Acts and Monuments Volume 1

A brief story of William Bishop of Eli the Kynges Chancellor.

ANd now to leave king Richard a while in the field, let us make a step into England, and look a little what is done at home while the king was abroad, and so return to the king again. Ye heard before how king Richard at his setting forth, committed the government of the realm to Hugo Bishop of Durham, and to Williā Bishop of Eli, so that to the bishop of Durham was committed the keeping of the Castle of Wyndsore: the other, which was the Bishop of Eli, had the keeping of y ^e tower of Londō, about which he caused a great ditch with a rāpear to be cast, which is yet remaining. Furthermore to these 2. Bishops, the king also assigned 4. other chief Justices, which jointly with them should have the hearing and oversight of all causes as well to the clergy as the layty appertaining: to wit, Hugh Bardolfe, William Marshall, Geoffrey Peterson, and William Bruer. But the bishop of Eli was the principal, or at least, he that took most upon him. Who both was the kings Chancellor, and bought with his money to be the popes Legate through England, Ireland, & Scotland, as is before specified. Touching the excessive pride and pomp of which Bishop, his ruffings outrageous, & fall most shameful, it would make a long tragedy to discourse the whole circumstances at full: Only to demonstrate certain specialties thereof for our present purpose, it may suffice.

First, this William called Longchamp being thus advanced by the king to be his high Chancellor, and chief Justice of the realm, and also the popes Legate, to show abroad the authority of his Legatshyp, began to suspend the Canons, Clerks, & Uicares of the Church of s. Peter in York, because they received him not with processiō: under which interdiction he held them, til they were fain at last, both Canons, Clerks, and Uicares to fall down at his foot, causing all their belles to be let down out of y ^e steple. After this cometh Hugo bishop of Durham, whō the king sent home out of Normandy w ^t his letters, who meeting with the foresaid William Bishop of Eli in the town of Blye, shown him y ^e kings letters, wherein was granted to him the keeping of Windsore Castle, and to be the kings Justice from the river of Humber, to the borders of Scotland. To the which letters the Chancellor answered, that the kings commandment should be done, and so brought him with him to Suwell, where he took him and kept him fast, til he was forced at last to surrender to him the Castle of Wyndsore, & other things which the king had committed to his custody, & moreover was constrained to leave with the said Chancellor Henry de Puteaco his own son, & Gilbert Ley for pledges & hostages of his fidelity, to be true to the king and the realm. And thus the bishop of Durham being set at liberty, went to his town of Houedē. Where after he had made his abode a few days, cometh thither Osbert Longchamp y ^e Chancellors brother, and William Stutiuill, with a great company of armed men sent by the Chancellor to apprehend him. But the said Bishop of Durham putting in sureties not to depart that town without the license of the king & of the Chancellor, there still remained, till he got letters to be sent to the Kyng, signifying how he was used. Wherupon the king writing his letters from Marsilia to the bish. of Eli, set the said bishop of Durham free, & confirmed to him all the possessions and grauntes that he before had given him.

It is almost incredible to think how intemperatly this bishop and Chancellor misused himself after the kings departure into Siria in excess of pride, and in cruel exactions and oppressions of the kings subjects. First his fellow Justices, whō the king joined with him for government of the realm, he utterly rejected & refused to hear their counsel, reputing none to be equal with him in all the realm. Neither was he contented with the authority of a Prelate, but played both king and priest in the realm. All Castles, Lordships, Abbayes, Churches, and all other appropriations belonging to the right of the king, he claimed to himself, and by virtue of his Legatship, whē he came to any bishops house, Abbay, Priory, or any other Religious house, he brought with him such a superfluity of men, horses, dogs, & hauks, that the house was worse for it 3. years after. For commonly he rode never under a 1500. horses of Chaplaynes, Priests, and other serving mon waiting upon him. From the clergy & laytie he took away their Churches, their vow • ans, their livings, and lands, to bestow upon his nephews, & other waiting Chaplaynes to serve his vain glory, or else converted thē to his own use, to maintain his pomp & vanity. In getting and gathering of treasures he had no measure, in misspending the same he kept no order. And that no vice should be wanting where such avarice taketh root, the money which he wrongfully got, he committed to the bank, to be increased by usury. What wantonness and laciuiousnes was used in that so riotous life, the stories do shame to declare it. All ruffenly runagates, idle belies, & light persons, wheresoever he went, hanged upon his Court. To increase the vain iolity of this royal Prelate, there was lacking no kind of Musicall instruments & melodious noise, to refresh belike his weryed senses to much beaten and macerated with continual labor and study of hunting, hawking, and gaming: of preaching, and reading I should have said.

Briefly this foresaid Prelate, bearing the authority both of the king and of the pope, kept such a stir in England, that all the whole realm was at his beck, with cap and knee crouching to him, Neither durst any man rich or poor displease him. Yea none in all the realm so noble or worshipful, but was glad to please him, accounting thenselves happy if they might stand in his favor. At his table all noble men's children did serve and wait upon him, w ^t whom he coupled in marriage his nieces and kinswomē. And when any that stood waiting before him, durst once cast up his eyes, or did not dimurely look downward upon y ^e ground, he had a staff in hand with a prick, wherewith he used to prick thē, learning belike by the carter his father, which used at the plough or carte to drive his oxen. Furthermore, as kings use to have their gard about thē, so he because he would not also be vngarded, refusing men of the English nation, had his waiters and warders most of Frenchmen and Fleminges.

It happened after this, in the year 1191. that a great discord rose between John Earl of Mortō the kings brother, with other states of the realm, and the said William bishop of Eli, so that universally they all wrote over to y ^e king concerning the misgouernmēt & enormities of y ^e said Bishop. Who understanding of the case, sent from Mesiana into Eng. Walter archb. of Roan, and William Marshall Earl, unto the Bish. of Eli with letters, commandyng him that in all his doings he should associate unto him the said Archb. of Roan, W. Mareshall, Geffry Peterson, W. Bruer, and Hugh Bardolfe above mentioned. Who whē they came into England, durst not deliver their letters, dreading the displeasure of the Chancellor: for he despised all the commandments of the king, nor would suffer any fellow to join with him in his kingdom.

Hitherto have you heard of the glorious vanity of this lordly Legate and Chancellor of the realm, now ye shall hear of his shameful fall, after his shameless exaltation. For shortly after this followeth another breach between the said Earl John the kings brother and him, about y ^• besieging of the Castle of Lincoln. Concerning y ^t which castle the said John sent him word, y ^t unless he raised his siege the sooner frō thence, he would send him away by force of sword. The bish. either not able to make his party good, or not daring to resist, thought best to fall to some composition with the Earl, and so did. In which composition, he was contented against his will, by mediation of diverse bishops and others, to make surrender, not only of the castle of Lincoln, but also of Nottingham, of Tickhill, Walingford & many moe, which were then committed to the custody of sundry men of worship and honor. And thus was that controversy agreed, wherein the bishop of Eli began a little to be cut shorter.

It followed then not long after in the same year, that another like business began to kindle between Geoffrey the Archb. of York the Kings brother, and the foresaid glorious bishop of Eli, vpō this occasion. Ye heard before how the king at his setting out, left order that Earl John and Geoffrey his brethren, should not enter into the realm the space of iii. years after his departure (howbeit his brother John was shortly after released of that bond:) and also after that howe K. Richard being at Messana, sent his mother Alinore to the Pope for his brother Geoffrey (elected before to the See of York) to be consecrated Archbishop. whereupon the said Geoffrey being consecrated through license of Pope Celestine by the Archb. of Turon, the said Geoffrey •••• oones after his consecration deferred no time, but would needs come into England. Wherof the bishop of Eli having intelligence, sent him word being at Wissand in Flaunders not to presume to adventure into the realm, contrary to his oath made to K. Richard before: commanding moreover, that if he came, he should be apprehended. All which notwithstanding the Archb. letted not for all that, but needs would repair to his sea, & so arrived at Dover in the month of September, where the Chancelours men stood on the sea side to apprehend him. But he by changing his apparel and swiftness of his horse escaped their hands, & came to the monks house of Dover. But the Chancelors men whom he sent to take him, beset the church of the Monks round about, so that in no wise he could avoid their hands.

To make the story short, as the archb. on a day, when he had said mass was standing at the altar, with his garments yet about him, the rude soldiers having little good manners, & less devotion, spared not boldly to rush into y ^e church, and there laid hands upon the Archb. as he stood: took him, bound him & dragged him through dirt & mire, (and as we use to say) through thick and thin, and so committed him to Matthew Clerke their constable to be kept: whereat the people greatly disdained, seeing him that was a kings son, and the brother of a king so to be entreated. The hearing whereof when it came to the • ares of Earl John his brother, he being not a little offended therewith, sent to know of the Chancelor whether this was his doing or not. To whom when the Chancellor sent answer again, & stoutly confessed the fact to be his, then the Earl sent commandment that his brother should be delivered, and so he was. Who then coming to London, made his complaint to the Earl his brother, and to other nobles of the realm, of the injuries done to him by the Chancelor. Wherupon the Earl sent for the said Chancelor, & appointed a day peremptory for him to appear before the whole body of the Counsel, to make answer to such injuries as he had done, both to the Archb. of York, and also to the bishop of Durham above mentioned. But the Chancellor driving of the time with delays, would neither come nor send. Then the Earl with the Bishops about him, made their journey toward London, to have the matter there handled in greater audience.

The Chancelor seeing that, withdrew himself from Windsore to the City of London. Where by the way it happened that the servants of the Earl and of the Chancelor, meting, did skirmish together. In which fray one of the Erles family was slain, but yet his men had the better, and the Chauncelor w ^t his men were put to flight, and so fled to the tower, where they did hide themselves. The next day after (which was about the 12. day of October) Earl John the kings brother, and the Archb. of Roan, w ^t all the bishops, Erles and Barons, and citizens of London assembled together in Paul's Church, where many & great accusations were laid against the said Chancelor, so that in fine it was agreed in that assembly, that the said Chancelor should be deposed, and in his place was substitute the Archb. of Roan, according to the tenor of y ^e kings letters sent from Messana, which was, that certain other persons should be associated with y ^e Chancelor for the government of the realm, by whose counsel if he would not be directed, the Arch. of Roan should be set in his place, and he to be deposed. The third day after this, the Chancelor firmly promised, not to depart out of the realm before he had delivered out of his hands all such castles, the keeping whereof he co • mmitted to certain foreigners and strangers, & for assurance thereof, he gave his two brethren and Chamberlain for pledges, and so went to Canterbury, where he said he would take the cross of a Pilgri •• , and leave the cross of his Legateship.

Now when he was come to the Castle of Dover, and there had remained a few days, contrary to his promise made, his purpose was to take shyp, and to pass over the Seas. And because he durst not do it openly, he devised a new kind of disguising, decking himself in the apparel of a woman, and so as gouty as he was, went to the sea side in his woman's weed, having in his hand a met ya • de, and on his arm a piece of linen cloth. And thus as he was sitting upon a rock waiting for his ship to come, and to convey him over, a certain fisherman cipying him, and supposing the same to be a harlot, came to him, & so with struggling with him, found him, as he was in deed to be a man in likeness of a woman. Whereat he wondered, and began to make an outcry upon him. But the bishops servants being not far off, came running and stilled him as well as they could.

The fisherman then going to the next village, & there belike declaring what he had s • ne, to try out y ^• matter further, came out certain women, who seeing the linen cloth hanging at his arm, began to question with him of the price of his cloth, & what he would take for it. But to this he would answer never a word, but smiled upon them. Whereat they musing with themselves, & whispering one w ^t another, at last with their hands were so bold to pluck down his nui •• ler, and there by his beard new shaven, found him in deed to be a man, & so with a loud exclamation raised the village upon him, and would have fallen upon him with stones. Then came running a great multitude both of men and women, who wondering at him, as birds are wont at an Owl, laid hands upon him, and plucked him down to the ground, hailing & drawing him by the sleeves and collar of his gown through stones and rocks, whereby he was shreudly hurt. His servants once or twice made out to rescue their old master, or new mistress, but could not for the preace of the people, who beating him with their fistes, and spitting at him, drew him through the whole town, and so with shame enough at length laid him in a dark cellar in stead of a prison. Of whom all the country about wondered & cried out. In conclusion Earl John hearing thereof, within 8. days after sent word, that they should deliver him, and let him go.

The bishop then set at liberty, sailed over as he could, to Flaunders, where he had but cold welcoming. From thence he went to Paris, where he gave Mauricius their bishop 60. Markes of silver, to be received in, with procession, & so he was. Then returned he into Normandy. But the Archbishop of Roan there gave commandment, that the Church doors should be locked, and no service said so long as he there remained. The bishop seeing that, directeth his letters and messengers to Pope Celestine, and also to king Richard into Syria, signifying to them howe John the erle of Morton and his complices had handled him, and expulsed him out of the realm, requiring that he might be restored again to that was taken from him: and also offering himself to be tried by the law for that he had done, so that if the king should dislike in anything that he had done, he was ready to satisfy the kings contentation in all things wherein justly he could be charged.

Upon this pope Celestine inflamed with an Apostolical zeal in the behalf of the said Bishop of Eli his Legate, wrote a sharp and thundering letter to the Archb. bishops, and prelates of England, commanding them by his authority Apostolical, that for so much as the injuries done to his Legate, did redounde to the contumely of the whole mother church of Rome, they should not fail therefore, but with severe censures of the Church, that is, with book, bell, and candle, proceed as well against the foresaid John Earl of Morton, as also all other, who so ever had, or should attempt any violence or injury against the said his legate B. of Eli, with no less severity, then if the said injury should be offered to the person of the Pope himself, or any other of his brethren the Cardinals. &c.

The bishop of Eli the popes Legate, bearing himself bold upon the favor and letters of the Pope which took his part, writeth to Henry B. of Lincoln, charging & requiring, that he in virtue of obedience should execute the Popes sentence & mandate, in excommunicating all such as were offenders in y ^t behalf, & there reciteth the names of diverse against whom he should proceed, as the Archb. of Roan, y ^• B. of Wint. W. Mareschal, Geoffrey Peterson, Bruer, and Bardo • f, the Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Mellent, Gilbert Basset, the Archdeacon o • Oxford, and especially Hugh B. of Coventry. Also M. Benet, & Stephen Ridle, Chancelor to Earl John the kings brother, to the which Earl he reserved a further day of respite, before he should be excommunicate, with a number of other moe beside these. Howbeit the said B. of Eli could find none to execute this commandment of the Pope. Then they w ^t a general consent wrote again to K. Richard, complaining of the intolerable abuses of the said B. his Chancellor. In like sort the said Chancelor also complaining of them, wrote his letters to the king, signifying how Earl John his brother, went about to usurp his kingdom, & would also shortly set the crown upon his own head, unless he made the more speed homeward. The king then was busy in repulsing the Saladine, and prepared to lay siege against Jerusalem, and got Sclauonia, with diverse other towns from the Saracens, which was in the yere of our Lord 1192. having diverse conflicts in y ^• mean space with the Saladine, and ever put him to the worse. As the king thus was preparing to lay his siege against Jerusalem, the Saladine glad to fall to some composition w ^t the king, sent unto him, that if he would restore to him again Sclauonia, in as good state as it was when he took it, he would grant to him, and to all Christians in the lande of Jerusalem truce for 3. years, and offered himself thereunto to be sworn. The king seeing the Duke of Burgundy and the frenchmen to shrink from him, and his own men to decay, and also his money & health to diminish, but especially for that he understood by the B. of Eli his Chancelor, the French king to set up John his brother to possess his kingdom, being counseled thereto by the Templaries, took the truce offered of the Saracens, & so began to draw homeward.

In this mean while much grudge and strife increased more and more between the B. of Eli, and the archbishop of Roan above specified, in so much that the Archb. being excommunicate, sent up his Clerks to Pope Celestine to complain of the Bishop. But the Pope ever stood in his purgatiō. At last he sent two of his Cardinals, to wit, Ottomannus Bishop of Hostia, and Iordanus de fossa noua, to break the strife between the B. of Eli, and the Archbishop of Roan.

After this, king Richard being taken, and in the custody of Henry the Emperor, the B. of Eli resorting to him, was sent by him into England to Alinor his mother, and other nobles. Who then returning into England again, not as Chancelor, nor as Legate (as he said) but as • simple plain Bishop, so by that means was received. Ex Matt. Paris. Et ex alijs incerti nominis manuscriptis codicibus.

But of this vain glorious prelate enough & too much. Now to return again to Richard, concerning whose worthy acts done abroad in getting of Cyprus, Achon & Ptolemaida in pacifying Ioppe &c. partly is spoken of before. Many other valiant & famous acts were by him and the French king achieved, and mo should have been, had not those two kings falling into discord, disseuered thē selves: by reason whereof Philip y ^e French king returned home again within short space. Who being returned again eftsones invaded the country of Normandy, exciting also John the brother of king Richard to take on him the kingdom of England in his brothers absence. Who then made league (upon the same) with the French king, and did homage unto him, which was about the fourth yere of king Richard. Who then being in Syria, & hearing thereof made peace with the Turks for 3. years. And not long after, king Richard the next spring following returned also. Who in his return driven by distress of weather about the parties of Histria, in a town called Synaca, was there taken by Limpold duke of the same country, and so sold to the Emperor for 60000. marks. Who for no small joy thereof, writeth to Phillip the French king these letters here following.

King Richard thus being traitorously, taken and sold to the Emperor by the duke of Austrige for 60000. marks, was there kept in custody a year ano iii. months. In some stories it is affirmed, that K. Richard returning out of Asia, came to Italy with prosperous wind, where he desired of the pope to be absolved frō an oath made against his will, and could not obtain it. And so letting out from thence toward England, passing by the country of Conradus the Marques, whose death (he being slain a little before) was falsely imputed by the French king, to the king of England, and there traitorously was taken as is before said by Limpoldus Duke of Austrige. Albeit in another story I find the matter more credibly set forth, which saith thus that king Richard slew the brother of this Limpoldus, playing with him at chesse in the french kings court. And Limpoldus taking his vauntage was more cruel against him, and delivered him, as is • aid, to the Emperor. In whose custody he was detained, during y ^• time above mentioned, a yere and 3. months. During the which time of the kings endurance, the French king in the mean season stirred war in Normandy. And Earl John y ^• kings brother made stir and invaded England, but the barons and bishops of the lande mightily w ^t stood him. And besieged him in the Castell of Windsore, where they took from him all the castels & munitions, which before he had got. Thus the Earl seeing no hope to prevail in England, & suspecting the deliverance of the king his brother made in to France, & kept with the French king. At length it was so agreed and concluded with the Emperor, that K. Rich. should be released for 14000. pounds. Of the which money part should remain to the duke of Austrige, the rest should be the Emperors. The sum of which money was here gathered & made in England, of chalices, crosses, shrines, candlesticks and other church plate, also w ^t public contribution of friers, abbeis, and other subjects of the realm. Wherof parte was presently paid, & for the residue remaining, hostages and pledges was taken: which was about the 5. year of his reign. And then it was obtained of the Pope that priests might celebrate w ^t chalices of latin and tin. And so was granted & continued long after, which mine author (in his Chronicle entitled Eulogium ) doeth testify himself to have scene. At what time this foresaid money was paid, and the hostages given for the ransom of this king. I have an old story that saith how the foresaid duke of Austrige shortly after was plagued by God with v. sundry plagues: First with burning of his chief towns. Secondly, with the drowning of x. M. of his men in a flood happening no man could tell how. Thirdly, by turning all the ears of his corn field into worms. Fourthly, by taking away almost all the Nobles of his lande by death. Fifthly, by breaking his own leg, falling from his horse, which leg he was compelled to cut off with his own hands, & after died upon the same. Who then at his death is said to forgive K. Richard 50000. Markes, & sent home the hostage, that was with him, ex varijs Chron. The book entitled Eulogium before mentioned, declareth thus, that the said Limpoldus Duke of Austrige fell in displeasure with the bishop of Rome, and died excommunicate, the next year after. An. 1196.

Thus the said King Richard being raunsomed, as hath ben declared from the covetous captivity of the Emperor, was restored again, and made his repair into England. At whose return, Earl John his brother resorting to him with humble submission: desired to be pardoned of his transgressions. To whom king Richard answering again: would God (saith he) this your trespass, as it dieth with me in oblivion, so it may remain with you in remembrance. And so gentlely forgave him. And after he had again recovered his holds and castles, caused himself to be crowned again. Whych done, he made his power against the French king, and drave him out of Normandy. After that he turned his viage against the Welshmen, and subdued them.

The next year following: which was the 1197. yere of the Lord, Philip y ^• french king brake truce made between him and king Richard, whereupon the king was compelled to sails over again to Normandy to withstand the malice of his enemy. About which time, my story recordeth of one called of some Fulco: some say, he was the Archbyshop of Roane called Gwalther. This Fulco being then in England, and coming to the kings presence, said unto him with great courage & boldness. Thou hast O mighty King, three daughters very vicious and of evil disposition: take good heed of them, and betimes provide for them good husbands: least by untimely bestowing of the same, thou shalt not only incur great hurt and damage, but also utter ruin and destruction to thyself. To whom the king in a rage said: Thou lying and mocking hypocrite, thou knowest not where thou art, or what thou sayest: I think thou art mad or not well in thy wits, for I have never a daughter as all the world knoweth, and therefore thou opē li • r get thee out of our presence. To whom Fulco answered: no, and like your grace I lie not, but say truth: for you have iii. daughters, which continually frequent your court, and wholly possess your person: and such iii. whores & naughty packes as never the like hath been heard off. I mean mischievous pride, greedy covetousness and filthy luxurity. And therefore again I say, O king, beware of them, and out of hand provide marriages for them, least in not so doing, thou utterly undo both thyself and all the whole realm.

The which his words, the King took in good parte: with correction of himself, & confession of the same. Wherupon incontinently he called his Lord's and Barons before him, unto whom he declared the cōmoning and monition of Fulco, who had willed him to beware of his iii. daughters: pride, avarice, and luxury, with counsel out of hand to marry them: least further discommoditie should ensue both to him and the whole realm, whose good counsel (my Lord's) I entende to follow, not doubting of all your consents thereunto. Wherefore here before you all, I give my daughter swelling pride to wife, to the proud Templars: my greedy daughter avarice to the covetous order of the Cistercian Monks, and last of all, my filthy daughter luxury, to the riotous prelates of the Church, whom I think to be very meet men for her: and so severally well agreeing to all their natures, that the like matches in this our Realm are not to be found for them. And thus much concerning Fulco.

Not long after this, it befell that a certain noble personage (Lord of Lemonice in little Britain, Widomarus by name) found a great substance of treasure both of gold and silver hid in the ground: whereof a great part he sent to king Richard, as chief Lord and Prince over the whole country. Which the king refused, saying, he would either have all or none, for that he was the principal chiefetaine over the land. But the finder would not condescende to that. Wherefore the king laid siege to a Castell of his called Galuz, thinking the treasure to lie there. But the keepers and warders of the Castel, seeing themselves not sufficient to withstand the king, offered to him the castle, desiring to depart with life and armor. To this the king would in no wise grant, but bid them to reenter the castle again, and to defend it in all the forceable wise they could. It so befell, that as the King with the Duke of Brabant went about the castel, vewing the places thereof: a soldier within, named Bertandus Cordoun, stroke the king with an arrow in the arm, whereupon the iron remaining and festering in the wound, the king within 9. days after died: who because he was not content with the half of the treasure that another man found, lost all his own treasure that he had. The king being thus wounded caused the man that stroke him, to be brought unto him, and asked the cause of him, why he so wounded him. Who answered again (as the story saith) that he thought to kill rather then to be killed. And what punishment soever he should sustain, he was content, so that he might kill him, which had before killed his father and brethren. The king hearing his words, freely forgave him, and caused an hundredth shillings to be givē him. Albeit (as the story addeth▪) after the death of the king, the duke of Brabāce, after great torments caused him to be hanged. Ex historia Regis Richardi 2. cui initium. De patre istius Bruti. &c. The story of Gisburne saith, that the killer of king Richard, coming to the French king, thinking to have a great reward, was commanded to be drawn a sonder w ^t horse, and his quarters to be hanged up.

An other story affirmeth, and Gisburn partly doth testify the same, that a little before the death of K. Richard: 3. Abbotes of the order Cistercian came to him, to whom he was confessed. And when he saw them somewhat stay at his absolution, had these words: that he did willingly commit his body to the earth, to be eaten of worms: and his soul to the fire of Purgatory there to be tormented til the judgment, in the hope of God his mercy. Ex Iornalens. Gisburn. & alijs.

About the reign of this king, the said Iornalensis maketh mention of Roger archbish. of York, which put out of his Church the Monks, and placed for them seculare Priests: saying that he would rather with Ecclesiastical benefices to be given to wanton Priests then to abhominable Monks, & that Thurstinus did sin never worse in all his life, then in building that house for monks &c. Another story I have which saith, that this was the Bishop not of York, but of Coventry.

The king not long after departed without issue: and John his brother reigned after him: in whom, although some vices may worthily be reprehēded: especially for his incontinent and too much licentious life, yet was he far from that deserving, for the which he hath been so il reported of diverse writers: who being led more with affection of Popery, then with true judgment and due consideration, depraved his doings more then the sincere truth of the history will bear them. Concerning which history, after so many writers we thought also to bestow a little labor: although in this matter we cannot be so long as I would, and as the matter requireth.

Kyng John.

A Fter the death of king Richard called Coeur de Lyon, reigned his brother John Earl of Morton. Afterward the Archbyshop put the crown on his head, and sware him to defend the church, and to maintain the same in her good laws, and to destroy the evil. And except he thought not in his mind to do this, the Archb. charged him, not to presume to take on him this dignity. And on Saint John Baptists day next following, king John failed into Normandy & came to Roan: where he was royally received, and truce concluded between him & the French king for a time. And thither came to him the Earl of Flaunders, and all other Lord's of France that were of K. Richards band and friendship, and were sworn unto him.

Not long after this, Philip the French king made Arthur Knight, and took his homage for Normandy, Britain, and all other his possessions beyond the sea: and promised him help against K. John. After this King John and the French king talked together with their Lord's, about one hours space: And the French King asked so much land for himself and knight Arthur, that king John would grant him none, and so departed in wrath.

The same year, a legate came into France, and commanded the King in pain of interdiction, to deliver one Peter out of prison, that was elect to a Bishopric, and thereupon he was delivered.

And after that, the Legate came into England, & commanded K. John under pain of interdiction, to deliver the Archb. which he had kept as prisoner 2. years: which the King denied to do, till he had paid him 6000. marks. Because he took him in harnes in a field against him, and sware him upon his deliverance, y ^t he should never wear harness against any Christian man.

This time, divorce was made between K. John and his wife, daughter of the Earl of Gloucester, because they were in the iii. degree of kindred. And after, by the counsel of the French king, King John wedded Isabel daughter of the Earl of Anguilla, and then Arthur of Britain did homage to king John for Britain and other.

At this time fell strife between K. John and Geoffrey the Archbishop of York for diverse causes: first, because he would not suffer and permit the Sheriff of York in such affairs as he had to do for the King within his Diocese. Secondly, because he did also excommunicate the said sheriffe. Thirdly, because he would not sails with him into Normandy, to make the marriage between Louis the French kings son and his niece. &c.

After this, in the year of our Lord 1202. Phillip the French king (in a communication between K. John and him) required: that the said K. John should depart with all his lands in Normandy and Pictauia which he had beyond the sea, unto Arthur his nephew, and that incontinent, or else he would war against him, and so did. For when king John denied that request, the next day following, the French king with the said Arthur, set upon certain of his towns and castels in Normandy, and put him to much disquietness. But he (the Lord so providing, which is the giver of all victory) had such repulse at the Englishmens hands: that they pursuing the Frenchmen in their flight, did so follow them to their hold, & so enforced upon them: that not only they took the said Arthur prisoner w ^t many other of the Frenchmen: but also gave such an overthrow to the rest, that none was there left to bear tidings home. This Arthur was nephewe to king John, & son to Geoffrey, which was the elder son to John. For king Henry the 2. (to make the matter more evident,) had viii. children: one W. which died in his childhoode: the seconde Henry, which died also his father being yet alive: the third Geoffrey Earl of Britain, which likewise deceassed in his fathers days, leaving behind him two children, Arthur & Brecca. The fourth, Richard coeur de Lyon King: the v. John now reigning: and 3. other daughters besides. The same Arthur being thus taken in war, was brought before the King at the castle of Falesic in Normandy: who being exhorted w ^t many gentle words to leave the French king, and to incline to his uncle, answered again stoutly & with great indignation: requiring the kingdom of England withal the other dominions thereto belonging, to be restored to him as to the lawful heir of the crown. By reason whereof he (provoking y ^e kings displeasure against him) was sent to y ^e tower of Roan: where at length (whether by leaping into the ditch thinking to make his escape, or whether by some other privy hand, or by what chance else: it is not yet agreed upon in stories) he finished his life. By occasion whereof, the foresaid K. John was had after in great suspicion: whether justly or unjustly, the Lord knoweth.

The yere following, Historiographers write that king John for lack of rescue, lost all his holds and possessions in Normandy, through the force of the French king.

After these losses, came other troubles upon him: with other as great or more greater enemies (that is with the Pope and his Popelings) by occasion of choosing of the Archb. of Cant. as in this history followeth by Christ his grace, to be declared.

The year of our Lord 1205. about the month of July, Hubert the Archbishop of Canterbury deceased, whose decease after it was in Cant. to the Monks known: and afore his body was yet committed to the earth: the younger sort of the monks there gathered themselves together at midnight, and elected their superior Reignold, and without the kings license or yet knowledge privily placed him in the Metropolicall seat, singing Te deum at midnight. And because the king should not make their electiō of none effect, they charged him by virtue of his oath to keep all secret by the way, and to show nothing what was done before he came to the pope: but he contrary to his oth, so sone as he came in Flanders opened all abroad the matter, and uttered their counsel: whereupon the monks being not a little agreued w ^t him, sent him privily to the court of Rome out of hand. The next day, the elder monks sent to y ^e king: desiring him of his gracious license Canonically to choose their Archb. The king most gently & favorably granted their petition: requiring them instantly and desiring, that for his sake they would show favor to John Gray then B. of Norwich, as they did in deed: erecting him into that seat of their high primacy. Moreover, because the authority of kings and princes was then but small in their own dominion without the Popes consent, & confirmation to the same: he sent also to Rome of his own charges, to have the foresaid election ratified by the pope. The suffragans of Canterbury then (being not a little offended at these two elections) sent speedily to Rome to have them both stopped: for that they, had not been of counsel with them. And hereupon at the last grew a most prodigious tumult.

The next year after, the suffragans of the province of Canterbury on the one side, and the Monks of Canterbury on the other side: came afore the Pope w ^t their brawling matter. First the Monks presenting Reignold their superior, desired that their election might be confirmed. The Suffragans likewise complained that the Monks would presume to choose the Archbishop without their consent, and therefore desired by diverse reasons the first election to be of none effect. The Pope deciding the matter between both, pronounced with the Monks, charging the suffragans and Bishops, to meddle no more w ^t that election, but to let the monks alone. The monks of Cant. now having the whole election in their own hands, fell also at square among themselves, the younger sort with the elder. The younger sort which had chosen Reignolde their superior, would that election to stand. The elder sort of the Monks replied again, saying: that the first election was done by stealth and by night and by the younger part, also without the counsel of other monks: over and besides it was done without the kings license or appointment, and without the one solemnity thereunto belonging.

And as concerning our election (said they) it was done in the clear light of the day, by which it had authority in presence of our liege Lord the king and his counsel being willing to the same.

This allegation thus proponed: the suffragans proctor or man of law stood • orth, & proved the former election to be good, and this latter, to be void and of no value, after this sort. Whether the first election (saith he) were just or unjust, ye ought first by the law to have condemned it, afore ye should have presumed to the second, but thus yet did not. Therefore is this your latter doing no election at all: and the first therefore is rather to be ratified than yours. When they had thus multiplied talk on both sides, with many frivolous allegations a long time, and could not agree upon one person: Pope Innocent condemned both their elections, commanding them to choose Stephen Lāgton, then Cardinal of S. Chrisogone for their Archb. The monks then answered, that they durst not so do, without consent of their king, and for that it was prejudicial to their ancient liberties. The Pope by and by (saith the text) as one in a fury, taking the words out of their mouths, said thus unto them. We will ye to know, that we have full power and authority over the church of Cant. neither are we wont to tarry the consent of princes: therefore we command you in pain of our great curse y ^t ye chose him only whom we have appointed.

The Monks at these words abashed and terrified, though they much murmured in their hearts, yet consented they all in one, and thereupon sang Te Deum. Only doctor Helias Brantfield withdrew himself from that election, whom the king had sent for the admission of the Bishop of Norwich.

Thus was Stephen Langton (in the high Church of Uiterby, by the popes hand) made archbishop of Canterbury. From thenceforth therefore (saith Matthew Paris) the pope could do no less but mightily defend him from all vexation and danger: considering that he was his own dear deareling, and a child of his own creation.

Upon this occasion, king John conceived an exceeding displeasure against the Clergy, and Monks of Canterb. (as he had good cause) they doing so many evils against his Princely prerogative. Without his license they elected their Archb. and put by the Bishop of Norwich, whom he had appointed. They wasted a great part of his treasure for the wars: and to bring all to y ^e devil, they made Stephen Langton their high Metropolitan, whom he took for a grievous enemy unto the whole realm, being always so familiar w ^t the French king. Wherefore in his anger he banished them out of the land, to the number of 64. for this their contumacy and contempt of his regal power.

• The monks of Canterbury thus being expulsed, the king forthwith sendeth messengers to the Pope with his letters, wherein he doth sharply and expressly expostulate with the Pope: First, for that so vncourteously he repulsed the election of the bishop of Norwich, and set up one Stephen Langton, a man unknown to him, and brought up amongst his enemies a long time in the kingdom of France, consecrating him Archb. of Cant. and letting the other go. Also (which is more) it redoundeth to the subversion and derogatiō of the liberties appertaining to his crown: for notwithstanding his consent past (being before of the monks not made privy, which should so have done) yet he rashly presumed to promote and prefer another. Wherefore, he cannot marvel (he saith) enough, that neither the said Pope, nor the Court of Rome doth consider and reuolue with themselves, how necessary his love and favor hath been always hitherto to the sea of Rome: & that they consider not what great profit and revenues, hath proceeded hitherto to them out of the realm of Enlād: the like whereof hath not ben received out of any other country besides, on this side the Alps. He addeth moreover and saith, that for his liberties he will stand (if need be) unto death, neither can he be so removed and shaken of from the election of the B. of Norwich, which he seeth to be so commodious to him and profitable. Finally, he thus concludeth, saying: that in no case in this his request he be not heard, he will so provide by the seas, that there shall be no such gadding & coursing anymore over to rome suffering the riches of the lande no more to be transported over, whereby he should be himself the less able to resist his enemies. And seeing he hath of his own at home, archbishops, bishops, & other prelates of the Church (both of English men & of other) sufficiently provided & instructed in all kind of knowledge: therefore he shall not need greatly to seek for judgment and justice farther abroad.

When these came to the Popes intelligence, he directeth letters to t •• king again in this form.

With much other matter in the same Epistle, wherein he falleth into the commendation of Stephen Langton his Cardinal, declaring howe learned he was in the liberal arts, and in divinity, in so much he was p • ebendated at Paris: also come of an honest stock and an Englishman borne, and not unknown to the king, seeing the king had written his letters thrice to him before. Declaring moreover in the said letter, how the messengers of the King had specified to him another cause: which was, for y ^c the monks of Cant. which had to do in the election, came not to him before for his consent, declaring moreover in the said letter, how the said messengers of the king, entreated in the kings behalf: that for so much as the popes letters (wherein the king was commanded to send his proctors to Rome for the same matter) came not to the kings hand, neither did the Monks direct any such letters or message to the king to have his consent: therefore the Pope considering the same, would grant so much for the regard of the kings honor, that the monks of Cant. should not proceed without the kings assent therein. And for as much, as that hath not been done as yet, therefore they desired some delay therein to be given, sufficient for the doing thereof. whereunto he said, that he had granted, & fulfilled their request, in sending his letters and messengers once or twice to the king for the same purpose, although he said it was not the manner of the sea Apostolic, (who had the fullness of power over the Church of Cant.) to wait for Princes consents in such elections, who then could not be suffered to do that which they came for. wherefore in knitting up his letter, he thus concludeth in these words.

Thus hast thou (Gentle Reader) the glorious letter of the proud Pope: I beseech thee mark it well. Now to the story.

After this letter was sent out, not long after proceedeth a charge and commandment, sent into England, unto certain bishops there: requiring them by authority Apostolical, that if the said king would not receive the said Prior of Cant. & his monks, thē they should interdict him throughout all his realm. For the executing whereof 4. Bishops were appointed by the usurped power of the popes bulls: namely william B. of London. Eustace B. of Eli, Walter B. of Winchester. and Giles B. of Herford. Which said four bishops went unto the king, and shown their commission from the pope as is abovesaid, willing him to consent thereto. &c.

But the said king refused the same, and would by no means grant to their request. Wherupon the departing from his grace, went the morrow after the Annuntiacion of our Lady, and pronounced the said general interdiction throughout all England: so that the church doors were shut up with keys and other fasteninges, and with walls &c.

Now when the king heard of this he begun to be moved against them, and took all the possessions of the 4. bishops into his hands: appointing certain men to keep the livings of the clergy throughout the realm, and y ^• they should enjoy no part thereof. Which being done, y ^• bishops (seeing the same) cursed all them that kept or should meddle with Church goods, against the will of them y ^t ought them: and understanding of all that, that the K. nothing regarded their doings, they went ouersea to the Bishop of Canterbury, & informed him what had happened. Who hearing the same, willed them again to return to Canterbury and he would come thither to them, or else send certain persons thither in his steed, that should do as much as if he were there himself. Then when the bishops heard this, they returned again to England, to Canterbury, which tidings came shortly to the K. that they were come again thither. And because he might not himself travail to thē, he sent their Bishops, Earls, & Abbots to entreat them that the archb. Stephen whom he had chosen might be admitted, promising the Prior and all the Monks of Canterbury in his behalf, that he should never take anything of the church goods, against the will of them that owe them, but would make amends to them of whom he had taken any such goods: and that the Church should have all her fraunchises in as ample manner as in S. Edward's time the Confessor it had.

When the form of agreement was thus concluded, it was engrossed of pair Indentures, which the foresaid 4. Bishops, to the one part thereof set their seals: & the other part the said bishops, Erles & abbots, carried to show the king. When the K. saw the order thereof, he liked it well: saving he would not agree to make restitution of the church goods. So he sent to the 4. bishops again, y ^t they should put out that point of restitution. But they answered stoutly y ^t they would not put out one word. Then the king sent word to the Archb. by the 4. bishops, that he should come to Cant. to speak w ^t him, and for his safe conduit to come and go again at his will: he sent his iustices as pledges, Gilbert Peiteuin, William de la Bereuer, and John Letfitz. Which thing thus done, the Archb. Stephen came to Cant. and the K. (hearing thereof) came to Chilham: from whence he sent his treasurer the B. of Winchester to him, to have him put out of the indentures the clause of restitution aforesaid: who denying to alter any word of the same moved y ^t k. in such sort, that immediately it was proclaimed throughout england at the kings commandment, that all those that had any churchliuing and went over the sea, should come again into England a certain day, or else lose their livings for evermore. And further in that proclamation he charged all Shirifs within the realm, to inquire if any Bishops, Abbots, Priors, or any other churchman (from that day forward) received any commaūdemēt that came from the pope, and that they should take his or their body and bring it before him. And also that they should take into their hands for the kings use, all the churchlands that were given to any man through the Archbishop Stephē, or by the priors of Cant. from the time of the election of y ^e Archb. And further charged, that all the woods that were the Archb. should be cut down and sold.

When tidings came to the Pope that the K. had thus done, being moved thereby with firy wrath • sent to y ^• king two Legates (the one called Pandulph, and the other Durant) to warn him in the popes name that he should cease his doings to holy church, and amend the wrong he had done to the Archb. of Cant. and to the priors & the monks of Cant. and to all the Clergy of England. And further, y ^t he should restore the goods again that he had taken of thē against their will, or else they should curse the K. by name: & to do this, y ^• pope took them his letters in Bulls patent. These two Legates coming into England, resorted to y ^e king to Northhampton, where he held his Parliament, & saluting him, said: they came from the Pope of Rome, to reform y ^t peace of holy church. And first said they we monish you in the popes behalf, that ye make full restitution of the goods & of the land that ye have ravished holy church of: and that ye receive Stephen the Archb • . of Cant. into his dignity, and Prior of Cant. and his monks. And that ye yield again unto the Archb. all his lands and rentes without any withholding. And sir, yet moreover, that ye shall make such restitution to them, as the Church shall thinkk sufficient,

Then answered the K. as touching the Prior and his Monks of Cant. all that ye have said I would gladly do, and all thing else that ye would ordain: but as touching y ^e Archb. I shall tell you as it lieth in my heart. Let the Archbishop leave his bishopric: and if the pope then shall entreat for him, peradventure I may like to give him some other bishopric in England. And upon this condition I will receive and admit him.

Then said Pandulph unto the K. holy Church was wont never to disgrade Archb. without cause reasonable: but ever she was wont to correct princes that were disobedient to her.

What? how now (quoth the K.) threaten ye me? Nay said Pandolph, but ye have now openlie told us as it standeth in your heart: and now we will tell you what is the popes will, and thus it standeth. He hath wholly interdicted & cursed you, for the wrongs ye have done to the holy church and to the Clergy. And forasmuch as ye will dwell still in your malice, and will come to no amendment, ye shall understand: that from this time forward, the sentences upon you given have force and strength. And all those that with you have commoned before this time, whether that they be Earls, Barons or Knightes (or any other whatsoever they be) we assoil them safely from their sins unto this day. And from this time forward (of what condition soever they be) we accurse them openly: and specially by this our sentence, that do with you common. And we assoil moreover Earls, Barons, knights and all other manner of men of their homages, service, and sealties, that they should do unto you. And this thing to confirm, we give plain power to the B. of Winchester, and to the B. of Norwich. And the same power we give against Scotland to the B. of Rochester, & of Salisbury. And in Wales, we give the same power to the Bishops of S. David, and of Landaffe, and of S. Ass.

Also Sir K. (quoth Pandolph (all the kings, princes and the great Dukes christened, have labored to the pope to have license to cross themselves, and to war against thee, as upon God's enemy, and win thy lande, and to make K. whom it pleaseth the pope. And we here now assoil all those of their sins that will arise against thee here in thine own land.

Then the K. hearing this, answered: What shame may ye do more to me then this.

Pandolph again: we say to you in verbo Dei : that neither you nor any heir that you have, after this day shall be crowned. So the king said: by him that is almighty God, if I had known of this thing before ye came into this land, and that he had brought me such news: I should have made you tarry out these xii. months.

Then answered Pandolph. Full well we thought (at our first coming) that ye would have been obedient to God, and to holy church: & have fulfilled the popes commandment, which we have shown and pronounced to you, as we were charged therewith. And now ye say, that if ye had wilt the cause of our coming, ye would have made us tarry out a whole yere: which might as well say, that ye would have taken a whole years respite without the popes leave: But for to suffer what death that ye can ordain, we shall not spare to tell you all the popes message and will that he gave us in charge.

In another chronicle I find the words between the King and Pandolph something otherwise described as though the king should first threaten him with hanging if he had foreknown of his coming in. To whom pādolph again should answer, that he looked for nothing else at his hand, but to suffer for the Churches right. Wherupon the K. being mightily incēsed, departed. The k. the same tune being at Northhampton willed the shirifs and bailifes to bring forth all the prisoners there, y ^t such as had deserved should be put to death: to the intent (as some think) to make Pandolfus afraid. Among whom was a certain Clerke, who for counterfeiting the kings coin, was also condemned to be hanged, drawn, & quartered. And moreover, by the king was commanded (thereby to anger Pandolfus, the more as may be thought) to be hanged up highest above the rest. Pādolphus hearing thereof, notw ^t standing he somewhat began to fear least he should be hanged himself, yet w ^t such courage as he had, he went to the church to set out book, bel, and candle, charging that no man under pain of accursing, should lay hands upon the cleark. Vppon this the K. and the Cardinal departed in no little anger. And Pandolfe went to Rome, & reported to the pope and the Cardinals what had been done.

Then the pope summoned all the bishops, abbots, and clerks of England to come and repair to Rome, to consult what was to be done therein. This council began the first day of October. In the which council it was decreed by the pope and his assembly, that John king of England should be accursed with all such as held with him, every day so long as that Council endured. Albeit this was not yet granted, that the people should be crossed to fight against him, because as yet he had shed no blood. But afterward, the said Pope Innocent seeing that K. John by no means would stoop under his subjection, nor under the rule of his popish see, he sent unto the French king, upon remission of all his sins, and of all that went with him that he should take with him all the power he might, and so to invade the realm of England to destroy K. John.

This occasion given, Pope Innocent yet once again commanded in pain of his great curse: that no man should obey King John, neither yet keep company with him: he forbad all persons to eat and drink with him, to talk with him: to commune or counsel with him: yea, his own familiar household to do him any kind of service, either at bed or at board: in church, hall or stable. And what followed thereof. The greater parte of them which after such sort fled from him (by the ordinance of God) of diverse and sundry diseases the same year died. And between both nations (English and French) sell that year great amity: but secret, subtle, and false: to the bitter betraying of England. Neither was the pope content only with this, but moreover the said Pope Innocent gave sentence definitive (by counsel of his Cardinals) that King John should be put from his seat regal and deposed, and another put in his room. And to the speedy execution thereof, he appointed the French king Philip, promising to give him full remission of all his sins, & the clear possession of all the realm of England, to him and his heirs: if he did either kill him or expel him.

The next year, the French king began his attempt in hope of the crown of England: being well manned with the Bishops, Monks, Prelates, and Priests, and their servants to maintain the same: bragging of the letters which they had received frō the great men there. But behold the work of God: the English nauie took 300. of the French kings ships w • ll loden with wheat, wine, meal, flesh, armor, and such other like, meet for the war: and an 100. they brent within the haven, taking the spoil with them. In the mean time the priests w ^t in England, had provided them a certain false counterfeit prophet called Peter Wakefield of Poiz: who was an idle gadder about, and a prattling merchant. This Peter, they made to prophecy lies: rumoring his prophesies abroad, to bring the king out of all credit with his people. They noised it daily among the commons of the Realm, that Christ had twice appeared to this prophet of theirs, in shape of a child between the Priests hands, once at York, another time at Pomfret: and that he had breathed upon him thrice, saying, peace, peace, peace, and teaching many things which be anon after declared to the Bishops, and bid people amend their naughty living. Being wrapped also in spirit (they said) he beheld the joys of heaven, and sorrows of hell. For scant were there three (saith the Chronicle) among a thousand that lived Christianly. This counterfeit soothsayer prophesied of king John: that he should reign no longer then the ascension day, within the yere of our Lord 1213. which was the 14. yere from his coronation, and this (he said) he had by revelation. Then was it of him demanded, whether he should be slain or be expelled, or should of himself give over the crown: He answered, that he could not tell. But of this he was sure (he said) that neither he, nor any of his stock or linage should reign, that day once finished. The K. hearing of this, laughed much at it, and made but a scosse thereof. Tush (saith he) it is but an idiote knave, and such a one as lacketh his right wits. But when this foolish prophet had so escaped the danger of the kings displeasure, & that he made no more of it, he gate him abroad and prated thereof at large (as he was a very idle vagabund) and used to rattle and talk more then enough: so that they which loved the king, caused him anon after to be apprehended as a malefactor, & to be thrown in prison, the king not yet knowing thereof.

Anone after, the same of this fantastical Prophet went all the realm over, & his name was known everywhere (as foolishness is much regarded of people, where wisdom is not in place) specially because he was then imprisoned for the matter, the rumor was the larger: their wonderings were the wantonner: their practicing the folisher: their busy talks & other idle occupying the greater. Continually from thence (as the rude manner of people is) old gossips tales went abroad, new tales were invented, fables were added to fables, and lies grew upon lies. So that every day, new • anders were raised on the king, and not one of them true: rumors arose, blasphemies were spread, the enemies rejoiced, & treasons by the priests were maintained, and what likewise was surmised, or other subtlety practiced, all was then fathered upon this foolish prophet. As, thus saith Peter Wakefielde: thus hath he prophesied: and this shall come to pass: yea many times when he thought nothing less. When the Ascension day was come which was prophesied of afore: king John commanded his regal Tent to be spread abroad in y ^c open field, passing that day with his noble counsel and men of honor, in the greatest solemnity that ever he did afore, solacing himself with musical instruments & songs, most in sight amongst his trusty friends. When that day was past in all prosperity and mirth, his enemies being confused, turned all to an allegorical understanding, to make the prophecy good, and said: he is no longer king, for the Pope reigneth & not he, yet reigned he still, & his son after him, to prove that prophet a liar. Then was the king by his counsel persuaded, that this false prophet had troubled all the realm: perverted the hearts of the people, and raised the commons against him. For his words went over the Sea by the help of his Prelates, and came to the French kings ear, & gave unto him a great encouragement to invade y ^c land, he had not else done it so suddenly. But he was most foully deceived, as all they are & shall be, y ^t put their trust in such dark drowsy dreams of hypocrites. The king therefore commanded that he should be drawn & hanged like a traitor.

After that, the Popish Prelates, Monks, Canons, Priests. &c. saw this their crafty iuggling by their famed prophet would not speed, notwithstanding they had done no little harm thereby, to help the matter more forward, they began to travail and practice with pope Innocent of the one side, and with the French king on the other side, beside subtle treasons, which they wrought w ^t in the realm, & by their confessions in the ear, whereby they both blinded the nobility and commons. The king thus compassed abou • on every side with enemies, and fearing the sequel thereof, knowing the conspiracies that were in working against him, as well by the Pope (in all that ever he might) as also by Phillip the French king by his procurement: and moreover his own people, especially his Lord's and Barons being rebelliously incited against him, as by the Popes curses and interdictions against such as took his part, and by his absolutions & dispensations withal those that would rebel against him, commanding them to detain from him such homage, service, duties, debts, and all other allegiance that godly subjects owe and are bound to yield and give to their liege lord & prince. Al which things considered, the King in the 13. year of his reign, for that the French king began to make sharp invasion upon him within his own Realm, sent speedy Ambassadors to the pope (as to the fountain of all this his mischief pretensed) to work & entreat his peace and reconciliation with him, promising to do whatsoever the pope should will him and command him in the reformation of himself, and restitution of all wrongs done to holy Church, and to make due satisfaction therefore unto all men that could complain.

Then sent the Pope again into England his Legate Pandulphe with other Ambassadors: the king also at Canterb. (by letters as it should seem certified from his own ambassadors) waited their coming. Where the 13. day of May the king receaiued them, making unto them an oath, that of and for all things wherein he stood accursed, he would make ample restitution and satisfaction. Unto whom also all the Lord's & Barons of England (so many as there were w ^t the king attending the Legates coming) sware in like manner, and that if the king would not accomplish in everything the oath which he had taken, that then they would cause him to hold and confirm y ^• same whether y ^t he would or not (or by strength) to use the authors words.

Then submitted the king himself unto the Court of Rome and to the pope: And resigning gave up his dominions and realms of England & Ireland from him and from his heirs for evermore y ^• should come of him. Wyth this condition, that the king and his heirs should take again these two dominions of the Pope to form, paying yearly therefore to the Court of Rome a 1000. Markes of silver. Then took the King the crown from his head, kneeling upon his knees in the presence of all his Lord's & Barons of England to Pandulphe the popes chief legate, saying in this wise. Here I resign up the crown of the realm of England to the Popes hands Innocent the third, & put me wholly in his mercy and ordinance. Then took Pandolphe the crown of king John, and kept it 5. days as a possession & seazon taking of these two realms of England and Ireland. Continuing also all things promised by his charter obligatory as followeth.

Upon this obligation, the king was discharged the 2. day of July, from that Tirannicall interdiction, under which he continued 6. years and 3. months. But before the releasement thereof, first he was miserably compelled (as hath been declared) to give over both his crown & scepter to that Antichrist of Rome, for the space of 5. days: and his client, vassal, feudary, and tenant, to receive it again of him, at the hands of another Cardinal, being bound obligatorily, both for himself, & for his successors to pay yearly (for a knowledge thereof) a M. marks, for England & Ireland. Then came they thither, from all partes of the Realm so many as had their consciences wounded for obeying their liege king (as blind Idiotes) and there they were absolved, everyone of his own bishop, except y ^• spiritual fathers and Ecclesiastical soldiers, for they were compelled to seek to Rome, as captives reserved to the popes own fatherhoode. In this new ruffeling the King easily granted, that abbots, deanes and curates, should be elected freely everywhere, so y ^t the laws of the realm were truly observed. But against that, were the bishops, alleging their Canonical decrees and rules synodal, determini • g the king therein to have nothing a do: but only to give his consent after that they had once elected. But among this shaven rabble, some there were which consented not to this wicked error. A sort also there were of the prelates at that time, which were not pleased that y ^t lands interdiction should cease, til the king had paid all y ^• which their Clergy in all quarters of the realm had demanded without reason: yea, what every saucy sir John for his part demanded, even to the very breaking of their hedges, the stealing of their appels, and their other occasional damages, which grew to an incredible sum, and impossible to be answered. Such was the outrageous cruel noise of that mischievous progeny Antichrist, against their natural king.

Notwithstanding, that which is uttered afore concerning the bitter malice of the Clergye against their Prince: yet did the Popes Legate, and Cardinal Nicolaus Tusculanus, much favor his doings, & allow his proceedings. Wherefore they reported of him, that he was exceeding parcial, & regarded not their matters ecclesiastical as he should have done, for leaving the accompt of their restitiōs. He went with the kings officers (as the kings pleasure was) to the Cathedral minsters, abbeys, priories, deanries, and great Churches vacant. And there, for the next incumbent always he appointed two: one for y ^t king, another for the parties. But upon him only whom the king nominated, he compelled most commonly the election to pass: which vexed them wonderfully. Upon this therefore, they raised a new cōspiracy against the kings person, by help of their bishops, seditious prelates, & such noble men as they had drawn to their parties, We beheld (saith Houeden ) about the same time many noble houses and assemblies divided in many places: the fathers and the aged men stood upon y ^t kings part, but the younger sort contrary. And some there were, that for love of their kindred, and in other sundry respects, forsook the king again: yea, and the same went that time (saith he) that they were cōfederated with Alexander the Scottish king, and Ieoline the Prince of Wales, to work him an utter mischief. A council at Oxford the Archb. called: where at some would not tarry, considering the confusion thereof: the other sort (having very obstinate hearts) reviled the king most spitefully behind his back, and said: that from thenceforth he ought to be taken for no governor of theirs. Their outrageous and frantic clamours so much prevailed in those days, that it grew to a grievous tumult, and a most perilous commotion.

In the year of our Lord 1215. as witnesseth Paulus Aemilius & other histories: Pope Innocent the third held a general Synod at Rome, called the council Lateran. The chief causes of that council were these: In the days of this Innocent, heresy (as he calleth the truth of God, or the doctrine that rebuketh sin) began to rise up very high, and to spread forth his branches abroad. By reason whereof, many Princes were excommunicate as Otho the Emperor, John the king of England, Peter king of Aragon, Raimund the Earl of Toulouse, Aquitania, Sataloni, and such other like, as is said afore. So that it could be no otherwise, saith Doueden, but with the sharp axe of the gospel (so called the pope his excommunications) they ought of necessity to have been cut off from the Church. Therefore was this council provided, proclaimed, and prelates from all nations thereunto called. And to color those mischiefs which he then went about: he caused it by his Legates and Cardinals (very crafty merchants) to be noised abroad, that his intent was therein only to have the Church universally reformed: and the holy land from the Turks hands recovered. But all this was craft & falsehode, as y ^t sequel thereof hath manifestly declared. For his purpose thereby was to subdue all Princes, and to make himself rich and wealthy, for there he made this antichristian act, and established it by public decree, that y ^t pope should have from thenceforth the correction of all Christian Princes, and that no Emperor should be admitted, except he were sworn before, and were also crowned of him. He ordained moreover, that whatsoever he were that should speak evil of the pope, he should be punished in hell w ^t eternal damnation. Conradus, Vrspergensis, Hieronimus Marius. He provided confession to help these matters: he allowed their bread a pyx to cover him, and a bell when he goeth abroad, and made the mass equal with Christ's Gospel.

In this Council was first invented and brought in Transubstantiatiō: of which Johannes Scotus, whō we call Dims, maketh mention in his 4. Book, writing in these words. The words of the scripture might be expounded more easily, & more plainly without transubstantiatiō. But the church did choose this sense, which is more hard, being moved thereto, as it seemeth chiefly: because that of the Sacraments men ought to hold as the holy Church of Rome holdeth. &c. And in the same place maketh mention of Innocentius the third.

Moreover, in the said Council was stablished and ratified the wretched and impious act, compelling Priests to abjure lawful Matrimony. Whereupon these meeters or verses were made the same time against him, which here follow under written.

Now let us return to K, John again, & mark how the priests & their adherents were plagued for their humble handlings of his majesties will. In y ^• forsaid council of Lateran, and the same year, was Stephen Langton the Archb. of Cant. excommunicated of pope Innocent, w ^t all those bishops, prelates, priests, barons, & commons, which had been of counsel with him in the former rebellion. And when the said Archb. had made instant suit, of him to be absolved: anon he made him this answer w ^t great indignation. Brother mine, I swear by s. Peter, thou shalt not so soon at my hand obtain the benefit of absolution: for why, thou hast not only done harm to the K. of England, but also thou hast in a great many of things injured the church of Rome here, & therefore thou shalt tarry my leyser. The archb. was also at y ^t time suspended out of y ^e Church, and commanded to say no mass at all, neither yet to exercise any other ecclesiastical office, because he would not at time convenient execute the popes curse upon y ^c rebellious Barons. With them the said pope had ben so depely offended & angered a little before, y ^t the great charter of the liberties of England (w ^t great indignation & countenance most terrible) he rent and destroyed, by sentence definitive condemning it forever. And by and by thereupon cursed all the other rebels, with book, bel, and candle. The greater captains of them (with the citizens of London) for that assay were pronounced excommunicate by name, & remained still interdicted. They appealed then to the council general.

In the same yere 1215. were those great men also summoned to appear at Rome in that general Sinode: which would not consent to their kings expulsion, nor yet tirannical deposing. Though they were called (they said) thereunto by the Archb. of Cant. and others: and required by oath to subscribe to the same, yet could they not of conscience do it, because he had humbled himself, and also granted to keep peace with all men. Thus was the whole realm miserably then divided into two factions through malice of the clergy, so strifes increased in the lande everywhere. Yet were there of the Lord's & gentlemen a great number at that time, that followed the king and allowed his doings. But they which were on the other side (not a little suspecting the state that they were in) fled speedily to the French K. Phillip: desiring him that he would grant to them his eldest son Ludowike, and they would elect him to be their K. and that without much tariance. They besought him moreover, that he would send with him a strong and mighty power, as were able to subdue him utterly, that they might (they said) be delivered of such a wicked tyrant. Such was the report, that those most wicked papists gave their Christian governor, appointed to them of God: whom they ought to have obeyed, though he had been evil, even for very conscience sake. Rom. 13. And as certain of the Lord's and Barons were busy to choose the said Ludowike for their king, the Pope sent thither one Gualo the Cardinal of S. Martin to those rash and cruel attempts, charging the French king upon his allegiance, that he with all power possible, should favor, maintain, and defend king John of England, his feudary or tenant. The French king thereto made answer, as one not contented with that arrogant precept. The realm of England said he, was never yet any part of S. Peters patrimony, neither is it now, nor yet any time shall be hereafter. Thys spake he, for that he was in hope to obtain it for his son, by treason of the Barons.

No prince of potentate (said Phillip the French king) may pledge or give away his kingdom: which is (beside the realm) the government of his whole common wealth, w ^t out the lawful consent of his Barons, which are bound to defend the same. If y ^e pope shall introduce or set up such a president in christianity, he shall at his pleasure bring all Christian kings, and their kingdoms to naught. I like not this example, in these days begun. I cannot therefore allow this fact of king John of England: though he be my utter adversary, yet I much lament that he hath so endamaged his realm, & hath brought that noble ground and Duene of provinces, under miserable tribute. The chief Lord's and men of his nobility standing by, when he uttered these words (being as it were in a fury) cried with one voice: By the blood of God, in whom we trust to be saved, we will stick in this article to the loosing of our heads. Let the K. of England do therein what him liketh: no king may put his land under tribute, & so make his nobility captive servants, with y ^t came in Ludowike the kings eldest son, and so said unto them all there present. I beseech you, let not my purposed journey: The Barons of England have elected me for their Lord and king, and I will not surely lose my right: but I will fight for it even to the very death, yea so long as heart shall stir within my breast: and I doubt not but I shall well obtain it: for I have friends among them. Hys father the king stood still as he had been in a dompe, & answered never a word, but fared as though he had dissembled y ^e matter. Be like he mistrusted something therein, as he might well enough: for all was procured by the priests, that they might live licentiously in all wealth and freedom from the kings yoke.

About the same time were such treasons and conspiracies wrought by the Bishops, Priests, and Monks, throughout all the realm, that the king knew not where to become, or find trusty friends: he was then compelled by the uncertainty of his subjects to travail from place to place, but not without a great army of men: looking every day when his Barons & their confederates would cruelly set upon him. At last he came to Dover, and there looked for aide from other quarters, which loved him better then did his own people. And thither to him resorted from Flaunders, Brabant & Holland, on the one side: and from Guiane, Gascoine, & Poitiers, on the other side: and from other countries more, a wonderful number of men. The report then went, that the pope had written to those countries, mightily to assist him for diverse considerations: one was, for that he had both submitted himself, and his dominion to his protection. An other was, because he had taken on him (a little before) the livery of the cross, to win again Jerusalem. The third was, for that he had gotten by him the dominion of England and Ireland, and feared to lose both, if he should chance to decay. For the space of 3. months he remained in the Isle of Wight, abroad in the air, to quiet himself for a time from all manar of tumults: and led there a solitary life, among rivers and watermen: where as he rather counted to die then to live, being so traitorously handled of his Bishops and Barons, and not knowing howe to be justly aduenged of them. Uppon the Purification day of our Lady therefore, he took upon him the cross or viage against the Turks for recovery of Jerusalem: moved thereunto rather for the doubts which he had of his people, then for any other devotion else. And thus he said to his familiar servants: since I submitted myself and my lands, England and Ireland to the church of Rome (sorrow come to it) never thing prospered with me, but all hath gone against me.

In the next year after 1216. was Simon Langton chosen Archbishop of York: but that election anon arter was dissolved: for informatiō was given to the pope, that the said Simon was brother to Steuē Langton the archbishop of Cant. which had been the occasion of all the tumults which were that time in England. And the Pope had the more hate unto him, for that he had brought him up of naught, and did find him at that time so stuvburne: wherefore he placed in his brothers place Walter Graie, the bishop of Winchester.

In the same yere, Gualo the popes legate renewed his great curse upon Louis the French kings son, for usurping upon king John. Likewise upon Simon Langton and Gernais Hobruge, for provoking him to y ^• same, and that with a wonderful solemnity: for in that doing he made all the belles to be rong, the candles to be light, the doors to be opened, and the boke of excommunications and interdictions publicly to be read, committing them wholly to the devil, for their contumacy and contempt. He also commanded the Bishops and Curates, to publish it abroad over at the whole realm, to the terror of ad his subjects. The said Simon & Geruais laughed him to scorn, and derided much his doings in that behalf, saying: that for the just title of Ludowick, they had appealed to the general council at Rome.

The magistrates of London and citizens of the same, did likewise vilipende and disdainously mock all that the Pope had there commanded and done. And in spite both of him and his legate, they kept company with them that were excommunicated, both at table and at church, showing themselves thereby, as open contemners, both of him and his laws. Ludowicke at London taking himself for king, constituted Simon Langton for his high Chancellor, & Geruais Hobruge for his chief preacher. By whose daily preachings, as well the Barons, and the Citizens themselves, being both excommunicated, caused all the church doors to be opened, and the service to be song, & the said Ludowicke was in all points fit for their hands. About this time, was Pandulphus (then Cardinal) collecting the Peter pence, an old pillage of the Pope: taking great pains therein. And for his great labors in those affairs of holy Church, & for other great miracles besides: he was then made bishop of Norwich, to the augmenting of his dignity and expenses.

It chanced about this time, that the Uicount of Melun (a very noble mā of the realm of France, which came thither with the Prince Ludowicke) to fall deadly sick at London: and also moved of conscience to cal certain of the English Barons unto him (such as were there appointed to the custody of that city) said unto them. I lament your sorrowful case, and pity with my heart the destruction y ^t is coming towards you and your country. The dangerous snares which are prepared for your utter confusion, are hidden from you: ye do not behold them, but take ye hede of them in time. Prince Ludowicke hath sworn a great oth, & 16. of his Earls and noble men are of counsel with him, that if he obtain the crown of England, he will banish all them from service, & deprive them of lands and goods, as many as he findeth now to go against their liege king, and are traitors to his noble person. And because ye shall not take this tale for a fable, I assure you on my faith (lying now at the mercy of God) that I was one of them, which was sworn to the same. I have great conscience thereof, and therefore I give you this warning. I pity poor England, which hath been so noble a region, that now it is come to so extreme misery. And when he with tears had lamented it a space, he returned again unto them, and said: my friends, I counsel you earnestly, to look to yourselves, and to provide the remeady in time, least it come upon you unawares. Your king for a season hath kept you under: but if Ludowicke prevail, he will put you from all. Of two extreme evils, chose the more easy, and keep that secret which I have told you of good will, with that he gave over and departed this life.

When this was once noised among the Barons, they were in great heaviness: for they saw themselves betrapped every way, and to be in exceeding great danger. And this daily augmented that fear which then came vpō the Barons. They were extremely hated of the Pope and his Legates, and every week came upon them new excommunications. Daily detriments they had besides: in their possessions and goods, in their lands & houses, corn and cattle, wines and children: so that some of them were driven to such need, that they were enforced to seek prays and booties for sustaining their miserable lives. For look whatsoever prince Ludowick obtained by his wars, either territories or castels: he gave them all to his French men (in spite of their heads) and said that they were but traitors, like as they had warning afore, which grieved them worst of all. At the last, they perceiving that they in seeking to avoid one mischief were ready to fall into another much worse: they began to lay their heads together, consenting to submit themselves wholly with all humility, to the mercy of their late sovereign, & natural liege Lord, king John. And for that they were somewhat in doubt of their lives for the treason afore committed: many of the friends of them which were of most credit w ^t him, made suit for them. So were a great number of them pardoned, after instant great suit made for them. I here omit his recovery of Rochester castle and city, w ^t many other dangerous adventures against the foresaid Ludowicke, both at London, York, Lincoln, Winchester, Norwich & other places else, as things not perta • ning to my purpose. And now I return to my matter again.

Into Suffolk and Norffolke he consequently journeyed, with a very strong army of men: and there, with great mischief he afflicted them, because they had given place & were sworn to his enemies. After that, he destroyed the Abbeis of Peterborough & Crowland, for the great treasons which they also had wrought against him, and so he departed from thence into Lincolneshire.

In this year, about the 17. day of July, died Pope Innocent the 3. and was buried in a city called Perusium in Italy: where as he had travailed to make a peace between the Genouaies and the Pyses, for his own commodity and advantage. After him anon succeeded one Ciatius, otherwise called Honorius Tertius, a man of very great age: yet lived he in the papacy 10. years and an half & more. When this was once known in England: greatly rejoiced all they which were king John's enemies, specially the priests: yet had they small cause, as will appear hereafter. They noised it all the realm over, that this new Pope would set a new order, and not rule all things as the other Pope did: th • nking thereby that he would have done all things to their commodity: but they found it otherwise. For he made all them which were excommunicate, to pay double and treble, ere they could be restored again to their former livings.

And in the self same year, as king John was come to Swinestead Abbey, not far from Lincoln, he rested there two days: where (as most writers testify) he was most traitorously poisoned by a monk of that Abby, of the sect of the Listercians or S. Bernardes brethren, called Simon of Swinsted. As concerning the noble personage of this Prince, this witness giveth Roger Houeden therein: Princeps quidem magnus erat sed minus foelix: atque vt Marius vtram{que} fortunam expertus. Doubtless (saith he) king John was a mighty prince, but not so fortunate as many were. Not altogether unlike to Marius the noble Romaine, he rasted of Fortune both ways: bountiful in mercy: in wars sometime he wan, sometime again he lost. Munisicus ac liberalis in exteros fuit, sed proditionis causa suorum depraedator, plus aduenis quam suis confidens He was also very bounteous & liberal unto strangers, but of his own people (for their daily treasons sake) he was a great oppressor, so that he trusted more to foreiners then to them.

Among other diverse and sundry conditions belonging to this king, one there was which is not in him to be reprehended but commended rather: for that being far from the superstition which kings at that time were commonly subject unto, regarded not the popish Mass, as in certain Chronicles writing of him may be collected: for so I find testified of him by Mat Parisiensis, that the king upon a time in his hunting, coming where a very fat stag was cut up and opened (or howe the Hunters term it I cannot tell) the king beholding the fatness and the liking of the stagge: See saith he, how easily and happily he hath lived, and yet for all that he never heard any Mass.

It is recorded and found in the Chronicle of William Caxton, called fructus temporum, and in the 7. Book. The foresaid monk Simon, being much offended with certain talk that the king had at his table, concerning Ludouicke the French kings son (which then had entered and usurped upon him) did cast in his wicked heart, howe he most speedily might bring him to his ende. And first of all he counseled with his Abbot, showing him the whole matter, and what he was minded to do. He alleged for himself the Prophecy of Caiaphas, John 11. saying: It is better that one man die, then all the people should perish. I am well contented (saith he) to loose my life, and so become a Martyr, that I may utterly destroy this tyrant. With that the Abbot did weep for gladness, and much commended his fervent zeal, as he took it. The Monk then being absolved of his Abbot for doing this act (aforehand) went secretly into a garden upon the back side, and finding there a most venomous Toad, he so pricked him, and pressed him with his penknife: that he made him vomit all the poison that was within him. This done, he conveyed it into a cup of wine, and with a smiling and flattering countenance, he said thus to the King: If it shall like your Princely majesty, here is inch a cup of wine, as ye never drunk a better before in all your life time. I trust this Wassail shall make all England glad. And with that he drank a great draught thereof, the king pledging him. The Monk anon after went to the farmerye, and there died (his guts gushing out of his belly) and had continually from thence foo • th three Monks to sing Mass for his soul, confirmed by their general chapter. What became after that of king John, ye shall know right well in the process following. I would ye did mark well the wholesome proceedings of these holy votaries, howe virtuously they obey their kings, whom God hath appointed: and howe religiously they bestow their confessions, absolutions and masses.

The king within a short space after (feeling great grief in his body) asked for Simon the monk: and answer was made, that he was departed this life. Then god have mercy upon me (said he) I suspected as much, after he had said, that all England should thereof be glad: he meant now I perceive then of his own generation. With y ^t he commanded his chariot to be prepared, for he was not able to ride. So went he from thence to Slaford Castel, and from thence to Newerke upon Trent: and there w ^t in less then 3. days he died. Upon his death bed he much repented his former life, and forgave all them with a pitiful heart, that had done him injury, desiring that his elder son Beurie might be admonished by his example, and to learn by his misfortunes, to be natural, favorable, gentle, and loving to his native people. When his body was enbaumed and spiced (as the manner is of kings) his bowels or intrailes were buried at Cropton Abbey, which was of the sect of Premonstratenses or Canons of S. Norbert. His hired soldiers, both Englishmen and strangers were still about him, and followed his corpse triumphantly in their armor, till they came to the Cathedral Church of Worcester: and there honourably was he buried by Sylvester the bishop, betwixt S. Oswalde and S. Wolstane, 2. Bishops of that Church. He died in the year of our Lord 1216. the 19. day of October, after he had reigned in such calamity, by the subtle conueyaunce of his Clergy 18. years 6. months, and odd days. So soon as Kyng John was dead and buried (as is said afore) the Princes, Lord's and Barons, so many as were of his part (as well of strangers as of them that were borne here) by counsel of the Legate Gualo: gathered themselves together, and all with one consent proclaimed Henry his son for their king. Of whom more shall follow the Lord willing) hereafter.

Many opinions are among the Chroniclers of the death of king John. Some of them do write that he died of sorrow and heaviness of heart, as Polydorus: some of surfeiting in the night, as Radulphus Niger: some of a bloody flixe, as Roger Houeden: some of a burning agewe, some of a cold sweat, some of eating apples, some of eating peares, some plummes, &c.

Thus you see what variety is among y ^e writers concerning y ^e death of this king John. Of which writers, although the most agree in this that he was poisoned by the Monk above named: yet Math. Parisiensis, (something differing from the other) writing thus concerning his death. That he going frō Linne to Lincolnshire, and there hearing of the loss of his carriage, & of his treasures upon the washes, fell in great heaviness of mind: in so much that he fell thereby into a fervent fever being at the abbey of Swinsted. This ague he also increased through evil surfeiting & noughty diet, by eating peaches and drinking of new Ciser, or as we cal it Sider. Thus being sick, he was carried from thence to the Castel of Laford, and from thence to the

In Gisburn, I find otherwise, who dissenting from other, saith: that he was poisoned with a dish of Peares which the Monk had prepared for the king therewith to poison him. Who asking the king whether he would taste of his fruit, & being bid to bring them in, according to the kings bidding so did. At the bringing in whereof, saith the said story, the precious stones about the K. began to sweet. In so much y ^t the king misdoubting some poison, demanded of y ^c monk, what he had brought. He said: of his fruit, and that very good, the best that he did ever taste. Eate, said y ^c king: and he toke one of the peares, which he did know, and did eat. Also being bid to take another, did eat likewise sauerly. And so likewise the third. Then the king refraining no longer, took one of the poisoned peares, and was therewith poisoned, as is before. &c.

In the reign of this king John the citizens of London, first obtained of the king to chose yearly a Major. In whose time also the bridge of London was first built of stone: which before was of wood. Rastall.

* King Henry the third.

A Fter this king John had reigned as some say 17. years, or as some say, though falsely 19. years was (as is abovesaid) poisoned & died. Thys king left behind him 4. sons, and 3. daughters, first Henry, second Richard, and he was Earl of Cornwall: Third William of Valentia: Fourth, Guido Disenay. He had also another son, who afterward was made bishop. Of his daughters first was Isabel, married afterward to Frederick the Emperor. The second named Alinour, married to William earl Marshal. The third to Mounfort the Earl of Leicester. &c. An other story saith that he had but two daughters, Isabel and Elionore, or as another calleth her Joan, which was after Queen of Scotland, Ex Chronico vetusto Anglic.

This king John being deceased, which had many enemies, both of Earls, Barons, & especially of the Popish Clergy, Henric his eldest son was then of the age of 9. years. At what time the most of the Lord's of England did adhere to Ludouike or Louis y ^• French kings son, whom they had sent for before, in displeasure of king John to be their king, and had sworn to him their allegeaunce. Then William Earl Marshall a noble man, and of great authority, and a grave and a sound coūseller, friendly and quietly called unto him diverse Earls and Barons: and taking this Henry the young prince, son of king John, setteth him before them, using these words:

Whereunto the Earl Marshall inferred again and said:

At these words all they, as inspired from above, cried altogether with one voice: be it so, he shall be our king. And so the day was appointed for his coronation, which was the day of Simon & Jude. This coronation was kept not at Westminster, for as much as Westminster y ^c same tune was hold • of the Frenchmen, but as Gloucester: the safest place (as was thought) at that time in the realm. an. 1216. by Swallow the Popes Legate through counsel of all the Lord's and Barons that held with his rather king John, to wit, the Bishop of Winchester, Bishop or Barn, Bishop of Chester, and Bishop of Worcester, the Earl Radulph of Chester, William Earl Marshal, William Earl of Pembroke, William Tren Earl of Feres, William de Bruer, Serle or Samarike de mal Baron. These were at the crowning of the king at Gloucester. Many other lords and Barons there were, which as yet held with Louis the French kings son, to whom they had done their homage before. And immediately after the crowning of this king, he held his council at Bristow at S. Martines least: where were assembled 11. Bishops of England & Wales, with diverse Earls & Barons and knights of England. All which did swear feaultie unto the king. After which homage thus done to the king, the legate Swalo interdicted Wales because they held with the foresaid Lew ^• es: and also the Barons & all other as many as gave help or counsel to Louis, or any other that moved or stirred any war against Henry the new king, he accursed them. All which notwithstanding, the said Louis did not cease, but first laid siege to the Castel or Dover xv. days: when he could not prevail there, he took the castel of Berkhamsted, and also the castel of Hartford, doing much harm in the countries, in spoiling & robbing the people where they went: by reason whereof, the Lord's and Commons which held w ^t the king, assembled thenselves together, to drive Louis and his men out of the land. But some of the Barons with the Frenchmen, in the mean season went to Lincoln and took the City, and held it to the use of Louis. Which being known, ensoones a great power of the kings parte made thither, as the Earl Ranolfe of Chester, William Earl Marshal and William de le Brues, Earl of Feres, w ^t many other Lord's, and gave battle unto Louis and his party: so that in conclusion Louis lost the field, and of his side were slain the Earl of Perchis, Saer de Quincy Earl of Winchester, Henry de la Bohon Earl of Herford, and syr Robert le Fizwater, with diverse other moe. Wherupon Louis for succor fled to London, causing the gates there to be shut & kept, waiting there for more succor out of France. Which as soon as the king had knowledge off, immediately sent to the Major and Burgess of the City, willing them to render them and their City to him as their chief lord and king, promising to grant to them again all their fraunchises and liberties as in times past, & to confirm the same by his great Charter and seal. In this mean time on Bartholomew even, Eustace a French Lord, accompanied with many other Lord's and nobles of France, came with a great power, to the number of a 100. ships, to aide and assist the said Louis. Who before they arrived, were encountered upon the seas by Richard king John's bastard son, who having no more but 18. ships to keep the Cinque ports, set eagerly upon them, and through God's grace, overcame them. Where presently he smote of the head of Eustace, the rest of the French Lord's to the number of 10. he brought with him to the lande, where he imprisoned them in the Castell of Dover, and slew almost all their men that came with them, and sonke their ships in the sea, only 15. ships (saith some of my stories) escaped away. Ludouike or Louis hearing this loss of his ships and men, and misdoubting his own life for the great mischief he had done to the realm, sought means by Swalo, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, and by other Lord's, to be at accord with the king. With whom at length it was so concluded and agreed, that for his costs and expenses he to have a thousand pound of silver given. Paris. speaketh of 15. thousand marks (which he borrowed of the Londoners) that he should depart the realm, never to return into England again, neither he nor none of his.

This done, and upon the same, he with all the other Barons y ^t took his parte, was assoiled of Swalo the Legate. And thus peace being confirmed at Merton, Louis took his leave, and being brought honorably to the Sea with the Bishop of Canterbury & other bishops, Earls, and Barons, returned home into France.

And here saith Gisburn. it was truly verified, that was before spokē of the French king, father of Louis: At what time y ^e said Louis was in England, his father the French king demanded of his messengers coming into France, where his son was, and they said at Stamforde: And he asking again, whether he had got the Castell of Dover, and they said no: Then the father swearing by the arm of s. James: My son (quoth he) hath not one foot in England, as afterward well proved true. Ex Gisburn.

But the chiefest help that repelled Louis & the French men out of y ^e realm, and that most preferred king John's son to the crown, was the singular working of God's hand, whereof meant: on was made before, pag. 250. which was through the confession of a certain gentleman of the French host (as Florilegus doeth testify.) Who lying sore sick at the point of death, & seeing no hope to escape, was touched in conscience for danger of his souls health, openly to confess & utter to the barons of England, what was the purpose of y ^e Frenchmen to do: who were conspired & sworn together among themselves, with a privy compaction, y ^t so soon as they subdued the land, they should thrust all the chief & nobles thereof, into perpetual exile out of the realm, where out they should never return again. This, coming to the ears of the Barons, as is said: gave them to consider more with themselves, whereby many of them were the more willing to leave Louis, and apply to their natural king and prince. Which no less may also be an admonition to all times and ages, for English men to take heed, not to admit or to place foreign rulers into the realm, least perhaps it follow that they be displaced themselves.

After the happy departure of this Louis & his French men out of the land, whereby the state of this realm long vexed before, was now somewhat more quieted: immediately Swalo the Legate looking to his harvest, directeth forth inquis • tors through every shire, to search out all such Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Canons & Secular priests, of what order or degree so ever they were, that with any succor or counsel, did either help, or else consented to Louis. For all these were exempted out of the charter of pardon & absolution made before, between the king & Louis. By reason whereof no small gain grew to the Pope and the Cardinal: for all such were either put out of their livings and sent up to the Pope, or else were fame to fine sweetly for them. Among whom (besides a great number of other clerks, both religious and seculare) was Hugo bishop of Lincoln: who for the recovery of his bishopric, disbursed 1000. marks to the Pope, and 100. marks to the foresaid Swalo the Legate, who now (as Paris. recordeth) by this time had gathered in a fair crop of that, which he did never sow. Ex Mat. Paris. &c.

About this season, or not much before, died Pope Innocent the 3. in the 19. yere of his popedom: to whose custody, Fredericus the nephewe of Frederick Barbarossa being yet young, was committed by the Empresse his mother, of whom more shall follow (the Lord willing) hereafter. After this Innocent, next succeeded Pope Honorius the 3. who writing to young king Henry in a special letter, exhorteth him to the love of virtue, & to the fear of God, namely to be circumspect with what familiars & resort, he acquainted himself: but principally above all other monisheth him to reverence the Church which is the spouse of Christ, and to honor the ministers thereof, in whom Christ himself (saith he) is both honored or despised. And this seemeth the chiefest article of that his writing to him.

Of this Pope Honorius, Abbas Vrspergensis, (who lived in the same time) reporteth a strange wonder, more strange peradventure then credible, which is this: Honorius being priest in Rome (whose name was then Centius) and procurator to Iacinthus a Cardinal. So it befell, that his master sent him abroad about Rome, to borowe & procure money for him against his journey into Spain: for pope Clement then intended to send the said Iacinthus his Legate unto Spain. As this Centius was walking by himself all sad and solicitous to speed his masters message, cometh to him a certain aged and reverend father, and asketh him what cause he had to walk so heavy and careful. To whom he answered again, and signified the occasion of his business, what then he had to do. Then the old father said to him: Go and return home again: for thy master saith he, shall not at this time go to Spain. Now so quoth the other, how is that true? As true (said he) as it is certain that the pope shall die, and the said thy master shall be Pope after him. Centius thinking that to be unlikely, said: he could not believe that to be true. To whom the other inferreth again. So know this, said he, to be as certain, as it is true that the city of Ierusalē this day is taken of the Saracens, and shall not be recovered from them, before the time of thy Papacie. And thus speaking, saith Vrsperg. he voided suddenly away. Ex Abbate Vrsperg. All which saith the said author came afterward to pass: and were testified of the same Honorius being pope afterward in his public sermons at Rome. All which I grant may be, and yet notw ^t standing this fabulous narration may be a piece of the popes old practices subtly invented, to drive men forth to Ierusalē to fight, &c. Again, after Honorius (when he had governed x. years) followed Gregorius the ix. Which two popes were in the time of this king Henry 3. and of Frederick the Emperor, of whom we mind (Christ willing) farther to touch, after that we shall have prosecuted more, concerning the histo •• of king Henry and matters of England.

After that it so pleased the merciful providence of almighty God, to work this great mercy upon the stock of K. John (which notwithstanding the unkind prelates w ^t their false prophets had declared before, that never none should succeed in the throne after that K.) and also unto the whole common wealth of the realm, in delivering them frō the dangerous service of Ludouike & the foresaid French men. After their departure, the next year following: anno. 1218. which was the third of this kings reign, the Archbyshop, S. Lancton and the bishops, Erles and Barons, resorted to Londō unto the king at Michaelmas next following: and there held a great parliament, wherein were confirmed and granted by the king all y ^• franchises, which were made & givē by K. John his father at Ronemedow: and them he confirmed and ratified by his charter, which long time after, saith my author, unto his days did continue and were holden in England. For the which cause, by the nobles and the commons was given & granted again unto the K. ii. shillinges for every plow land through England. And Hubert of Burgh was made chief Justice of Englad, of whose troubles more is to be said hereafter. And this was the third year of K. Henry, and 50. year after the death of Tho. Becket: wherefore the said Becket, the same year or next following was takē up and shryned for a new S. made of an old rebel. Thether came such resort of people of England and of France, that the country of Kent was not sufficient to sustain them. Ex histor. De Scales. About the same time Isabell the kings mother was married to the Earl of March. And William Marshall the good Earl died, which was the governor of y ^t king and the realm, not without great lamentation of the people of England. Then was the king committed to the government of Peter B. of Winchester. This noble Earl left behind him v. sons, and v. daughters.

The yere next ensuing an. 1219. It was ordained and proclaimed through all the land, that all aliens & foreiners should depart the realm, and not to return to the same again: only such excepted, as used traffic or trade of marchaundise, under the kings safe conduct. This proclamation was thought chiefly to be set forth for the cause to avoid out of the land Faukes de Breute, Phillip de Markes, Engelardus de Ciconia, William Earl Albemarke, Robert de veteri ponte, Brihenne de insula, Hugo de Bailluel, Robert de Gaugi, with diverse other strangers mo, which kept castles and holds of the kings against his will. Of whom the foresaid Faukes was y ^e principal, who fortefied & held the castle of bedford, which he had by y ^t gift of K. John, w ^t might and strength against the K. and his power, nere the space of 3. months. Moreover he went about to apprehend the kings iustices at Dunstable, but they being warned thereof, escaped all, except Henry Braibrocke, whom he imprisoned in the said castle. The K. hearing thereof, & cōsulting with his clergy and nobles, made his power against the same. Which after long siege and some slaughter at length he obtained it, & hanged almost all that were within, to y ^e mumber of 97, which was (as Parisiens. writeth) about y ^c 7. or 8. yere of his reign. Faukes the same time was in wales, who hearing of the taking of the castle, conveyed himself to the church of Couētry. At length submitting himself to the kings mercy, upon consideration of his service done before to the kings father, was committed to the custody of Eustace bishop of London, and afterward being deprived of all his goods, possessions & tenements within the realm, was forced to perpetual banishment, never to return to England again.

Here (by the way) I find it noted in Parisiens. that after this foresaid Faukes, had spoiled and rased y ^c church of S. Paul in Bedford, for the building up of his Castle: the Abbase of Heluestue hearing thereof, caused the sword to be taken from the Image of S. Paul standing in the Church so long as he remained unpunished. Afterward, she hearing him to be committed to the custody of S. Paul in Londō, caused the sword to be put into the hands of the Image again. Mat. Parisiens. in vita. Henr. 3.

About this year the young king the second time was crowned again at Westminster, about which time begā the new building of our Lady Church at Westminster. Shortly after Gualo the Legate was called home again to Kome. For the holy Father (as Math. Pariens. reporteth) being sick of a spiritual dropsy, thought this Gualo (having so large occupying in england) to be able somewhat to cure his disease. And so that Legate returned with all his bags well stuffed, leaving Pandulphe behind h • m to supply that Baliwike of his great graundfather the Pope.

The life and Acts of pope Innocentius the 3. are partly described before, how he intruded Stephē Langhtō against the kings will into the archbishopricke of Canterbury, stirring up also 64. Monks of the same Church of Canterbury, privily to work against the king. Moreover how he did excommunicate the said king as a public enemy of the Church, so long as the said King withstood his tirannical doings: putting him and his whole kingdom under interdiction, for the space of 5. years and 3. months. And at length deposed and deprived him from his scepter, keeping it in his own hands for v. days. Now he absolved his subjects from their due obedience & subiectiō unto him. Now he gave away his kingdomes & possessions unto Louis the French kings son, commanding the said Louis to spoil him both of lands & life. Whereupon, the K. (being forsakē of his nobles, prelates, & commons) was enforced against his will to submit himself, and sware obedience unto the P. paying unto him a yearly tribute of a M. marks by year, for receiving his kingdom again, whereby both he & his succescessors after him, were vassals afterward unto the P. And these were the Apostolical acts of this holy Vicar in the realm of England. Moreover he condemned Almericus a worthy learned man & a bishop, for an heretic, for teaching & holding against images. Also he condemned the doctrine of Joachim Abbas (whō we spake of before) for heritical. This pope brought first into the church the paying of private tithes. He ordained the receiving once a year at Easter. Unto the papal decretals he added the decree. Omnis vtrius{que} sexus. &c. Also the reservation of the sacrament, and the going with the bell, and light before the Sacrament was by him appointed. In the said Counsel of Lateran, he also ordained that the Canon of the Mass should be received w ^t equal authority as though it had proceeded from the Apostles thenselves. He brought in transubstantiation, look in the decretals. Titulo 1. De summa Trinit & fide Catholica. cap. firmiter credimus.

Item, the said Innocentius the 3. ordained that none should mary in the third degree, but only in the fourth degree, and so under.

The said Pope stirred up Otho against Phillip the Emperor, because the said Phillip was elected Emperor against his will. Upon y ^t occasion whereof followed much war and slaughter in Germany. And afterward against the said Otho, whom he had made Emperor, he set up Frederick K. of Cicile, and caused the archb. of Mayence to pronounce him excommunicate in all his titles, and to be deposed of his Empire. For the which cause the Princes of Germany did invade his byshopricke, spoiling and burning his possessions. The cause why the pope so did accurse and depose him, was for that the said Otho did take and occupy cittyes, towns, & castles, which the pope said appertained to him.

Item, the said pope ordained that if any prince offended one another, the correction should appertain unto y ^e Pope. In this Council of Lateran were Archbishops and Primates 61. Bishops, 400. Abbots 12. Priors and Conuentuals 800. besides other Ambassadors, Legates Doctors and Lawyers an innumerable sort &c.

In the history of Hermanus mutius, we read how in the year of our Lord. 1212. in this popes time diverse noble men, and other in the country of Alsatia, contrary to the tradition of the Romish Popes did hold, that every day was free for eating of flesh, so it be done soberly. Also that they did wickedly which restrained Priests and ministers from their lawful wives, for the which cause (as is in the foresaid author) by this poor Innocentius the 3. and his bishops, an hundredth of them in one day were burned and Martyred.

Some other histories (as Nauclerus ) recordeth also, y ^t at the same time many were in the City of Millaine of the said doctrine, which used to send collects, unto the foresaid saints of Alsatia. Ex Nauclero.

In the cronicle of Gwalther Hemingford otherwise called Gisburnensis, it is recorded that in the days of this K. John, and pope Innocent, began y ^e two sects & orders of Friers, one called the preachers order, or black Friars of S. Dominike. The other called y ^e Minorites of S. Frances. The preachers or black Friars order began of one Dominike a Spaniard, about the parts of Tholous, who after he had labored 10. years in preaching against the Albigenses, and such other as did hold against y ^c church of Rome: afterward coming up to the Council of Lateran with Fulco B. of Toulouse, desired of the foresaid Innocent the 3. to have his order of preaching Friars confirmed, which the pope a great while refused to grant: at length he had a dream, that the Church of Lateran was ready to fall. Which when he beheld, fearing & much forrowing thereat, cometh in this Dominic: who with his shouldiours underpropped the church, and so preserved y ^e building thereof frō falling: &c. And right well this dream may seem verified, for y ^t Friars have been always the chief pillars & upholders of y ^e popes church. Upon this, y ^e pope (waking out of his dream) called Dominike to him and granted his petition. And so came up this Woluish order of the Dominickes. I call it Woluish, for that his mother when she was great with this Dominic, dreamed that she had in her womb a wolf, which had a burning torch in his mouth. The which dream, the preachers of that order do greatly advance, and expounded to their orders glory, as well as they can. Nevertheless, howsoethey expound it: they can make a wolf but to be a wol • e, and this a Woluish order. The rule which they follow seemeth to be taken out of S. Augustine, as who should say, that Christ's rule were not enough to make a Christian man. Their profession standeth upon 3. principal pointes as thus described. Charitatem habentes, humilitatem servants, & paupertatem voluntariam possidentes: That is, having charity, holding humility, and possessing willful poverty. Their habit and clothing is black.

The order of the Minors or Minorite Friers descended from one Francis an Italian, of the city Asisiū. This Assisian Ass, whō I suppose was some simple and rude Idiot, hearing upon a time how Christ sent forth his disciples to preach: thought to imitate the same in himself and his disciples, and so left of shoes, had but one coat, & that of a course clothe. In stead of a latchet to his shoe, and of a girdle: he took about him a hempen cord, and so appareled his disciples, teaching them to fulfil (for so he speaketh) the perfection of the gospel, to apprehend poverty, & to walk in the way of holy simplicity. He left in writing to his disciples and followers, his rule which he called Regulam Euangelicam. 1. the rule of the Gospel, as though the Gospel of Christ were not a sufficient rule to all Christian men, but it must take his perfection of Frantick Frācis. And yet for all that great presumption of this Francis, and notwithstanding this his rule, sounding to the derogation of Christ's Gospel, he was confirmed by this pope Innocent. Yea and such fools this Francis sound abroad, that not only he had followers of his doltish religion (both of the nobles, and vnnobles of Rome) but also some there were, which built mansions for him & his Friars. This Francis, as he was superstitious in casting all things from him as his girdle, girding a cord abouthim, so in outward chastising of himself, so straight he was to his flesh (leaving the ordinary remedy appointed by God) that in winter season, he covered his body with Ise and Snow. He called poverty his Lady, he kept nothing over night. So desirous he was of Martyrdom, that he went to Syria, to the Souldane, which received him honourably: whereby it may be thought, that (surely) he told him not the truth, as S. John the Baptist did in Herod's house. For truth is seldom welcome in courts and in the world. But it is hard to make a martyr of him which is no true confessor. I will here pass over the fable, howe Christ and his saints did mark him with five wounds. These Franciscane or begging Friars, although they were all under one rule and clothing of S. Francis: yet they be divided in many sects, and orders: some go on treen shoes or Pattins, some barefooted, some regulare Franciscans or obseruauntes, some Minors or Minorites, other be called Minimi, other of the Gospel, other de Caputio. They all differ in many things, but accord in superstitiō & hypocrisy. And for so much as we have here entered into the matter of these 2. orders of Friers: by the occasion hereof, I thought a little by the way to digress from our story, in reciting the whole catologue or rablement of Monks, Friars, and Nuns, of all sects rules, and orders set up and confirmed by the Pope. The names of whom here in order of the Alphabet follow under written.

Thus hast thou, if thou please (gentle reader) to know what orders and what sects of religion have been set up by the pope, the catalogue and number of them all, so far as we could search them out: not only in books printed of late in Germany, namely by the reverend father Martin Luther: but also conferred with another english book which came to our hands, containing the same like notes of ancient antiquity, the number of which rablement of religious persons came to 101. Now as I have reckoned up the names and varieties of these prodigious sects: it cometh to mind consequently to infer the prophecy of Hildegardis, as well against the whole route of Romish prelates, and the fall of that Church, as especially against the begging Friars and such other unprofitable bellies of the Church. Thus Hildegardis is holden of the papists themselves to be a great Prophetisse, whose prophecy proceedeth in this manner, first against the Priests and prelates of the Romish Church, as followeth.

The prophecy of Hildegardis, of the ruin of Rome, and against the begging Friers.

HIldegardis a Nonne, and (as many judged a prophetisse) lived in the year 1146. In her prophecies she doth most grievously reprehend, not only the wicked and abhominable life of the spiritual papists: but also the contempt of ecclesiastical office, & also the horrible destruction of the church of Rome. In a certain place she hath these words. And now is the law neglected among the spiritual people, which neglect to teach and do good things The master likewise and the prelates do sleep: despising justice & laying it aside. In a certain vision: the Church appeared to her in the shape of a woman, complaing y ^t the priests had berayed her face with dust, & rent her coat &c. and that they did not shine over the people, neither in doctrine, neither in example of life: but rather contrariwise, that they have driven the innocent lamb from them. She said moreover, that all ecclesiastical order did every day become worse and worse, and that priests did not teache but destroy the law of God. And for these horrible crimes and impieties, she threateneth and prophecieth unto them God's most heavy wrath and displeasure, and doleful punishments. There is no cause why the spiritual papists should flatter themselves upon this: that she promised again to the ministers of the Church those good things to follow, like as Johannes de Rupe scissa doth, and other such like prophets: for they say it will come to pass, that they must repent before the times be amended. By which thing (undoubtedly) they mean, the godly ministers in y ^e reformed Churches, which for the most part were of the spiritual mumber, and yet did forsake the dishonest life, & those wicked idolatries. Now, where as the priests & monks, that is, the whole rabble and spiritualty do account Hildegard for a true prophetisse: howe they ought to consider that by her they are more severely accused: not as by a woman, but as by God himself. And I pray you, what abomination, impiety, and idolatry hath been committed since that time by the spiritualitie? I will note hear a certain prophecy of hers, taken out of the common places of Henry Token▪ because we see it manifestly fulfilled in our time. She prophecieth of the reformation of religion, and saith that it shall be most godly.

Then shall the crown of Apostolical honor be divided, because there shall be found no religion among the Apostolical order, & for that cause shall they despise the dignity of that name, and shall set over them other men and other Archbish. In so much, that the Apostolic sea of that time (by the diminution of his honor) shall have scarce Rome, and a few other Countries thereabout under his crown. And these things shall partly come to pass by incursion of wars, and partly also by a common council, and consent of the spiritual and secular persons. Then shall justice flourish, so that in those days men shall honestly apply themselves to the ancient customs and dicipline 〈1 page duplicate〉 of ancient men, and shall observe them as the ancient men did. The gloss agreeth &c.

These things thus premised, now will we come to the prophec • e or the foresaid Hildegard concerning the foresaid begging Friers above metioned: reciting her words: not only as they are printed in a book, printed of late in Germany, but also as myself have seen and read, agreeing to the same book word for word, and yet have the same to show: written in old partchment leaves, in such sort as the thing it self most evidently declareth a great iniquity of time. The words of her prophecy be these.

In those days shall rise a senceles people, proud, greedy, without faith, & subtle, the which shall ear the sins or the people, holding a certain order of foolish devotion under the tayned cloke of beggary: preferring themselves above all other, by their feigned devotion: arrogant in understanding, and pretending holiness: walking without shamefastness, or the fear of God: in inventing many new mischiefs strong and stout. But this order shall be accursed of all wise men, and faithful Christians: they shall cease from all labor, and give themselves over unto idleness: choosing rather to live through flattery, and begging. Moreover, they shall together study, how they may per • er • y resist the teachers of the truth, & stay them together to the noble men. How to seduce and deceive the no • ilitie, for the necessity of their living, and pleasures of this world, for the devil will graft in them four principal vices (that is to say) flattery, envy, hypocrisy, and • launder. Flattery, that they may have large gifts given them. Envy, when they see gifts given unto other, and not unto them. Hypocrisy, that by false dissimulation, they may please men. Detraction, that they may extol and commend themselves, and bacbite others, for the praise of men, and seducing of the simple. Also, they shall instantly preach, but without devotion or example of the Martyrs: and shall • etracte the secular Princes, taking away the Sacraments of the Church from the true pastors, receiving alms of the poor, diseased, and miserable, and also associating themselves with the common people: having familiarity with women, instructing them how they shall deceive their husbands and friends by their flattery and deceitful words, and to robb their husbands to give it unto them: for they will take all these stolen and evil gotten goods, and say: give it unto us, and we will pray for you, so that they being curious to hide other men's faults, do utterly forget their own. And alas, they will receive all things, of rouers, pickers, spoilers, thieves and robbers, of sacrilegious persons, userers, adulterers, heretics, schismatics, apostataes, whores and baudes, of noble men, periurers, merchants, false judges, soldiers tyrants, Princes, of such as live contrary to the law, & of many perverse and wicked men, following the persuasion of the devil, the sweetenes of sin, a delicate & transitory life, and fullness even unto eternal damnation.

All these things shall manifestly appear in them unto all people, and they (day by day) shall wax more wicked & hard hearted: and whē as their wickedness & deceits shall be found out, then shall their gifts cease, & then shall they go about their houses hungry, & as mad dogs looking down vpō the earth, & drawing in their necks as doves, that they might be satisfied with bread: then shall the people cry out upon them. Woe be unto you ye miserable children of sorrow, the world hath seduced you, and the devil hath bridled your mouths, your flesh is frail, and your hearts without favor, your minds have been unsteadfast and your eyes delited in much vanity & folly, your dainty bellies desire dellicate meats, your feet are swift to run unto mischief. Remember when you were apparently blessed, yet envious: poor in sight, but rich, simple to see to, but mighty flatterers: unfaithful betrayers: perverse detractors: holy hypocrites: subuerters of the truth: overmuch upright: proud, unshamefast, unsteadfast teachers, delicate martyrs, confessors for gain: meek, but slanderers: religious, but covetous: humble, but proud: pitiful, but hard hearted liars: pleasant flatterers, peacemakers, persecutors, oppressors of the poor, bringing in new sects newly invented of yourselves: merciful thought but found wicked, lovers of the world, sellers of pardons, spoilers of benefices, unprofitable orators, seditious conspirators, dronkardes, desirers of honors, maintainers of mischief, robbers of the world, insatiable preachers, men pleasers, seducers of women, and sowers of discord, of whom Moses the glorious prophet, spake very well in his song. A people without counsel or understanding: would to God they did know, and understand and foresee the end. You have built up on high, and whē you could ascend no higher, then did you fall even as Simon Magus, whom God overthrew, and did strike with a cruel plague, so you likewise through your false doctrine, naughtiness, lies, detractions, & wickedness, are come to ruin. And the people shall say unto them, go ye teachers of wickedness, subuerters of truth, brethrē of the Sunamite, fathers of heresies, false Apostles, which have feigned yourselves to follow the life of the Apostles, and yet have not fulfilled it in part: ye sons of iniquity, we will not follow the knowledge of your ways, for pride and presumption hath deceived you, and insatiable concupiscence hath subverted your erroneous hearts. And when as you would ascend higher then was meet or comely for you (by the just judgment of God) you are fallen back into perpetual opprobry and shame.

This Hildegardis whose prophecy we have mentioned, lived about the year of our Lord. 1146. as was read in Chronico Martini.

About the same time that these Franciscans, and Dominic Friars began (which are above mentioned) sprāg up also the crossebearers, or crouched Friers, taking their original & occasion or Innocent y ^e third: which Innocent raised up an army (signed with a Cross on their 〈◊〉 ) to fight against the Albigenses, whom the pope and his sect accounted for heretics, about the partes of Toulouse. What these Albigenses were, it cannot be well gathered by the old popish histories: For if there were any that did hold, teach, or maintain against the Pope, or his papal pride: or withstand & gainsay his beggarly traditions, •• es and religions. &c. the historicians of that time (for the most part in writing them) do so repraue and misreporte them (suppressing the truth of their articles) that they make thē and paint them forth to be worse then Turks and Infidels. And that as I suppose, caused Matthew Parisiensis and other of that sort, to write so of thē as they did: Otherwise, it is to be thought (and so I find in some reco • e •• ) that the opinions of the said Albigenses were sound enough: holding and professing nothing else, but only against the wanton wealth, pride, and tyranny of the Prelates: denying the Popes authority to have gro •• d of the Scriptures: neither could they away with their ceremonies and traditions, as Images, Pardons, Purgatory of the Romish church, calling them (as some say) blasphemous occupyinges. &c. Of these Albigenses were slain (at times) and burned, a great multitude, by the means of the Pope, and Simon Ecclesiasticus with other moe. It seemeth that these Albigenses were chiefly abhorred of the Pope, because they set up a contrary Pope against him, about the coasts of Bugarorum. For the which cause, the Bishop called Portinensis being the popes Legate in those quarters, writeth to the Archbishop of Roan and other Bishops in this wise.

For so much as mention is here made of these superstitious sects of Friars, and such other beggarly religions, it might seem not much impartinent, being moved by the occasion hereof, as I have done in Hildegardis before: so now to annex also to the same, a certain other ancient treatise compyled by Geoffray Chawcer by the way of a Dialogue or questions moved in the person of a certain uplandish and simple ploughman of the country. Which treatise for the same, the author entitled Jack vpland: wherein is to be seen and noted to all the world, the blind ignorance and variable discord, of these irreligious religions, how rude and unskillful they are in matters and principles of our Christian institution. As by the contents of this present Dialogue appeareth, the words whereof in the same old English, wherein first it was set forth, in this wise do proceed. Wherein also thou mayst see, that it is no new thing that their blasphemous doings hath by diverse good men in old time been detected, as there are many and diverse other old books to show.

If Freres kun not or mow not excuse hem of these questions asked of hem: it seemeth that they be horrible gilty against God, and her even Christian. For which g • tes & defaultes, it were worthy that the order that they call their order were fordone. And it is wonder that men sustain hem or suffer hem live in such manner. For holy writ biddeth that thou do well to the meek, and give not to the wicked, but forbed to give hem bread, least they be made thereby mightier through you.

After these digressions, now to return to the course of our story again. As Henry this king succeeded K. John his father, so after Innocent the Pope, came Honorius 3. then Gregorius 9. &c. And after Otho the Emperor (whom the Pope had once set up, & after deprived again) succeeded Frederick the second, as is partly before touched. In the days of these kings, popes and Emperors: it were to long to recite all that happened in England, but especially in Germany, betwixt Pope Honorius, Gregorius and Frederick the Emperor: the horrible tragedy whereof, were enough to fill a whole book by it self. But yet we mean God willing, somewhat to touche concerning these Ecclesiastical matters, first beginning with this realm of England.

After that the kingdom of England had been subjected by K. John, as hath been said, and made tributary to the pope and the Romish Church: it is incredible how the insatiable avarice and greediness of the Romaines did oppress and wring the commons and all estates & degrees of the realm, especially beneficed men and such as had anything of the Church. Who, what for their domestical charges within the realm, what for the pope, what for the Legates, what for contributing to the holy land, what for relaxations, and other subtle sleights to get away their money, were brought into such slavery, captivity, and penury, that where as the king neither durst nor might remedy their exclamations by himself: yet notwithstanding by his advise, Simon Mounfort, and the Earl of Leiceister, and other noble men (not forgetting what great grievances and distresses the realm was brought into by the Romaines) thought to work some way, how to bridle & restrain the insatiable ravening of these greedy wolves. Wherefore they devised their letter, giving straight commandment to the religious men, and to such as had their churches to term: that henceforth they should not answer the Romans of such fermes and rentes any more, but should pay the said fermes or rents unto their own proctors appointed for the same purpose, as by their writings sent abroad to bishops or chapters, & other Ecclesiastical houses, may appear in this form and effect as followeth.

Thus much I thought here to insert and notify concerning this matter, for that not only the greedy and auaritious gredines of the Romish church might the more evidently unto all Englishmen appear: but that they may learn by this example: how worthy they be so to be served & plagued with their own rod, which before would take no part with their natural king, against foreign power, of whom now they are scourged.

To make the story more plain. In the reign of this Henry the third (who succeeding as is said, after king John his father raygned six and fifty years) came diverse Legates from Rome to England: First Cardinal Otho sent from the Pope with letters to the king, like as other letters also were sent to other places for exactions of money.

The king opening the letters and perceiving the contents: answered that he alone could say nothing in the matter, which concerned all the clergy and commons of the whole Realm. Not long after, a Council was called at Westminster, where the letters being opened the form was this.

When those petitions and causes of the Legate were propounded in the foresaid assembly at Westminster on the Popes behalf (the Bishops & Prelates of the realm being present) answer was made by the mouth of master John Bedford on this wise: that the matter there proponed by the Lord Legate, in especial concerning the king of England, but in general it touched all the archbishops with their Suffragans, the Bishops, and all the prelates of y ^e realm. Wherefore, seeing both the king by reason of his sickness is absent, and the Archbishop of Canterbury with diverse other Bishops also were not there: therefore in the absence of them they had nothing to say in the matter, neither could they so do without prejudice of thē which were lacking. And so the assembly for that time brake up.

Not long after, the said Otho Cardinal De carcere Tulliano, coming again from Rome cum autentico plenariae potestatis, indicted another Council at London: caused all Prelates, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other of the clergy to be warned unto the same Council, to be had in the Church of S. Paul's at London, about the feast of S. Martin: the pretence of which Council was for redress of matters concerning benefices and religion, but the chief & principal was to hunt for money. For putting them in fear and in hope, some to lose, some to obtain spiritual promotions at his hand, he thought gayn would rise thereby, and so it did. For in the mean time (as Parisiensis in vita Henrici. 3. writeth) diverse precious rewards were offered him in Palfreis, in rich plate and jewels, in costly and sumptuous garments richly furred, in coin, in vitals, &c. In so much that only the bishop of Wintchester (as the story reporteth) hearing that he would winter at London, sent him L. fat Oxen, an C. come of pure wheat, 8. tun of chosen wine, toward his house keeping. Likewise other bishops also for their part offered unto the Cardinals box, after their ability.

The time of the Council drawing nye: the Cardinal commanded at the West end of Paul's Church an high & solemn throne to be prepared, rising up w ^t a glorious scaffold upon mighty and substantial stages strongly built and of a great height. Thus against y ^• day assigned, came the said archbishops, Bishops, Abbotes and other of the prelacy, both far and near throughout all England, weried and vexed with the winters iorny, bringing their letters procuratory. Who being together assembled, the Cardinal beginneth his sermon. But before we come to y ^• sermon, there happened a great discord between the 2. archbishops of Canterbury and of York, for sitting at y ^e right hand and left hand of the glorious Cardinal: for the which the one appealed against the other. The Cardinal to pacify the strife between thē both, so that he would not derogate from either of them, brought forth a certain Bull of the Pope: in the midst of which Bull was pictured the figure of the cross. On the right side of the cross stood the image of S. Paul, and on the left side, S. Peter. Loe saith the Cardinal (holding open the Bull with the cross) here you see S. Peter on the left hand of the cross, and S. Paul on the right side, and yet is there between these two no contention. For both are of equal glory. And yet S. Peter for the prerogative of his keys, & for the preeminence of his Apostleship and Cathedral dignity seemeth most worthy to be placed on the right side. But yet, because S. Paul believed on Christ, when he saw him not, therefore hath he the right hand of the Cross: for blessed be they, saith Christ, which believe and see not. &c. And from that time forth, the Archbishop of Canterbury enjoyed the right hand, & the archbishop of York, the left. Wherein yet, this Cardinal is more to be commended then the other Cardinal Hugo mentioned a little before, pag. 208. which in the like contention between these Archbishops, ran his way.

Thus the controversy ceased, and composed between these two: Otho the Cardinal sitting aloft between these 2. archbishops beginneth his sermon, taking the theme of the Prophet. In medio sedis, & in circuitu eius quatuor animalia plena oculis ante & retro. &c. That is.

In the midst of the seat, and in the circuit about the seat, were four beasts full of eyes before and behind. &c. Upon this theme, the Cardinal proceeded in his sermō, sitting like a God in the midst. He compared thē about him, to y ^t four beasts about the seat, declaring how they ought to have eyes both before & behind (that is) that they must be provident in disposing of secular things, and circumspect in spiritual matters, continuing & joining wisely things past with things to come, & this was the greatest effect of this Clerkly Sermon. That done, he giveth forth certain statutes for odering of Churches: as for the dedication of temples, for seven sacraments, for giving of orders, for ferming of benefices, collations and resignations of benefices and vicarages, priests apparel, & single life, for eating of flesh in religious houses, for archdeacons bishops, proctors, and such other like matters. But the chiefest intent of all his proceeding was this, y ^t they should be vigilant, provident, and circumspect, with all their eyes (both before and behind) to fil the popes pouch: as appeared not only by this, but all their other travails besides. Insomuch, that the king dreading the displeasures of his commons for the doings of the Legate, willed him to repair home to Rome again: but yet could not so be rid of him, For he, receiving now commandments from the Pope: applied his harvest, still glening and raking whatsoever he might scrape, writing and sending to Bishops and archdeacons in this form and tenor.

And moreover, note again the wicked & cursed trains of these Romish rakehels: who to pick simple men's purses, first send out their Friers and preachers to stir up in all places and countries men to go fight against y ^e Turks. Whom, when they have once bound with a vow, & sign them w ^t the cross: thē send they their bulls to release them both of their labor, and their vow for money. As by their own style of writing is here to be seen, thus proceeding.

The cause why the pope was so greedy & needy of money was this: because he had mortal hatred, & waged continual battle the same time against the good Emperor Frederick the 2. who had to wife king John's daughter, and sister to this king Henry thee 3. whose name was Isabell. And therefore because the popes war could not be sustained without charges: that made the pope, the more portimate to take up money in all places, but especially in England. Insomuch that he shamed not to require the fifth part of every ecclesiastical man's living, as Parifiensis writeth. And not only that but also the said Pope Gregory (conventing with the Citizens of Rome) so agreed with them: that if they would join with him in vanquishing y ^t foresaid Frederick, he would (and so did) grant unto thē, that all the benefices in England which were or should be vacant (namely pertaining to religious houses) shuold be bestowed at their own will & commandment to their children & kinsfolks. Whereupon it followeth in the forenamed history, vnde infra paucos dies misit D. Papa sacra praecepta sua Domino Cant. Archiep. Eliensi. & Lincol. & Salisb. Episcopis vt trecentis Romanis, in primis beneficijs vacantibus prouiderent, scientes se suspensos a beneficiorum collatione donec tot competenter prouideretur. That is.

The Pope sent in commandment to the Archbishop of Cant. and 4. other Bishops: that provision should be made for 3. hundred Romans in the chiefest & best benefices in all England, at the next voydance. So that the foresaid Aarchb. and bishops should be suspēded in the mean time frō all collation or gift of the benefit, until these foresaid 3. hundred were provided for-whereupon the Archb. the same time seeing the unreasonable oppression of the Church of England, left the realm and went into France.

Agayne, mark another as much or more easy sleight of the pope in procuring money: he sent one Petrus Rubeus the same time, with a new devise, which was this: not to work anything openly, but privily to go betwixt Bishop and Bishop, Abbot and Abbot &c. telling in their ears such a Bishop, such an Abbot hath given so much and so much unto the Popes holiness, trusting that you also will not be behind for your part &c. By the means whereof it is incredible to think what a mass of money was made out of the Realm unto the pope.

At length the foresaid bishops, Abbots, and Archdeacons feeling their own smart, came to the king (whose father before, they did resist) with their humble suite lamētably complaining of the immeasurable exactions of y ^• pope: and especially against Petrus Rubeus and his fellow Otto the Legate, desiring the K. that seeing the matter toncheth not themselves alone, but the whole church, and seeing the valuation of Churches was known better unto their archdeacōs then to themselves: therefore they desired a general calling and talk to be had in the matter. In the Octaues of S. John the Baptist, the day and place was assigned where they should talk. At which day, and place the Prelates of England conventing together, durst not give any direct denay of that contribution, but after a modest sort did insinuate certain acceptions against y ^e same.

• 1. First they say, that forsomuch as the contribution is demanded to war against him, who was joined to matrimony with their prince, they were not bound so to do.
• 2. Secondly, for that the said contribution tended to the shedding of Christian blood: for so the form of the bill pretended, to fight against the Emperor.
• 3. Thirdly, because it was against the liberty of the Church: for so it is in the bill: that they that would not, should be excommunicate.