entrance to him and the residue of the clergy, bringing with them no weapon into the town. The soldiers of y ^e campe as it was agreed before, made them ready: so that at the entrance of the prelates in at the gate, nothing regarding their oth & fidelity: The other suddenly were ready, and with violence rushed in, slew the porter and warders, and at length wan the city and destroyed the same, & slue many of them that were within. Thus by falsehood and policy, when they had got this noble city, they carried the kings corps to Paris where they buried the same. Of the whole number of the French soldiers which in this siege were destroyed by famine, pestilence, & drowning, be recounted mothen 22000. Whereby saith the story of Mat. Pariens. it may evidently appear the war was unjustly taken in hand. &c. Ex Mat. Parisiens.

After these things finished, and after the funeral of the king celebrated at Paris, it followeth more in the said history of Pariens. that the said Legate Romanus was vehemently suspected, & grievously infamed to abuse himself with Blauca the kings mother.

But it is ungodly to suspect any such thing of him, because his enemies so rumored the same abroad, but a gentle mind expoundeth things doubtful in the better part.

To pass further to the yere next following, which was 1227. of the Lord: first is to be noted, that in this year king Henry beginning to shoot up to the 20. year of his age, came frō Reding to Londō, where he began to charge the Citizens of London for old reeknings, namely for giving or lending 1000. marks to Louis the French king at his departing out of the Realm, to the great prejudice of him & of his kingdom. For the recompen • e whereof, they were constrained to yield to the king the full sum of the like money. That done, he removed to Oxford, where he assembled a great counsel, there denouncing & protesting before them all, that he was come to sufficient age, no more to be under tutors & governors but to be his own man, requiring to be freed from y ^e custody of other. Which thing being protested, and contradicted forthwith: he, by the counsel of Hubert the chief justice (whom he made then the Earl of Kent) removed from his company, the bishop of Winchester, and other under whom he was moderated. And immediately in the same counsel, by the sinister persuasion of some, doth adnihilate & make void the charters, & liberties before by him granted, pretending this color: for that they had been granted & scaled in the time of his minority, at what time he had the rule neither of himself, nor of his seal. Whereupon much muttering & murmuring was among the multitude. Who did all impute the cause to Hubert the justice. Moreover it was y ^e same time proclaimed, that whosoever had any charter, or gift sealed under the time of the kings minority, they should come and renew the same again under the new seal of y ^e king, knowing otherwise that the thing should stand in no effect. And finally for renewing of their Seals, were taxed not according to their ability, but according as it pleased the justice and other to leuie them.

Moreover beside this general subsidy of the fifteen granted to the king through the whole Realm, & beside also y ^e contribution of the Lōdiners, diverse other parcels and paunents he gathered through several places: as of the Burgesses of Northampton he required a 1000. & 200. marks, for his helping of them, and so of other likewise. All this preparation of money was made toward the furnishing of his vyage to recover Normandy. And yet because he would gratify the City of London again with some pleasure: he granted the citizens thereof should pass tole free (saith Fabian) through all England. And if or any City, borough, or town they were constrained at any time to pay their tole, then the Shyriffes of London to attache every man coming to London of the said city, borough, or town, and him & his goods to withhold, til the Lōdiners were again restored of all such money paid for the said tole, w ^r all costs and damages sustained for the same. Ex Fabia.

I declared before, howe after the death of Honorius, succeeded pope Gregory the 10. between the which Gregory & the people of Rome, this yere, fell a great sedition. In so much y ^t about the feast of Easter, they thrust the Pope out of the City, pursuing him unto his Castel at Witerbium. Where also they invaded him so valiantly, that they chased him to Perusium. Then having no other remedy wherewith to revenge his persecutors, fiersly did excommunicate them. Ex Mat. Paris. pag. 69.

Here, by the way, is to be observed and considered Christian reader, not only by this sedition, but by so many other schisms, divisions, tumults, fightings, braules and contentions, in the Church of Rome from the first beginning of the popes usurped power, & that not only within the City of Rome, but universally almost in all Popish Monasteries, Collegies, Churches, and Couents under the Pope subjected, continually reigning amongst them, what is to be thought of their religion & holiness, having so little peace, so great disquietness, dissensions, and wrangling amongst them, as in stories both manifest it is to behold, and wondrous to consider.

And for as much, I have eutred here into the mention of this schisinatical commotion between the none and his citizens: it followeth moreover in the history of Parisiensis, who maketh relation of a like brawling matter, which befell the same year & time. An. 1228. between the prior and convent of Durham, and this king Henry the • ▪ upon this occasion. After the death of Richard Bishop of Durham, the Prior and Chapter of the said church, came to the king to obtain license for the electing of their bishop. The king offered to them one Lucas a Chaplain of his, requiring them instauntly to elect him for their Bishop. To this the Monks answered, that they would receive no man, but by their order of Canonical election. Meaning belike by their Canonical election, that is, when as they elect either some Monk out of their own company, or else some monkish priest, after their own liking▪ Contrary, the king again sendeth word unto them, and bound it with an oth, that they should tarry 7. years without a Bishop, unless they would admit the foresaid Lucas to that place of that dignity. All which notw ^t standing, the monks proceeding in their election, refused the said Lucas, and preferred another clerk of theirs, named William archdeacon of Worcester, and him they presented to the king. But the King bringing in exceptions and causes against y ^e party, would not admit him. Then the monks in all hasty • pede sent up to Rome certain of their Convent, to have their electiō ratified, by the authority Apostolical. On the other side the king likewise hearing, sendeth also to Rome against the Monks: the Bishop of Chester, and the Prior of Lentonie on his behalf, to withstand the purpose of y ^e monks. And so the matter being trauised with great alteration on both sides, did hang in suspense, saith mine author till at length thus it was coucluded, between both that neither master William, nor yet Lucas should be taken, but that Richard Bishop of Sarum should be translated to Durham, and be Bishop there. An. 1228. ex Mat. Parisiens.

The like stir also happened, both the same year and for the like matter, between the monks of Coventry, and the Canons of Lichfield, about choosing of their Bishop, which of them should have the superior voice, in the election of their Prelate. Aftermuch a do, the cause at length being hosted up to Rome, had this determination: y ^t the monks of Coventry, and the Church of Lichfield should choose their Bishop by course, eche part keeping his turn the one after the other: provided notwithstadyng, that the Prior of Coventry should always have the first voice in every election, where as the old custom was, saith mine author, that the Convent with the Prior of Coventry was wont to have the whole election of the bishop without the Canons. This was. An. 1228. Ex Parisiens. pag. 68.

In the which year died Stephen Langton Archb. of Cant. by whom (as is recorded by Nic. Triuet. ) the Chapters of the Bible, in that order and number, as we now use them were first distincted: The said Langthon a • so, made Postiles upon the whole Bible. The same moreover built the new hall in the palace of Canterbury.

After the death of this Langthon, ensued another variance about the election of the Archbishop of Canterbury between the monks of Canterbury and the k • ng. The purturbation whereof as it was no less seditious, so the determination of y ^e same was much more costly. After the death of Stephen Langthon, the monks of Canterbury obtaining license of the king to proceed in the election of a new archbishop, did choose one of their own society named master Walter Demesham. Whom when the monks had presented to the King, he after long deliberation, began to object against y ^t election, saying: first, that the monks had elected such one as neither was profitable to him nor to his kingdom. Secondly, he objected against y ^e party elect, that his father was convict of felony, & hanged for y ^• same. Thirdly, that he stood in causes against his father k. John in the time of the interdict. Moreover the bishops his suffragans charged the party elect, that he had lien with a certain Nun, and had children by her: adding farther, that the election of the archbishop was without their presence, which ought not to be. &c. But y ^e archbishop again stoutly standing to his electiō, appealed up to Rome, and estsoones taking with him certain monks, presented him self to the popes own proper person, there to sue his appeal: instantly entreating, that his election might stand confirmed by his authority pontifical. But the pope, understanding that the said election was resisted by the king & the bishops, deferred the matter, till he did hear farther of the certeinty thereof. The king & the bishops having intelligence that the Archb. with his monks were gone to Rome, thought good to articulate the foresaid objections above alleged or writing: and sealing the same with the seals both of the king and of the bishops to exhibit them to the Bishop of Rome. The messengers of these letters were the Bishop of Rochester, of Chester, and the Archdeacon of Bedforde master John. &c. who coming to Rome, and exhibiting their message w ^t their letters unto the Pope (consideration being had upon the same) were commanded to wait attendance against the next day after Ash wednesday: then to have a resolute answer concerning the cause, which was the 2. day of March, the yere next following. videlic. An. 1229. In the mean season, the kings proctors ceased not w ^t all instance to labor the Pope and his Cardinals to be favorable to the kings side. But fineding them somewhat hard & strait in the matter (as is the guise of that Court) they began to misdout their speeding. Wherefore consulting together with themselves upon the premisses, they came 〈◊〉 the Pope, promising in the kings behalf, to be given and granted to him out of the realms both of England and Scotland, the rith or tenth part of all the goods within the said Realms mooueable, to sustain his wars against the Emperor, so that he would incline favorably to the kings suit and petition herein. At Dominus Papa (saith Pariens.) qui rebellem Imperatorem super omnia aestuabat deijcere, tantis promissionibus exhileratus trahitur ad consensum. That is. But the pope (saith the author) which boiled with desire above all measure, to have the Emperor his enemy cast down: being cheered with so great promises, granted his consent to them, who sitting then in his consistory had these words, as here follow.

There hath come a late to our intelligence, the election of a certain Monk named Walter, to be Archb. of Cant. whereupon after that we hard and advised as well those things, which the said Monk hath said for himself, and for his election: as also on the contrary side, the objections & exceptions of the bishops of England alleging against him, and against his election: Namely of the bishop of Chester, the bishop of Rochester, and John Archdeacon of Bedforde: We upon the same committed the examination touching the person of the man, unto our reverend brethren Lord Cardinal Albany, L. Cardinal Thomas de Sabina, and master Peter. And when the foresaid elect coming before them was asked of them, first concerning the Lord's descending into hell, whether he descended in flesh, or without his flesh, he answered not well. Item, being asked touching the making of the body of Christ on the alter, he answered likewise not soundly: Being asked moreover, howe Rachel wept for her children, she being dead before, he answered not well. Item, being asked concerning the sentence of excommunication denounced against the order of law, he answered not well. Again being required of matrimony, if one of the married parties be an infidel, and do depart, he answered thereto not well. Upon these articles he was (as is said) diligently examined of the Cardinals, to the which (we say) he answered not only not well, but also very ill. For so much therefore, as the Church of Cant. is a noble church, and requireth a noble prelate, a man discrete and modest, and such as ought to be taken out of the bosom of the church of Rome: and forasmuch as this new elect (whom not only here we pronounce to be unworthy, but also should say more of him, if we would proceed with him by the rigor of the law) is so insufficient, that he ought not to be admitted to such a room: we do utterly infringe, annihilate, and euacuate his election always referuing to our selves the provision of the said church. Haec ex Math. Paris. ad verbum.

Thus the election of Walter being frustrate and dissolved, the kings procurators bringing forth the letters of the king, and of the suffragans of the Church of Cant. presented the same unto the pope for the ratification of Richard Chancellor of Lincoln, to be appointed Archb. of Cant. whom they with great commendation of words did set forth to be a man of profound learning and knowledge: of an honest conversation, & which was greatest of all, y ^t he was a man much for the profit of the church of Rome, as also for the realm of England. And thus the said Richard being commended to the Pope by the letters procuratorie of the king and of the bishops, had the consent of the pope and of the Cardinals, and so was made Bishop of Cant. before he was elected. Whereupon the said pope Gregory in his behalf, directeth down his letters to all and singular suffragans of the church of Cant. declaring thus, and beginning first with a lie, that for so much as by the fullness of ecclesiastical power, the charge of pastoral office is committed to him in general upon all churches: he therefore for the solicitude he beareth as well to all other churches in general, as in special to the Metropolitan church of Cant. repudiating and disannulling the former election of Walter the Monk upon just causes, hath provided for that See, a man as in all other good gifts perfect and excellent, by the report of them that know him: so for that function very fit and commodious: and willeth and commādeath them, and all other by his authority Apostolical, with all devout reverence to receive him, and humbly to obey him, &c. which was An. 1229. Ex Paris.

These things thus finished at Rome, the pope not forgetting the sweet promises made of the English silver, which he so greedily gaped for, omitting neither time nor diligence in all spedy wise sendeth to the king of England M. Stephen his own chaplein & trusty Legate, to require & collect the foresaid tithes of all the movable goods both of England, Ireland and Wales, which were promised to him before, through ^t to maintain his war against Frederick the Emperor. And to the intent he might inflame all christē realms with the like hatred which he bare against Frederike the Emperor, sendeth also w ^t the said Stephen special letters full of manifold complaints and grievous accusations against the said Emperor, whereof more (Christ granting) shall be shown hereafter. Upon the coming of this Stephen the legate, the king assembled all his erles and barons, with the Archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, templaries, hospitalers, parsons & vicares, and other such as held of him in capite, to appear before him at Westminster, to hear and to common of the matter. In the assembly of whom, the Popes patent letters were brought forth and red, wherein he required y ^e tenths of all the moveables in England, Wales and Ireland, as well of the clergy as of the laity, to maintain his expedition against the foresaid Frederike the Emperor. The which expedition as he pretended to achieve & to take in hand for the cause of the universal Church, and happily had begun the matter already: and for so much, as the richesse of the Apostolic See did not suffice, for the accomplishing of so great an enterprise: he therefore enforced by mere necessity, did implore the aide and help of all the true obedient and natural chickens of the church of Rome, least the members thereof together with the head should be subverted. These letters of the Pope, to this effect, being openly recited and explained by the Popes chaplain, which he with much more allegation and persuasion of words did amplify to his uttermost, the king (saith mine author) in whō all men did hope an help to their defense, became then as a staff of reed. For as much as he had obliged himself to the same before, for the election of his archb. now could say nothing against it, but held his peace. The Earls, Barons, & all the laity utterly refused so to bind their Baronies to the Church of Rome: but the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, with other Prelates of the Church, first requiring space and respite to deliberate for 3. or 4. days: at length for fear of the popes curse (although they durst not utterly wythstande) had brought to pass to have concluded for a sum of money much less, had not Stephen Segraue, one of the kings counsailers, • raftily convented w ^t the Legate: and by subtle means brought it so to pass, that the whole tenths was gathered and paid, to the inestimable damage (saith Pariens. ) both of the Ecclesiastical and Temporal state. The means whereof (saith the author) was this. The Legate showing to the prelates his procuratory letters to collect and gather up all the foresaid tenths in the name and authority of the Pope, declared moreover full authority to him granted by the virtue of his commission, to excommunicate all such, and to interdicte their Churches, who soever did gainstand or go contrary to the said collection. Whereupon by the said virtue legantine, he sendeth to every shire, his Proctors to gather the Popes money, or else to excommunicate them which denied to pay: and for so much as the present need of the pope required present help without delay, he sendeth moreover to the bishops & prelates of the Realm, in pain of interdiction forthwith to procure and send to him either of their own, or by love, or vsance, or by what means so ever, so much money in all post speed, for the present use of the pope. And after to take up again the said money of the tenths of every singular person, by the right taxing of their goods. Upon this, the Prelates to avoid the danger (having no other remedy) were driven to sel their chalices, cruets, copes, jewels, and other church plate: and some to lay to mortgage such things as they had, some also to borowe upon vsance, to make the money which was required. Moreover, the said Stephen the Popes chaplain (as reporteth Paris. ) brought w ^t him into England for the same purpose, such bankers and userers, who lending out their money upon great usury, did unreasonably pinch the English people, which merchant userers were then called Caursini. Briefly such straight exaction was then upon the poor English men, that not only their present goods were valued and taxed, but also the corn yet growing in the field, against the next harvest was tithed, &c. Only the Earl of Chester named Ranulphus, stood stoutly against the Pope, suffering none within his dominion either lay man or clearke to yield any tenths to the popes proctors. Ex Math. Paris. pag. 74. And this was the end of the strife between the Monks of Canterbury, & the king for the election of their Archbyshop which was about the year of our Lord 1229. In the which yere was finished the new Church of Couētry, by Alexander bishop of the said City, and partly by the help of the king: which Church, Richard his predecessor bishop before him of Coventry had begun.

The French men about this time again prepared themselves toward Province, to war against the foresaid Reimundus Earl of Toulouse, and to expulse him out of his possessions. And hearing that he was in his Castle of Saracene, they made thither all their power, thinking there to enclose and compass him about: but the erle being privy of their conspired purpose, set for them by the way, appointing certain bushments in woods, not so secretly as strongly, there to wait and receive the coming of the Frenchmen, and to give them their welcome. Thus when the French were entered the wood, the Earl with his train of well armed and able warriors, suddenly did fly upon them unawares, and gave them a bitter meeting, so that in that conflict 500. of the French soldiors were taken, and many slain. Of their seruitures to the mumber of 2000. men with their armor were takē. Of whom some lost their eyes, some their noses, some their ears, some their legs, and so sent home. The rest were carried away prisoners into the castel. And to be brief saith the history, thrice the same summer, were the Frenchmē discomfited, put to flight, taken and imprisoned by the foresaid Reimundus the godly erle. Ex Paris. pag. 69. Wherein is to be seen, and to be praised, the gracious protection of the Lord our God against the furious papists, which is glorious always in his saints.

The same year the king being at Portesmouth, had assembled together all his Nobility, Earls, Barons, and knights of England with such an army of horsemen and footmen, as hath not ben lightly seen, thinking to recover again the Country of Normandy, of Gaunt, and other possessions which king John his father before had lost. But when the captains and marshals of the field should take shipping, there were not half ships enough to receive the host. Wherupon the king was vehemently inflamed with anger, laying all the fault to Hubert, the Lord chief Justice (who under the King had all the government of the Realm) calling him old traitor, charging him that he should be the let of his voyage, as he was before, when he toke of the French Duene 5000. marks, to stay the kings journey into Normandy. In so much the rage of the king was so kindled against him, y ^t drawing his sword, he made at him to run him through, had not the Earl of Chester Ranulph stopped the king. Hubert withdrew himself away till the kings rage was past. This was about the time of Michaelmas, at which time arrived Henry Earl of Normandy in the haven of Portesmouth in the month of Deto • . Who should have conducted the king upon his allegiance & oath into Normandy. But he w ^t other of the kings army counseled the king not to take that voyage toward winter, but rather to defer it to the Easter next following: wherewith the king was staid and well contented, and paci • ied again with Hubert the Justice. &c. Ex Mat. Paris.

Fabian recordeth this year the liberties and fraunchise of the City of London to be confirmed by the king, and to enerich of the shriues to be granted two clerks, and two officers without moe. Ex Fabia.

Then followed the year 1230. In which, upon the day of the conversion of S. Paul (as saith Paris. ) as a great multitude of people for solemnity of the day were congregate in the Temple of S. Paul: the Bishop then being at his Mass, a sudden darkness w ^t such thickness of clouds fell in the air, that vnneth one man might see another in the Church. After that followed cracks of thunder & lightning so terrible, leaving such a sent in the Church, that the people looking for dooms day, thought no less but that the steeple and whole Church would have fallen upon their heads. In so much that they running out of the church, as people amazed, fell down together by thousands, as men amazed: not knowing for the time where they were, only the Bishop & his Deacon stood still at their mass, holding the altar fast. Ex Paris.

Of the death of Stephen Langton, & of the troublesome election of the next Archbishop: also of the costly & chargeable bringing in of Richard to succeed in the room, which did cost the whole realm of England the tenths of all their moveables, sufficient hath been declared before. Thys Richard being now confirmed in his seat, came to the King complaining of Hubert the Lord chief Justice, oft mentioned before, for withholding him from the castle and town of Tunebrydge with the appurtenance to the same belonging, and other lands of the Earl of Clare late deceased: which lands appertained to the right of his seat, & to the church of Cant. for the which the said Earl with his aunceters were bound to do homage to him and to his predecessors: and therefore required the keeping of the foresaid castle, with the demaines thereof to be restored unto him. To this the king answered again, that the said Earl did hold of him in Capite, and that the Castles being vacaunt of Earls and Barons with their heirs, did belong to his crown, till the lawful age of the said heirs. The Archb. when he could get no other answer of the king, did excommunicate all such as invaded the foresaid possessions with all other that took their parte, the king only excepted. Which done, eftsoons speedeth himself to Rome, there to prosecute his suit before the pope. The king hearing thereof, not long after sendeth up master Roger Cantelu with certain other messengers to Rome against the Archb.

Thus Richard the Archb. coming before the Popes presence, beginneth first to complain of his king, for that he committed all the affairs of the realm to the disposition and government of Hubert his justice, using only his counsel, all his other nobles despised.

Against the said justice moreover he complained, laying to his charge: First, that he had married a wife, being the kinswomā of her whom he had married before: also that the said Hubert the justice did invade, hold and wrongfully detain such possessions as belonged to the see & Church of Canterbury.

As touching the wife of this Hubert, here is to be noted, that he married the elder sister of the king of Scots which seemeth could be of no great kin to her whom he married before.

Farther, he complained of certain Bishops his Suffragans, who neglecting their pastoral function, did sit on Checker matters belonging to the King, and exercised sessions and judgments of blood.

Ouer and besides, he complained of beneficed persons, and clerks within orders, for having many benefices, joined with cure of soul: And that they also taking example of the Bishops, did intermeddle in secular matters, and in judgments of lay men.

Of these and such other defaults, he required redress to be had. The Pope weighing and considering the cause of the Archb. to stand upon right & reason (at least wise seeming so to his purpose) commanded incontinent his petitions and requests to be dispatched according to justice.

Against these complaints of the Archbishop, the kings atturneis alleged and defended, in as much favor of the king, as they might, but could do no good. Such favor found the archbishop in the popes sight, being (as the story reporteth) of a comely personage, & of an eloquēt tongue, that he obtained whatsoever he asked. Thus the Archbyshop with all favorable speed being dispatched at Rome after his own will and desire, returned homeward: who in his journey within 3. days of his setting forth, departed in the house of the gray Friers at S. Gemmes, and so his cause departed with him: who winning his suit, lost his life, for whom it had been better I suppose to have tarried at home. And here of him and end, with all his complaints also. Ex Paris.

After the death of this Richard, the monks of Cant. (according to the manner) address them selves to a new election: at which was chosen Radulfe Neuill, Bishop of Chichester, who was the kings Chauncelor, much commended in stories, to be a man faithful, upright, and constant: which from the way of justice declined neither to the right hand nor to the left. But upright and sincere both in word and deed. This Rauffe (thus chosen of the monks) was presented to the king to be their Archbishop, wherewith the king was right well contented, and glad also of this election: and forthwith invested him for Archbyshop of the Church of Canterb. But this investing of the King was not enough, unless he should also be confirmed by the pope. Wherefore, the Monks ready to take their journey unto Rome, came to the new Archb. requiring his help for their expenses by the way, and to know what service he would command them to the Court of Rome. But he fearing in his mind the same not to be without some scruple of sunonie & ambition, said he would not give an halfpenie, and holding up his hands to heaven, thus prayed, saying: O Lord God, if I shall be thought worthy to be called (although in deed unworthy) to the seat & office of this church: so be it as thou shalt dispose it. But if otherwise in this troublesome office of Chancery, and this my inferior ministry, whereunto I have been assigned, I shall seme more necessary for this thy kingdom and people: I refuse not my labor: thy will be done.

The monks beholding the constancy of the man, notw ^t standing they had of him no money, yet refused not their travail and journey to Rome, to have their election confirmed by the Popes authority. The Pope inquiring of Simon Langhton (brother of Stephen Langhton Archb. of Cant. before mentioned) of the person of this man: it was reported again to him by the said Simon (maliciously depraving the good man behind his back) declaring to the Pope, that he was a courtier, unlearned, hasty and fervent in his doings, and such one: who if he should be promoted to that dignity, would go about with the help of the king, and of the whole realm, to remove and bring the realm of England from under the yoke of the Pope, and of the Church of Rome. And so to bereeue the See of Rome of the tribute, under which king John had once subjected himself and his realm, at what time he yielded his crown to the hands of Pandolfus the Legate. &c. with these and such other words Simon Langhton falsely and maliciously depraved the godly bishop. The pope hearing w ^t one care, & crediting what he heard, w ^t out farther inquisition made of the other party accused, sendeth incontinent to y ^e monks of Cant. to proceed in a new election, and to choose them another Arch. such as were an wholesome pastour of souls, profitable to the church of England, & devout to the church of Rome. And thus was the lawful election of this good Archb. made frustrate, too good peradventure to serve in that place, whereunto he was elected.

After the repulse of this Radulphe, the Canterbury Monks entering a new election, agreed upon John their prior, to be their Metropolitan. Who going up to Rome to have his election confirmed by the Pope, was 3. days together examined of the cardinals. And when they could find no insufficiency in him, touching these things, wherein they tried him: yet notwithstanding, the pope finding a fault with his age (he peradventure being more aged himself) repealed him, for that he said, he was too old and simple, to sustain that dignity. Ex Paris.

What was the age of this person, I find it not in the author expressed: yet it is to be supposed, that he which was able to take that journey to Rome, and home again: was not so greatly to be complained off for his age, but that he was able sufficiently to take pains in keeping the chair of Canterbury.

In the former parts of this story proceeding, partly before hath been declared, partly hereafter more shall appear (Christ willing) how the Church of England & commons of the same was grieved & miserably afflicted, by the intolerable oppressions of the Pope: who through his violent extortion had procured the best benefices to be given to his Romans and the chief fruits of them to be reserved to his own coffers. And what complaints thereof have been made, ye heard before, pa. 255. But yet no redress could be had. Such was the insatiable avarice of these Romaines rakehels, proiling & polling wheresoever they came, with their provisions & exactions out of measure, and never satisfied. In so much, that here in England whosoever lackt: their barns were always full of corn: and what penury so ever pinched the people, they were sure to have enough. And these unportunate exactions & contributions of these Italian harpies: beside the peterpence, beside the common tribute, daily more & more increased, to the great greuance of the Realm: in so much that the wealth of this land was almost clean sucked up, & translated to the court of Rome. Neither was the king ignorant hereof, but could not help the matter. Wherefore it was devised by some of the nobles (as appeareth in the story of Pariensis ) this foresaid year, An. 1231. that certain letters under the pretensed color of the kings authority, should be sent abroad: willing & commanding, that such corn & grain, and other revenues, as were taken up for the Pope, should be stayed and forth coming, by a certain day in the said letters appointed, the which letters are thought to proceed chiefly by the means of Hubert Lord chief Justice of England, who then next under the king, ruled the most affairs of the realm. The words and contents of the letters be these.

When this was done, they sent their letters abroad by certain soldiers thereunto appointed: to the which letters they had devised a new seal with two swords ingraued, & between the swords was writ̄. Ecce gladij duo, &c. Behold these two swords ready to take vengeance of all those that shall wythstand the form and order in these letters contained.

At that time the 16. day before the Kalends of January, about the beginning of the yere 1232. there was kept at S. Albons a great consistory of Abbots, Priors, Archdeacons, with diverse both of the nobilitye and clergy by the popes commandment, for the celebration of a divorce between the Countes of Essex and her husband. At the breaking up of which consistory, when every man was about to depart thence. There was a certain clerk whose name was Cincius a Roman, and also a Chauon of Paul's in London: taken by some of the said University not far off from S. Albons, and was carried away from his company by the soldiers. But master John Archdeacon of Norwich a Florentine, hardly escaping from that company, gate to London where he did himself, and durst not be seen. Cintius after 5. weeks, when they had well emptied his bags, was safely sent again without anymore hurt to London.

Not long after this, about the beginning of January, the barns of a certain beneficed man, a Roman, & person of Wingham, being full of corn, were broke up by a like company of armed soldiers. And the corn brought out to be sold and given away to the poor people. The farmer seeing this and not able to resist, complaineth to the shirife of the shire, of this injury done to his master, and of breaking the kings peace: whereupon, the shirife sent certain of his mē to see what was done. Who coming to the empty barns, & there finding the foresaid soldiers to them unknown, who had sold away the most part of the corn upon easy price, and some for charity had given to the poverty of the country about: required of them hot they were, that so durst presume to break the Kings peace. Whom the other then called secretly a part, & shown them the kings letters Patentes (pretending at least the kings name and seal) wherein was forbidden that no man should presume to stop or let them in that purpose. Whereof the Sheriffs servants being certified, quietly returned from whence they came.

This coming to the knowledge of Roger bishop of London, he (with the assistance of other Bishops) proceedeth in solemn excommunication, first against them that robbed Cintius the Roman: then of them which spoiled the barns of the parson of Wingham, another Romaine: thirdly he excommunicated them that forged y ^• letters and seal of the king above specified.

Neither yet for all that, that did so cease, but the same year, about Easter next following, all the barns in England, which were in the hands of any Roman or Italian, were likewise wasted, and the corn sold to the best commodity of the poor commons. Of the which, great almose was distributed: and many times, money also with corn together was sparsed for the needy people to gather up. Neither was there any, that would or durst stand against them. As for the Romaines & Italians themselves, were stricken in such fear, that they hid themselves in Monasteries and celles, not daring to complain of their injuries received: but held it better, to lose rather their goods, then to loose their lives. The authors and workers of this seat were to the number of 80. armed soldiers, of whom the principal captain, was one naming himself W. Wytherse, surnamed Twing.

This coming to the Popes knowledge, he was not a little stirred therewith, & sendeth his letters immediately to the king upon the same: with sharp threatenings, and imperious commandments, charging him for suffering of such villainy within his realm: straitly enjoining him under pain of excommunication, to search out the doers hereof with all diligence, & so to punish them that all other by them may take example. Likewise, he sendeth the same charge to Peter bishop of Winchester, and to the Abbot of S. Edmunde, to inquire in the South partes. Also to the Archb. of York, and to the bishop of Durham, and to master John Chanon of York a Romaine, to inquire in the North partes for the said malefactors: and after diligent inquisition made, to send up y ^• same to Rome, there needs to appear before him. &c.

Thus after earnestly inquisition made of all parties, & witnesses sworn and examined: many were found culpable in the matter, some y ^t were factors, some that were consenters, of whom some were Bishops, and Chaplains to the King: some Archdeacons, & Deans, with other soldiers and lay men. Among whom certain sheriffes and vndersheriffs with their seruitures under them, were apprehended and cast into prison by the king. Many for fear fled and escaped away, who being sought for could not be found: but the principal of this number (as is aforesaid) was supposed to be Hubertus Lord chief justice: who both with the kings letters & his own, fortified the doers thereof, that no man durst interrupt them. Moreover in y ^t same society of them, which were noted in these doings, was the same Robert Twing, above mentioned, a comely young man and a talle soldier: who of his own voluntary accord, with 5. other seruitures, whom he took with him abroad to work that feat, came to the king: openly protesting himself to be the author of that deed doing, and said, he did it for hatred of the pope and the Romaines: because that by the sentence of the bishop of Rome, and fraudulent circumvention of the Italians, he was bereeued of the patronage of his benefice, having no more to give but that one. Wherefore to be revenged of that injury, he enterprised that which was done: preferring rather unjustly to be excommunicate for a season, then to be spoiled of his benefice forever. Then the King, and other executours of the Popes commandment gave him counsel, that seeing he had so incurred the danger of the Popes sentence, should offer himself to the pope to be absolved of him again, and there to make his declaration unto him, that he justly and canonically was possessed in that church. The king moreover with him sent his letters testimonial unto the pope, witnessing with the said soldier, and instantly desiring the Pope in his behalf, that he might with favor be heard. At the request whereof, Pope Gregory afterward, both released him of the sentence, and restored him to his patronage: writing to the Archb. of York, that he might again enjoy the right of his benefice in as ample manner, as he did before it was taken from him.

Hubert de Burgo Lord chief Justice, being one of them which held against the Romish Priests, as is afore signified: was therefore not a little noted of y ^e bishops, who to require him with like despite again (after their accustomed manner of practice) went about by subtle working, to shake him out of the kings favor. And first cometh Peter Bishop of Winchester, to the king grievously complaining of certain about the King, but especially of the foresaid Hubert the kings justice: in so much, that he caused him to be removed from his office, notwythstāding he had the kings seal and writing for the perpetuity of the same, & procured Stephen Segraue to be placed in his function. And after a few days, the king more and more incensed against him, called him to a count of all the treasure which he was countable for by his excheker office: also of all such debts by him due frō the time of his father, unto his time. Also of all the Lordships, which were in the possession of William Earl of Pēbroke, chief justice before him. Item, of the liberties which he did hold at that time, in forestes, warrens, shires, and other places, how they were kept, or howe they were made away. Of Prices likewise: Also of losses committed through his negligence: And of wastes made contrary to the kings profit: of his liberties, howe he did use them. Item, of injuries and damages wrought against the clearkes of Rome, and other Italians, and the Popes Legates: for the redress whereof, he would never adjoin his counsel, according as appertained to his office, being then chief justice of England. Also of scutagies, gifts presents, scapes of prisoners. Item, of maritagies which king John committed to his keeping at the day of his death, and which were also in his time committed unto him. To these Hubert answered, y ^t he had king John's own hand to show for his discharge: who so approved his fidelity, that he never called him to any, but clearly discharged him from all such counts. Wherunto answered again the Bishop of Winchester, saying: the Charter of king John hath no force after the death of him, but that ye may now be called to a reckoning of this king for the same.

Ouer and besides these, other greater objections were laid to his charge by the King: as for sending and writing to the duke of Austria, that he might marry his daughter, to the prejudice of the King and of the Realm, dissuading that she might not be given to him. Item, for counsailing the king not to enter into Normandy w ^t his army which he had prepared for the recovery of lands there belonging to his right, whereby great treasure was there consumed in vain. Item, for corrupting the daughter of the King of Scots, whom king John his father committed to his custody, for him to mary. Item, for stealing frō him a precious stone, which had a virtue to make him victorious in war, & for sending the same to Leoline Prince of Wales. And that by his letters sent to the said Leoline William Brues a noble man was caused there traitrously to be hanged. &c. These with other crimes (whether true or false) were suggested to the king against the said Hubert by his adversaries. Wherunto he was required to answer by order of law. Hubert then seeing himself in such a strait, refused to answer presently, but required respite thereunto, for that the matters were weighty which the king objected to him, which was granted to him till the 14. day of September: but in the mean time, Hubert being in fear of the king, fled from London to the priory of Merton. And thus Hubert, who before for the love of the king, and defense of the realm (saith mine author) had got the hatred of all the nobles of England, now being out of the kings favor was destitute of comfort on every side: save only that Lucas Archbishop of Dubline, with instant prayers and tears, labored to the king for him. By this example & many like is to be seen, howe unstable and variable a thing the favor of mortal & mutable princes is: To teach all such as have to do about princes, howe to repose and plant their trust not in man, but in their Lord God: by him to find help in Christ the true Prince of all Princes, which never faileth. By like example was Clito served of king Alexander, Joab of king David, Bellisarius of Iustiniane, Harpagus of Astiages, Cromwell of king Henry, w ^t innumerable moe, which in histories are to be found.

When the day was come, that this Hubert should answer, keeping among the monks of Merton, he durst not appear.

Then was it signified to him from the King, that he should come up and appear in the court, there to answer to his charge. Wherunto he answered again, that he misdouted the kings anger, & therefore he did fly to the church as the uttermost refuge to all such as suffer wrong. From whence he would not stir, till he heard the kings wrath to be mitigated towards him. With this, the king moved & sore displeased, directed his letters in all hast, to the major of London, commanding him at the sight thereof to muster and take up all the citizens that could bear harneis in the City, and to bring to him by force of arms the foresaid Hubert either quick or dead, out of Merton. Wherupon, the Major immediately causing the great bell to be ronge: assembled together the people of London, and opening before them the kings letters, commanded them to prepare and arm themselves in all readiness to the executing of the kings will and message.

The Citizens hearing this, were therewith right glad and ready, for they were all in great hatred with Hubert: because of the execution of Constantine their citizen above mentioned, pag. 269. Notwithstanding, certain of y ^e citizens, namely Andrew Bukerel, John Trauers & other mo, men of more grave & sage discretiō (wisely pondcrying with themselves, what inconvenience might rise hereof) went in haste to the Bishop of Wintchester, lying then in Southwarke: and waking him out of his sleep, desired him of his counsel in that so sodeine and dangerous distress: Declaring to him, what peril might thereby ensue as well to the church of Merton, as also to the city, by the fury of the inordinate & fierce multitude, which will hardly be bridled from robbing and spoiling, neither will spare shedding of blood. &c. Unto whō again the bloody bishop gave this bloody counsel (saith Pariensis. ) Daungerous it is (quod he) both here and there, but yet see y ^t you obey and execute the precept of the king, I counsel you plainly. At the which counsel of the bishop they being amazed, went with an evil will about the business enjoined. But the people inflamed w ^t hatred, gladly coveted to be revenged and to shed the blood of the said Hubert.

The cause why Peter Bishop of Wint. was so cruelly set against the Justice, was partly for the damages he had done to the Roman Priests, as is before touched: Partly also for the old grudge, because the king coming to his lawful age before (through the counsel of this Hubert) loosed himself frō the government of the said B. who had him then in custody. And thus rose up the grudge and displeasure of this bishop him.

On the next morrow, the Londoners issuing out of the city to the number of xx. M. setfoorth toward the Abbey of Merton, where Hubert was lying prostrate before the altar, commending himself to God.

In the mean season, while the Citizens were in their journey, raging against the poor erle of Kent: it was suggested to the king by Radulfe B. of Chichester, and Lord Chauncelor, that it was dangerous to excite up the vulgare and unruly multitude, for fear of sedition: le • t peradventure, the rude and heady people being stirred up, will not so soon be brought down again, when the K. would have them. Moreover, what shall be said (quod he) among the French men and other nations, which of great things love to make them greater, & of evil things to make them worse then they are: but thus iestingly & mockingly: See what a kind bird is the young king of England, which seeketh to devour his old nurse under whose wings he had ben brought up and nourished in his youth. And thus the king by the persuasion hereof, chaūging his council, sent in all hasty wise after the army again, willing them to retract their journey, and to retire, And thus the Londoners (although much against their wills) returned home, missing of their purpose. Wherein is to be observed another notable example of God's working providence. For when y ^• king (saith the history) had sent by 2. mess̄gers or purseuants to revoke and call back again the army of the Londoners, going with greedy minds to shed the blood of the innocent Justice: One of the messengers posting with all speed possible, with the kings letters, ouertook the army: and coming to the foreward, where the Captains were by virtue of the kings letters stayed their course and bloody purpose, whereby they could proceed no farther. But the other mess̄ger crafty and malicious, who bearing hatred to the said Hubert, rather wishing him to be slain, then to be delivered: lingered by the way of purpose (although being commanded to make haste) & when he came, went only but to the middle sort. More like a mess̄ger meet to serve a dead man's arrant, then to serve the turn of them which be alive. And • o in like manner by the just hand of God it fell upon him. For the same messenger stombling with his horse, riding but a soft or a foot pace, and rather walking then riding: fell down backward from his horse back, and there brake his neck and died. This merciful message of the king was, as is said, sent by the instigation of Radulph B. of Chichester Lord Chaunceller (a virtuous and a faithful man) and one that could skill to have compassion on the miseries of men. Of whom was declared before, that he being elected Archbishop of Canterbury, would not get one half penny to their expenses by the way, to give his election confirmed by the Pope: and afterward by the said Pope was defeited and frustrated of his election, as relation was made before pag. 274. And thus through God's providence by the means of the kings letters the army returned: and Huberts life (contrary to his expectation) was preserved.

After this, the Archbishop of Dubline with much labor and great fute entreated and obtained of the king to grant unto the said Hubert respite till the twelfe day of January, to provide himself of his answer to such things as were commensed against him. Then Hubert trusting to enjoy some safety by the kings permission to him granted, to breath himself a little and to walk abroad, took his journey towards S. Edmūdesbury, where his wife was. And passing through the country of Essex, was Inned there in a certain town belonging to the bishop of Norwich. Wherof when the king was certified, fearing lest he would raise up some commotion in the Realm: sendeth in hasty anger after him Syr Godfred Cranecombe knight, with 300. men: commanding under pain of hanging, that they should apprehend him, & bring him to the tower of London. Which commandment to accomplish, there lacked no haste. Hubert having intelligence of their coming (rising out of his bed naked as he was) ran to the chapel standing nere to the Inn, where he holdeth with the one hand the cross, with the other hand the Sacrament of the Lord's body. Then Godfride with his foresaid armed soldiers entering into the Chapel, willed him to come out. Which when he would not: with violent hands he drew him out of the Chapel, and taking the Cross & Sacrament out of his hands, fast bound him with fetters and gives under the horse belly, and brought him as they were commanded, to the Tower. And so certifying the king what they had done (who then tarried up waking for them) he rejoiced not a little thereat, and went merry to his bed.

The next morrow following after, Roger Bishop of London had knowledge, how and in what order he was taken violently out of the Chapel, he cometh to the king blaming him boldly for violating the peace of holy church, and protested that unless the partye were loosed again, & sent to the Chapel from whence he was drawn, he would enter sentente of excommunication against all the deed doers,

The king as he did not deny his transgression herein, so sendeth him, (albeit against his will) out of the Tower to the said Chapel again & by the same soldiers which brought him out before. Which done, he giveth in straight charge and commandment under pain of hanging to the Sheriffs of Herforde and of Essex, that they in their own persons with the strength of both Shyres should watch and compass about the Chapel, and see that the said Hubert no ways might escape. Which commandment of the king was accomplished with all diligence. But Hubert took all this patiently, and continued in the chapel praying both night and day, & commending his cause unto the Lord, whom he desired so to deliver him from that instant danger, as he always sought the kings honor by his faithful and trusty service. And as he continued in his prayer, so the king continuing in his rage, commanded that no man should entreat for him, or make any mention of him in his presence. Notwithstanding, yet Lucas Archbishop of Dubline, his true and almost only friend, ceased not to pray and weep to the king for him, desiring the king at least to intimate to him, what he purposed should be done with Hubert. Whereun •• the King answering, said: that of three things one he should choose: whether he would abjure the Realm of England forever, or be condemned to perpetual prison, or else confess himself openly to be a Traytour. But Hubert hereunto said, that he would choose none of these Articles, as who knew himself neither guiltye, nor worthy of any such confusion: but to satisfy somewhat the mind of the Kyng, he would be content to depart the Realm for a season, but to abjure the Realm, he would not so do.

In this mean time it befell, that Ranulphus Earl of Chester and of Lincoln, one of his sorest enemies died. Hubertus all this while, remained in the Chapel enclosed & guarded about with the power, as is said, of two shires, & so continued til at length by the commandment of the king his two seruitours which ministered to him within the Chapel, were taken from him. Then Hubert seeing no other remedy but there to starve for famine, offered himself of his own accord to the Sheriffs, saying that he would put himself rather in the kings mercy, then there desperately to perish for hunger. And so was he takē, and being fast bound in fetters, was brought again & clapped by the Kings commandment, in the Tower of London.

Not long after this, word was brought to the king by certain, that the said Hubert had much treasure lying in the house of the new Templaries in London. Wherupon the king to try out the truth thereof sendeth for the Prior or master of y ^t house, who not daring to deny, confessed y ^t there was in deed treasure brought into the house, but the quantity and number thereof he could not tell. The King desirous to season vpō the treasure, required and charged the master with his brethren, with threatening words, to bring forth the treasure to him, saying, that it was taken and stolen out of his treasury. But they answered again that the treasure was committed with trust and saith unto their hands: and therefore they would nor ought to let it go out of their hands, being trusted withal, without the assent of him which committed the same unto them. When the king could get no other answer at their hands, neither durst show any further violence against thē, he sendeth to Hubert in y ^e Tower, requiring of him the foresaid treasures. To whom he answering again mildly, yielded both himself, his treasures & all that ever he had unto the kings will & pleasure, & so sending word to the master & brethren of the Temple, willeth them to take all the keys, and deliver the goods, with all that there was to the king, who receiving the same, and taking an Inventory of that which was received, caused it to be brought to his treasure, whereof the number both of the plate, of coin, and of the jewels was of price unknown. The enemies of Hub. supposing thereby to take aduaūtage against him to bring him to his end came with open complaint to the king, criyng out against Hubert, that he was a thief, a traitor, and a robber of the kings treasure, and therefore by right was worthy to be hanged, and thus cried his accusers daily in the kings ear. But the hearts of kings (saith the wise man) are in the hands of the Lord, to be ruled not after man's will, but as it pleaseth God to direct them. And so this king having now his will & fill upon poor Hubert & somewhat coming more unto himself, answered again in this wise: that there was no such need to deal so straitly with him, who from the time of his youth first served mine uncle King Richard, then my father king John, in whose service, (as I heard say) beyond the Seas he was driven to eat his horse, Parisies. pag. 81. and in my time hath stand so constantly in defense of the Realm against foreign nations, who kept the castle of Dover against king Louis, and vanquished the Frenchmen upon the Seas, also at Bedford, and at Lincoln hath done such service. And though against me he hath dealt anything untruly, which yet is not evidently proved, yet he shall never be put by me to so villanous death. I had rather be counted a king foolish and simple, then to be judged a tyrant or a seeker of blood, especially of such as have served me and mine auncesters in many perils so daūgerously, weighing more the few evils which yet be not proved, then so many good deserts of his evident & manifest service done both to me and to the whole realm. &c. And thus the king somewhat relenting to poor Hubert his old servant, granted unto him all such lands as he had given by K. John his father, and whatsoever else he had by his own purchase.

Thus Hubert after long trouble, a little chered with some piece of comfort, set Laurence his trustye friend that never left him, one that belonged to S. Albons, to be his Stuard and overseer of those possessions granted to him by the king. And shorely upon the same, after the kings mind was seen thus something to relent, the envy also of the nobles being now partly satisfied: began to turn to mercy▪ In so much that 4. Earls, to wit Earl Richard the kings brother, William Earl of Warrtine, Richard Earl Marshall, and William Earl of Ferrys, became sureties to the king for him. Upon whose surety he was transferred to the Castle of Deuizis: where he was under the keeping of 4. soldiers by them appointed, having the liberty of the Castle. But the Bishop of Winchester, who always hunted after the life of Hubert, craftily cometh to the king, and desireth the custody of that Castle, making no mention of Hubert, to the intent that by the keeping thereof, he might the sooner dispatch him. Hubert having thereof some inkling, breaketh the matter to two of his servants, who with compassion tendering his misery, watched their time (the kepers being a sleep) and conveyed by might upon their backs, fettered as he was, into the parish Church of the Town, and there remained with him. The keepers when they mist their prisoner, were in great perplexity, and after diligent search finding him at length where he was in the Church, with violent force drew him from thence to the Castle again. For the which injury to the Church, the Bishop of Sarum, understanding the order of the matter, cometh to the Castle where the keepers were, and required that Hubert should be brought again into the Church, from whence he was taken. Which whē the keepers denied to do, saying that they would rather he should hang then they: then the Bishop gave sentence against them of excommunication. Which done, he with the Bishop of London and other Bishops, goeth immediately to the king, complaing of the injury done to Hubert, and especially of the contiunely against holy Church: neither would they leave the King before they had obtained that he should be reduced again into the Church, and so he was. It was not long after, but the king in great displeasure sendeth to the Sheriff of the shyre to keep him well watched in the Church, till either he came forth, or there perished with famine.

It befell in the mean season that great dissention rose between the king and the nobles of the Realm, by reason whereof Hubert was taken and carried away by Richard Earl Marshall into Wales, and there remained till the king at length was reconciled with his nobles, and so received with the rest the said Hubert again into his favor. Ex Math. Parisiens. Ex Flor. Historiarum. Of the which dissention more shall be shown (Christ willing) hereafter.

As the beginning of this trouble of Hubert first sprang of vexing the Hopes barns: so likewise Roger bishop of London suspected for the same cause, was enforced to travel up to Rome, there to purge himself before the Pope. Where after much money consumed, & robbed also by the way, he gat nothing else, but lost his labor, and so came home again. Who then doing the part of a good Bishop, after his return from Rome, attempted to expel and exclude out of his Dioces all these Italian userers called, as is before said Caursini. . These Caursinites coming with the Popes Legates into England, and lending their money to Religious houses, to Colleges and Churches, had their debtors to them bound in such sort, as was much vntageable to them, & much injurious unto the other, as in the form of their obligations in the stories of Matthew Parisiens. is largely expressed fol. 65. Against these Caursinites the Bishoppe of London being worthily inflamed with zeal of justice, first with loving admonition, went about to reclayme them, for the wealth of their souls, afterward with sharp words began to charge them. But they neither regarding Christian council, and despising the Bishops threatenings, would not leave the sweetness of their occupation. Wherefore the Bishop proceeding to the sentence of excommunication, precisely and districtly charged them to depart his Dioces. But they again being confident & emboldened upon the popes defense, not only set at light his excommunication, but also wrought such ways with the Pope, that they caused the said B. of London, being both aged and sickely, to be cited peremptoryly to appear beyond the Seas, there to answer to such objections as they should infer against him. And thus the Bishop minding rather to cover, then to open the faults of the Church, and partly being let with infirmitye & age, was compelled to let the cause fall.

And thus much of the popes merchants here in England, which were not so busy here for their part, but the Pope the great master of these marchaunt userers, was as busy for his. And although his barns here in England were destroyed, and his bank something decayed, yet he thought to win it up another way: for he proclaimed the same yere a general visitation through all the religious houses exempt or not exempt universally pertaining to his jurisdiction, where by the cruel dealing of the visitours, many were compelled to appeal and to travel up to Rome, to the great expenses of their money, and filling the Popes coffers. But as touching this visitation, to make short (saith the story) it tended not to any reformation so much, as to the deformatiō of the universal order, Dum omnes qui in diuersis or bis partibus vnicam Benedicti secuti fuerant regulam, per nouas constitutiones ita inueniantur vbi{que} discordes, quod ex omnibus coenobijs, vel alijs religiosorum Ecclesijs vix duo habeantur in norma viuendi cōcords. i. While all they, which before through all partes of the world followed only the rule of Benedict, now through new devised constitutions are found in all places so divided & diverse, that of all monasteryes, and other churches of religion, scarce may two be found, which do agree in one rule and institution of life.

All this while that Hubert above mentioned was secluded from the king, Peter B. of Winchester bare all the rule, and above all other alone was accepted. This bishop being in such principal favor with the king, as by whose council all things were administered, removed the natural seruitours that were Englishmen, out of their offices, and placed other strangers, namely of Pictauia, and of other countries in their room. Amōg whom was thrust out William the Undermarshall, which supplied y ^e room of Richard Lord great Marshall of England: for y ^e which cause, the said Lord Richard was mightily offended. Also Walter Treasurer of the kings house, was not only expelled, but also mersed at an hundredth pound, & put frō all his holds and munitions, which he had by the kings patent granted to him.

Moreover by the counsel of the said Bishop of Winchester, all the old councellers as well Bishops, as other Earls and Barons, and all the nobles were rejected frō the king in such sort, that he would hear & follow no mans council, but only the said Peter Bishop of Winchester, and his cosin Peter de Riuallis. Whereby it came to pass that all the greatest holds and munitions in the Realm were taken from the old kepers and committed to the custody of the said Peter. Then the Bishop of Winchester, to plant and pitch himself more strongly in the kings favor, adjoined to his fellowship Stephen Segraue succeeding in the place of Hubert the justice: also Robert Passelew, who had the keeping of the treasure under the foresaid Peter Rival. So by these three all the affairs of the realm were ordered. Moreover to make their party more sure, by them was provided, that soldiers and seruitors from beyond the Sea, as Pictauians and Britons were sent for, to the number of two thousand, which were placed partly about the king, partly were set in Castles & holds within the Realm, and had the oversight and government of Shyres and Baronies, who then oppressed the nobles of the land, accusing them to the king for traitors: whom the simple king did lightly believe, committing to them the custody of his Treasures, the sitting in judgments, and the doing in all things: And when the nobles thus oppressed, came to complain of their injuries to the king, by the means of the Bishop of Winchester, their cause was nothing regarded. In so much that the said Winchester moreover accused certain Bishops also to the king, so that he did flee and shun them as open traitors and rebels.

These things standing thus out of order, Richard the noble Marshal of England, with other of the nobles joining with him, seeing these oppressions and injuries daily growing contrary to the laws and wealth of y ^e realm, came to the king, and blamed him for retaining such perverse counsel about him of the Pictanians and other foreners, to the great prejudice of his natural subjects, and of the liberties of the Realm, humbly desiring and beseeching him, that he with as much speed as might be, would reform & redress such excesses, whereby the whole realm seemed to lie in danger of subversion. Otherwise, if he refused to see correction thereof, he with other peers and nobles, would withdraw themselves from his counsel, so long as he maintained the society of those foreners and strangers about him.

To this Peter Winchester answering again, said: that the king right well might cal unto him what foreners and strangers him listed, for the defense both of his kingdom and of his crown: and what number of them he would, as by whom he might be able to bridle his proud and rebellious subjects, and so to keep them in awe and good order, Whē the Earl and the nobles could get no other answer of him, in great perturbatiō they departed, promising among themselves, in this cause which so touched the state of the whole Realm, the would constantly join together to the parting of their life.

After this, the foresaid Petrus Bishoppe of Winchester with his cōplices, ceased not by all means to inflame the kings heart to hatred and contempt of his natural people, whom they so vehemently perverted, that he coūting them no other then his enemies, sought by all diligence y ^c utter destruction of thē: sending daily for moe garrisons of the Pictauians, that in short space they replenished weineare the whole land, whose defense the king only trusted unto: neither was anything disposed in the Realm, but through the guiding of this Peter, and of the Pictauians.

The king thus guarded and strengthened with these foreine aliens and strangers, proclaimed aparliamēt to be holden at Oxford, where the nobles were warned to be present. They considering the indignation of the king conceived, would not appear. Again they were required the first, second, and third tune to present themselves. The assembly proceeded, but they came not for whom the king looked. In this assembly or Parliament, it was plainly told the king by a Dominick Friar preaching before him, that unless he removed from him the Bishop of Winchester and Peter Rival his kinsma, he should, neither could long enjoy peace in his kingdom. This although it was bluntly spoken of the Frier against the Bishop: yet this remedy he had: the frier had nothing to lose. Yet was there another Chaplein of the Court, who preceiuing the king somewhat instigated by the former preaching, and after a courtlike dexterity handling his matter, being a pleasant conceited man, thus merely came to the king asking a question, what was the thing most pernicious & dangerous of all other things to them that travail by y ^c seas? That, said the king, is best known to such as travail in that kind of traffic. Nay, saith he, this is easy to be fold. The king demanding what it was: forsooth (quoth he) stones and rocks, alluding merely, but yet truly to the Bishop of Winchester, whose name and surname was Petrus de Rupibus. For so Petrae in Latin signifieth stones, & Rupes rocks. Notwithstanding the king either not perceiving the meaning, or not amending the fault, again signifieth to his nobles to speak with him at Westminster. But they fearing some trayne to be laid for them, refused to appear: sending plain word to the king by solemn message, that his grace without all delay should seclude frō him Peter B. of Winchester and other aliens of Pictauia, or if he would not, they with the common assent of the realm, would displace him with his wicked councellours from his kingdom, and have within themselves tractation for choosing a new king.

The king at the hearing of this message being mightily moved, partly to fear, partly to indignation, especally having y ^c late example of king John his father before his eyes, was cast in great perplexity, doubting what was best to be done. But Winchester with his wicked council so wrought with the king, that he proceeded with all severity against them: In so much that in short time the sparkles of poisoued council kindling more and more, grew to a sharp battle between the king, and Richard Earl Marshall, with other nobles, to the great disquietness of the whole Realm. The which war before was presignified by terrible thundering and lightning heard all england over in the month of march, with such aboundaūee of rain and floods growing upon the same, as cast down milnes, ouercouered the fields, threw down houses, and did much harine through the whole Realm.

To prosecute here at large the whole discourse of this war between the king and Earl Marshall, which continued near the space of two years, to declare all y ^c parts and circumstances thereof, what trouble it brought, what damage it wrought to y ^c whole realm, what trains were laid, what slanghter of men, what waste of whole countries ensued from Wales unto Shrewsbery, how y ^c marshall joined himself with Leoline Prince of Walls, how the Pictauians were almost all slain & destroyed, how the king was distressed, what forgery wily wint. wrought by the kings letters to entrap the Marshall & to betray him to the Irishmen, among whom he was at length slain, all this I refer to other authors. Who at large do entreat of the same, as Math. Parisiens. Florilegus & such other. This is to be noted and observed (whithe rather pertaineth to our Ecclesiastical history) to see what sedition and continual disquietness was in those days among all Christian people almost, being under the popes Catholic obedience. But especially to mark the corrupt doctrine then reigning, it is to be marvelled, or rather lamented, to see the king and the people then so blinded in the principal point and article of their salvation, as we find in stories, which making mention of a house or Monastery of Conuertes built the same year by the king at London, do express in plain words, that he then did it Pro redemptione animae suae, & Regis Ioannis patris sui, & omnium antecessorum suorum. i. For the redemptiō of his soul, of the soul of king John his father, & for the souls of all his auncieers. &c. Whereby may be understand in what palpable darkness of blind ignorance the seely souls redeined by Christ, were then inwrapped, which did not know nor yet we taught the right doctrine and first principles of their redemption. Ex Math. Parisien sipag. 86.

Mention was made a little before pag. 275. of dissolving the election of John Prior of Canterbury, which was chosen by the Monks to be Archbishop of y ^c said church of Canterbury, but by the pope was defeited. After whom one John Blūd was elected, who traveling up to Rome this year an. 1233. to be confirmed of the Pope, was also repealed and vnetected again, for that it was thought in England, & so complained of to the Pope, that he had received of Peter Bishop of Winchester a thousand marks and had another thousand promised him of the said Winchester. who by his money thought to make him of his side and also wrote to the Emperor to help forward his promotion in the court of Rome. Notwithstanding, both he with his giving, and the other with his taking of bribes were both detected and disapoynted of their purpose. For the Pope hating then the Emperor, for the same cause admitted not the election, pretending the cause, for that he was proved to hold to benefices without his dispensation. After whom by the commandment of the Pope one Edmund Chanon of Salisbury was ordained Archbyshop, and had his Palle sent to him from the Pope, which Edmunde after for his virtues was Canonised of the Popish Monks there for a Saynte, and called S. Edmund. About which time also Robert Brosted was made B. of Lincoln.

This Edmund accompanied with other Bishops, during this trouble between the king and his nobles, being in council at Westminster, in the year next ensuing, which was 1234. came vetering their mind boldly in the name of the Lord's, & declaring unto the king as became his saythfull servants, that his council which then he followed, was not found, nor safe, but cruel and dangerous both to him and to the state of the Realm, meaning the council of Peter Winchester and of Peter Rival, with other adherents.

1. FIrst and in primis, for that they hate and contemn the English nation, calling them traitors and rebels: and turning the kings heart from the love of his natural subjects, and the hearts of them from him, as appeareth by the Earl Marschal and other, sowing discord among them.

2. Item, by the said Counsaile, to wit, by the foresaid bishop and his fellows, king John the kings father lost first the hearts of his Barons, after that lost Normandy, and afterward other lands also, and in the end wasted all his treasure, so that since that time the regiment of England had never no quiet after.

3. By the said Counsayle also, in their time and memory, the kingdom of England had been troubled and suspended, and in conclusion, became tributary, she that was before the Prince of Prouincies, and so war ensuing upon the same, the said Kyng John his father incurred great danger of death and at last was extinguished, lacking both peace of his kingdom and of his own heart.

4. Item, by the said counsel the Castle of Bedford was kept long time against the king, to the great loss both of men & treasure, beside the loss of Rupella, to the shame of the Realm of England.

5. Moreover, through their wicked counsel, at this present, great perturbation seemed to hang over the whole realm, for else if it had not been for their counsel, and that true justice and judgment might have been ministered unto the kings subjects, these tumults had never been stirred, and the king might have had his land vnwasted, and his treasure vnconsumed.

6. Item, in that saith and allegiance wherewith they were obliged unto him, they protested unto him that the said his council was not a council of peace, but of division and disquietness, to the end that they which otherwise by peace could not aspire, by disturbing and disheriting other might be exalted.

7. Item, for that all the castles, fortes, munitions, also all the offices of the Exchequer, with all other the greatest exchetes of the realm were in their hands, of the which, if the king would demand a count, he should prove how true they were.

8. Item for that neither by the kings seal, nor commandment, except it bare withal the seal of Peter Rival, almost no business of any weight could be dispatched in the realm, as though their counted the king for no king.

9. Furthermore, by the foresaid council, the natural subjects and nobles of the realm were banished the Court, which was to be feared would grow to some inconvenience both to the king and to the Realm, for so much as the king seemed more to be on their side then they of his, as by many evident conjectures may appear.

10. Item, it was not well to be taken and liked, the said council standing of strangers and aliens, to have in their power both the kings sister, and many other noble men's daughters and other women mariageable, with the kings wards and marriages, which they bestowed and divided among themselves, and men of their affinity.

11. Also, the said council regarding neither the laws, nor liberties of the Realm confirmed and corroborated by excommunication, did confound and pervert all justice. Wherefore it was to be feared they would run under excommunication, and the king also in communicating with them.

12. Item, because they kept neither promise nor saith, nor oath with any person, neither did observe an instrument made never so formal by law, nor yet did fear any excommunication. Wher fore they were to be left for people desperate, as which were departed from all truth and honesty.

These things (said the Bishops) we as your saythfull subjects before God, & men, do tell and advertise your grace, desiring and beseching you, that you will remove & seclude from you such council, and as the custom is of all other kingdoms to do, that you will so govern in like manner your kingdom by your own natural liege people, & such as be sworn unto you of your own realm. For thus (said they) in verity we denounce unto you, that unless in short time you will see these things reformed, we according to our duty, will proceed by y ^• consure of the church against you, and all other that gaynstand the same: tarrying no other thing, but only the consecration of this our reverend Archbyshop.

These words of the Bishops thus said and finished, the king required a little time of respite, wherein to advise with himself above the matter, saying, that he could not in such a sodeine remove from him his counsel, before he had entered with them a count of his treasure committed to them, and so that assemble brake up.

It followed then after this communication so broken up, that the king resorted to the parts of northfolk, where coming by S. Edmunds bury, where the wife of Hubert y ^• Justice was, he being moved with zeal of pity toward the woman, who very humbly behaved herself to y ^• king, did grant unto her 8. manor places, which her husband before with his money had purchased, being then in the custody and possession of Robert Passelew, one of the kings new counsellors above specified. It was not long after this, but Edmund the Archbishop was invested and consecrated in the church of Canterbury, who shortly after his consecratiō, about the month of April, coming with his Suffragans to the place of counsel, where the king with his Earls and Barons was assembled, opened to him the cause and purpose of his coming & of the other Prelates, which was to put him in remembrance of their former talk had with him at Westminster: Denouncing moreover to him expressly, that unless with speed he would take a better way, & fall to a peaceable and godly agreement w ^t the true & faithful nobles of his realm, he incontinent with the other Prelates there present, would pass with the sentence of excommunication against him, and against all them that should be enemies to the same peace, & main teiners of discord.

The king after he heard the meaning of the Bishops, with humble and gentle language answered them again, promising to condescend to them in all things, whereupon within few days after, the king coming to some better remembrauce of himself, commanded the forenamed bishop of Winchester to leave the court, and return home to his Bishopric, there to attend unto the spiritual charge and care of his flock committed to him. Moreover he commanded Peter Riual the Bishops cosin (some stories say his son) who had then the disposing of all the assayres of the Realm, to render unto him his castles, and to give a count of all his treasures, whereof he had the keeping, and so to void the Realm, swearing moreover unto him, but for that he was benefised, and was within orders of the Church, else he would have caused both his eyes to be plucked out of his head.

He expelled likewise the Pictauians out of the court, and from the custody of his munitions, sending thē home into their coūntry and bidding they should no more see his face. And thus the king wisely dispatching himself of his wicked counselors, first did send Edmund the Archbyshop, with the bishops of Chester and of Rochester, into Wales to Leoline, and to Richard Earl Marshal and other, to entreat with them of peace. Also he received to his service again men of his natural country, to attend about him, offering himself willing to be ruled by the counsel of the Archbishop and the Bishops, by whose prudēce he trusted his Realm should be reduced again to a better quietness.

But in the mean time, while these things were doing in England, the foresaid Richard Earl Marshall by the falsehood of the bishop of Winchester and Peter Rival, forging the kings letters to the Irishmen against him, & partly by the conspiracy of Gilbert de Marisco, was circumvented by the Irishmen in war, and there taken and wounded, was by them through the means of his Surgean slain.

Great slaughter the same tune was of thē which were called Latini, about the partes of Almaine. These Latini were esteemed of pope Gregory and the Papists to be heretics. But what their opinions were I find it not expressed. In Parisiení.

In like sort the Albigenses afore mentioned, recounted also of the popes flock to be heretics, with their bishops, & a great number and company of thē were slain by the commandment of pope Gregory at the same time in a certain plain in Spain. Ex Ma. Priens. fol. 87.

Now the Archbishop of Canterbury with other two Bishops, were sent into Wales for intreatye of peace, ye heard before. At whose return again after the time of Easter, the king going toward Gloucester to meet them by the way, as he was in his journey at woodstocke, came messengers from Ireland, declaring to y ^• king the death of Richard Earl Marshall, and the order thereof, through y ^• forged letters of Winchester and other, whereat the king made great lamētation and mourning, to the great admiratiō of all them that were by, saying & complaing, that he left not his like in all the realine again.

After this the king proceeding in his journey came to Gloucester. Where the Archbish, with the other Bishops coming to the king, declared to him the form and conditiō of peace which they had concluded with Leoline, which was this: If the king would be reconciled before with the other nobles with whom he was confederate, such as the king had banished out of his realm: to the end that the concord might be the more firm between them. Thus (said they) was Leoline contented, although with much a do & great difficulty, to receive y ^• league of peace, saying & protesting thus unto them, that he feared more the kings almose, then all the puisaunce both of him and of all his clergy within England.

This done the king there remaining to the Bishops, directed his letters to all the exiles and banished Lord's & to all his nobles, that they should repair to him about y ^• beginning of June, at Gloucester, promising to thē his full favor & reconcilement to them and to their heirs, & that they should suspect no fraud therein, they should have their safeconduct by the Archbishop and Bishops.

Whereupon through the mediation of the said Archbishop and the Bishops, first cometh to the king Hubert Earl of Kent, offering himself to the kings good will and favor. Whom the king with cheerful countenance received and embraced, restoring him not only to his favor, but also to his household & council, with his livings and possessions frō which he had been deseised before. Thē Hubert lifting up his eyes to heaven, gave praise and glory to God, by whose gracious providence he so merucilously being preserved frō so great distresses & tribulations, was again so happily reconciled to the king, and his faithful friends. After him in like sort came in Gilbert Basset a noble mā, Richard Suard: also Gilbert the brother of Rich. Marshall that was slain, which Gilbert recovered again his whole inheritance as well in England as in Ireland, doing his homage to the king and his service due for the same. To whom also was granted the office of the high Marshall court, belonging before to his brother Richard.

In the same council or communication continuing then at Gloucester, the said Edmund Archbishop of caunterbury, bringing the forged letters, wherein was betrayed the life of Richard Earl Marshall, sealed with the kings seal, and sent to the great mē of Ireland, read the same openly in the presence of the king and all the nobles. At the hearing whereof, the king greatly sorrowing and weeping confessed there in truth that being forced by the Bishop of Winchester and Peter De Riuallis, he commanded his seal to be set to certain letters presented unto him, but the tenor thereof he said & sware he never heard, whereunto the Archbishop answering again, desired the king to search well his conscience, & said, that all they which were procurers of knowledge of those letters, were gilty of the death of the Earl Marshall, no less then if they had murdered him with their own hands.

Then the king calling a council, sent his letters for the bishop of Winchester, for Peter Rival, Stephen Segraue, and Robert Passeiew to appere and yield account for his treasures to them committed and for his seal by them abused. But the Bishop and Rival keeping themselves in the sanctuary of the minster Church of Winchester, neither durst nor would appear. Stephē Segraue who succeeded after Hubert the Justice and was of the Clergy before, after became a layman, and now hiding himself in S. Mary's Church in the Abbey of Lecester, was turned to a Clerke again, Robert Passelew covertly hid himself in a certain cellar of the new temple, so secretly that none could tell where he was, but thought he was gone to Rome. At length through the foresaid Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury, means was made, y ^• a dilatory day was granted by the king, for them to answer. At which day first appeared Peter De Riuallis, then Stephen Segrane, after him Robert Passelew, ech of them severally one after another shown themselves, but not able to answer for themselves like traitors were reproved, and like villanes were sent away. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 91.