Acts and Monuments Volume 1
And forsomuch as the care and charge of all churches (as ye • know) lieth upon us: it standeth us upon, to provide concerning the state of the Church of Canterbury, by our diligence and circumspection: so that the said Church of Canterbury through the excess of his pastor, be not driven to ruin or decay.
By this Epistle it may appear to the Reader thereof: that Becket (being absent from England) went about to work some trouble against certain of the Clergy and of the laity (belike) in excommunicating such as he took to be his evil willers.
Now to understand further what his working was, or who they were whom he did excommunicate: this letter (sent to William Bishop of Norwich) shall better declare the matter.
A letter of Becket to the B. of Norwich.
HE bindeth himself to the penalty of the crime, whosoever receiving power and authority of God, useth and exerciseth not the same with due severity, in punishing vice: but (wincking & di • simuling) doth minister boldness to wicked doers, maintaining them in their sin. For the blood of the wicked is required at the hand of the Priest, which is negligent or dissembleth. And as the Scripture saith, thorns and brambles grow in the hands of the idle dronkard. Wherefore, least (through our too much sufferance and dissembling) the transgressions of manifest evil doers should also be laid to our charge, and redound to the destruction of the Church through our guilty silence: We therefore (following the authority of the Popes commandment) have laid our sentence of curse & excommunication, upon the Earl Hugo: commanding you throughout all your Diocese publicly to denounce the said Earl as accursed: so that (according to the discipline of the Church) he be sequestered from the fellowship of all faithful people. Also, it is not unknown to your brotherhoode, how long we have borne with the transgressions of the Bishop of London. Who (amongst other his facts) I would to God were not a great doer and fautor of this schism, and subuerter of the right and liberties of holy Church. Wherefore, we (being supported with the authority of the Apostolic sea) have also excommunicated him, besides also the Bishop of Salesbury, because of his disobedience and contempt: and others likewise (upon diverse and sundry causes) whose names here follow subscribed. Hugo Bernardes son, Radolph of Brocke, Robert of Brocke a clearke, Hugode of S Clear, and Letardus a clearke of Norfolk, Nigellus of Scacauil, and Richard Chapleine, William of Hasting, and the Frier which possesseth my Church of Monchote. We therefore, charge and command you by the authority Apostolical and ours, and in the virtue of obedience, and in the peril of salvation, and of your order: that ye cause these openly to be proclaimed excommunicate, throughout all your Diocese, and to command all the faithful to avoid their company. Fare ye well in the Lord. Let not your heart be troubled, nor fear: for we stand sure thorough the assistance of the Apostolic sea (God being our borowe) against the pretensed shifts of the malignant sort, and against all their appellations. Furthermore, all such as have been solemnly cited of us: shall sustain the like sentence of excommunication (if God will) in the Ascension day: unless they shall otherwise agree with me. That is to wit: Geffray Archdeacon of Canterbury and Robert his vicar, Rice of Wilcester, Richard of Lucie, William Gifferd, Adam of Cheringes, with such other moe: which either at the commandment of the king, or upon their own proper temerity, have invaded the goods and possessions either appertaining to us, or to our clearkes about us. With these also we do excommunicate all such as be known either with aide or counsel, to have incensed or set forward the proceeding of our king against the liberties of the Church, and exiling of the innocents. And such also as be known to Impeche or let by any manner of way the messengers (sent either from the Pope, or from us) for the necessities of the Church. Fare you well again and ever.
Hitherto hast thou seen (gentle reader) diverse & sundry letters of Thomas Becket, whereby thou mayest collect a sufficient history of his doings & demeanor (though nothing else were said further of him) concerning his lusty and haughty stomach, above that beseemed either his degree or cause which he took in hand. And here peradventure I may seme in the story of this one man to tarry t • o long, having to write of so many others better then it: yet for the weaker sort (which have counted him, and yet do count him for a Saint, having in themselves little understanding to judge or discern in the causes of men) I thought to add this letter more, wherein he complaineth of his king to a foreign power: doing what in him did lie, to stir for his own cause mortal war to the destruction of many. For suppose wrong had been offered him of his Prince: was it not enough for him to fly? What cause had he for his own private revenge, to set potentates in public discord? Now having no just cause but rather offering injury in a false quarrel, so to complain of his prince: what is to be said of this, let every man judge, which seeth this letter.
An Epistle of Thomas Archbyshop of Canterbury to Pope Alexander.
A Mantissimo patri & D. Alexandro, Dei gratia summo pont. Thomas Cant. Ecclesiae humilis minister, debitam & deuotam obedientiam.
In English thus.
To our most loving father and Lord, Alexander by the grace of God bishop: Thomas the humble minister and servant of the Church of Canterbury due & reverend obedience. Long enough and too long most loving father have I forborne, still looking after amendment of the king of England. But no fruit have I reaped of this my long patience: Nay rather, whilst that unwisely I do thus forbear: I augment and procure the detriment and diminishing of my authority, as also of the Church of God. For oftentimes have I by devout and religious messengers, invited him to make condign satisfaction, as also by my letters (the Copies whereof I have sent you) intimate and pronounced, God's severity and vengeance against him, unless he repent and amende. But he (that notwithstanding) groweth from evil to worse: oppressing and conculcating the Church and sanctuary of God: persecuting both me & those which take part with me: In so much that with fearful threatening words his purpose is to terrify such, as (for God's cause and mine own) seek any way to relieve and help me. He wrote also his letters unto the Abbot of the Cistercian order, that as he favored the Abbacie of that his order (which was in his power said he) he would not accept me into the fellowship thereof, nor do anything else for me. What should I use many words? So much hath the rigor and severity as well of the king as of his officers, under our patience and sufferance shown it self: that if a great number of men yea and that of the most religious sort, should show unto you the matter as it is in deed (and that upon their oath taken) I partly doubt whether your holiness would give credit unto them or not With heaviness of mind therefore I considering these things, and beholding as well the pearill of the king as of our self, have publicly condemned not only those pernicious customs: but all those peruersities and wicked doings whereby the church of England is disturbed and brought to confusion: as also the writing whereby they were confirmed: Excommunicating generally as well the observers and exactours thereof, as also the inuentours and patrons of the same, with their favorers, counsailours, and coadiutors whatsoever, either of the clergy or laity: absolving also, our Bishops from their oath, whereby they were so straightly enjoined to the observation of the same. These are the Articles which in that writing I have principally condemned. First that [unspec 1] it is inhibited to appeal unto the sea Apostolical, for any cause but by the kings license. That a bishop may not punish any man [unspec 2] for perjury or for breaking of his troth. That a bishop may not [unspec 3] excommunicate any man that holdeth of the king in capite, or [unspec 4] else to interdicte either their land or offices without the kings license. [unspec 5] That Clerks and religious men may be taken from us to [unspec 6] secular judgment. That the king or any other judge may hear and decide the causes of the church and tithes. That it shall not be lawful for any Archbishop or bishop to go out of the realm, and to come at the Popes call without the kings license: and diverse others such as these. Namely also I have excommunicated John of Oxenforde, who hath communicated with the schismatic and excommunicate person (Reginalde Coloniensis) the which also contrary to the commandment of the Lord Pope & ours, hath usurped the Deanrie of the Church of Salisb ••• : and hath (to renew his schism) taken an oth in the Emperors court. Also I have denounced & excommunicate Richard of Worcester, because he is fallen into the same damnable heresy, and communicated with that famous schismatic of Colen: devising & forging all mischief possible, with the schismatics and Flemings to the destruction of the church of God, & especially of the Church of Rome, by composition made between the king of England and them. Also Richard de Lucy, and Ioceline de Baliol, which have furthered the favorers of the kings tyranny and workers of their heresies. Also Ranulphe de Broe; and Hugo de Sancto Glaro, and Thomas the son of Bernard which have usurped the possessions and goods of the Church of Canterbury without our license & consent. We have also excommunicated all those which without our license do stretch out their hands to the possessions & goods of the church of Canterbury. The king himself we have not yet excommunicated personally: still waiting for his amendment: whom (notwithstanding) we will not defer to excommunicate: unless he quickly amende and be warned by that he hath done. And therefore that the authority of the sea Apostolic, and the liberty of the Church of God (which in these partes are almost utterly lost) may be by some means restored: it is meet and very necessary that what we herein have done, the same be of your holiness ratified and by your letters confirmed. Thus I wish your holiness long to prosper and flourish.
By this Epistle, he that listeth to understand of the doings & quarrels of Becket, may partly judge what is to be thought thereof. Which his doings, although in some part may be imputed either to ignorance of mind, or blindness of zeal, or human fragility: yet in this point (so vilely to complain of his natural Prince, for the zeal of the Pope) he can by no wise be defended. But such was the blindness then of the prelates in those days, who measured and esteemed the dignity and liberty of Christ's church by no other thing, then only by goods and possessions flowing and abounding in the clergy: and thought no greater point of religion to be in the church then to maintain the same. For the which cause they did most abominably abuse Christian discipline & excommunication of the church at that time: as by this foresaid Epistle may appear. And what marvel if the acts and doings of this Archb. seem now to us in these days both fond and strange: seeing the suffragans of his own church & clergy writing to him: could not but reprehend him, as in this their Epistle tranflated out of Latin into English may be seen.
An effectual and pithy letter, full of reason and persuasion, sent from all the Suffragans of the Church of Cant to T. Becket their Archb.
QVa Vertro (pater) in longinquo discessu inopinata rei ipsias no • itate turbata sunt: Vestra sperabamus humilitate. &c.
In English thus.
Suche trouble and perturbations as happened through the strangeness of your departure out of the Realm: we hoped by your humility and prudence should have been reduced again (God's grace working with all) into a peaceable tranquility. And it was no little joy to us, to hear so of you in those partes where you are conversant, howe humbly you there behaved yourself, nothing vaunsing yourself against your prince and king: and to attempt no risings of wrestlings against his kingdom: but that you bare with much patience the burden of poverty, and gave yourself to reading and prayer, and to redeem the loss of your time spent, with fasting, watchings, and tears: and so being occupied with spiritual studies, to tend and rise up to the perfection of virtue, &c. But now through the secrete relation of certain, we hear (that we are sorry of) that you have sent unto him a threatening letter, wherein there is no salutation premised: In the which also, ye pretend no entreating nor prayers for the obtaining of favor, neither do use any friendly manner in declaring what you write: but manasing with much austerity, threaten to interdict him, & to cut him frō the society of the church. Which thing if you shall accomplish, with like severity as in words ye threaten to do, you shall not only put us out of all hope of any peace, but also put us in fear of hatred and discord without measure, and without all redress amongst us. But wisdom will consider before, the ende of things: laboring and endeavoring to finish that which she wisely beginneth. Therefore your discretion shall do well diligently to forecast and consider whereto ye tend, & what end may ensue thereof, & where about ye go. Certes we (for our parts) hearing that we do hear, are discouraged from that we hoped for, which before having some good comfort of tranquility to come, are cast from hope to despair: so that while one is drawn thus against another, almost there is no hope not place left to make entreaty or supplication. Wherefore, writing to your fatherhoode, we exhort and counsel you by way of charity, that you add not trouble to trouble, & heap injury upon injury. But so to behave yourself, that all manasses set aside, ye rather give yourself to patience and humility, & to yield your cause to the clemency of God & to the mercy of your Prince: which in so doing shall heap coals of charity upon the heads of many. Thus charity shall be kindled, & that which manasings cannot do (by God's help and good men's counsel) pity peradventure & godliness shall obtain. Better it were to sustain poverty with praise, then in great promotions to be a common note to all men. It is right well known unto all men, howe beneficial the king hath ben unto you, from what baseness to what dignity he hath advanced you, & also into his own familiarity hath so much preferred you, that from the North Ocean, to the mount Perineus he hath subdued all things to your authority: in so much that they were amongst all other accounted for men right fortunate, whosoever could find any favor with you.
And furthermore, least that your estimation should be overmatched by any nobility: he (against the mind of his mother, and of his realm) hath placed and ratified you substantially in ecclesiastical dignity, and advanced in this honor wherein ye stand: trusting through your help and counsel to reign more safely and prosperously. Now, if he shall find disquietness, wherein he trusted to have quietness: what shall all men say or think of you? What recompense or retribution shall this be thought to be for so many and great benefits taken? Therefore (if it shall please you) ye shall do well to favor and spare your fame & estimation and to overcome your lord and sovereign with humility and charity. Whereunto, if our advertisement cannot move you, yet the love and fidelity you bear to the bishop and holy church of Rome, ought to incline you thereunto, & not to attempt any such thing, whereby the troubles of the church our mother may increase: or whereby her dolor may be augmented in the loss of them; whose disobedience now she doeth bewail. For, what if it so happen through prouocatiō, that the king (whom all his subjects & kingdoms obey) should relinquish the Pope, which God forbid: and should deny all obedience to him, as he denieth to the king help or aide against you: what inconvenience would grow thereof? And think you, he hath not great instigations, supplications, gifts, and many fair promises so to do? Yet he (notwithstanding) abideth firm hitherto in the rock, despising with a valiāt mind all that the world can offer. This one thing feareth us, least his mind (whom no worldly offers can assail: no glory, riches, nor treasure can overturn) only through indignation of unkindness, be subverted. Which thing if it chance to happen through you, then may you sit down and sing the song of lamentation of Jeremiah, and weep your belly full.
Consider therefore (if it shall please you) and foresee well with yourself, this purpose of yours (if it proceed) how hurtful and perilous it will be: not only to the Pope, & to the holy church of Rome, but also to yourself most especially. But some peradventure about you (of haughty and high minded stoutness, more stout percase thē wise) will not suffer you to take this way: but will give you contrary counsel to prove rather and declare what ye are able to do against your Lord and Prince, and to practice against him and all his, the uttermost of your power and authority: which power and authority of yours (to him that offendeth) is fearful: and to him that will not amende, terrible. Such counsel as this, some peradventure will whisper in your ear. But to these again, this we say and answer for our king, whom notwithstanding to be without fault, we do not affirm. But yet always that he is ready to amend and make satisfaction, that we speak confidently and protest in his behalf.
The king (appointed for the Lord's annointed) provideth for the peace of his subjects all that he is able: and therefore, to the intent he may conserve this peace in his Churches and amongst his subjects committed to him: he willeth and requireth such ordinances due to kings, and exhibited to them before time, also to be exhibited to him. Wherein, if there hath any contradiction sprong betwixt him and us, he (being thereupon convented and admonished from the Pope by the reverend Bishops of London & Herf.) brast not out in any defiance: but meekly & humbly answered, that wherein soever the church or any ecclesiastical persō can show himself grieved, he would therein stand to the judgment of the church of his kingdom Which also, he is ready no les to perform in deed: thinking nothing more sweet unto him then to be admonished of his fault (if he have offended the Lord,) and to reform the same: and not only to reform and amend his fault, but also to satisfy it to the uttermost, if the law shall so require him. Wherefore, seeing he is so willing to recōpēce & satisfy the judgment of the church in all things appertaining to the church: refusing no order that shall be takē, but in all things submitting his neck to the yoke of Christ: with what right, by what canon or reason can you interdict him, or use excommunication against him? It is a thing laudable & a virtue of great commendation in wise men: wisely to go with judgment and reason, and not to be carried with puffs of hasty violence. Whereupon this is the only and common petition of us all: that your fatherly care will diligently provide for your flock and sheep committed to you: so that they miscarry not, or run to any ruin through any inconsiderate, or to much heady counsel in you: but rather through your softness and sufferance, they may obtain life, peace and security. It doth move us all, that we hear of late to be done by you against the Bishop of Salisbury, & the Dean of the same church, (prosperously) as some men suppose, against whom you have given out the sentence of excommunication and condemnation, before any question of their crime was: following therein (as seemeth) more the heat of hastynesse, then the path of righteousness. This is a new order of judgment (unheard of yet to this day in our laws and canons) first to condemn a man, and then to inquire after of the fact committed. Which order, least ye should hereafter attempt to exercise in like manner against our sovereign and king, or against us and our Churches and Parishes committed to us, to the detriment of the Pope, and the holy church of Rome, and to the no little confusion of us all: therefore we lay here against you for our selves, the remedy of appellation. And as before, openly in the public face of the Church with lively voice, we appealed to the Pope for fear of certain perils that might have happened: So now again in writing, we appeal to the same, assigning the term of our appellation, the day of the Lord's Ascension. Most humbly and reverently beseching your goodness, that you (taking a better way with you in this matter) will let your cause fall: sparing herein both the labors and charges as well of yourself, as ours also. And thus we wish you right well to fare (reverend) in the Lord.
The rescript or answer again of Thomas Becket, to all his suffragans, not obeying, but confuting their counsel sent.
FRaternitatis Gestra scriptum, (quod tamen prudentia Gestra cōmuni consilio non facile credimus emanasse) nuper ex insperat • suscepimus. &c.
Your brotherly letters sent (albeit not by the whole assent of your wisdoms written, (as I suppose) of late I received upon a sudden: the contents whereof, seem to contain more sharpness then solace. And would to God they proceeded more of sincere zeal, of godliness, or affection of charity: then of disobedience or froward willfulness. For charity seeketh not the things that be his own, but which appertain to Jesus Christ. It had been your duty (if there be truth in the Gospel, as most undoubtedly there is) and if you would faithfully have accomplished his business, whose person you represent: rather to have feared him, which can cast both body and soul to hell: then him, whose power extendeth no further then to the body, rather to have obeyed God then man: rather your Father then your Master or Lord: after the example of him who was to his Father obedient unto the death. Which died for us, leaving us example to follow his steps. Let us die therefore with him, and lay down our lives for the deliverance of his Church, out of the yoke of bondage and tribulation of the oppressor: which Church he hath founded, and whose liberty he hath procured, with his own proper blood: Least if we shall do otherwise, it may happily fall upon us, which is written in the Gospel: Who so loveth his own life more then me, is not worthy of me. This ye ought to know, that if it be right which your captain commandeth: your duty requireth to obey his will: if not, ye ought then, rather to obey God then men.
One thing I will say (if I may be so bold to tell it unto you) I have now suffered and abstained a long space, waiting if the Lord had given you to take a better heart unto you, which have turned away cowardly your backs in the day of battle: or if any of you would have returned again to stand like a wall for the house of Israel: at least if he had but shown himself in the field, making but the countenance of a warrior against them, which cease not daily to infest the Lamb of God. I waited and none came: I suffered, and none rose up: I held my peace & none would speak: I dissembled and none would stand with me in like semblance Wherefore seeing I see no better towardness in you: this remaineth only, to enter action of complaint against you, and to cry against mine enemies. Rise up (O Lord) and judge my cause, revenge the blood of the church which is wasted and oppressed. The pride of them which hate his liberty, riseth up ever: neither is there any that doth good, no not one. Woulde God (brethren beloved) there were in you any mind or affection to defend the liberty of the Church: for she is built upon a sure rock, that although she be shaken, yet she cannot be overthrown. And why then seek ye to confoūd me? Nay rather, yourselves in me, then me in you? A man which hath taken upon me all the peril, have sustained all the rebukes, have sustained all the injuries, have suffered also for you all, to the very banishment.
And so it was expedient one to suffer for that Church, that thereby it might be released out of servitude. These things discuss you simply with yourselves and weigh the matter. Attend I say diligently in your minds for your partes: that God for his part removing from your eyes, all majesty of rule and impery (as he is no accepter of persons) may take from your hearts the veil, that ye may understand and see what ye have done, what ye intend to do, and what ye ought to do. Tell me which of you all can say I have taken from him since the time of my promotion, either Ox or Ass: if I have defrauded him of any penny: If I have misiudged the cause of any man wrongfully: Or if by the detrimēt of any person I have sought my own gain, let him complain & I will restore him fourefolde. And if I have not offended you, what then is the cause that ye thus leave and forsake me in the cause of God?
Why bend ye so yourselves against me in such a cause, that there is none more special belonging to the Church?
Brethren seek not to confound yourselves and the church of God (so much as in you is) but turn to me & you shall be safe.
For the Lord saith, I will not the death of a sinner, but rather he should convert and live. Stand with me manfully in the war take your armor and your shield to defend me. Take the sword of the word of the mighty God, that we altogether may withstand more valiantly the malignant enemies, such as go about to take away the soul of the church, which is her liberty: without which liberty, she hath no power against them that seek to incroche to their inheritance, the possession of God's sanctuary. If ye will hear and follow me, know ye that the Lord will be with you, and with us all in the defense of the liberty of his church. Otherwise if ye will not, the Lord judge betwixt me and you, and require the confusion of his Church at your hands. Which church (whether the world will or no) standeth firmly in the word of the Lord, whereupon she is built, and ever shall till the hour come that she shall pass from this world to the Father. For the Lord ever doth support her with his hand.
Wherefore, to return to the matter: brethren remember well with yourselves (which thing ye ought not to forget) what danger I was brought unto, and the Church of God also while I was in England: at my departing out of England, and after my departure from thence: also in what danger it standeth at this present day: But especially at that time, when as at Northampton Christ was judged again in my person, before the judgment seat of the high president. Who ever heard the Archb. of Canterbury (being troubled for injuries done to him and to his church, and appealing to the Pope of Rome to be judged, condemned appealed and put to his sureties, and that of his own suffragans? Where is this law seen or the authority (nay rather peruersity) of this Canon heard of? And why yet shame ye not at this your enormity? Why are ye not confounded? Or why doth not this confusion work in you repentance, and repentance drive you to due satisfaction before God and men? For these and such other injuries done to God and to his church, and to me for gods cause (which with a good conscience I ought to suffer, because that without danger of soul I ought not to dissemble them) I choose rather to absent myself for a season, and to dwell quietly in the house of my Lord, then in the tabernacle of sinners: until the time that (their iniquity be complete) the hearts of the wicked and the congitations of the same shall be opened. And these injuries were the cause both of my appeal from the king, and of my departure from thence, which ye term to be sudden. But if ye will speak the truth which ye know, it ought no less then to be sudden: least (being foreknown) it might have been prevented and stopped. And as God turned the matter it happened for the best, both for the honor of the king ard better safety of them, which (seeking my harm) should have brought slander to the king. If such troubles followed upon my departing as ye say, let them be imputed to him which gave cause: the fault is in the worker, not in the departer: in him that pursueth, not in him that auoydeth injuries: what would ye more? I presented myself to the court, declaring both the causes of my coming and of my appeal: declaring also the wrongs and injuries done to me & to my Church, and yet could have no aūswear: neither was there any that laid anything against me, before we came to the king. Thus while we stood waiting in the court, whether any would come against me or not, they sent to my officials: charging them not to obey me in my temporalities, nor to owe any service to me, or to any of mine. After my appellation made in the Court: my Church was spoiled: we (and they about us) deprived of our goods: out • awed both of the Clergy, and of the layty, men, women, and infantes: the goods of the Church (that is, the patrimony of the crucifix) confiscate: and part of the money turned to the kings use, part to your own cofers. Brother Bishop of London, if this be true that we here of you: and that to the use of your own Church, ye convert this money: we charge you and require you forthwith by virtue of obedience: that within fourtye days after the sight of these letters (all delaye and excuse set a • ide) ye restore again within the time aforesaid: all such gooddes and percelles as you have taken away. For it is unmeet and contrary to all law, one Church to be enriched with the spoil of another church. If ye stand upon the authority that set you a work: you must understand, that (in matters concerning the church goods) he can give no lawful authority, which committeth violent injury &c.
What authority, and what scripture giveth this prerogative to Princēs upon Church goods, which you would attribute to them? What? will they lay for them the remedy of appeal? God forbid It were evil with the Church of God, if when the sacrilegious extorcioner hath violently invaded other men's goods (especially the goods of the church) he should after defend him with the title of appeal &c.
Do not brethren, so confound altogether the right of the Church and of the temporal regiment: For these two are much different, one borrowing his authority of the other. Read the scriptures, and ye shall find what and how many kings have perished for taking upon them the priestly office. Therefore, let your discretion provide: least for this your doing, God's punishment light upon you: which if it come, it will be hard for you very easily to escape. Prouide also and see to your king, whose favor ye prefer before the wealth & profit of the Church: least if it happen (which God forbid) that he doth perish with all his house, after the example of them, which for the like crime were plagued. And if ye cease not off from that ye begin: with what conscience can I dissemble or forbear, but must needs punish you? let him dissemble with you who list (having authority so to do, truly I will not) there shall be no dissimulation found in me. And where you write in your letters, concerning my promotion, that it was against the voice of the whole realm, & that the church did reclaim against it: What should I say to you, but that ye know right well: the lie which the mouth doeth willingly speak, killeth the soul: but especially the words of a Priests mouth ought ever to go with verity. As touching this matter, I appeal to your own conscience, whether the form of my election stood not fully with the consent of them all to whom the election belonged: having also the assent of the prince by his son, & of them which were sent thereto. And if there were some that repugned the same, he that was troubled and is guilty, let him speak.
Ye say moreover, that I was exalted and promoted from a base and low degree, to this dignity by him. I grant that I came of no royal or kingly blood: yet notwithstanding, I had rather be in the number of them whom the virtue of the mind, then of birth maketh noble. Peradventure I was borne in a pore cotage: of poor parentage, and yet through God's clemency, which knoweth howe to work mercy with his servants, and which cherisheth the humble and low things, to confound the hie and mighty: in this my poor and low estate, before I came to the Kings service, I had abundantly and wealthely to live withal (as ye know) amongst my neighbors and friends. And David even from the shepefold, was taken up and made a king. Peter of a fisher was made a prince of the church: who for his blood being shed for the name of Christ, deserved to have in heaven a crown, and in earth name & renown: would to God we could do the like. We be the successors of Peter, and not of Kings and Emperors.
And where ye seem to charge me (by insinuation) with the blot of ingratitude. This I answer: there is no offense capital or infamous, unless it proceed from the heart and intention. As if a man commit a murder unwillingly (although he be called a murderer) yet he is not thereby punishable: And so, although I owe my duty & service with reverence to my king: yet if I have forborne him as my Lord, if I have warned him, and talked with him fatherly and gently as with a son, and in talking with him could not be heard: If therefore (I say) being enforced thereunto, and against my will, do exercise upon him the censure of due severity: in so doing (I suppose) I make rather with him, then against him, and rather deserve at his hand thank for my correction, then note or suspicion of unkindness or punishment for the fact. Sometimes a man against his will receiveth a benefit: as when necessity causeth a mā to be restrained from doing that which he ought not: he that doth so restrain him (though he stop him) doeth not hurt him, but rather profiteth him for his souls health. An other thing that defendeth us from ingratitude, is our father & patron Christ. Which, in that he is our father (to whom we as children owe obedience) then are we bound as children by necessity to obey his commandment, in warning the evil doer: in correcting the disobedient: and in bridling the obstinate: which if we do not, we run into danger to have his blood required at our hands. Ye set forth likewise and show, what loss we thereby may sustain of our temporalties. But ye speak no word of the loss of our souls.
Moreover, as concerning the departure of the king from the homage of the Church of Rome (which in your letters ye seme to pretend, or rather threaten) God forbid I say, that the devotion or faith of our king should ever swerve away from the obedience and reverence of the church of Rome, for any temporal commodity or incommodity: which thing to do is very damnable in any private subject, much more in the prince which draweth many other with him: therefore, God forbid, that ever any faithful man should once think so heinous a deed. And you according to your discretion take heed, left the words of your mouth infect any person or persons therein: occasioning them by your words to such dangerous and damnable matter: like to the golden cup which is called the cup of Babylon, which for the outward gold no man will refuse to drink of, but after they have drunk thereof, they are poisoned.
And where ye lay to my charge for the suspending out of the reverend father bishop of Salisbury, and for excommunicating of John, Dean of the same Church for a schismatic (by knowledge and process had of the matter) to this I answer: That both these are justly and condignly excommunicate, and if ye understand perfectly the condition of the matter, and the right order of judgments, ye will say no less. For this standeth with good authority (as ye know) that in manifest & notorious crimes, this knowledge and order of proceeding is not requisite. Perpende with yourselves diligently, what the bishop of Salisbury did (concerning the Deanrie) after that he was prohibited of the Pope & of us, under pain of excommunication: and then shall you better understand (upon so manifest disobedience) suspension did rightly follow: as ye read in the decree of S. Clement, saying: If they do not obey their Prelates, all manner of persons of what order so ever they be, whether they shall be Princes of high or low degree, and all other people: shall not only be infamed, but also banished from the kingdom of God, and the fellowship of the faithful. As concerning John of Oxford, this we say: that excommunication cometh diverse ways: Some are excommunicate, by the law denouncing them excommunicate. Some by the sentence of the Prelate. Some by communicating with them which are excommunicate. Now, he that hath fallen into this damnable heresy, in participating with schismatics, whom the Pope hath excommunicate: he draweth to himself the spot and leprosy of like excommunication. Wherefore, seeing he (contrary to the Popes express commandment and ours, being charged under pain of excommunication to the contrary) took upon him, the Deanrie of Salisbury: we have denounced him, and hold him excommunicate: and all his doings we disannul, by the authority of the viii. Synod, saying. If any man either privily or apertly shall speak or communicate with him that is excommunicated, he draweth unto himself the punishment of like excommunication. And now for so much as you (brother bishop of London) which ought to know that saying of Gregory vii. if any bishop shall consent to the fornication of Priests, Deacons, &c. within his precinct: for reward, favor, or petition, or doth not by authority of his office correct the vice, let him be suspended from his office. And again that saying of Pope Leo, which is this: If any bishop shall institute or consecrate such a priest as shall be unmeet and inconvenient: if he scape with the loss of his own proper dignity, yet he shall lose the power of instituting anymore. &c.
Therefore, forsomuch I say, as you (knowing this) have double wise offended against the sentence of these Canons: we command you, and in the virtue of obedience enjoin you, that if it be so: within three months after the receipt hereof, you will submit and offer yourself to due correction and satisfaction to the counsel of our fellowbishops, for these your so great excesses: Least other (through your example) run into the like offense, and we shall be constrained to proceed against you with severer sentence.
Finally (in the closing up of your letter) where ye bring in for your appellation against me, a safeguard for you: which rather in deed is an hindrance to you: that we should not proceed against the inuaders of the Church goods, nor against the King in like censure, as we have done against the bishop of Salisbury (as ye say) and his Dean. To this I answer, God forbid that we have, or else should hereafter proceed or do anything against the king or his lande, or against you or your Churches, inordinately or otherwise then is convenient. But what if you shall exceed in the same or like transgression, as the Byshoppe of Salesburie hath done: think ye then your appellation shall help you from the discipline of our severity, that ye shall not be suspended? Mark ye diligently whether this be a lawful appeal, and what is the form thereof. We know that everyone that appealeth, either doeth it in his own name, or in the name of another, if in his own name, either it is for some greeuance inferred already, or else for that he feareth after to be inferred against him. Concerning the first, I am sure there is no greuance that you can complain of as yet (God be thanked) that you have received at my hand, for the which you should appeal frō me: neither have you (I trust) any cause special against me so to do. If ye do it for fear that is to come, least I should trouble you and your Churches: consider whether this be the appeal which ought to suspende or stay our power and authority that we have upon you and your Churches. It is thought therefore, of wise men (and we also judge no less) your appeal to be of no force.
First, for that it hath not the right form of a perfect appellation, and also because it is not consonante to reason, and lacketh order and help of the law.
Furthermore, if your appellation be in another man's name, either it is for the King (as moste like it is) or for some other. If it be for the king, than ye ought first to understand, that appellations are wont to be made to repel, and not to infer injury: or to release such as be oppressed, that they should not be oppressed anymore.
Wherefore, if any man shall enter any appellation (not trusting to the surety of his cause, but to delay the time, that sentence be not given upon him) that appellation is not to be received. For what state will there be of the Church, if the liberty thereof being taken away: the goods of the Church spoiled: the bishops driven from their places: or at least not received with full restitution of their goods: the inuaders and spoilers thereof, may defend themselves by appealing, thereby to save themselves from the penalty of their desert?
What a ruin of the Church will this be? See what ye have done, and what ye say. Be you no • the vicares of Christ, representing him in earth? Is it not your office to correct and bridle ill doers, whereby they may cease to persecute the Church? And is it not enough for them to be fierce & to rage against the church, but that you should take their part, setting yourselves against us, to the destruction of the church? Who ever heard of so monstrous doings? Thus it shall be heard and said of all nations and countries: that the Suffragans of the Church of Canterbury (which ought to stand with their Metropolitan unto death in defense of the Church) now go about by the kings commandment so much as in them doth lie, to suspend his authority: least he should exercise his Discipline of correction upon them that rebel against the Church. This one thing I know, that you cannot sustain two sortes of persons at once: both to be the appeal makers, and to be appealed up yourselves. You be they which have made the appellation, and you be they against whom the appellation is made. Is there anymore churches then one, and the body of the same? And howe meet were it than, that you being the members of the Church, should hold together with the head thereof▪ I am afraid brethren least it may be said of us: These be the Priests which have said where is the Lord? and having the law do not know the law. Furthermore this I suppose you (being discrete men) are not ignorant of: that such as enter any appellation there, are not wont to be heard: unless the matter of their appellation either belongeth to themselves, or except special commandment force them thereunto, or else unless they take another man's cause▪ upon them. First, that it belongeth nothing unto you, it is plain: for so much as the contrary rather pertaineth to your duty: that is, to punish and to correct all such as rebel against the Church. And if he which subuerteth the liberty of the Church, and inuadeth the goods thereof (converting them to his own use) be not heard appealing for his own defense: much less is another to be heard appealing for him. Wherefore, as in this case neither he can appeal for himself, not yet command you so to do: so neither may you receive the commandment to appeal for him.
Thirdly, as touching the taking of another man's cause or business upon you, to this I say and affirm: that ye ought in no manner of wise so to do, specially seeing the matter pertaineth to the oppression of the Church, and whereupon ensueth great damage to the same.
Wherefore, seeing it neither appertaineth to you, neither ought ye to receive any such commandment, nor yet to take upon you any such cause as that is: your appeal is neither to be hard, nor standeth with any law. Is this the devotion and consolation of brotherly love which you exhibit to your Metropolitan, being for you in exile? God forgive you this clemency. And how now? will ye look for your letters and messengers to be gently received here of us? Neither do I speak this, as though there were anything in hand betwixt your part and ours: or that we have done anything inordinately against the person of the king, or against his lande, or against the persons of the Church, or intend (by God's mercy) so to do. And therefore we say briefly & affirm constantly: that our Lord the king cannot complain of any wrong or injury to be done unto him, if he (being often called upon by letters and messengers to acknowledge his fault, neither will confess his trespass nor yet come to any satisfaction for the same) have the censure of severity by the Pope and us laid upon him. For no man can say that he unjustly is entreated, whom the law doeth justly punish. And briefly to conclude, know you this for certain: that extortioners, inuaders, detailners of the Church goods, and subuerters of the liberties thereof: neither have any authority of the law to maintain them, neither doth their appealing defend them. &c.
A brief Censure upon the former rescript of Becket to his Suffragans, in the page before with a general resolution of the reasons therein contained.
If the king of England had been an idolater, covetous, an adulterer, an incest, a murderer, with such like: than the zeal of this Archbishop (threatening the king and such as took his part) had deserved praise in this Epistle, & the scripture would have borne him out therein. For these and such causes, should bishops prosecute the authority of the Gospel against all persons. But the matter standing only upon Church goods, liberty (or rather licentiousness of Priests) making of Deans, titles of Churches, superiority, of crowning the king, with such other: to stand so stiff in these, is not to defend the church: but to rebel against the king. Again, if the principles which he here groundeth upon, were true: to wit that the Pope were to be obeyed before Princes: that the liberty of Church standeth upon the immunity of priests exempted from princes laws: or upon ample possessions of the Church: or that the Popes law ought to prevail in all foreign countries: and to bind all princes in their own dominions: or that the sentence of the Pope & his Popelings, (how, or by what affection so ever it is pronounced) may stand by the undoubted sentence of God: Then all the arguments of this Epistle do proceed and conclude well. But if they stand not ratified upon gods word: but tottering upon man's traditions: Then whatsoever he inferreth or concludeth thereupon (his assumpt being false) cannot be true, according to the school saying: One inconvenience being granted in the beginning, innumerable follow thereupon. So in this Epistle it happeneth as is above noted, that the Major of this man is true, but the Minor is clean false, and to be denied.
The letter of Matild the Empresse and mother of the king, To Thomas Becket.
MY Lord the Pope commanded me (and upon the forgiveness of my sins enjoined me) that I should be a mediator and means of peace and concord between my son and you, by reconciling of yourself to him: whereunto (as you know) ye requested me. Wherefore, the earnester and with more affection (as well for the divine honor as for holy Church) I took the enterprise upon me. But this by the way I assure you, that the king, his Barons, and counsel, taketh it grievously: that you, whom he entirely loved, honored, and made chiefest in all his Realm (to the intent to have more comfort and better trust in you) should thus (as the report is) rebel and stir his people against him. Yea and further, that (as much as in you lieth) you went about to disherite him, and deprive him of his crown. Upon the occasion whereof, I sent unto you our trusty and familiar servant Laurence Archdeacon, by whom I pray you that I may understand your mind herein, and good will toward my son: and howe you mean to behave yourself (if my prayer and petition may be heard of him in your behalf) toward his grace. But this one thing I assure you off, that unless it be through your great humility and moderation (evidently in you appearing) you cannot obtain the favor of the king. Herein what you mean to do, I pray you send me word by your proper letters and messengers.
But to proceed farther in the order of the history : After these letters sent to & froe (the year of our Lord 1169) which was the 15. of the reign of Henry the 2. The King misdoubting and fearing with himself that the Archbyshop would proceed (or exceed rather) in his excommunication against his own person (to prevent y • mischief) made his appeal to the presence of the pope: requiring to have certain Legates sent down from Rome from the popes side, to take up the matter between the Archbishop and him: requiring moreover that they might also be absolved, that were interdicted, whereupon, two Cardinals (being sent from Alexander the Pope with letters to the King) came into Normandy: where they appointed the Archb. to meet them before the King upon S. Martines day. But the Archb. (neither agreeing with the day nor place) delayed his coming to the vi • j. day after: neither would any further go then to Brisorlium. Where (the two Cardinals and the Archb. with other bishops conventing together) had a certain entreaty of peace and reconciliation, but came to no conclusion. The contents of which entreaty or action (because it is sufficiently contained in the Cardinals letters, who were called Bulie • nus & Otho, written to the pope) it shall require no further labor, but to show out the words of the letter, where the sum of the whole may appear. The words of the letter be these.
The copy of the Epistle written and sent by two Cardinals to the Pope, concerning the matter of the Archbishop Becket.
WIlliam, & Otho, Cardinals of the Church of Rome, to Alexander the Pope, &c. Cōming to the land of the K. of England we found the controversy betwixt him and the Archb. of Canterbury, more sharp and vehement then we would. For the king and the greater part of them about him said, that the Archbyshop had stirred up the French king grievously against him. And also, the Earl of Flāders his kinsman (who bare no displeasure to him before) he made his open adversary, ready to war against him, as is by diverse evidences most certain. Thus when we came to Cadomus first to the kings speech, we gave the letters of your fatherhode to his hands: which after that he had received and considered (bringing forth withal other letters received from you before, something diverse and altering from these which he received of us (was moved & stirred with no little indignation, saying▪ that the Archbishop after our departure from you, had received of you other contrary letters, by the virtue whereof he was exempted from our judgment: so that he should not be compelled to answer us. Moreover the said king to us added and affirmed (and so did the bishops there present testifying the same) that concerning the old and ancient customs of his progenitors, (whereof complaint, was made to you) all that, for the most part was false & untrue which was intimate to you. Offering farther to us, that if there were any such customs or laws in his time that seemed preiudicial or disagreeable to the statutes of the Church, he would willingly be content to revoke and disannul the same. Whereupon, we with other Archbishops, Bishops, & Abbotes of the land (hearing the king so reasonable) labored by all means we might that the king should not utterly break from us, but rather should incline to us to have the matter brought before us betwixt him & the forenamed Archbishop: By reason whereof, we directed out our own Chapleins with letters unto him, appointing him both time and place where safely he might meet with us in the feast of S. Martin. Nevertheless, he pretending certain excuses made his dilatories, driving of the time from the day of S. Martin to the Octaues following: which thing stirred the kings heart more then is to be thought.
Thus, although we offered to the Archbishop safe coming, yet when he refused to meet us in the borders of the king: we to satisfy his mind, condescended to meet him within the land of the French king, in the place where he himself appointed: becau • e there should be no let in us whereby to stop his profit. After we had entered communication, we began to exhort him all that we could, to submit and humble himself to his sovereign and king, who had heaped him with such benefits and dignities: whereby matter might be given us to further occasion of reconciling them together. He being thus moved and exhorted by us, departed aside to consult with his counsel upon the matter. At length after counsel taken, he cometh again answering in this manner. That he would submit and humble himself to the King, Saluo honor Dei, & ecclesiae libertate, salua etiam honestate personae fuae, & possessionibus Ecclesiarum: & amplius, sua & suorū in omnibus salua iusticia. That is: Sauing the honor of God, and liberty of the Church: saving also the honesty of his person, and the possessions of Churches: and moreover, saving the justice of him and of all his in all things &c. After which communication had among us: we moved & required him more instantly, tha the would come to the specialities: whenas yet he had broughtnothing in, either which was certain or particular. Likewise we demanded of him, if he would in all such things contained and comprehended in our letters, stand & submit himself to our letters, so as the king and the bishops before were contented to do. To the which he answering again said, that he had received from you a cōmmandement, not to answer before he and all his were restored full to all their possessions. And then he would so proceed in the matter according as he should receive commandment frō the sea Apostolical. Thus, we breaking of communication (seeing that he neither would stand to judgment, nor come to conformity) thought to make relation thereof to the king, and so did: declaring that which he had expressed to us: yet not uttering all, but keeping back a great part of that which we had heard and seen. Which when the king and his nobles had understanding of, affirmed to us again: that he therein was cleared so much the more, for that the Archbishop would not stand to their judgment nor abide their trial. After much heaviness and lamentation of the king, the archbishop, bishops, and abbots of the Realm requiring of us, whether we had any such power by virtue of our commission, to withstand him and proceed against him: and perceiving that our authority would not serve thereunto, and fearing least the foresaid Archbishop (refusing all order of judgment) would work again disquietness to some noble personages of the Realm: and seeing our authority could not extend so far to help them against him (taking a consultation among themselves) agreed together with one assent, to make their appellation to your audience, prefixing accordingly the term of their appeal.
And this is the Epistle of these two Cardinals sent to the pope: wherein, may sufficiently appear at the discourse and manner of that assembly (although particularly everything not expressed) concerning the talk betwixt the Cardinals and the Archbishop. As whē that William (who of the two Cardinals was the more eloquent) amongst other commun • cation had, reasoned long w t him concerning the peace of the church: which Becket said he preferred above all things, well then (saith the Cardinal) seeing all this contention between the king and you, riseth upon certain laws & customs to be abrogate, and that you regard the peace of the Church so much: then what say you: will you renounce your Bishopric, and the king shall renounce his customs? The peace of the Church now lieth in your hands, either to retain or to let go, what say you? To whom he answereth again, that the proportion was not like. For I saith he (saving the honor of my Church and my person) cannot renounce my Byshopricke. Contrary, it standeth the king upon, for his souls health and honor, to renounce these his ordinances and customs. Which thing he thus proved, because the Pope had condemned those customs, and he likewise with the church of Rome had done the same. &c.
The talk between the French king, the king of England, and Becket.
After the Cardinals were returned: the French king seeing the king of England disquieted and solicitous to have peace (or at least wise pretending to set agreeme • t between them) brought the matter to a communication among them. In which communication the French king made himself as umpeare between them. The King of England hearing that the Archb. would commit himself to his arbitrement, was y • more willing to admit his presence. Whereupon, many being there present, the Archb. prostrating himself at the Kings feet, declared unto him kneeling upon his knees that he would commit the whole cause (whereof the dissention rose between them) unto his own arbitrement: adding thereto (as he did before) Saluo honor Dei, that is, saving the honor of God. The king, who (as is said before) being greatly offended at this word: hearing & seeing the stiffness of the man sticking so much to this word Saluo honor. &c. was highly therewith displeased: Rebuking him with many grievous words as a man proud and stubborn, and also charging him with sundry & great benefits bestowed upon him, as a person unkind & forgetting what he had so gently done and bestowed upon him.
And speaking to the French king there present: See sit (if it please you, saith the king of England) whatsoever displeaseth this man: that he saith, to be contrary to the honor of God. And so by this means, he will vendicate & challenge to himself both that is his and mine also. And yet notwithstanding: for that I will not seem to do anything contrary or prejudicial to God's honor, this I offer him. There hath been kings in England before, both of greater and les puissance then I am: Likewise there hath been bishops of Cant. many, both great & holy men: what the greatest and most holiest of all his predecessors before him hath done to the least of my progenitors and predecessors before me, let him do the same to me & I am content. They that stood by hearing these words of the king, crying all w t one voice: the king hath debased himself enough to the bishop. The Archb. staying a little at this with silence: what (saith the French king to him) my lord Archbishop, will you be better then those holy men? will ye be greater then Peter? What stand you doubting? Here now have you peace & quietness put in your own hands, if ye will take it. To this y • Archb. answered again: truth it is (saith he) my predecessors before me were much both better and greater then I, and of them everyone for his time (although he did not extirpe and cut off all) yet something they did pluck up and correct which seemed adverse & repugnant against God's honor. For if they had taken altogether away: no such occasion then had been left for any man to raise 〈◊〉 fire of temptation now against us, as is now raised to prove us with all: that we being so proved w t them might also be crowned with them being likewise partakers of praise and reward, as we are of their labor and travail. And though some of them have been slack, or exceeded in their duty doing: in that we are not bound to follow their example.
Peter, when he denied Christ, we therefore rebuke him: but whē he resisted y e rage of Nero, therein we comēd him. And therefore, because he could not find in his conscience to consent unto y t he ought in no wise to dissemble: neither did he: by reason thereof he lost his life. By such like oppressions the church hath always grown. Our forefathers & predecessors, because they would not dissemble the name & honor of Christ, therefore they suffered. And shall I, to have the favor of one man, suffer the honor of Christ to be suppressed? The nobles standing by (hearing him thus speak) were greatly aggrieved with him: noting in him both arrogancy & willfulness, in perturbing and refusing such an honest offer of agreement. But specially one among the rest was most aggrieved, who their openly protested: that seeing the Archbishop so refused the counsel and request of both the kingdom, he was not worthy to have the help of either of them: but as the kingdom of England had rejected, so the kingdom of France should not entertain him.
Alanus, Herbertus, and certain other of his Chaplains that committed to story the doings of Becket, do record (whether truly or no I cannot say) that the French king sending for him as one much sorrowing and lamenting the words that he had spoken: at the coming of Becket did prostrate himself at his feet: confessing his fault in giving counsel to him in such a cause (pertaining to the honor of God) to relent therein & to yield to the pleasure of mā: wherefor declaring his repentance, he desired to be absolved thereof. So that after this, the French king and Becket were great friends together: in so much, that king Henry sending to the king to entreat him, and desire him that he would not support nor maintayn his enemy within his Realm: the French king utterly denied the kings request, taking part rather with the Archbishop then with him.
Besides these quarrels and grudges betwixt the king and the Archbishop above mentioned: there followed yet moreover another, which was this. Shortly after this communication recited between the king and Becket: the K. of England returning again frō Normandy to England (which was the year of our Lord, 1170. and the 16. year of his reign) about Midsomer, kept his court of Parliament at Westminster, In y e which Parliament he (through the assent both of the Clergy, and the Lord's temporal) caused his son Henry to be crowned king. Which coronation, was done by the hands of Robert Archb. of York with the assistance of other bishops ministering to the same, as Gilb. of Londō, Goceline of Salisbury, Hugo of Duresme and Gwalther of Rochester. By reason whereof Becket of Cant. being there neither mentioned nor called for, took no little displeasure: and so did Lodouike the French king, hearing that Margaret his daughter was not also crowned w t her husband. Whereupon he gathering a great army forthwith marched into Normādy. But the matter was soon compassed by the king of England, who sending his son to him in Normandy, entreated there and concluded peace with him: promising that his son should be crowned again, & then his daughter to be crowned also. But the Archb. not ceasing his displeasure and emulatiō, sent unto the Pope complaining of these four bishops, especially of the Archb. of York, who durst be so bold in his absence & without his knowledge or his license, to intermeddle to crown the king, being a matter proper and peculiar to his jurisdiction. At the instance of whom the P. sent down y e sentnce of excommunication against y e B. of London. The other 3. bishops with the Archb. of York, he suspended: whose sentence and letters thereof, for avoiding prolixity, I here omit.
Besides these foresaid bishops excommunicated diverse other clerks also of the court he cited to appear before him by virtue of his large commission which he gate from the Pope, to whō they were bound to obey, by reason of their benefices, And some he commanded in virtue of obedience, to appear in pain of forfeting their order and benefices. Of which, whē neither sort would appear, he cursed thē openly. And also some lay men of the court & the kings familiars: some as intruders, and violent withholders of Church goods, he accursed: as Richard Lucy, and Iocelin Balliot, and Rafe Brocke which took bells and goods that belonged to the Church of Caunterburye, and Hugh Sainctcleare, and Thomas the son of Bernard, and all that should hereafter take any church goods without his consent, so that almost all the court was accursed either by the name, or as partakers.
This being done, the Archb. of York with the foresaid bishops, resorted to the king with a grievous complaint: declaring how miserably their case stood, and what they had sustained, for fulfilling his commandment. The king hearing this, was highly moved as no marvel was. But what remedy. The time of the ruin of the Pope was not yet come? and what Prince then might withstand the injurious violence of that Romish potestate?
In the mean season the French King for his parte his clergy, and courtiers, stackt no occasion to incite, and solicit Alexander the Pope against the king of England to excommunicate him also: seeking thereby and thinking to have some vauntage against the realm. Neither was the king ignorant of thes, which made him more ready to apply to some agreement of reconciliation. At length cometh down from the Pope two Legates (the Archb. of Rhotomage and the Bishop of Nauerne) with direction and full commission either to drive the king to be reconciled, or to be interdicted by the popes censures out of the church. The king understanding himself to be in greater straits then he could avoid: at length (through the mediation of the French king, and of other Prelates and great Princes) was content to yield to peace and reconciliation with the Archbishop whom he received both to his favor, and also permitted and granted him free return to his Church again. Concerning his possessions and lands of the Church of Canterburye, although Becket made great labor therefore: yet the king (being then in Normandy) would not grant him, before he should repair to England, to see how he would there agree with his subjects.
Thus, peace after a sort concluded between the king & him, the Archb. after six years of his banishment, returned to England: where he was right joyfully received of the church of Cant. albeit, of Henry the young king he was not so greatly welcomed. In so much that coming up to London to the king, he was returned back to Canterburye and there bid to keep his house, Roger Doueden maketh mention in his Chronicle, that the Archbishop (vpō Christmas day) did excommunicate Robert de Broke, for cutting of the tail of a certain horse of his the day before. In the mean time, the four bishops before mentioned whom the Archb. had excommunicate (sent to him, humbly desiring to be released of their censure. To whō when the archb. would not grant clearly and simplye, without cautels and exceptions: they went over to the king, declaring to him and complaing of their miserable state and vncurtuous handling of the archbishop, wherupō the K. conceived great sorrow in his mind, and displeasure toward the party. In so much, that he lamented oft & sundry times to thē about him, that (among so many y t he had done for) there was none that would revenge him of his enemy by the occasion of which words, certain that were about the king (to the number of four) hearing him thus to cōplain and lament: addrest thenselves in great heat of hast, to satisfy the aggrieved mind and quarrel of their prince. Who within four days after the said Christenmas day (sailing over to England, & having a forward and a prosperous wind in their journey, being in y e deep of winter) came to Canterbury, where Becket was commanded to keep. After certain advisement and consultation had among themselves, they preased at length into the palace where the archbishop was sitting with his company about him: first to assay him with words, to see whether he would relent to the kings mind, & come to some conformity. They brought to him (said they) commandment from the king: which whether he had rather openly there in presence, or secretly to be declared to him, they had him choose. Then the company being bid to avoid, as he sat alone, they said: you are commanded from the Kyng beyond the sea, to repair to the king here is son, and to do your duty to him: answering to him your fidelity, for your baronage and other things, & to amend those things wherein you have trespassed against him, whereupon, the archbishop denying to swear, and perceiving their intent, called in his company again, and in multiplying of words to and fro, at length they came to the bishops which were excommunicate for the coronation of the king, whom they commanded in the kings name, he should absolve and set free again. The archbishop answered, that he neither suspended nor excommunicated them, but the pope: wherefor, if that were the matter that grieved them, they should resort to the Pope, he had nothing to do with the matter. Then said Reignald, one of the four: although you in your own persō did not excommunicate them, yet through your instigation it was done. To whom the Archbishop said again: and if the Pope (said he) tendering the injuries done to me and my Church, wrought this revenge for me: I confess it offendeth me nothing. Thus then (said they) it appeareth well by your own words, that it pleaseth you right well (in contempt and contumely of the kings majesty) to sequester his bishops from their ministry, who at the commandment of the king did service in the coronation of his son. And seeing ye have so presumed thus to stand against the exaltation of this our sovereign, our new K. it seemeth likely that you aspired to take his crown frō him, & to be exalted king yourself. I aspire not said he, to y e crown & name of the K. But rather if I had 4. crowns (to give him more) I would set them all upon him: such good will I do hear him, that only (his father the king excepted) there is none, whose honor I more tender and love. And as concerning the sequestering of those Bishops this I give you to understand: that nothing was done in that behalf, without the knowledge & assent of the king himself. To whom when I had made my complaint, at the feast of Mary Magdalene, of the wrong and injury done to me and my Church therein: he gave me his good leave to obtain at the Popes hand such remedy therein as I could, promising moreover his help to me in the same. What is this, quoth they, that thou sayest? Makest thou the king a trator, and betrayer of the king his own son? that when he had commanded the bishops to crown his son, he would give thee leave afterward to suspend thē for so doing? certes it had been better for you not to have accused so the king of this prodition. The Archb. said to Reignald, that he was there present at that time, and hard it himself. But that he denied, and swore it was not so: and think you (say they) that we the kings subjects will or ought to suffer this? And so approaching nearer to him, said: he had spoken enough against his own head, whereupon followed great exclamation and many threatening words. Then said the archb. I have sith my coming over, sustained many injuries and rebukes, conceruyng both myself, my men, my cattle, my wynes, and all other goods: notwithstanding, the king (writing over to his son) required him that I should live in safety and peace: and now besides all other, you come hither to threaten me. To this Reignald answering again said: if there be any that worketh you any injury otherwise then right is, the law is open: why do you not complain▪ To whom, said Becket should I complain? To the young king said they. Then said Becket, I have complained enough if that would help, and have sought for remedy at the kings hands, so long as I could be suffered to come to his speech: but now seeing that I am stopped from y t , neither can find redress of so great vexations and injuries as I have and do daily sustain: nor can have the benefit of y • law or reason: such right and law as an archb. may have that will I exercise, and let for no man. At these words one of thē bursting out in exclamation, cried, he threateneth he threateneth, what, will he interdict the whole realm & us altogether? Nay y t he shall not saith another, he hath interdicted to many already. And drawing more near to him, they protested and denounced him to have spoken words to y t ieoperdy of his own head. And so departing in great fury and many high words, rushed out of y t doors: who by the way returning to the Monks, charged them in the kings name to keep him forth coming, y t he should not escape away. What quoth the archb. think ye I will flee away? Nay neither for the king, nor any man alive, will I stir one foot from you. No say they thou shalt not annoyed, though thou wouldest, and so the departing with many words, the arch. followeth them out of the chamber door crying after them: here, here here, shall you find me, laying his hand upon his crown.
The name of these four soldiers above mentioned were these. 1. Reignald Beresō. 2. Hugh Morteuil. 3. William Thracy, and 4. Richard Brito: who going to harness themselves, returned the same day again. But finding the hall door of the palace of Canterbury shut against them: they went to an inward back door leading into the Orcharde: there brake they up a window and opened the door, and so issued into the place. The Monks (being about Evensong time) had got the Archbishop into the Church: who beying persuaded by them, caused his cross to be borne before him, and so through the Cloister (by a door which was broke up for him) proceeded into the quire. The harnest men following after, at length came to the Church door: which door the monks would have shut against them, but (as the story saith) the Archbishop would not suffer them. So they approaching into y e Church, and the Bishop meeting them upon the stairs, there was slain: everyone of the four soldiers striking him with his sword into the head. Who afterward flying into the North, at length with much ado obtaining their pardon of the Pope (through the kings procurement, as some stories record) went to Jerusalem.
Thus you have heard the life and death of this Tho. Becket: of whom what is to be judged, let his own acts and facts declare. And albeit the scripture ought to be only the rule to us to judge all things by: yet if any shall require farther testimony (partly to satisfy their minds therein) ye shall hear the judgments of certain men, in years and times almost as ancient as himself, what they writ, and affirm of him.
And first to begin with the testimony of one of his own religion, and also not far (as it appeareth) frō his own time: who writing of his martyrdom & miracles, thus testifieth of the judgment and sentence of diverse concerning his promotion and behavior. The Chronicle being written in lattin, & having the name of the author cut out, thus beginneth:
After like manner we read of the saints of the new testament, whereof many were preferred oftentimes to their bishopriks, and functions of the Church by mere • orcement and compulsion rather of other, then by their own willes. So was blessed Gregory after his flight, and going away, brought back again, and placed in the sea & chair of Rome. Likewise S. Ambrose fore against his mind, who also of purpose accusing and contessing his own defectes, because he would be repealed: yet by the commandment of Valentinian the Emperor was enforced to take the burden vpō him, which he could by no wise shake of S. Martin in like sort unknowing of any such matter: was circumvented by a certain godly trayne and wile of the Citizens, before he could be brought to his consecration, which he did not so much take, as he was thrust into it, with much pensiuenes and sorrow of heart. By these and such other examples this Chancellor likewise should have rather excused himself as unworthy and vumeet for that romthe, showing himself more willing to refuse then to take it. To the which this archbishop is judged to do clean contrary, &c. Haec ex Chronico. Cui tutulus. De passion & miraculis beati Thomae.
And although scarcely any testimony is to be taken of that age (being all blinded and corrupted with superstittiō) yet let us hear what Neuburgensis an ancient Historiographer saith: who in the days of the son of this K. Henry the ii. prosecuting his history unto King Richard the first hath these words: writing of Thomas Becket:
The letters which were sent before for the impending of the Bishops, he pursued with burning zeal of justice but whether according to knowledge, god knoweth it. It is not for my rude and slender wit to judge of the doings of such a periō. But yet this I suppose: that he did not behave himself so circumspectly as he ought (considering the time) and that the concord between him and the king as yet was but soft and tender. Who for the consideration of the time, and for the recompense of peace: might have forborne or dissembled such things, which without any peril of Christian religion might be tolerate well enough according to the prophetical saying: A wise mā in his time will keep silence, because y e time will not serve him, wherefor, as the doings of that reverend Prelate I judge in that behalf not to be commonded: so neither did I presume to discommend them. But this I say, that if that holy man thorough immoderate violence of zeal, did exceed in a part therein: the same was excocted again and purged by the fire of his suffering: which afterward ensited. And so far, holy mē are to be loved or praised of us, which know our selves much inferior to their virtues: that in such things wherein they have been men & also known to be men: therein, we neither hold with them nor commend them, but only such things wherein without all danger or scruple we ought to imitate thē. For who is able to say, that they are to be imitated in all that they do, and therefore are not to be esteemed and praised in all things generally whatsoever they do: but considerately & with advisement: wherein they deserve praise: so that the only prerogative in this behalf be reserved to God, in whose praise no man can exceed how servant foeuer he be in his praising. &c.
And hear yet more what the said author writeth in the same cause of the kings wrath & Beckets faults.
More then 100. murders are said to be committed by the Clergy under king Henry the 2. In punishing of whō the king was somewhat to vehement: but the fault (saith he) of this immoderate dealing of the king resteth most in the Bishops of our time: for as much as the cause thereof proceedeth of them. For where it is de creed and commanded by the Canon law (concerning the spiritual men of y e clergy) that not only such as be notorious, but such as be spotted with lighter crunes should be disgraded: whereof, have we so many thousands and whole swarms of such now in England, as innumerable chasse among the little good grayne? and yet how few do we see these many years in England deprived of their office? For why? the Bishops while they labor more to maintain the liberties and dignities of Church men, then to correct their vices: think they do God and the Church great service, if they rescue and defend the enormities of the Church men against public discipline, whom they ought rather to punish by the virtue of the censure ecclesiastical. Whereupon, the Church men: such as be sorted peculiarly to the Lord, and ought like stars to shine in earth by word & example, taking license and liberty to do what they just: neither reverence god (whose judgment seemeth to tarry) neither men set in authority: when as both the Bishops are slack in their charge doing, and also the prerogative of their order exempteth thē frō the secular iurisdictiō. &c. And thus much out of Nuburgensis.
To this matter also pertain the words of Cesarius the monk, in his 8. book of Dialogues cap. 69 about the 48. year after the death of Thomas Becket, which was the year of the Lord. 1220. whose words in sum come to this effect.
There was a question moved among the masters of Paris, whether Tho. Becket were saved or damned. To this question answereth Roger a Norman: that he was worthy death and damnation, for that he was so obstinate against God's minister his K. Contrary, Peter Cantor a Persian disputed, saying & affirming that his miracles were great signs and tokens of saluatiō, and also of great holiness in that man: affirming moreover that the cause of the Church did allow and confirm his martyrdom, for the which Church he died.
And thus have ye the judgment, and censure of the school of Paris touching this question, for the saincting of Thomas Becket. In which judgment for so much as the greatest argument resteth in the miracles wrought by him after his death: let us therefore pause a little upon y • same, to try and examine these his miracles. In the trial whereof we shall find one of these two to be true, that either if they were true, they were wrought not by God, but by a contrary spirit: of whō Christ our Lord giveth us warning in his gospel, saying: whose coming shall be with lying signs and wonders to deceive, if it were possible, the elect. Math 24. for else we shall find that no such were ever wrought at all, but feigned and forged of idle Monks and religious bellies for the exaltatiō of their churches, & profit of their powches: which thing in deed seemeth rather to be true: And no less may appear by the miracles thenselves, set forth by one of his own Monks & of his own time, who in fine solemn books hath comprehended all the revelation, virtues, and miracles of this archb. the which books (as yet remaining in the hands of William Stephenson Citizen of London) I have seen and perused: wherein is contained the whole sum of all his miracles to the number of 270, being so far of from all truth & reason, some ridiculous, some monstrous, vain, absurd, some also blasphemous & some so impudent: that not only they deserve no credit (altogether sauoring of mere forgery) but also for very shame will abash an honest pen to write vpō thē. First if miracles serve for necessity & for infidels: what cause or necessity was there (in a Christian realm having the word of God) for God to work such miracles after his death, who never wrought any in all his life? Thē to consider the end of these miracles: whether do they tend, but only to bring men to Canterbury, with their vows and offerings to enrich the convent?
Beside the mumber of the miracles which he said so many, that they lose their own credit: what disease is there belonging to man or woman in the curing whereof, some miracle hath not been wrought by this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : as fevers, fistula, the gout: toothache: palsy, consumption, falling sickness, leprosy, headache, broken arms, maimed legs, swelling throats, the raising up of the dead, which have been two days departed, with infinite other. And as all these have healed (for the most part) by one kind of salve (as a certain panacea ) which was, with the water only of Canterbury, like as a cunning Smith which should open with one key all manner of locks: so again in reading of the story of these miracles, ye shall find the matter so conveyed, that the power of this dead Saint, was never twice shown upon any one disease, but every diverse disease to have a diverse miracle.
To recite in order all these prodigious revelations and phātasticall miracles, falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop: were nothing else, but to write a legend of lies, & to occupy the people with tristes. Which, because it pertaineth rather so y e idle professiō of such dreaming monks and cloysterers, that have nothing else to maintain that religion withal: I will not take their profession out of their hands. Wherefore, to omit all such vain & lying apparitions and miracles, as how this angry saint (3. days after his death) appeared by vision at the altar in his pontificalibus, commanding the query not to sing, but to say this office of his mass: Exurge, quare obdormis Domine. &c. Which vision the author himself of y e book doth say he did see. To omit also y e blasphemous lie, how in other vision the said Archbishop should say: that his blood did cry out of the earth to God, more then the blood of just Abel. Itē, in another visiō it was shown to a monk of Louis, how S. Thomas had his place in heaven appointed with the Apostles: above Stephen, Laurence, Uincent, and all the other Martyrs. whereof of this cause is rendered, for that • . Stephen. Laurence, and such other, suffered only for their own cause. But this Th. suffered for the universal church. Item, how it was shown to a certain young man ( Ormus by name) xii. years before the death of this Becket: that among the Apostles & martyrs in heaven, there was a vacaunt place left, for a certain priest, as he said of England: which was credibly supposed to be this Tho. Becket. Item, how a certain knights son being two days dead, was revived again so soon as he had the water of Canterbury put in his mouth, & had by his parents 4. pieces of silver bended, to be offered in Caūterbury in the childes behalf. All these, I say, with such other like, to omit (the number whereof cometh to an infinite variety) only this one story or another that followeth shall suffice to express the vanity and impudent forgery of all the rest.
In the fourth book of this fabulous author, and in the 3. chap. a miracle is there contained of a certain countryman of Bedfordshire in kings Weston, whose name was Gilwardus: which Gilwardus in his drunk̄nes brusting into another man's house, which was his debtor, took out of his house a great whetstone, & a pair of hedging gloves: The other party seeing this value not sufficient for his cōdamnation (by the council of the towneclerk) entered an action of felony against him for other things besides, as for stealing his wimble, his axe, net, and other clothes. Wherupon, Gilwardus being had to y t Iaile of Bedford, and afterward condemned for y e same: was judged to have both his eyes put out, & also those members cut of, which nature with secret shame hath covered. Which punishment by the malice of his adversary being executed upon him, he lying in great danger of death by bleeding, was coūsailed to make his prayer to this Tho. of Canterbury. Which done (saith the miracle) appeared one to him by night, in white apparel, bidding him to watch and pray, & put his trust in God, and our Lady, and holy S. Thomas. In conclusion, the miracle thus sel out: the next day at the evening, y e man rubbing his eye lids began to feel his eyes to be restored again: first in a little, after in a greater measure: so y t one was of a gray color, y e other was of a black. And here was one miracle rong. After this followed another miracle also upon the same person. For going but the space of 4. miles whē his eyes were restored, he chanced (in like manner) to rub the place, where his secret partes were cut of. And immediately upon the same, his pendēda (to use the words of my story) were to him restored, Principio parua quidem valde, sed in maius proficientia, which he permitted everyone to feel, that would and shamed not to deny. In so much that he coming up to S. Thomas: first at London was received with joy of the B. of Dirchā, who then sending to the burgers of Bedford for the truth of the matter, received from thē again letters testimonial: wherein the Citizens there (saith this fabulous festival) confirmed first to the bishop, thē to the convent of Canterbury, the relation of this to be as hath been told. This one miracle (gentle reader) so shameless & impudent, I thought here to express, that by this one, thou mightest judge of all y e residue of his miracles: & by the residue thereof mightest judge moreover of all the filthy wickedness of all these lying monks and cloysterers, which count it a light sport so impudently to deceive the simple souls of Christ's Church with trifling lies and dreaming fables. Wherefore, (as I said) if the holy saynting of Thomos Becket, standeth upon no other thing but upon his miracles: what credit is to be given thereto, & upon what a weak ground his shrine so long hath stand, by this may easily be seen. Furthermore, another fable as notable as this, and no less worthy of y e whetstone, we read in the story of Geruasius : That Thomas Becket appearing to a certain priest, named Thomas, declared to him that he had so brought to pass, that all the names of the Monks of the Church of Canterbury, with the names of the priests and Clerks, & with the families belonging to that city and church of Cant. were written in the book of life, Ex Geruas. fol. 6.
But whatsoever is to be thought of his miracles, or how soever the testimony of the school of Paris, or of these ancient times went with him or against him: certain it is, that this Anthem or Collect lately collected & primered in his praise, is blasphemous, and derogateth frō the praise of him, to whom all praise only and honor is due, where it is said.
That is. For the blood of Thomas, which he for thee did spend, Grant us (Christ) to climb, where Tho. did ascend.Wherein is a double lie contained: first, that he died for Christ. Secondly, that if he had so done, yet that his blood could purchase heavē. Which thing, neither Paul nor any of the apostles durst ever challenge to themselves. For if any man's blood could bring us to heaven, then the blood of Christ was shed in vain.
And thus much touching the testimony or censure of certain ancient times concerning the cause of Thomas Becket. In the explication of whose history I have stood now the longer (exceeding peradventure in overmuch prolixity) to the intent that his cause being fully opened to the world and duly weighed on every part: men's minds (thereby long deceived by ignorance) might come unto the more pexiect certayntie of the truth thereof, and thereby to judge more surely what is to be received, and what to be refused.
Whereby the way is to be noted out of the testimony of Rob. Crikeladensis, which in him I find: that the Pieres and nobles of this land near about the king, gave out in straight charge upon pain of death, and confiscating of all their goods, no man to be so hardy to name Tho. Becket to be martyr, or to preach of his miracles. &c. Ex Crikeladensi.
After the death of Thomas Becket, the king fearing y t Popes wrath and curse to be laid upon him (whereunto Ludouike the French king also helped what he could to set the matter forward) sent to Rome the archb. of Rotomage with certain other bishops and Archdeacons unto the P. with his excuse, which, the Pope would in no wise hear. And after other messengers being sent, whom some of the Cardinals received, it was shown to them that on good Friday (being then nye at hand) the pope of custom was used to assoil or to curse, & that it was noised, how the king of England with his bishops should be cursed and his land interdicted, and that they should be put in prison. After this certain of the Cardinals shown the pope, that the messengers had power to swear to the Pope, that the king should obey his punishment and penance. Which was taken both of the King and the Archb. of York. So that in the same day the pope cursed the deed doers, with such as were of their consent, either that aided or harboured thē. Concerning these deed doers it is touched briefly before: how they fled unto Yorkshire lying in Gnarsboborough. Who after having in penance to go in their linen clothes barefoot (in fasting and prayer) to Jerusalem: by reasō of this hard penance are said to die in few years after.
The kings Ambassadors lying as is said in Rome: could find no grace nor fanor a long time at the Popes hands. At length with much ado it was agreed, that two Cardinals should be sent down to inquire out the matter, concerning them that were consenting to Beckets death. The king perceiving what was preparing at Rome, neither being yet certain: whereto the intent of the Pope, & coming down of the Cardinals would tend: in y e incane time addressed himself with a great power to enter into Ireland, giving in charge and commandment (as Houedenus writeth) that no bringer of any brief or letter should come over into England or pass out of y e realm (of what degree or condition so ever he were) without special license and assurance to bring nothing that should be prejudicial to the realm.
This order being set and ordained, the king with 400. great ships taketh his journey to Ireland: where he subdued in short time the whole land unto him, which at that time was governed under diverse kings to the number of v. Of whom four submitted themselves unto the said king Henry; only the fifth (who was the king of Ionacta) denied to be subdued, keeping him in woods and Marishes.
In the mean season while the king was thus occupied in Ireland, the two Cardinals that were sent from y e Pope (Thedinus and Albertus) were come to Normādy. Unto whom, the king the next year following resorted, about the month of October, an 1172. But before (during the time of the kings being in Ireland) the Bish. of London, and Ioceline v. of Salisbury, had sent to Rome, and procured their absolution from the pope. The K. returning out of Ireland by Wales into England, & from thence to Normandy: there made his purgation before the Popes legates, as touching the death of the foresaid Becket: to the which he sware he was neither aiding or consenting, but only that he spoke rigorous words against him, for that his knights would not avenge him against the said Thomas. For the which cause, this penance was ouioyned him under his oath.
First, that he should send so much to the holy lande, as would find two C. knights or soldiers for the defense of that land.
Also, that frō Christmas day next following, he should set forth his own person to light for the holy land y t space of 3. years together, unless he should be otherwise dispesed withal by the Pope.
Item, that if he would make his journey into Spain (as his present necessity did require) there he to fight against the Saracens: And as long time as he should there abide, so long space might he take in prolonging his journey toward Jerusalem.
Item, y • he should not hinder nor cause to be hindered by him, any appellations made to the Pope of Rome.
Item, that neither he nor his son, should depart or disseuer from pope Alexander, or from his catholic successors: so long as they should recount him or his son for kings catholic.
Item, that the goods and possessions taken from the Church of Canterbury, should be restored again (fully and amply) as they stood the year before Thom. Becket departed the realm, and that free liberty should be graūto all such as were outlawed for Beckets cause to return again.
Item, that the foresaid customs & decrees by him established against the Church, should be extinct and repelled (such only except, y t concerned his own person) &c besides other secret fastinges and alms enjoined him.
All these former conditions, the king with his son did both agree unto: debasing himself in such sort of submission before the two Cardinals: by the occasion whereof, the Cardinal took no little glory, using this verse of the Psalm: Qui respicit terram, & facit eam tremere: qui tangit montes & fumigant. That is, which looketh upon the earth, and maketh it to tremble: which toucheth the hills, and they smoke &c. Moreover it is mentioned in histories of the said king: that a little after William king of Scots with his army had made a rode into y e realm, he returning out of Normandy into England, came first to Canterbury: who by the way (so soon as he came to the sight of Beckets church, lighting of his horse and putting of his shoes went barefoot to his tomb: whose steppes were found bloody through the roughness of the stones. And not only y t , but also received further penance by every monk of the cloister certain discipline of a rod. By which so great dejection of the K. (if it were true) y u mayest see the blind and lamentable superstition and ignorance of those days. If it were pretensed (as might so be in time of war, to get the hearts of the people) yet mayest thou learned Reader see, what slavery kings and Princes were brought into at y t time, under the popes Clergy. The same year (as Houeden writeth) which was 1174. the whole city of Canterbury, was almost all consumed with fire, and the said minster Church clean burnt.
The next year ensuing, which was 1175. a convocation of Bishops was holden at Westminster by Rich. archbishop of Cant. In which conuenticle, all the bishops & Abbots of the province of Canterbury and of York being present, determined (as it had done a little before in king Henry. 1, days, an. 1113.) about the obedience that York should do to Canterbury. That is, whether the Archb. of York might bear his Cross in the diocese of Cant. or not: whereof something was touched before in the former process of this history. Also about the Bishopric of Lincoln, of Chichister, of Worcester, & of Herford: whether these churches were under the jurisdiction of the see of York or not, &c. Upon these and other like matters: rose such controversy between these 2. seas, that the one appealed the other to the presence of the Bishop of Rome.
In these and such causes like, howe much better had it been, if the supremacy had remained more nere in the kings hands at home, whereby not only much labor & travel had been saved, but also the great and was • full expenses bestowed at Rome, might with much more fruit and thank have been converted to their cures and flocks committed unto thē, and also percase their cause no less indifferently heard (at least more speedily might have been decided) but to the purpose again. In this controversy diverse of y t bishop of Yorks clergy (such as were of Gloucester, belong to the church of S. Oswald) were excommunicate by the Archb. of Cant. because they being summoned, refused to appear before him. &c. At length the same year which was 1175. there was a Cardinal sent down from Rome by the kings procurement: who studied to set a peace between the two archbishops. Whereupon, this way of agreement was takē (by the means of the king) at Winchester: that as touching the church of S. Oswald at Gloucester, the Archbishop of Canterb. should cease of his claim thereof, molesting the see of York no more therein. Also should absolve again the Clerks thereof, whom he had excommunicated before. And as concerning the bearing of the cross and all other matters: it was referred to the Archbishop of Rhotomage, and of other Bishops in France: so that for five years, a league or truce was taken betwixt them, till they should have a full determination of their cause.
The next year following, the foresaid king Henry the 2. (deviding the realm of England into 6. partes) ordained upon ouery part 3. Justices of assise. The circuit or limitation of which Justices was thus disposed. The first upon Norfolk, Suffolk, Cantebridshire, Huntendūshire, Bedfordshyre, Buckinghamshire, Essex, Hertfordshire. 2. Upon Lincolnshire. Notinghamshire, Darbishire, Stamfordshyre, Warwickshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire. 3. Upon Kent, Surrey, Southamptonshyre, Southsaxe, Barkeshire, Oxfordshire. 4. Upon Herefordshyre, Gloucestershyre, Wyrcestershyre, Salopsshyre. 5. Upon Wiltshyre, Dorcetshyre, Somercetshyre, Deuonshyre, Cornwall. 6. Euerwickshire, Richmondshire, Lancaster, Copland, Weshnarland, Northumberland, Cumberland.
In the which year also, Richard Archb. of Canterbury, made 3. Archdeacons in his diocese, where as before there was but one. About which time also it was granted by the king to the popes legate, that a Clerke should not be called before a temporal judge, except for offense in the forest, or for his say see that he holdeth.
Item, that no Archbishop or Bishopric, nor Abbey should remain in the kings hands over one year w t out great cause. It chanced the same year, y t this was done there was at Canterbury one elected to be Abbot in the house of S. Agustine named Albert: who made great labor and suit unto the Archbishop that he would come to his Church, and there consecrate him Abbot of S. Augustine's. To whom the archb. sent word again, that he was not bound to come to him but rather the other should repair to the Metropolitan church of Canterbury, there to receive his consecration. Whereupon (controversy rising between them) the foresaid new Elect appealed up to the audience of the Pope, and so labored up himself to Rome. Where, he so handled the matter (by what means I cannot tell, unless with his golden bottle, wherewith he quenched the popes thirsty soul, for Abbots never travel lightly without far purses to Rome) that with short dispatche he procured letters from Alexander the pope, to Roger bishop of Worcester: Signifying to him, that he had given in charge and commandment to the archb. of Cant. (in the behalf of his dear son Albert) that he should consecrate him within his own monastery: which monastery properly and solely without mediation, belonged to the jurisdiction of Rome, and so likewise should do to his successors after him, without any exaction of obedience of thē. Which thing further he said if the archb. would refuse to do, within the term appointed: that then he the foresaid B. of Worcester (should by the authority committed unto him) execute the same, all manner of appellatiō or other decree whatsoever should come notwithstanding. This letter being obtained, the Abbot (that would be) returneth home supposing with himself all things to be sure. The archb. understanding the case, and seeing himself so straightly charged, and yet loath to yield and stoop to the Abbot, took to him policy where authority would not serve: and both to save himself, and yet to disapoynt the Abbot, he watcheth a time when the Abbot was about business of his house. And coming the same time to the monastery (as he was commanded to do) with all things appointed, that to such a business appertained: called for the Abbot, pretending no less but to give him his consecration. The Abbot being called for, was not at home. The archb. feigning himself not a little agreued at his labor & good will so lost departed, as one in whom no ready diligence was lacking: if in case that the Abbot had been at home. Wherupon, the Abbot (being thus disapoynted) was fain to fill his silver stagon a fresh, & make a new course to Rome to his father the pope, of whom he received his consecration, and so came home again with as much wit as he went forth: but not with so much money perad • enture as he went withal.
We have declared a little above, pag. 175. touching the acts and doings of this Pope Alexander the 3. howe he had brought the Emperors head under his foot in S. Markes Church at Venice: at which time and place peace was concluded, and a composition made between the P. and the said Frederick the Emperor. Which pacificatiō, Rog. Houedenus, and Gualterus Gisburgensis, refer to this time being the year of our Lord. 1177. bringing in two several letters sent from the said Pope to Richard Archbishop of Canterbury, and to Roger Archbishop of York, and Hugh bishop of Duresme. Out of the which letters (so much as serveth to our purpose) I have taken and here inserted.
The letter of Pope Alexander, sent to Roger Archbyshop of York, and to the Bishop of Duresme.
The obsequy and service of your kind devotion, which hitherto you are known to have given, both devoutly and laudably to us and to the Church: requireth that we should describe to you as to our special friends, the prosperous success of the Church: and to let you know as spiritual children of the Church, what hath happened to the same: For meet it is, convenient and also honest, that you whom we have had so firm, and sure in our devotion: should now be cherished and made joyous in the prosperity of us, and of the Church. And about the end of the Epistle it followeth thus.
The next day following, which was the feast of S. James (the said Emperor so requesting) we came to the foresaid Church of S. Mark, there to celebrate our solemn Mass: where (as we were coming in the way) the said Emperor met us without the Church, and placing us again on his right hand, he brought us so into the said Church. After the mass was done, placing us again on his right hand, he brought us to the Church door. And moreover, when we should take our palfrey: he held our stirrup: exhibiting to us such honor and reverence as his progenitors were wont to exhibit to our predecessors. Wherefore these shall be to incite your diligence and study towards us: that you rejoice with us and the Church in these our prosperous successes, and also that you shall open the same effect of peace to other devout childrē of the church: that such as be touched with the zeal of the house of the Lord, may congratulate & rejoice also in the Lord, for the great working of peace which he hath given.
Geuē at Venice in the deep river, the xxvi. of July.
This year the contention revived again, spoken of little before, pag. 173. between the 2. archbishops of York and Canterb. The occasion whereof was this. The manner and practice of the pope is, when he beginneth to lack money, he sendeth some limitting Cardinal abroad, to fetch his harnest in. So there came this year into England (as lightly few years were without them) a certain Cardinal from Rome called Hugo, or as Houedenus nameth him, Hugezun, who would needs keep a Council at Westin. To this Council resorted a great cōfluence (about middle of Lent) of Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Doctors, & such other of the Clergye. As everyone was there placed in his order, and after his degree: first cometh the archb. of York named Roger: who (thinking to present y e other Archbishop) came something sooner, & straighway placed himself on the right hand of the Cardinal. Richard y e Archbishop of Cant. following shortly after: and seeing the first place taken up, refuseth to take the second: complaing of the Arch. of York, as one preiudicial to his sea. So, while the one would not rise, & the other part not sit down, rose no small contention between them two. The archb. of Canterb. claimed the upper seat by the preeminence of his church. Contrary y e archb. of York alleged for him the old decree of Gregory, whereof mention is made before, pag. 118. By which this order was taken between the 2. Metropolitans of Canterbury and York: that, which of them two should be first in electiō, he should have the preeminence in dignity, & go before the other. Thus they contending to and fro, waxed so warm in words, that at last they turned to hot blows. Now strong the Archbishop of York was in reason and argument I cannot tell: but the Archbish. of Cant, was stronger at the arms end. whose servants being moe in number (like valiant men) not suffering their master to take such a foil: so prevailed against York (sitting on the right hand of the Cardinal) that they plucked him down from the hand, to the foot of the Cardinal upon the ground: treading & trampling upon him with their feet, that marvel it was he escaped with life. His Casule, Chimer, and Rochet, were all to be rent and torn from his back. Here no reason would take place, no debating would serve, no praying could be heard, such clamour and tumulte was there in the house among them: much like to the tumulte, which Uirgill describeth.
Now, as the first part of this description doth well agree, so some peradventure will look again, that according to the latter part also of the same: my Lord Cardinal with sagenesse and gravity (after the manner of the old Romans standing up) should have ceased and aleyed the disturbance: according to that which followeth in the Poete.
But what did the noble Romaine Cardinal: Like a pretty man of his hands (but a pretier man of his seete) standing up in the midst, & seeing the house in such a broyle, committed himself to flight, and (as Houedenus writeth) abscondit se a facie illorum. The next day after, the Archbishop of York bringeth to the Cardinal his Rochet, to bear witness what injury and violence he had sustained: appealing and citing up the Archbishop of Canterbury with certain of his men, to the Bishop of Rome. And thus the holy counsel (the same day it was begun) brake up and was dissolved.
Under the reign of this K. Henry the 2. the dominion and crown of England extended so far as hath not been seen in this realm before him, whom histories record to possess under his rule and iurisdictiō, first Scotland, to whom William king of Scots, with all the lords temporal and spiritual did homage, both for them and for their successors (the seal where of remaineth in the kings treasury) as also Ireland, England, Normandy, Aquitane, Gaunt, &c. unto the moūtaynes of Pireney, which be in the uttermost partes of the great Ocean in the British sea: being also protector of France, to whom Phillip the French king yielded both himself and Realm wholly to his governance, an. 1181. Moreover, he was offered also to be the king of Jerusalem, by the Patriarch & master of the hospital there: who then being distressed by the Soldane, brought him the keys of their Citty, desiring his aid against the infidels: which offer he thē refused, alleging the great charge which he had at home, & the rebelliō of his sons, which might happen in his absence.
And here, the old histories find a great fault with the king for his refusal, declaring that to be the cause of God's plagues, which after ensued upon him, by his children: as the Patriarch (in his Oration, being offended with the king) prophesied should so happen to him for the same cause. Which story if it be true, it may be a lesson to good Princes: not to deny their necessary help to their distressed neighbors, especially the cause appertaining unto God.
The wisdom, discretion, manhood, and riches of this Prince was so spread and renowned through all quarters: that messages came from Immanuel Emperor of Constantinople, Frederick Emperor of Rome, and William Archbishop of Treuer in Almayne, & Duke of Saxon, and from the Earl of Flaunders, and also from the French K. (upon determination of great questions and strifes) to ask council & determination thereof, of this K. Henry: as of one most wise and scholemayster of all wisdom & justice, to have solutiō of their questions & doubts. Moreover, Alphonsus king of Castile, and Sauncius king of Nauerue, being in strife for certain Castels, and other possessions: submitted them (of their free accord) and by their oath, to abide the award of this king Henry: who made 〈…〉 whereby it is to be 〈…〉 resort, as to they arbitrer & 〈…〉 to any 〈…〉 the acres of this 〈…〉 kish writers 〈◊〉 .
Among many other things 〈…〉 this one is to be 〈…〉 35. years: and having such wars with his enemies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon his subjects put any 〈…〉 upon the spiritualty, first unites, and appropriations 〈◊〉 benefices, 〈…〉 And yet his treasure 〈…〉 chard his son) 〈…〉 safid pound, 〈…〉 furniture. Of the which 〈…〉 thousand pound came do him by the death of 〈…〉 who had practiced a 〈…〉 〈…〉 died within 〈…〉 have all his goods. And shortly after the Archbishop 〈◊〉 and the king had all his goods 〈…〉 to eleven thousand pound beside plate 〈…〉
But as there is no felicitye •• or wealth in this mortal world so perfect, which is not darkness 〈…〉 of incombraunce and adversity: So it happened to this king, y e among his other 〈◊〉 successors: this incommodity followed him withal: that his sons rebelled & stood in armor against him, taking the part of the 〈◊〉 king against their father. First 〈◊〉 coronation of Henry his son, whom the Father joined with him as king, he being both Father and king, took upon him (that notwithstanding) as but a steward: and set down the first dish as Shower unto his son: renouncing the name of a king. At what time, the foresaid Archbishop of York, sitting on the right hand of y e young king said: sir ye have great cause this day to joy. For there is no Prince in the world that hath such an officer this day, &c. And the young king disdaining his words, said: my father is not dishonored in this doing. For I am a king and a Queens son, and so is not he. And not only this, but after he also persecuted his father. And so in his youth, whē he had reigned but a few years, died: teaching us what is the price and reward of breaking the just commandment of God.
After him likewise Richard his son (who was called Richard Coeur de Lyon ) rebelled against his father: And also John his youngest son did not much degenerate from the steps of his brethren. In so much that this foresaid Richard (like an unkind child, persecuting and taking part against his father) brought him to such distress of body and mind? that for thought of heart he fell into an ague, and within four days departed, after he had reigned 35. years, whose corps as it was carried to be buried, Richard his son coming by y e way & meeting it, & beginning for compassion to weep: the blood brast incontinent out of the nose of the king at the coming of his son: giving thereby a certain demonstration how he was the only author of his death.
After the death and reign of which king: his children after him (worthily rewarded for their unnaturalness against their father) lacking the success which their father had: lost all beyond the sea that their father had got before.
And thus much concerning the reign of Henry the second, and the death of Thomas Becket: whose death (as is aforesaid) happened in the days of pope Alexander the third: which pope usurping the keys of Ecclesiastical regiment 21. years (or as Gisburgensis writeth, 23. years) governed the Church with much tumult: striving and contending with Frederick the Emperor not shaming like a most proud Lucifer, to tread with his foot upon the neck of y e said Emperor, as is above described pag. 205.
This Pope among many other his acres, had certain Councils (as is partly before touched) some in France, some at Rome in Laterā, by whom it was decreed: that no Archbishop should receive the palle, unless he should first swear. Concerning the solemnity of which palle: for the order and manner of giving and taking the same with obedience to the pope, as it is contained in their own words: I thought it good to set it forth unto thee, that thou mayest well consider and understand their doings therein.
The form and manner how and by what words the Pope is wont to give the p • lle unto the Archbyshop.
AD honorem omnipotentis Dei, & beatae Mariae virginis & beatorum Petri & Pauli, & Domini nostri N. Papae, & sanctae Romana Ecclesiae see non N. Ede •• 〈…〉 tradimus 〈…〉 pon 〈…〉 diebus, qui 〈…〉 concessis.
That is in English.
To the honor of almighty God, and of blessed Mary the virgins, and of 〈◊〉 • . Peter and Paul, and of our Lord Pope • . and of the holy Church of Rome, and also of the Church of • committed to your charge, we give to you the 〈…〉 frō the body of S. Peter, as a 〈◊〉 of the office 〈◊〉 , which you may wear • in your own church, 〈◊〉 days, which be expressed in the privileges of the said church, granted by the sea Apostolic.
Notes upon the same.
To the honor. &c. with what confidence durst the Pope •• uple the honor of almighty God, and the honor of Mary. of S. Peter, and of the Pope, and of the Romish Church altogether if he had not been a presumptuous Lucifer, equalling himself not only with faith Saints, but also even with him which is God alen̄e, to be blessed forever.
Taken from the body. &c. If S. Peters body be not all consumed, let him show it if he can • if he cannot show • t, how then is this palle t •• en from the body of S. Peter • or if he mean it to be of S. Peters own wearing the 〈◊〉 S Peter had a godly wardrop of palles, when ever Archbishop in all Christondome receiveth from the Pope 〈◊〉 palle.
As a fullness of the office &c. Rather he might say, the fullness of his own purfe, when as Archbishops paid so sweetly for it. In so much that 〈◊〉 the Archbishop of Mainz, as is above touched pag. 172. a little before in the council of Basil where the price was wont to be but a thousand florences, could not obtain it without 26. thousand florences.
Upon certain days. &c. This difference there was between the Pope and other Archbishops. For the Pope might wear the palle at all times and in all places at his pleasure. Archbishoppes might not wear it, but upon certain days, and in their church only within their province. Moreover, this posse should not be asked but with great instance, and within three months without which palle he is not to be named. Archbishop, But may be deposed, having it not after three months. And the same palle must also be buried with him when he dieth And when it is givē, some privilege must be given withal, or the old renewed.
In like-manner proceedeth the oath of every Bishop swearing obedience to the Pope, in like words as followeth.
EGo N Episcopus N ab hac hora in a • tea fidelis & obediēs ero beato Petro, sanctaeque Apostoneae Romanae Ecclesiae, & Domino meo. D N. Papae, suis{que} succelloribus canonice intrantibus. Non ero in consilio, seu auxilio, cōsensu, vel faeto, vt v • am perdant, aut membrum, seu capiantur mala capatione. Consiltrum vero quod mihi credturi sunt, per se aut per • uncium, feu literas corum, me sciente nemini pandam. Papatum Romanum & Regalia S. Petri adiutor eis ero ad retinendum & defendendum saluo meo ordine, contrá omnem hominem. Legatum Apostolicae sedis in cundo & redeundo honorifice tractabo, & in suis necessitatibus adiuu • bo. Vocatus ad synodum veniam, nisi praepeditus fuero canonica praepeditione Apostolorum limina singulis trenniis visitabo, • ut per me, aut per meum nunclum, ••• Apostolica absoluar licentia. Possessiones vero ad mensam mei Episcopatus pertinentes non-vendam, ne{que} donabe, ne{que} oppignorabo, ne{que} de nouo infeudabo, nec aliquo modo alienabo, inconsulto Rom. pontifice, sic me Deus adiuuel, & sancta Dei Euangelia.
That is in English.
IN. Bishop of N. from this hour henceforth, will be faithful and obedient to blessed S. Peter, and to the holy Apostolic Church of Rome, and to my Lord N. the pope. I shall be in no council, nor help, either with my consent or deed: whereby either of them or any member of thē may be unpayred, or whereby they may be taken with any evil taking. The council which they shall commit to me, either by thenselves or by messenger or by their letters, wittingly or willingly I shall utter to none, their hindraūce and damage. To the remining and maintening the papacy of Rome, and the regalities of S. Peter I shall be an arder (so mine order be salued) against all persons. The Legate of the Apostolic sea both in going and coming, I shall honorably entreat and help him in all necessities, Being called to a •• hode I shall be ready to c • me, unless I be let by some lawful & canonical •• peehment. The palace of the Apostles onery thied year I shall visi • e either by myself, or my messenger, except other wise being licensed by the sea Apostolic, All such possessio • s as belong to the table and diet of my Bishopric: I shall neither sell, nor give, nor lay to mortgage, nor less out, or ••• due away by any manner of means, without y t consent & knowledge of the Bishop of Rome, so God help me and the holy Gospels of God.
A note upon the same
Hereby thou hast by the way (gentle Reader) to note and consider among other things which here may be understand, that since the time the oath began to be laid and must vpō Bishops, all general Councils began to loose they robery. For how could any freedom remain for men to speak their knowledge in redress of things: being by their oath so bound to the▪ Pope to speak nothing but on his side, to maintain the Papacy and the church of Rome in all times and places? Coniecture by thyself (Christian Reader) what is more hereby to be considered.
BEsides this it was also decreed in the said Council at Rome of 310. Bishops, by pope Alexander: that no mā should have any spiritual promotion, except he were of lawful age, and born in wedlock. That no parish Church should be void above 6. months. That none within orders should meddle with temporal business. That priests should have but one benefice. And that the Bishop should be charged to find the priest a living till he be promoted.
That open userers should not communicate at Easter, • or be buried within the Churchyard.
That nothing should be taken for ministering Sacraments, or burying.
Item, that every cathedral church should have a master to teach children freely, without taking anything for the same.
In this council the vow of chastitye was obstruded & laid upon Priests. Thomas Becket also, and Bernard were canonised for Saints.
During the reign and time of this king Henry the second: the City of Norwich was destroyed and burnt by the men of Flaunders. Also the town of Lecester. Nottingham wasted, and the Burgeses slain by the Earl of Ferers. The town of Barwick destroyed by the Scots. The king of Scots was taken in war by Englishmen, an. 1174. The town of Huntingdon taken and burned. The town of Canterbury by casualty of fire, burnt with all y e Churches, specially with the Trinity church, where Becket was worshipped. an.eod. The year of our Lord. 1170 Willia king of Scots with David his brother, and all the Barons of the realm did homage to the king of England. Ireland made subject to England. Decreed in a council in Normandy, that no boys or childrē should posses any benefice. A council of Lateran was hold̄ at Rome, where were 33. articles concluded. an. 1179. The French king came in pilgri • nage to Thomas Becket, the king of England meeting him by the way. an. 1184. After the death of Richard Archbishop of Canterbury, who followed after Thomas Becket, succeeded Baldwinus, who of a Cistercian monk being made a bishop, is said never to eat flesh in his life. To whom a certain poor woman (bare & lean) meeting him in the street: desired to know of him whether it were true that was said of him, that he never eat flesh. Which thing when he had affirmed to be true: Nay, saith she that is false: for ye have eaten my flesh unto the bone. For I had but one cow wherewith I was sustained, and that hath your Deans taken from me. True, true said the Bishop and thou shalt have another Cow as good as that. &c. Iornalens.
Moreover, in the reign of y e said king Henry, about the year of our Lord. 1178. I find in the story of Rog. Noueden and other, that in the city of Toulouse was a great multitude of men and womē, whom the popes Commissioners, to wit, Peter Cardinal of S. Crisogoim, and the Popes Legate: with the Archbishops of Narbone & Byturiensis: Reginald Bishop of Bathe, John Bishoppe of Pictauia, Henry Abbot Clareuallēsis. &c. did persecute & condemn for heretics: Of whom some were scourged naked, some chased away, some compelled to abjure. Concerning whose articles & opinions I have no firm ground to make any certain relation: for so much as I see y e Papists many times so false in their quareling accusations, untruly collecting men's sayings, not as they meant, & meanings, not as they said: but wresting and depraving simple mens assertions after such a subtle sort as they just themselves to take them. But this I find how one of the said commissioners or Inquisitors (Henry the Abbot) in a certain letter of his, writ thus of them: Nam & panem sanctum vitae aeternae sacerdotis ministerio in verbo Domini consecratum non esse corpus Domini, nouo dogmate contendebat asserere. That is: After a new 〈◊〉 he affirmed, that the holy bread of eternal life, 〈◊〉 by the ministry of the Priest, was not the body of the 〈◊〉 .
In the time of this Alexander Sprung up the doctrine and name of them: which were then 〈◊〉 Pauperes de Lugduno which of one waldus a chief Se •• tour in Lions were named Wilden • item Leonishae & Infabbatati : about the year of our Lord, 〈◊〉 (as 〈◊〉 us writeth) an. 1170.
Not long before this time (as is expressed above) rose •• Gratianus master of the decrees, & Petrus Lombardus, may •• er of the sentence, both arch • ilers of all papistry. After whom followed also two as evil, • worse then they, Franci • eus and Domi • cus, maintaining blind hypocrisy, no less thē the other maintained proud prelacy. As these labored one way, by superstition and worldly aduaū cement to corrupt the sincerity of Religion: So it pleased Christ the contrary way, laboring against these, to cause up therefore the said Maldēsians, against he pride and hypocrisy of the other.
Thus we never see any great corruptiō in the church, but that some sparkle, yet of the true light of the Gospel, by God's providence doth remain. Whatsoever Doctor Augustinus, Remerius, Siluius, Cranzius with other in their popish histories, do write of them (defaming them through misreport) and accusing them to Magistrates, as disobedient to orders, rebels to the Catholic church, and contemners of the virgin Mary: ye they that carry judgment indifferent, rather trusting truth then waver • ng with times, in weighing their Articles, shall find it otherwise: that they maintained nothing else, but the same doctrine, which is now defended in the Church. And yet I suppose not contrary, but as they did with the Articles of Wycliffe, and Hus: so the Papists did in like manner with their articles also, in gathering and wrasting them otherwise then they were meant.
The history of the Valdenses, concerning their original, and doctrine, with their persecutions.
THe first original of these Valdenses came of one Waldus, a man both of great substance, and no less calling in the City of Lions: the occasion whereof is declared of diverse writers, thus to come. About the year of the Lord 1160. it chanced that diverse of the best and chiefest heads of the Citty of Lions, talking and walking in a certain place, after their old accustomed manner, especially in the Summer time, conferred and consulted together upon matters, either to pass over time, or to debate things to be done. Amongst whom it chanced one (the rest looking upon) to fall down by sodeine death. In the number of whom this foresaid Waldus there being amongst them was one. Who beholding the matter more earnestly then the other, and terrified with so heavy an example, being (as is said) a rich man, and God's holy spirit working withal: was stricken with a deep & inward reap̄tance whereupon followed a new alteratiō, with a careful study to reform his former life. In so much that first he began to minister large alms of his goods, to such as needed. Secondly to instruct himself and his family, with the true knowledge of God's word: Thirdly, to admonish all that resorted to him, by any occasion, to repentance and virtuous amendment of life.
Whereby, partly through his large giving to the poor, partly through his diligent teaching, & wholesome admonitions: more resort of people daily frequēted about him. Whom when he did see ready and diligent to learn, begā to give out to them certain rudi • ents of the Scripture, which he had translated himself into the French tongue. For as he was a man wealthy in riches, so he was also not unlearned.
Although Laziardus Volateranus, with other: note him utterly unlearned, & charge him with ignorance, as who should procure other to write and translate for him, By other that have seen his doings, yet remaining in old parchment monuments, it appeareth he was both able to declare and translate the books of scripture, also did collect the doctors mind upon the same.
But whatsoever he was (lettred, or vnlettred) the bishops and prelates seeing him so to intermeddle with scriptures, and to have such resort about him: albeit it was but in his own house, under private conference: could not abide either that the scriptures should be declared of any other, neither would they take the pains to declare it thenselves. So being moved w t great malice against the man: threatened to excommunicate him, if he did not leave so to do. Ualdus seeing his doing to be but godly, and their malice stirred up vpō no just nor godly cause neglecting y • threaminges & frettinges of the wicked, said, that god must be obeyed more then man: to be brief, the more diligent he was in setting forth the true doctrine of Christ against the errors of Antichrist: the more maliciously their fierceness increased. Insomuch that when they did see their excommunication to be despised, & would not serve: they ceased not with prison, with sword and banishment to persecute, till at length they had driven both Ualdus, and all the favorers of his true preaching out of the city.
Wherupon came first their name, that they were called Ualdenses, or paupers de Lugduno, not because the would have all things common amongst them: or that they professing any willful poverty, would imitate to live as the Apostles did (as Siluius did falsely belie them) but because they being thrust out both of coutrey and goods, were compelled to live poorly, whether they would or no. And thus much touching the first occasion and beginning of these men, and of the restoring and maintaining the true doctrine of Christ's gospel, against the proud proceedings of popish errors. Now concerning their articles: which I find in order, and in number to be these.
SOlis sacris literis credendum esse in ijs, quae ad salutem. &c.
That is: Only the holy Scripture is to be believed in matters pertaining to salvation: and no man's writing, or man besides.
2. All things to be contained in holy Scripture necessary to salvation: and nothing to be admitted in religion, but what only is commanded in the word of God.
3. To be one alonely mediator. Other saints in no wise to be made mediators, or to be invocated.
4. To be no purgatory, but that all men either by Christ are justified to life: or without Christ to be condemned: and besides these two, neither any third or fourth place to be.
5. That all masses, namely such as be song for the dead to be wicked, and to be abrogate.
6. All men's traditions to be rejected, at least not to be reputed as necessary to salvation: and therefore this singing & superfluous chaunting in the chauncell to be left: constrained & prefixed fasts, bound to days & tunes: difference of meats: such variety of degrees and orders of Priests, friers, monks, & nunnes: superfluous holidays: so mady sundry benedictions & hallowing of creatures: vows peregrinations: with all the rabblement of rites & ceremonies brought in by man to be abolished.
7. The supremacy of the Pope, usurping above all churches, and especially above all politick realms, & governments, or for him to occupy or usurp the jurisdiction of both the swords to be denied neither that any degree is to be received in the Church, but only Priests, Deacons, and Bishops.
8. The communion under both kinds to be necessary to all people, according to the institution of Christ.
9. Item, the church of Rome to be the very Babylon spoken of in the Apocalypse: And the Pope to be the fountain of all error, and the very Antichrist.
10 The popes pardons and indulgences they reject.
11. The marriage of Priests, and of ecclesiastical persons, to be godly and also necessary in the Church.
12. Such as hear the word of God, & have a right faith, to be the right Church of Christ. And to this Church the keys of the church to be given, to drive away wolves, & to institute true pastors, to preach the word, and to minister the Sacraments.
These be the most principal articles of the Uladenses albeit some there be, that add moe to them: some again devide the fame into moe partes. But these be the principal to which the rest be reduced.
The same Ualdenses at length exiled, were dispersed in diverse & sundry places: of whom many remained long in Bohemia, which writing to their king Uladislaus, to purge themselves against the slaundrous accusations of one D. Augustine, gave up their confession with an Apology of their Christian profession: defending with strong & learned arguments, y e saine which now is received in most reformed churches: both concerning grace, faith, charitye, hope, repentance, and works of mercy. As for purgatory, they say, that Tho. Aquinas is the author thereof.
Concerning the Supper of the Lord, their faith was, that it was ordained to be eaten, not to be shown & worshipped: for a memorial, not for a sacrifice: to serve for the present ministration, & not for reservation: to be received at the table, not be carried out of the doors: according to the ancient use of the primitive church, when they used to communicate sitting. And this they prove both by an old chronicle called Chronica gestorum : as also by ancient Origen upon the third book of Moses: bringing in his words which be these: proving that this sacramental bread ought not to be reserved: Quicunque hunc panem coenae Christi, secunda, vel tertia die sumpserit, non benedicitur anima eius, sed inquinabitur: Propterea Gabaonitae, quia antiquos panes portauerūt ad filios Israel, oportuit eos ligna, ac aquam portare. &c. That is, whosoever receiveth this bread of the Supper of Christ upon the second or iii. day after: his soul shall not be blessed but polluted. Therefore the Babaonites, because they brought old bread to the children of Israel, it was enjoined them, to carry wood and water. &c.
D. Agustine (of whom mention is made before) disputing against them, about this matter of the holy Eucharist, urgeth them with this interrogation: whether it be the same Christ, (present in the Sacrament) which is present at the right hand of the father: If it be not the same Christ, how is it true in the Scripture, Vna fides, vnus Dominus nostet Jesus Christus. One faith, one Lord Jesus Christ? If it be the same Christ, thē how is he not to be honored and worshipped here as well as there?
To this the Ualdenses answer again, and grant that Christ is one, and the same with his natural body in the sacrament, which he is at the right hand of his Father: but not after the same existence of his body. For y • existence of his body in heaven is not personal and local, to be apprehended by the faith and spirit of men. In the sacrament the existence of his body is not personal or local, to be apprehended or received of our bodies, after a personal or corporal manner, but after a sacramētal manner: that is, where our bodies receive the sign, & our spirit the thing insignified. Moreover in heaven the existence of his body is dimensiue, and complete with the full proportion and quātity of the same body where with he ascended: here the existēce of his complete body, with the full proportion, measure & stature thereof: doth not, neither can stand in the sacrament. Briefly, the existence of his body in heaven is natural not sacramental: that is, to be seen, and not remembered: here it is sacramental, not natural: that is, to be remembered, not to be seen.
That answer being made to the captious propositiō of D. Augustine. The Ualdenses (retorting the like interrogation to him again) demand of him to answer them in the like objection: whether it be all on christ substātially & naturally, which sitteth in heaven: & which is under the forms of bread and wine, and in the receivers of the Sacrament▪ If he grant to be: Then they did him say, seeing Christ is as well in the sacrament as in heaven, & as well in the receiver as in the sacrament, & all one Christ in substance & nature: why then is not the same Christ as well in the breast of the receiver to be worshipped, as under the forms of bread and wine in the sacrament? seeing he is there after a more perfect manner in man, then in the sacrament: for in the sacrament he is but for a t •• e, and not for the sacraments sake, but for the man's cause. In man he is not for the sacraments cause: but for his own, and that not for a season but forever: as it is written: Qui manducat hunc panem viuet in aeternum, that is: he that eateth this bread shall live forever, &c.
Moreover and besides, seeing transubstantiation is the going of one substance into another: they question again with him, whether the forms of bread and wine remaining, the substance thereof be changed into the whole person of our Lord Christ Jesus: that is, both into his body, soul, and diuinitye: or not into the whole Christ? If he grant the whole: Then say they, that is impossible (concerning the divinity) both to nature and to our faith, that any creature can be changed into the creator. If he say, the bread is changed into the body and soul of Christ, not to his divinity: then he seperateth the natures in Christ. If he say into the body alone, and not the soul: then he separateth the natures of the true manhood. &c. And so cannot be the same Christ that was betrayed for us: for that he had both body & soul. To conclude, to what part soever he would answer: this doctrine of transubstantiation cannot be defended without great incōueniēce of all sides.
Ouer and besides, Eneas Sylvius writing of their doctrine and assertions (perchance, as he found them, perchance making worse of them, then they taught or meant) reporteth them after this manner, which I thought here to set out as it is in the Latin.
ROmanum praesulem reliquis episcopis parem esse. Inter sacerdotes, nullum discrimen. Praes byterum non dignitatem fed vitae meritum efficere potiorem. In English.
The bishop of Rome to be equal with other bishops. Amongst priests to be no difference of degree. No Priest to be reputed for any dignity of his order, but for the worthiness of his life.
The souls of men departed, either to enter into pain everlasting or everlasting joy. No fire of Purgatory to be found. To pray for the dead to be vain • , and a thing only found out for the lucre of Priests.
The images of God (as of the Trinity and of saints) to be abolished. The halowing of water & palms to be a mere ridicle. The religion of begging Friars to be found out by the devil. That priests should not incroch riches in this world, but rather follow poverty, being content with their tithes, and men's devotion. The preaching of the word to be free to all men called thereunto.
That no deadly sin is to be tolerate, for whatsoever respect of a greater commodity to insu • thereupon. The confirmation which bishops exercise with oil, and extreme unction: are not to be counted amongst the sacraments of the Church. Auriculare confession to be but a toy: to suffice for every man to confess himself in his chamber, to God. Baptism ought to be ministered ouely with pure water, without any mixture of hallowed oil. The temple of the Lord to be the wide world. The majesty of God not to be restrained more within the walls of temples, monastaries and chappelles, so that his grace is rather to be found in one place then in another.
Priests apparel ornaments of the high altar, vestimentes, corporaces, chalices, patines, and other Church plate to serve in no stead. For the difference and respect of the very place: to make no matter, where the priest doth consecrate, or doth minister to them which do require. To be sufficient to use only the sacramental words without all other superfluous ceremonies.
The suffrages of saints reigning with Christ in heaven, to be craved in vain, being not able to help us. In saying or singing the hours and Matins of the day, the time to be but lost. A man ought to cease from his labor no day, but only upon the Sunday.
The feasts and festiuals of saints, ought to be reiceted. Item, such fasts as be coacted and enjoined by the Church, have no merit in them.
These assertions of the Ualdenses, being thus articled out by En • as Siluius, I thought to give them abroad in English as they are in Latin: to the intent, that as they are the less to be doubted, being set out of a popes pen: so we may the better know both them hereby, what they were: and also understand how this doctrine now preached and taught in the Church, is no new doctrine, which here we see both taught and persecuted almost 400, years ago. And as I have spoken hitherto sufficiently concerning their doctrine: So now we will briefly somewhat touch, of the order of their life and conversation, as we find it registered in a certain old written book of Inquisition.
Ex Inquisitorio quodam libello.
MOdus autem Valdensium talis est. &c. The whole process cometh to this effect in English. The manner of the Ualdenses is this: They kneeling upon their knees, leaning to some bank, or stay, do continue in their prayers with silence, so long as a mā may say 30. or 40. times Pater noster. And this they do every day with great reverence, being amongst thenselves, & such as be of their own religion, & no strangers with thē, both before dinner & after: likewise before supper and after: also what time they go to bed: and in the morning when they rise, & at certain other times also, as well in y e day as in y e night. Itē, they use no other prayer but the prayer of y e Lord, & that without any Ave Maria and the Creed, which they affirm not to be put in for any prayer by Christ, but only by y • church of Rome. Albeit they have and use y • seuē articles of faith concerning the divinity: and seven articles concerning the humanity, and the x. commandments, and seven works of mercy, which they have compiled together in a cōpendious book, glorying much in the same, & thereby offer themselves, ready to answer any man for their faith.
Before they go to meat, they have this grace, Benedicite Korieeleyson. Christ eleyson. Kyrieeleyson. Pater noster : Which being said, then the elder amongst them beginneth thus in their own tongue: God which blessed the five barely loaves and two fishes in the desert, before his disciples, bless this table & that is set upon it, or shall be set upon it. In the name of the father, of the son, and of the holy Ghost. Amen. And likewise again when they rise from meat, the seniour giveth thanks: saying the words of the Apocalypse: Blessing, and worship, and wisdom, & thanksgiving, honor, virtue, and strength to God alone forever and ever, Amen. And addeth moreover: God reward them in their bosoms, and be beneficial to all them, that be beneficial to us, and bless us. And the God which hath given us corporal feeding, grant us his spiritual life, and God be with us, and we always with h • m. To which they answer again. Amē. And thus saying grace, they hold their hands upward, looking up to heavē. Alter their meat and grace said, they teach and exhort amongst themselves conferring together upon their doctrine. &c.
In their doctrine and teaching they were so diligent & painful, that Reinerius a writer about their time, (an extreme enemy against them) in a long process, wherein he describeth their doctrine and teaching, testifieth: y t he heard of one which did know the party, that a certain heretic (saith he) only to turn a certain person away from our faith, and to bring him to his, (in the night, and in y • winter time) swam over the river called Ibis, to come to him and to teach him: moreover so perfect they were then in the Scriptures, that the said Reinerius saith, he did hear and see a man of the country unlettered, which could recite over the whole book of Job word by word, without book: with diverse other, which had the whole new testament perfectly by heart.
And although some of them, rather merely then unskillfully, expounded the words of 1. John. Sui non receperunt eum, Swine did not receive him: yet were they not so ignorant and void of learning, nor yet so few in number but that they did mightily prevail. In so much that Reinerius hath these words.
And the said Reinerius, when he hath said all he can, in depraving and impugning them: yet is driven to confess this of them, where he doth distinct their sect frō other sects and hath these words:
Now to touch somewhat their persecutions. After they were driven out of Lions, they were scattered into diverse & sundry places (the providence of God so disposing) that the sound of their doctrine might be heard abroad in the world: Some, as I said, went to Bohemia. Many did fli • into their provinces of France. Some into Lombardy, other into other places, &c. But as the cross commonly followeth the verity & sincere preaching of God's word: so neither could these be suffered to live in rest. There are yet to be seen, the consultations of Lawiers, Archbishops and bishops of France, as Narbonensis, A relatensis, Aquēsis and Albanensis, devised amongst themselves, and yet remain in writing, for the abolishing, & extirping of these Ualdenses. written above 300. years ago: whereby it appeareth, there was a great number in France.
Besides, there was a whole council kept in Theolouse about 355. years to fore, and all against these Ualdenses: The which also were condemned in another council at Rome before that.
What great persecutions were raised up against thē in France. by these 4. Archbishops before mentioned, it appeareth by their writings, whereof I will recite some of their words, which towards the end be these:
But to return again to higher times from whence we digressed. Besides that, Rinerius (above mentioned) speaketh of one in the town of Cheron, a glouer, which was brought in this time to examinatiō, & suffered. There is also an old Monument of process, wherein appeareth, 443. brought to examinatiō in Pomerania, Marchia, and places there about: about the year of our Lord 1391.
And thus much touching the original doctrine, and the lamentable persecutions of the Ualdenses: who (as is declared) first began about the time of this king Henry the second.
Other incidences happening in the reign of this Henry the second.
COncerning the first origin of Waldēses, springing in the days of this king, is sufficiently hitherto declared. Now remaineth in like order of time, to story also such other incidencies, as chanced under the reign of the said king, not unworthy to be observed: keeping the order of y • time, so near as we may, & as authors do give unto us.
Mary the daughter of king Stephen (being the Abbes of Ramessey) was married in this kings days to Matthew Earl of Bolon, which marriage Thomas Becket did work against and did dissolve: by reason whereof he procured him great displeasure with the said Earl &c. an. 1161. Ex Chronico Bibliothecae Cariensis.
The same year a certain child was crucified of the Jews in the town of Gloucester. an. 1161. Iornalens. After the same manner the wicked Jews had crucified another child befo • e in the City of Norwich, in the days of Kyng Stephen. an. 1145.
A collection was gathered through all England and France (two pence of every pound) for the succor of the East Christians against the Turks. an. 1167. Ex eodem,
Babylon was taken and destroyed, and never since repaired, by Almaricus king of Jerusalem. an. 1170. Ex vetusto manuscripto exemplari historiae Cariensis.
An. 1173. almost all England was diseased with the cough, Ex vetusto Chron. acephalo. About which year also William king of Scots was taken in battle, and imprisoned in England.
Great war happened in Palestine: wherein, the City of Jerusalem with the cross and the king of the City, & other of the temple was taken of the Sarasines, and most part of the Christians there either slain or taken. Cruel murder and slaughter there was used by the Turk, who caused all the chief of the Christians to be brought forth and beheaded before his face. In so much that Pope Urbanus the iii. for sorrow died: & Gregory the viii next pope after him, lived not 2, months. Thē in the days of pope Clement iii. (news and sorrow growing daily for the loss of Palestine, and destruction of the Christians) K. Henry of England, & Phillip the french king, the duke of Burgundy, the Earl of Flaunders, the Earl of Campania, with diverse other Christian Princes, with a general consent: upon S. Georges day, took the mark of the cross upon thē, promising together to take their voyage into the holy land. At which time the stories say, the king of England received first the red cross, the French king took the white cross, the Earl of Flaunders the green cross, & so other princes diversely, diverse coulors: thereby to be discerned everyone by his proper cross. But king Henry (after the three years were expired, in which he promised to perform his voyage) sent to the Pope for further delay of his promise, offering for the same to erect three Monasteries. Which thing he thus performed: In the Church of Waltham he thrust out the secular Priests, and set in Monks for them. Secondly, he repaired again & brought in the Nuns of Amesbury, which before were excluded for their incontinent life. And thus performed he his promise made before to the Pope. an. 1173.
The king of Scots did his homage and alleageaūce to the King of England and to his son, and to his chief Lord's: promising that all the Earls and Barons of scotland should do the like with their posterity. Item all the Bishops and Abbots of the Church of Scotland promised subjection and submission to the Archbishop of York. an. 1175. Nic. Triuet.
The custom was in this realm, that if any had killed any Clerke or Priest: he was not to be punished with the temporal sword, but only excommunicate & sent to Rome for the Popes grace and absolution. Which custom in the days of this king began first to be altered by the procurement of Richard Archbishop of Canterbury, an. 1176. Triuet.
London bridge first began to be made of stone by one Peter Priest of Colechurch. an. 1176. Ex Chron. cuius initiū: In diebus sanctis. regis Edouardi. &c. ex Bibliot. Cariensi.
S. William of Paris was slain of the Jews on maūdy thursday, wherefore the Jews were burned, & he counted a Saint. an. 1177.
Ireland subdued to the crown of England by this king. an. 1177. Ex varijs Chron.
Under the reign of the said king Henry about the 25 year of his reign, Ludouicus the frenchking (by the vision of Thomas Becket, appearing to him in his dream. & promising to him the recovery of his son if he would resort to him at Canterbury) made his journey into England to visit S. Thomas at Canterbury with Phillip Earl of Flaunders: where he offered a rich cup of gold, with other precious jewels, & a 100. vessels of wine yearly to be given to the Convent of the church of Caūterbury: notwithstanding the said Phillip in his return from England taking his journey to Paris, to visit S. Deuis, in the same his pilgrimage was strickē with such cold, that he fell into a palsy, and was benumbed of the right side of his body. an. 1178. Iornalensis & alij.
Stephanus Episcopus Redomonsis, was wont to make many rimes, and gaudish prose, to delight the ears of the multitude, to whom a little before his death, this verse was founded in his care. Desine ludere temere, nitere propere surgere de puluere. an. 1178. Nic. Triuet.
Albigenses denied transustantiation in the Sacrament of Christ's body and blood, about the city of Toulouse, also that matrimony was not a Sacrament, &c. an. 1178, ibidem.
King Henry separated himself from his wife Alionor, and held her many years in prison, as some think for the love of Rosamūde. Which seemeth to me to be the cause, why God afterward stirred all his sons up to war against him, and to work him much sorrow. an. 1179. Nic. Triuet. Notwithstanding the said Alionor was shortly after reconciled to him.
S. Frideswide was translated unto Oxford. an. 1179.
An. 1180. There came to the council of Pope Alexander, one Pisanus Burgundio, a man very cunning both in Brecke and Latin, which brought and presented to the counsel the Homelyes of Chrysostom upon the Gospel of S. John, translated out of Greek into Latin, and said that he translated likewise a great part of his exposition upon Genesis, saying moreover that the said Chrysostom had made expositions in Greek upon the whole old testament, and also the new. an. 1180.
The Monks of Charterhouse, first entered into this land. an. 1180.
An. 1181. Richard Pech Bishop of Coventry, before his death renounced his bishopric, and became a Chanō, in the Church of S. Thomas, by Stafford. Ex Chronico peruetusto, cui initium: In diebus sanctis. Regis. &c.
About the latter time of this king Henry, one Hugo (whō men were wont to call S. Hugh of Lincoln) borne in Burgundy, and Prior of the Monks of Charterhouse, was preferred by the king to the Bishopric of Lincoln, who after his death is said to do great miracles, and therefore was counted a Saint. an. 1186. Flores Hist.
Baldwinns Archbyshop of Canterbury began the building of his new house and Church of Lambeth, but by the letters of pope Clement 3. he was forbid to proceed in the building thereof. an. 1187. Triuet.
I do find likewise in y e foresaid written Chronicle remaining in the hands of one Williā Cary Citizen of Lōdō: that this forenamed king Henry y e 2. gave to the court and church of Rome, for the death of Becket 40. thousand marks of silver. And 5. thousand marks of gold. an. 1187.
Mention was made a little above of Amalrike king of Ierusalē, which destroyed Babylon, so that it was never after to this day restored, but lieth wast and desolate: wherein was fulfilled that, which in the Prophets in so many places was threatened to Babylō before. This Amalrike had a son named Baldwin, & a daughter called Sibilla. Baldwine from the beginning of his reign was a Leoper, and had the falling sickness, being not able for feebleness of body (although valiant in heart and stomach) to satisfy that function.
Sibilla his sister was first married to one Willermus, Marques of Moūt Ferrat, by whom she had a son called also Balwinus. After him she was married to another husband, named Guido de Liziniaco, Earl of Ioppe and of Askelon. Upon this befell, that the foresaid Baldwine the Leoper son of Amalricus, being thus feeble & infirm, as is said: called his nobles together with his mother & the Patriarch, declaring to thē his inability, and by the consentes of them, committed the under government of the City to Guido the husband of Sibilla his sister. But he being found insufficiēt or else not lucky in y e governing thereof: the office was translated to another, named Raimundus Earl of Tripolis. In the mean time the Soldan with his Sarasins mightily prevailed against the Christians, & ouerran the country of Palestine. In which mean time Baldwine the king departed. Whereby the kingdom fell next to Baldwinus the son of Sibilla by her first husband Willermus. The which Baldwinus being but five years old, was put to custody of Raimundus aforesaid. Who also in his minority, before he came to his crown, died: whereby the next succession by dissent fell to Sibilla, the wife of Guido above mentioned. To whom the pieres and nobles joining together in counsel, offered to the said Sibilla as to the lawful heir to the crown, to be their Queen: with this condition, that she should sequester from her by solemn deuorsement the foresaid Guido her husband. But she refused the kingdome offered to her on that condition: till at last, the Magistrates with the nobles ingenerall granted unto her, & by their oaths confirmed the same, that whomsoever she would choose to be her husband, all they would take and obey as their king. Also Guido her husband with like petition among y e rest, humbly requested her: that the kingdom not for his sake, or for his private loss, might be destitute of government. At length she with tears consenting to their entreaty was contented, and solemnly was crowned their Queen: who after the manner, again received their fidelity by their oath. Whereupon Guido without all hope both of wife and kingdom, departed home quietly to his own. This done, the Queen assembling her states and prelates together, entered talk with thē about the choosing of the king, according to that which they had promised and sworn unto her: and to obey him as their king, whom she would name to be her husband. Thus, while they were all in great expectation waiting every man whom she would nominate: The Queen with a loud voice said to Guido that stood amongst them: Guido my Lord, I choose thee for my husband, and yielding myself and my kingdom unto you, openly I protest you to be the king. At these words all the assembly being amazed, wondered that one simple woman so wisely had beguiled so many wise men. And worthy no doubt was she to be commended and extolled for her singular virtue both of faithful chastity and high prudēce: so tempering the matter that both she obtained to her husband the kingdom, and retained to her self again her husband, whom she so faithfully loved. an. 1186. Ex Historia manu scripta, cui initium: Rex Pictorum ex Bibliotheca Cariensi mutuata.
As I have hitherto described the public acts of king Henry, so now I mean to touch something of his private conditions. He was of mean stature, eloquent and learned, manly and bold in chiualry. Fearefull of the mutability and chance of war, more lamenting the death of his soldiers dead, thē loving them alive, none more courteous & liberal for the obtaining of his purpose: in peace and tranquility none more roughter: stubborn against the stubborn: sometimes merciful to those whom he had vanquished: straight to his household servants, but liberal to strangers: publicly of public things liberal, sparing of his own: whom once he took a displeasure against, hardly or never would he receive again to favor: somewhat lauash of his tongue, a willing breaker of his promise, a lover of his ease, but an oppressor of his nobility: a severe revenger and furtherer of justice: variable of word, and crafty in his talk: an open adulterer: a nourisher of discord amongst his children. Moreover the Papists bearing him (for Thomas Beckets quarrel & such like, as may be gathered) no good will: term him to be an adversary of the saith, the maule and beetle of the church.
Also in the Chronicle entitled Scala mundi, I find of him: that he followeth the steppes, manners and conditions of Henry the first his graūdfather in every point. He preserved firm peace, & executed straight justice through all his dominions. He loved marvelous well his forest: & again those that were transgressors either to his crown or person, he most severely punished.
Moreover, in a certain history entitled De regibus Angliae, I find that this king was sundry times admonished to reform and amend his life. And first by one that was an old man at the castle of Card • f in Wales, at that time of the year called Dominica in albis, the eight day after Easter. Where also, after that he had heard mass, and was going to take his horse: there stood a certain man by him, somewhat yelowish (his hear being rounded, leave, and illfauoured) having on a white coat, and being barefoot, looked upon the king, and spake in this wise: good old king. That done, thus he proceedeth. The king saluteth you and his blessed mother, John the Baptist, & Peter: straightly charging you, that upon the Sundays throughout all your dominions there be no buying & selling or other servile business (those only except, which appertain to the preparation of meat and drink) which thing if thou shalt observe, whatsoever thou takest in hand thou shalt happily finish and bring to pass. Then spake the king in French to the knight that held his horse by the bridle: Ask of this chourle whether he dreamed this or not. And in the mean while that the knight should have interpreted the kings words and message, he spake before, and said. Whether this be a dream or not, mark well what day this is: for unless that thou do these things, and amend thy life: such news shalt thou hear within these 12. months, that will make thee lament and mourn, till thy dying day. And when these words were spoken the man vanished out of his sight. And within one year next after: Henry, Bawfride, and Richard his sons, for sooke him their father, and took part with the French king. The king of Scots, the Earl of Chester, and Earl of Leciter, made an insurrection against the king. Many other premonitions were given also to the king, but all these did he little esteem. The second which did admonish him was a certain Irish man, giving him certain secret signs. And thirdly, a certain knight of Fyndesey, named Phillip de Easterby: sailing with him over into France, declared unto the king in Normandy seven articles, which he should amend. Which thing if he would do, he should reign seuē years most honorably, and should take the holy cross from his enemies: or else he, in y e fourth year should die in great ignominye. The 3. first things were these, which he at his coronation sware to observe (that is) to defend the Church, to maintain good laws, and to condemn no man to death without judgment. The fourth was, for the restoring of inheritaūce wrongfully takē. The fifth was in doing justice without reward. The sixth was of ministers & officers wages and stipēdes. The seventh was of expelling the Jews, leaving them some money to depart withal. But the king not amēding his life, there rose up against him 3. strong enemies, that is to say his three sons with the Frenchking. But after that the king (forsooth) had gone a pilgrimage to the Martys tomb, barfoote: William the king of Scots, the Earls of Chester and Lecester, were taken at Alnewick.
In the 35. year of his reign, being in the Castle of Chiuen in Normandy, he died: at whose death those that were present, were so greedy of the spoil, that they left the body of the king naked, and not so much could be found as a cloth to cover it: till that a Page coming in, and seeing the king so ignominiously to lie, threw his cloke vpō his nether partes, wherein (saith the author) was verified the surname, which from his youth he bare, being called Henry court Mantill.
King Richard.
I N this year of the Lord above recited, which was 1189. King Richard the eldest son of Henry 2. succeeding his Father, entered his crown: at which time Pope Clement sat at Rome, succeeding after Gregory which died a little before with sorrow for the loss of the holy cross.
During the time of whose coronatiō it befell, that not withstanding the king the day before his coronation, and by public edict commanded both the Jews and their wives not to presume either to enter the church, or else his palace, during the solemnization of his coronation amongst his nobles and Barons: yet (whilst the king was at dinner) the chiefetayne of the Jews with diverse other of his Jewish affinity and superstitious sect, against the kings prohibition (together with other press) entered the court gates. Wherat a Christian man being offended, stroke one of them with his hand or fist, & bad him stand further from the court gate, as the king had given in commandment: whose example others also following being displeased against the Jews, offered them the like contuinely. Other also, supposing that the king had so commanded in deed (as using the authority of the king) fell vpō all the Jews that stood by without the court gate. And first they bet them with their fistes: but afterward they took up stones and such other things, as they could get, and threw at them, and bet them therewith. And thus driving them from the court gates, some of them they wounded, some they slew, and some they left for dead.
There was amongst this number of the Jews, one which was called the blessed Jew of York: which was so fore wounded and beaten with the rest, that for fear of his life-he said he would become a Christian: and was in deed of Williā the Prior of the church of S. Mary of York baptized: whereby he escaped the great peril of death he was in, and the persecutors hands. In the mean while, there was a great tumor spread throughout all the City of London, that the king had commanded to destroy all the Jews. Whereupon, as well the Citizens as innumerable people more, being assembled to see the kings coronation: armed themselves and came together. The Jews thus being (for the most part) stayn, the rest fled into their houses: where, for a time through the strong and sure building of them, they were defended. But at length, their houses were set on fire, and they destroyed therein.
These things being declared to the king, whilst he with his nobles and Barons were at dinner: he sendeth immediately Ranulph de Glanuile, the Lord high Stuard of England, with diverse other noble men to accompany him: that they might fray and restrain these so bold enterprises of the Londoners, but all was in vain. For in this so great a tumult, none there was that either regarded what the nobility said, or else any whit reverenced their personages: but rather with starve looks and threatening words, advised them and that quickly to depart. Whereupon, they with good deliberation thinking it the best so to do, departed: the tumult and insurrection continuing till the next day. At which time also the king sending certain of his officers into the Citty, gave them in commandment to apprehend and present some such as were the chiefest of the malefactors: of the which, three were condemned to be hanged, and so were. The one, for that he had robbed a Christians house in this tumult: and the other two, for that they fired the houses to the great danger of the City. After this the king sent for him that from a Jew was converted to Christiannitye: and in the presence of those that saw where he was baptized, the king asked him whether he was become a Christian or not. He answering the king said no: but to the intent he might escape death, he promised to do whatsoever the Christians would have him. Then the king asked the Archbishop of Canterbury (other Archbishops and Bishops being present) what were best to be done with him: who unadvisedly answering said: If he will not be a man of God, let him be a man of the devil: and so revolted he again to Iewdaisme.
Then the king sent his writs to the shiriffes of every country to inquire for the authors & stirrers of this outrage. Of whom 3, were hanged, diverse were imprisoned. So great was thē the hatred of Englishmen against the Jews, that as soon as they began to be repulsed in the court the Londoners taking example thereof, fell upon them, set their houses on fire, and spoiled their gooddes. The country again following the example of the Londoners semblably did the like. And thus the year, which the Jews took to be their Iubily, was to them a year of confusion. In so much as in the city of York y e Jews obtaining the occupying of a certain Castle for their preservation, and afterward not willing to restore it to the Christians again, when they saw no other remedy but by force to be vanquished, first they offered much money for their lives: when that would not be taken, by the counsel of an old Jew among them, everyone with a sharp razer cut an others throat, whereby a thousand & five hundred of them were at that present destroyed. Neither was this plague of theirs undeserved. For every year commonly their custom was to get some christen man's child from the parents, and on good Fridaye to crucify him in despite of our religion. Ex chron. Westm.
King Richard after the death of his father, coming to remembrance of himself, and of his rebellion against his father, sought for absolution of his trespass, and in part of satisfaction for the same, agreed with Phillipp the French King about Easter next ensuing to take his voyage with him for the recouerye of Christ's patrimonye, which they called the holy land. Whereupon the said king Richard immediately after his coronation, to prepare him self the better toward his journey, set to sale diverse of his manors. Wherof Godfrey Lucy then B. of Wint. bought a couple for 2. M. marks, to witee, Wergraue, and Melenge. The Abbot of Bury bought another for a M. marks, called Middlesaie. Hugh Pusaz B. of Durhā, bought the Lordship of Seggesfield, or Sedberga with the wapintake, and all the appertenaunce thereto belonging. He bought also the Earldom of Northumberland. Whome When the king should solemnize after the manner of secular Earls, merrily with a mocking jest, loe (said he) of an old Bishop I have made a young Earl. And because the said Bishop had professed before by a solemme vow to visit the holy land, to be released of his vow, he compoūded with the Pope for a great sum of money therefore, and moreover gave to the King a thousand Marks to remain at home, as chief Justice of England. Ouer and besides, the King set out all that he had to sale, wooddes, castles, townships, Lordships, Earledoms, Baronages. &c. ordaining also diverse new Bishops, & not without some advantage (as appeared) to his purse: feigning moreover, his old seal to be lost, that they which had lands to hold, might be driven to renew their writings again by the new seal, whereby great substance of money was gained.
Above all this, by the commandment of Pope Clement. 3. a tenth also was enacted of the whole Realm, in such sort as the Christians should make to the king 70000 pound, the Jews 6000. Ex Geruas. fol. 134. King Richard after his coronation sent certain Earls and Barons to Phillip the French King in the time of his parliament at S. Denis, desiring him to remember his promise made for the recovery of Christ's holy patrimony out of the saracens hands. Unto whom he sent word again in the month of December, certifying him how he had bound himself by solemn oath, deposing upon the Evangelists, that he the next year following about the time of Easter, had certainly perfixed to address himself toward that journey, requiring him likewise not to fail but to be ready at the term above limited, appointing also the place where both the Kings should meet together.
The next year then ensued, which was 1190 in the beginning of which yere, upon I welfe even, fell a foul northren brawl, which turned welnere to a fray, between the Archbyshop new elected of the Church of York, and his company on the one side, and Henry Dean of the said Church, with his Catholic partakers on the other side, upon occasion as followeth. Gaufridus or Geffray, son to King Henry 2. and brother to King Richard, whom the King had elected a little before to the Archbyshoprick of York, upon the even of the Epiphany, which we call Twelfe day, was disposed to hear Evēsong with all solemnity in the Cathedral church, having with him Hamon the Chaunter, with diverse other Canons of the church. Who tarrying something long, belike in adourning and attyring himself: in the mean while Henry the Dean, and Bucardus the treasurer, disdaining to tarry his coming, with a bold courage lustilye began their holy Evensong, with singing their Psalms, ruffling of descant, and merry piping of Organs. Thus this Catholic Euensōg with as much devotion begun, as to gods high service proceeding, was now almost half complete, when as at lenth (they being in the midst of their mirth) cometh in the new elect, with his trayne and gardeuiaunce, all full of wrath and indignatiō, for that they durst be so bold, not wating for him to begin gods service, and so estsoones commanded the Duyre to stay & hold their peace. The Chaunter likewise, by virtue of his office, cōmaūdeath the same. But the Dean and Treasurer on the other side willed them to proceed, and so the song on, and would not stint. Thus the one half crying against the other, the whole Duyre was in a roar, their singing was turned to scolding, their chaunting to chiding, and if instead of the Organes they had had a Drumme, I doubt, they would have solsede by the ears together.
At last, through the authority of the Archb. and of the Chaunter, the Queare began to surcease and give silence. Then y e new elect not contented with that had been song before, with certain of the Choir began the Evensong new again. The Treasurer vpō the same caused by virtue of his office, the candles to be put out. Whereby y e euensong having no power further to proceed, was stopped forthwith. For like as without the light and beams of the sun there is nothing but darkness in all the world: even so you must understand, the Popes church can see to do nothing without candle light, albeit the sun do shine never so clear and bright. This being so the archb. thus disappointed on every side of his purpose, made a grievous plaint, declaring to the clergy and to the people, what the Dean, and Treasurer had done, and so upon the same suspended both them and the church from all divine service, till they should make to him due satisfaction for their trespass.
The next day which was the day of Epiphany, when all the people of the City were assembled in the Cathedral church (as their manner was, namely in such feasts) devoutly to hear divine service (as they call it) of the church, there was also present the Archb. and the Chaunter with the residue of the Clergy, looking when the Dean and Treasurer would come and submit themselves, making satisfaction for their crime. But they still continuing in their stoutness, refused so to do, exclaiming & uttering contemptuous words against the Archb. & his partakers. Which when the people heard, they in a great rage would have fall̄ upon them, but the Archb. would not suffer that. The Dean thē & his fellows perceiving y e stir of the people for fear like pretty men were fain to fly, some to the tomb of S. William of York, some ran to the Deans house, & there shrouded themselves: whom the Archb. then accursed. And so for that day the people returned home without any service. Ex veteri Chronico manu scripto, cui initium: Anno gratiae Milles. &c.
After this King Richard preparing to set all things in an order before his going, committed the whole government of the realm principally to William Bishoppe of Eli his Chancellor, & to Hugh B. of Durhā, whom he ordained to be the chief Justice of all England in his absence, the one to have the custody of the tower, with the oversight of all other parts of the land on this side of Number: the other (which was y e B. of Durham) to have charge upon all other his dominions beyond Number: Sending moreover to Pope Clement in the behalf of the foresaid William B. of Eli, to be made the Popes Legate through all England and Scotland, which also was obtained. Thus the B. being advanced in high authority, to furnish the king toward his setting forth, provideth out of every city in England ii. Palfreys, and ii. sumpters, & out of every Abbey, one palfrey, and one sumpter.
These things and other thus set in a stay, the king according to his former appointment, about the time of Easter, sailed to France, where the French king and he conferring together, because they could not make ready at that time of Easter, concluded to take a longer day, proroging their voyage till after midsommer. In which mean time y e king occupying himself in redressing & stablishing such things as further were to be ordered, there determined, that Baufridus & John his brethrē should not enter into England in 3. years after his departure: Neuertheles he released that band afterward to his brother John. Thēn he appointed the Captains & Constables over his nauy, & set laws to be observed in his journey upon the seas. But especially his care was to make unity and concord between parties that were at variance, and to set them together at one. At which time the long contention began also to be appeased which so many years had continued between Bald winus Archb. of Cant. and his monks of Christ's church. The discourse whereof, although it be some what tedious to be set forth at large being enough to make a whole tragedy, yet to y e intent y e age now present may see what great conflicts and disquietness, vpō what little trifles hath been stirred up, what little peace & unity hath been not only in this church, but commonly in all other churches, under the popes catholic regiment: I thought it labor not ill bestowed, somewhat to intermeddle in opening to y t eyes of the Reader, the consideration of this matter. Wherein first is to be understood that the Archbishops of Cant. commonly being set up by the pope, especially since y e time of y e conquest, have put the Kings of this land to much sorrow & trouble: as appeared by William Rufus & Lanfrāck, and also Anselm. By Henry 1. and Anselm, King Stephen & Theobald, Henry 2. & Becket. &c For which y e Kings of this land have used the more care & circumspectiō, to have such Archbishops placed in that sea, as either should stand with them, or at least should not be against them.
Now to the purpose of our matter intended. First after Laufrancus who was Archb. xx. years, the sea standing vacant v. years, succeeded Anseimus, & sat 17. years. After whom the sea standing vacant 4. years, succeeded Radulphus, and continued 9. years. Then followed Williā, who sat 12. years, and died, an. 1137. After whom came Theobaldus in the time of king Stephen. This Theobaldus being no great favorer of the monkish generatiō, fell out with Jeremiah Prior of the house of Cant. for certain causes between them: for which the Archb. taking stomach against the Prior, would lay the sentence of interdiction against him. The Prior, seeing that, to save himself, made his appeal to Pope Innocent. The Archb. provoked the more by that, deposed him from the Priorship, and placed one Walter in his room. Jeremiah notwithstanding making his complaint and appeal to Rome, obtained letters from the Pope to Henry B. of Wint. being the popes Legate: by the virtue whereof, he against the heart of y e Archbishop was restored, and Walter displaced. Neuertheles, the said Jeremiah not willing there to continue w t displeasure of the Archb, shortly after of his own accord, renounced his Priority, and Walter again was received in his stead. Not long after this followed the general council of Reims, an. 1140. To y c which council Theobald contrary to the commandment of the king, would needs resort, to show his obedience to the pope, wherefor at his returning home again the king took such displeasure with him, that within a while after the Archbishop was driven to void the realm, and fly into France: where he by censure of interdiction suspended diverse churches, and religious houses which refused to come to the council, and also hearing how the king had seized upon all his goods, he interdicted likewise all the kings lands, whatsoever belonged to the crown, so that the king in conclusion was fain to cōpound with him and fall to agreement, which was about the yere. 1148. Ex Geruasio.
After this in the year of our Lord 1151. after the death of Hugh Abbot of S. Augustine's in Cant. Sylvester was elected by the Convent to be their Abbot, in the reign of R. Stephen. Which Sylvester when he came to Theobald y e Archb. to make his profession of subiction unto him, and to receive of him consecration: the Archb. was contented, so that the Abbot would come to Christ's church in Cant. and there make his profession. But to this Sylvester in no case would grant to take his consecration there, but else in any other church wheresoever the Archbishop would, he was contented. Wherunto when the Archbish. in no wise would agre, Sylvester making a great bag of money, went to Rome, where he obtained of y e pope for money, (for what cannot money do at Rome?) letters that the Archbishos should consecrate the Abbot in his own church of S. Agustine, and also not exact of him any profession of canonical subjection. Whereupon the Archb. was compelled against his will, to come to the Abbots Church, and there at the popes commandment to consecrate him simply, & without any further profession to be required.
Then Walter Prior of Christ's Church in Cant. seeing that, and perceiving how prejudicial and derogatory the example thereof would be to y • honor & majesty of their church, through counsel of his brethren, went thither, and notwithstanding the doors were straitly watched & kept, yet by means he at last gate in. And as he saw the Archb. attired in his Pontificalibus, ready to minister consecration to the Abbot, he stepped straighte to the Archb. & estsoones appealeth him up to Rome, for the great injury wrought against the church of Cant. forbidding him in the name of him to whom he appeled, not to proceed any further. And so this holy consecration was for the present time stayed. For the which Sylvester with a new purse of money was fain to travel & trot again to Rome. Where he complaing of the Archb. and accusing him of contempt to the Pope in not executing the commandment sent down, obtaineth again new letters with more effectual charge to the foresaid Archb. that he without any profession, simply should give to Sylvester his consecration in his own church: omni occasion & appellatione remota, all manner of stay or let, or appellation to the contrary notwithstanding, and so in conclusion the Abbot contrary to whatsoever the Archb. & all the Monks of Cant. would do, was in his own church made Abbot, and had the victory for that time. Notwithstanding the Archb. left not the matter so, but within five years after obtained of pope Adrian, that Sylvester should make profession of his obedience to the Archb. and so did. Ex Geruas.
In few years after this, died king Stephen. an. 1154. and after him Theobald the Archb. an. 1159. after he had sit 23. years. After whom through thinstant procurement or king Henry the 2. was placed Tho. Becket, the kings Chancelor. an. 1162. of whose sturdy rebellion against the king, because sufficient hath been said before, it shall not need to make a double labor now about the same.
After the death of Becket, much ado there was between king Henry and Odo Prior of Cant. about the election of a new Archb. For the king seeing the Realm so oftentimes encumbered by those Popish Archbishops, and fearing least the Monks of Cant. should elect such another as would follow the steps of Tho. Becket, most humbly with cap in hand & curtesy of knee, desired Odo the Prior, that at his request, & for contentation of his mind, such a one might be elected, whom he would appoint (appointing and naming a certain bishop, which was a good simple man after the kings liking: ) but the Prior diffēblingly answering the king again, that he neither could nor would without y e consent of his Convent give promise to any man, in fine contrary to the kings so humble request, agreed to the electiō of another, which was the prior of Dover, called Richard. an. 1173. who continued in y t seat xi. years.
And here was renewed again the like variance between this Archbyshop and Roger Abbot of the Agustine monks in Canterbury as was before mentioned between Theobaldus, and Sylvester. For when the said Roger after his election to be Abbot. must needs take his consecration at the Archbishops hand, neither would the Archbyshop grant it unto him unless he made profession of obedience, according to the ancient custom of his predecessors: then Roger consulting with his Monks, first denied so to do but at length was contented, so it might not be done in the Archbishoppes Church, but in any other Church where he would, under writing this clause withal: Saluis vtrius{que} Ecclesiae priuilegijs, that is, saving the privileges of both Churches. To this the Archbishop said again, first that he should make his due, & canonical profession & that he should not come to him with writing or vnderwriting but should say in his heart: Salue sancta parens: or Salue festa dies: not Saluis priuilegijs, or any such like thing. Wherunto when the Agustine Monks in no case would consent, nor the Archbishop otherwise would grant his benediction: Roger the Abbot • as fain to post to Rome, and there to bring the Archb. in hatred in the Court of Rome, made his Abbay tributary to Pope Alexander.
The Pope well contented with this, not only granteth the Abbot his desire, but also in cōtumely of the archbishop dubbeth the Abbot with all such ornaments as to a Prelate apperteined, and so in the year. 1178. sent home the Abbot triumphantly with his ring and mitre, and other ensigns of victory, with letters also to the Archbishop enjoining him immediately upon the sight thereof to consecrate the Abbot in his own Church, & without making any profession. Although with these letters the archbishop was shrewedly pressed, yet notwithstanding his stout heart would not stoop for this, but laid his appeal against the same: and so the consecratiō for that time was suspended.
Then Roger for his more defense, getting the kings letters, travailed up the second time to Rome, where grievously he complained to Pope Alexander of the Archbyshop. At the same time a general council was summoned to be kept at Lateran, where Richard y e foresaid arch bishop was also looked for amongst other Bishops to be present. Who thē came as far as Paris, but being there, durst approach no further, & so retired home again. Wherupon the Pope being offended with his contempt, without anymore delay exalted the Abbot with his own consecration, and invested him with all pomp and glory: howbeit providing before that the said consecration should redound to no prejudice against the liberties of the mother church of Canterbury, and so upon the same wrote to the Archbishop his letters of certificate, with this additiō annexed, Saluo iure & dignitate Cant. Ecclesiae, that is to say, Sauing the liberties and dignity of the Church of Cant. &c.
After the counsel ended, Roger the Abbot returneth home, although with an empty purse, yet full of victory & triumph. The Archbishop again thinking to work some greuaunce to the Agustine Monks, had procured in this mean time letters from Pope Alexander to the Bishop of Durhā, and Abbot of S. Albons, that they should cause the said Roger Abbot of the Agustine monks, to show unto the Archbishop at y • old privileges of his house, which in deed being shown seemed to be rased, & new written, with Bulls of lead not after the manner nor style of that age, nor pretending no such antiquity as should seem to reach frō the time of Agustine, but rather newly counterfeit.
All this notwithstanding, the Abbot bearing him bold upon the Popes favor, ceased not still to disquiet & ouercrow the Archbishop by all ways he could, in exempting all his Priests and laimen belonging to his jurisdiction, from the archb. obedience: forbidding also that none of his should come to his Chapters or Sinods, nor to fear any sentence of his curse or excommunication. Wherupon the Archbishop about the month of November the same yere sailing over to Normandy where the king was, thought to take his journey to the pope, to complain of the Abbot: but being stayed by the king was not suffered to pass any further, the king laboring what he could, to bring them to agreement, nevertheless the Pope and his Romaines (saith my story) Aurum & argentum magis quàm iusticiam sitientes, seditiones inter eos & litigia commouebant, that is, caring more for gold and silver, then for justice, still stirred coals of sedition and debate between them. Ex Historia Geruasij.
The next yere after this ensuing, which was the year of our Lord 1184. died Richard the Archbishop aforesaid: in the 38, yere of king Henry 2. After whose dicease much trouble happened about the election of a new Archb. between the king and monks of Canterbury. And now to enter here into the story of Baldwin above mentioned, first the king sent to the monks, that they should consider with themselves about the election of their Archbishop and to be ready against the time that he would send for them to the court. Upon this the Convent gladly assembling together, agreed in themselves upon one, whom they thought chiefly to prefer, yet naming four moe, that if the king would refuse one, the other yet might stand. Now y e practice in the monks was, first to keep the election only in their own hands, as much as they could. And secondly ever to give the election either to some Prior or Monk of their own house, or to some Abbot or Bishop, which some time had been of their company. Whereby as much inconvenience and blind superstition was bred in the church of England: so the same disliked both the king and the Bishops not a little.
As this past on, the king when he saw his time willed the monks of Canterbury, to be cited or sent for, to understand what they had concluded in their election. Wherupō the Monks sent up their Prior called Alanus, with certain other Monks to Reding, where the king thē lay, about the month of August. Who at first were curtuously entertained: but after the king had intelligence whom they had nominated & elected: they were sent home again with cold cheare, the king willing thē to pray better, and to advise more earnestly upon the matter amongst themselves. Alanus the Prior, with his fellows thus departed, who coming home, in conclusion so concluded amongst them selves, that they would remitt no jot of their liberties to the king, without the popes consent and knowledge. The king understanding hereof, sent his Ambassadors likewise to the Pope, for the fortefying of his cause, being in y t mean time grievously offended with the Prior: saying: that he was proud & would make archbishop whom he listed. and would be the second Pope in England. &c.
Not long after this, as these letters were sent up to Rome, the king sent for Alanus the Prior, and moe of the monks, to come to him. Whom he entreateth, desiring thē in gentle speech, that they would show so much gentleness & favor to him being their Lord & King as becometh his friends and subjects to do, as to confer with the Bishops of the Realm about this matter, and to take some better council, so as might redound to God's glory, his honor, & wealth of the public state, with other like words to the same effect.
To whom when y e Prior again had answered with thanks & due reverence, according to the kings request, the Bishops and Monks went to confer together about the matter. And first, the Bishops marvelled why the monks should exclude them out of the election, seeing they were professed & Suffragans to the said church of Canterbury: Neither is there any Prince, quoth the bishop of Bathe, that will refuse our counsel. There be some counsels, said the Monks, whereat you may be called: but as touching y e doing of this electiō, it pertaineth nothing unto you further then to publish only and denounce y • party whō we have chosen, The bishop of London then asked, if they had already made any election. No election, said y e Prior, as yet, but only we have denominate the persons. Thē have ye proceeded further, quoth he, thē ye ought, having a commandment from the pope not to proceed without us. And with that was brought forth the popes letter commanding that within xl. days the bishops of England and the Prior, & Convent of Canterbury should elect an able and fit person to be their Archbishop. About the scanning of these letters was much a do. The Bishops said, they were first named, & therefore ought to have most interest in this election. The Mōks said again. that they also were not excluded, and required to have a transcript of the letter, whereof much doubt was made.
After long concertation, whē they could not agree, the king coming between them both, called away the Bishops from the Monks, supposing by separating the one from the other, to draw both parties to his sentence. But that would not be, for the Monks stiffly standing to their liberties, would loose no preeminēce of their church, still alleging how by the ancient privileges of the church of Canterbury the Convent should choose their Pastor & Bishop, and the Prior to publish and denoūce the persō. The Bishops again replied, that it was their right to appoint their Archbishop & Metropolitan, which were Bishops and Suffragans, and namely the bishop of London also being Dean of the said church of Canterbury. The king thē as vmpere between them, yet fauoring rather the side of the Bishops, desired them to agree together in peace. Whē that would not prevail, he set the Lord Stuard, and other noble mē to entreat the Prior, to draw to some agrement: at least to be conteuted with this form of election, which was that the Bishop of London or some other Bishop should declare the election in these words.
We Bishops, and the Prior and Convent of Christ's Church in Canterbury, with the assent of our Lord our Kyng do choose such a person to be Archbishop. &c. or else thus, that the Prior should pronounce forth the election in these words saying: The Bishops of England and I Prior and the Convent of Canterbury, with the assent of our Lord & King do choose such a person. &c.
Upon this the Prior said, he would conuent with his Convent. Who with much ado were content to grant to the kings desire, but afterward being required to put down y e same in writing, that they refused to do: yet notwithstanding relented at last to the king. But when the Bishops made excuses for the absēce of their fellow Bishops, so the matter for that time stayed. And the king sending home the Monks again to their house in peace, deferred that business to a further day, which was till y t first day of December commanding the Prior with his fellows the same day not to fail but to be at London about the choosing of y e Archbyshop.
As the day prefixed came, the Prior with his company were also present, who giving attendance all that day and the next day also following, so were driven off till the third day after. At length the Lord Stuard with other nobles of the realm, were sent to them from the king, to declare, that where as the king before had divided the bishops frō the Monks, that they both might have their election by themselves after the form of a bill, which was put down in writing: now the mind of thel King was, that the Monks taking another way, should join with the Bishops, and so having the matter in talk together, should proceed jointly in the election.
Agaynst this, many things were alleged by the prior & his mates, complaining much upon the bishops, which said that the Bishops had ever holden with the kings astaynst the liberties of their Church and Archbishops. As first they stood against Anselm, for king William: Then against Theobalde for king Stephen: After that against Thomas Becket for king Henry: And after him did supplant the election of Richard their Archbyshop: And now again went about to practice and work against this their election present. &c. At last the Prior with his felows concluding, desired they might speak with the king himself. Who estsoones coming to them, willed them as good mē to be contented, and go talk with the Bishops about the election, promising that whō they agreed upon, he also would grant his assent to the same. To whom when the Prior again had objected the writings that before were made: truth it is said the king, such writings were made: but I neither may, nor will go against the council of my realm: and therefore agree said he, with my Bishops and Abbots, and remember, that the voice of the people is the voice of God.
Upon this the Prior with his Monks seeing no other remedy, went to the Bishops to confer according to the kings request about the election. Who then were willed by the bishops to nominate whom they would, & the Bishops would likewise name theirs. So that whē the Prior with his cōplices had named three after their choosing, the Bishops said they would nominate but one, & so did, which was the Bishop of Worcester: willing the Prior to go home, and to confer with his Convent about the same. To whom shortly after the Bishops sent certain Priests to signify to the Convent, that they, according to the Popes letters, should repair to the Bishops concerning the election of the Archbishop, also to declare moreover to them, that the persons whom they had named were good mē, but he whom they had nominated, was a more worthy man, whom they both had nominated & also would elect. The Monks maruelling hereat, sent two Monks, with the Arcedeacon of Canterbury to the king.
This done, immediately after the return of the priests, the Bishops caused all the bells of the city to be rong, and Te Deum to be song for the Archbishop new elect. Whereof when the two Monks brought tidings to the Convent at Canterbury what was done at Londō, they were all in a marvelous dumpe. The king hearing this & perceiving the stifnes of the monks, in all haste sent mess̄gers to Caūterbury with gentle words to will the Prior to come to the king, & certify him of the purpose of his Monks. Unto whom the Prior estsoones being come, declareth in the name of the whole Couēt, that in no case he nor y e Monks would never while y e world stood, agree to that election of the bishops, unless the king in his own persō would come to Canterbury, and there ouenly before the whole Couēt, protest by his own month y • forsayd election to be naught and void: and so returning to London again openly likewise before y c Clergy & the people would repudiate and reject the same: And furthermore that the partye also elected should openly in the same place protest, & say, that he neither would nor ought to take that functiō upon him, unless he entered by the consent of the Prior & Convent of canterbury: And all this to be done in the same place where the bishops had made their election before & so peradventure (said they) at the kings so earnest suit and request, they would gratify his will & ratify the said election with the voices of their consent. To make the story short, after great hold between the seculare Clergy on the one side, & the regular order on the other side, and after the kings indignation against the Prior, and the swonding of the Prior before the king, at length the king to take up y e matter, and to save the Priors life was fain to perform in his own person all these conditions above prescribed by the Monks. Ex Geruas. fol. 100.
And thus have ye heard the tradgicall election of y e bishop of Worcester, named Baldwinns made Archbishop of Cant. Now what a troublesome time the said Baldwin had with the Monks, in governing y e church of Cāt. here followeth likewise not unworthy to be considered.
The troubles between Baldwine Archbishop of Canterbury and, the Monks of the same Church.
IN the first year the Archbishop shown himself friendly and loving to the Monks: the next yere following he began to appear some what rough unto them. The manner then was of the house of Christ's Church toward the time of the Natiuitye and of Easter, to receive certain presents or gifts of their fermers or tenauntes, which the cellarer should take & lay up. Those presents the archbishop began first to intercept from the Monks, & to bestow them upon his seculare Clerks. After this he took three Churches or benefices (which the Monks claimed as proper to themselves) and placed in them 3. of his chaplaines. After this he encroched to his hands certain tenements, revenues & victual belonging before to y e monks (as they said) and committed the custody thereof to certain of his own Clerks and household servants.
The monks which had borne so much with the archbishop before seeing this, could forbear him no longer, but needs would make their appeal against him. The archbishop not much regarding y t , waxed thereby more fierce against them, insomuch that such fermes and tenements, as he before had let alone, now he received to his own occupying: w . many other grievances, wherewith he greatly vexed the Monks, so that 3. Abbots were fain to come and reconcile the Archbishop and the Monks. Which reconciliatiō was this, y • the Monks should let fall their appeal, and the archbishop should restore again to thē their fermes and tenements. But as touching the benefices & the presents, the archbishop still kept thē in his hands for a further trial of their obedience and patience. Nevertheless some there were of the ancient monks, which in no case would give over the foresaid appeal before the archbishop made a full restitution of all together.
After this agreement, such as it was, between y t Monks and him, the archbishop soon after sent up to Rome one of his chaplaines (to whō he had given one of the benefices afore mentioned) partly for cōfirmatiō of his benefice, partly also to obtain license for y e archbishop to build a church, which he intended to erect of secular Priests near to the town of Canterbury. Which being obtained of the Pope, the archbishop not a little glad thereof, began now more & more in ware fierce against the monks, not only in taking from thou their churches & oblations, but also in aggravating the whole state of their house, which he entōded either to subvert, or greatly to diminish, to pluck down the pride & stubbernes of the Monks. Wherefore taking with him certain other bishops (whom he knew bare no good will to, y t Monkish generatiō) he went to y e king, declaring how he had a good purpose in his mind, to erect a new & a solemn Church in the honor of S. Tho. of Cant. of secular priests or Canons, and therefore desired of the king, to have his favorable license to the same. The king right well perceiving the purpose of the archbishop whether it tended: as to y e bridling of the stiffnecked monks, was the more willing to give assent, if he were not also the chief worker of that matter himself.
The intent of the archbishop in planting of that new church was to found there diverse pre • ends, and to make both the king and every Bishop being his Suffragans, prebendaries thereof, so that everyone of them should cōfer one prebendship to the same foundation, minding there to consecrate Bishops, to make his Chrismatory, to celebrate his Sinodes, and to administer all other things belonging to the function of his Sea, and the same to be called Hakington Church. The Monks not ignorant how the Archb. privily intended the desolation and subversion of their house & liberties, consulting upon the matter, determined at length among themselves to appeal to y c sea of Rome, namely for these 3. causes against the Archbish: First for spoiling them of their gifts & oblations: Secondly, for depriving them of their Churches & benefices: And thirdly for erecting a new foundation of secular Canons to the derogation & overthrow to their religious order giving admonition to the archb. before by their Monks sent unto him of this their appellation. To whom the Archb. answered, that the foundation which he went about, was to no derogation, but rather to the fortification and honor of their house. Who answered again that it was & could not otherwise be, but to their subuersiō. And what should let me then (said the Archb.) but I may build in mine own ground what I will? No (said they) no ground of yours, but your ground is our ground, as all other things that you have, by right are ours, for so much as you have them not of yourself, but of the church & for the churches cause: all which things have been givē neither to you, nor to the archbishops, but to the church of Christ: and therefore (said they) all such as appertain unto us inwardly and outwardly, with the persons also, & the whole state of our church we submit under the popes protectiō: & now here make our appeal to the Sea Apostolic, assigning also the term when to prosecute the same.
The Archbishop receiving this appellation, & saying that he would answer to the same either by himself or by his responsall, so within 3. days after, which was the 10. of December, he came to Canterbury: where the Monks understanding how he was in mind to place new secular Priests in the church of S. Stephen, where the Monks had served before, came to the Church to stop the proceeding of the archbishop by way of appeal. Wherof the arch bishop having warning before, deferred that matter till y e next day after. On which day the Monks again being sent by Honorius the Prior into the Church, charged y e Archbishop in the name of almighty God, & by virtue of their appeal made to the Apostolic Sea, to surcease those his doings, forbidding also the Parson of the Church in no wise to suffer those secular Clerks to be admitted into the Church. All which yet notwithstanding the Archb. proceedeth in his business. And first placing in his Clerks he suspendeth the Prior from his administration. Thē he adiureth the Porters of the gate upon their oath to let none of y e Monks pass out of the house without his license. The Monks likewise he commanded by virtue of obedience, not to stray anywhere abroad without his leave. And further more one of the foresaid Monks, which served the appeal against him, he utterly banished from that Convent. Upon this, the day next following Honorius the Prior trusting (saith the story) on God, and S. Thomas, took his way to Rome, sent in commission by the Convent, to prosecute the appeal against the Archbishop.
In this mean season a new iar began between y t said Archb. and the Monks, about their rents and revenues, which the Archb. would have committed to the receiving & keeping of 3. Monks, but the Supprior Geffray, with the Convent, in no case would suffer that: whereabout there was a foul stir. The Archb. craving the aid of the king first had 3. Bishops sent down to him, of Coventry, Norwich and Worcester. Who being instant with the Monks to submit their cause into the kings hands, like as the Archb. had done, they utterly refused it, especially seeing they had already referred the whole state of their cause to y • determinatiō of y e Apostolical sea. The king seeing no other remedy came himself with the Archb. into the chapter house, where he commanded first the doors to be kept fast, that none should enter but which by name were called for. Amongst whō were two Bishops, to wit, of Norwich, and Durham, and one Petrus Blesensis a learned man (whose Epistles be yet extant in Libraries) a chief worker in this matter against the Monks. Then was called in Geoffrey the Supprior, with a few other Monks whom he brought with him. The king then first talking with the Archb. and his company, & afterward with the Monks, labored to entreat them that they would let fall their appeal, and so stand to the arbitremēt of him and of the Bishops, concerning the cause which was between y • Archb. and them in trauers.
To this the Monks answered, that these were good words, but served not for that time, for so much as their cause was already translated to the court of Rome, & now was presently in hearing before the Popes holiness: and therefore they could not, ne would that injury to their lord pope, to refuse him, and to put the matter to the judgment of any other. Then was it required of the Monks, that they would put the matter in comprimise, in case the prior would consent thereto, upon this intent, that if the Prior consented and the Monks not, then should they run in contempt and disobedience: or if the Monks would consent, and the Prior not, then should the Prior be excluded the Realm. The wily Monks being not unprovided of this subtlety, made their answer, that seeing they had sent their prior forth in their commission, it stood not with their honesty, to give any determinate consent, without y e knowledge and before the return of the said Prior, unless the Archb. first would promise to make full restitution of all y t he had wrongfully wrasted from thē. When the king could get no other answer of the Monks, neither could move the Archb. to release the sentence of their suspension, unless they would confess and knowledge their fault, he so parting from them passed over into France.
Not long after this, came a messenger frō Rome, bringing letters from Pope Urbanus to the Archb. wherein y e pope considering & tendering (as he said) the enorme grievances done against the Monks, straightly enjoined & commanded him, within x, days after y e receiving thereof, to release the sentence of his suspension against y t Prior and other of the said Convent, and also to retract & restore again to the Monks whatsoever he plucked from them since the time of their appeal first made. Who in case he should deny, or forslack the doing hereof, commission was given to 3. Abbots, of Bartaile, of Feuersham, of S. Augustine's, with ample authority to perform the same. &c. The Archb. receiving these letters brought to him by a Monk of the foresaid house, first made his excuse, that the Pope was misinformed. But the Monks not contented with that excuse, when they would needs know what answer he would make to y e Popes nuncio: his answer was that he had yet x, days given him of the pope. In which mean time the Archb. went to London and there in the church of S. Paul. consecrated his holy oil & cream (making one of the Popes 7. Sacraments) which was grievously takē in the church of Cant. At last, the x. daics being ended whē the Archb. refused to accomplish that was in the popes letter enjoined him, the 3. Abbots aforesaid to execute the Popes commandment, came at their day assigned, to Cant. and there assoiled all such as the Archb. before had suspēded, and in the end certified pope Urbane by letters, what they had done.
The Archb. hearing this, within 4. days after sent. 2. of his Clerks, which appealed the 3. Abbots aforesaid up to Rome, and he himself in the mean time prepared busily for the building up of his church, sending to all churches in England, upon releasement of their sins, to confer to the same: and to make the more haste, for lack of free stone, he made up his building with timber, and such other stuff as he could get.
The prior Honorius all this while remained still at y • court of Rome, giving attendaunce upon the Pope, who having intelligence of the archbishops doings, procured another letter of Pope Urbane to the whole clergy of England straightly enjoining them, that none should confer to the new fraternity of Baldwin Archbishop of Canterbury. To these letters the Archbish. shown such reverence, that where before he had planted his chapel of wood and boordes, now he provided the same to be built of lyme and stone.
By this time Petrus Blesensis, with other messengers of the Archb. seeing Honorius the Prior to be gone, from the court to France, resorted to the court of Rome, bringing with them letters of credit from the king, from the Archb. & also frō other Bishops of the realm: but the pope reading only the kings letters & the archbishops, y e residue he cast into a window by, saying he would read thē at further leisure. Thē the pope giving audience in his cōsistory to hear their cause: first came in Petrus Blensensis with the agents of the Archb. exhibiting their letters and propounding their requests to the Pope, which were that restitution should be made by the Monks to the Archb. wherein they had injured him: Itē that the things which had been granted before to the Prior in the Court, might be called in again. Thirdly, that the archb. might have license to proceed in building his College of Canons. &c. After this was called in M. Pilleus, the attourney for the Monks of Cant. Who alleging many great things against the archb. for his contempt and disobedience to the popes precepts, required that he rather should make restitution to the Monks for his injuries done to them: & also that his new foundation of secular canons, tending to the overthrow of the conuentuall Church of Cant. should be utterly rased and thrown down to the ground. Thus between these two parties pleing & repleing one against y e other, much hard hold there was, But in conclusiō for all y t kings letters, & for all that the Archb. and Bishops could do, the matter went on the Monks side. So that there was no remedy, but the pope would needs have y • archbishops new building to come down, and the Monks to be restored again to their full possessions. The executiō whereof was committed to the 3. Abbottes aforesaid, to wit, of Battail, of Feuersham, of S. Augustine's in Cant. & to Beffrey Supprior of Cant.
Which things being thus determined at Rome, then Raduph Granuille Lord Stuard of England writing to the said Abbot of Battle, and to the Supprior and Convent of Cant. commandeth them in the kings name, and upon their oath & fealty givē unto him, that they nor any of them do proceed in this controversy between the monks and the archbishop of Cant. before they come and talk with him, there to know further of the kings pleasure: & furthermore charging the Convent of Cant. not to enter further in any examinatiō concerning the archb. matters, and also citing the Supprior of the said house, to appear before him at London, at the feast of S. James the same yere, which was 1187. Notwithstanding he excusing him self by sickness, sent two Monks in his stead, and so kept himself at home. To whom commandment was given that the Monks of Cant. within 15. days should sails over to Normandy to the king, and there to show the tenor and evidences of their privileges: And also that such stuards and Balifs whom they had placed in their farms & lordships, contrary to the will of the archb. should be removed. And likewise the 3. Abbots in the kings name, were commanded in no wise to execute the popes commandment against the archb. Not long after this, the Archb. took shipping at Dover, and went over to the king, where he ordained three principal officers over the Monks of Christ's Church: the Sacrist, the Cellarer and Chamberlain, contrary to the will of the Convent, with other grievances mo: whereby the Monks were not a little offended so that upon the same, they made a new appellation to the Pope. Wherupon pope Urbane, by the setting on of Honorius the prior, who was now come again to the court, wrote to him another letter after a sharper and more vehement sort, to the effect as followeth.
The Tenor of Pope Vrbanes letters to Baldwine Archb. of Cant.
In that we houe borne with your brotherhood hitherto, and have not proceeded in such grievous manner against you, as we might, although being thereto greatly provoked, the chiefest cause was this, that we supposed your heart would have relented from the oppression of the conuentuall church of Cant. committed unto you, if not for our reverence, which you seem to have contemned more then became you, yet at least for fear of God's judgment. For well we hoped, our conscience persuading us to the same, that after you had obtained that high state & dignity in the church of England, you would have been an example to other of obedience and reverence to be given to the sea Apostolic, of all Ecclesiastical persons. Wherefore at the first beginning both of our, and also of your promotion we did not spate to advance and honor you as we have done few other besides, thinking no less, but that we had found a faithful friend of the church, for our honor. Wherein We perceive now (which 〈◊〉 us not a little to marvel) our expectation greatly deceived. And whom we well trusted to be a sure stay for the maintenance of our estate, him now we find a persecutor against us in our members.
For where as we sundry times have written to you in the behalf of our brethren, and the church committed to your charge, that you should desist from disquieting them, and not vex or disturb their liberties, at least for reverence of us: you not only in this but in other things moe (as commonly is reported of you in all places) setting at light our letters and appellations made to the Apostolical Sea, what you have wrought against them after their so manifold appellations laid unto us, and our inhibitions again unto you, we are ashamed to utter. But reuolue and consider in your mind, if ye have well done, and advise in your own conscience what you have done. We for our part because we may ne ought not with deaf ears to pass over the clamours mours of the brethren, and such contempt of the Apostolic Sea, although our biddings and warninges given to you seem to be all in vain, yet notwithstanding we send our mandates again to your brotherhood, in these Apostolical writings, districtly, and in virtue of obedience commanding you, that whether ye be present in your Church, or absent, all that notwithstanding, whatsoever you have done in building of your Chapel (which you to the destruction of the Monastery of Cant. have erected) after the time of their appeal made to us or our inhibition sent to you, you fail not of your proper costs and charges to demolish, undoing again, and making void, whatsoever ye have begun and innouated concerning the institution of the canons, and other things belonging to the erection of the said Chapel: accounting moreover and reputing the place where the Chapel was, to be accused and profane: and also that all such whosoever have celebrated in the same place, shall stand suspended, till the time they appear before our presence: Commaunding furthermore, that all those Monks whom you have presumed to remove from their office or to excommunicate, since the time of their appeal made, you shall restore and affoyle again, rendering also and restoring all such farms, manors, tenements, and oblations, as you alter their appeal made, have inueigled from them: And finally that you innouate nothing touching the state of that Monastery, during the time of this controuersye depending before us. Geuing you to understand, that in case you shall continue in your stubbornness and rebellion upon this present warning, or differ the execution of this precept 30. days after the receiving hereof, we shall appoint others to execute the same, enjoining also your Suffragans, that as you shall show yourself disobedient and rebelling to us: so they all shall refuse likewise to give any obedience or reverence unto you. &c.
Geuen at Ferraria 5. non. Octob.
An other letter beside this, the Pope also sent to the 3. Abbots aforesaid for the correction of these enormities. Likewise another letter was sent to king Henry 2. wherein the pope enjoineth and requireth him upon remissiō of his sins, not to dissemble and bear with the Archb. in his oppression of his Monks, but to help those things to be amended, where he hath trespassed against them.
These pontifical letters were written an. 1187. the 3. day of Octob. and in the 19. day after, the same month the said pope Urbane died. In the which yere, and about the which month, Baldwinus king of Jerusalem was taken with many noble men of Saladine the Saracen: and Jerusalem lost, after it had been in the possession of the Christians, and so continued the space of 88. years, & 80. days, from the time that Godfridus Bolonius did first win it from the Infidels.
After the receiving of those letters of pope Urbane above specified, both the king and archb. with all y • bishops of y • realm wer marvelously quailed, glad now to please. and speak fair to the Monks, promising all things to be done and restored to them aster the best sort. Neither was the king now and Archb. so submiss: but the Monks on the other side, were as brag and iocant, being fully assured that all now was their own. In the narratiō of which history (as it is set in Geruasius at large) this we have to note by the way in what fear & thralldom kings in those days were under the Pope, who could not be masters over their own subjects, but y t every pild Monk, or pelting Prior, upon virtue of their appeal to the Court of Rome, & making their house tributary to the Pope, was able not only to match, but to give checkmate to the best king Christened, as not in this story only may appear.
It followeth then in the story of these Monks, that as they were thus in the midst of their joy and iolity, suddenly cometh news of the death of Pope Urbane their great Calypha, and also how that Gregory 8. was placed in his room, who was a special friend & favorer of the archb. which as it did greatly encourage the king and the Archb. so the Monks on the other side were as much discomforted, so that now all was turned upside down. For whereas the king and the archb. before thought they had lost all, & were glad to compoūd with the monks, and to seek their favor: now were the Monks an the contrary side fain to crouch to the king, and glad to have a good countenance, who thē resorting to him, and finding him altered both in word and gesture, desired he would confirm & grant that which of late before he had promised. To whom it was answered again by the king, that seeing the archb. had granted to them their Sacrist, their Chamberlain, & their Cellerar, they should have no more restored of him, neither would he suffer the liberties and privileges of the archb. to be empayred or take any wrong. And as touching the new Chapel of S. Thomas (said he) whereaboutes ye strive so long, with the Canonships and other buildings, belonging thereto, the same I receive into my hands, so that none shall have anything to do therein but myself. &c. In like manner of the archb. such another like aūswear they received, & of the bishops little better. So y e monks sent away with a flee in their ear, went home again out of Normandy unto their Celle.
Now the Archb. having the Monks where as he would, wrought them much greuance, but that continued not very long. For within two months after & less, died pope Gregory 8. about the 16. day of December following. After whom succeeded Pope Clement 3. who following the steps of Urbane, bent all his power with the Monks against the Archb. sending diverse precepts and mandates in the yere next following, which was 1188. with an Imperious letter, willing & commanding him to desist from his oppression of the monks, & to throw down his new chapel. Wherupon the archb. made his appeal and minded to go to Rome: but was called back of the king, being ready to sails over. In the which yere Honorius the prior died at Rome of the plague, which was some help & comfort to the archb. For whom the archb. made Roger Noris Prior, against the wills of the Convent. After this about the latter end of the same yere, Pope Clement sent down his Legate called Radulfus a Cardinal, to Cant. with another letter more sharply written to the same effect unto the Archb. Ex hist. Geruasij.
Furthermore, in the year next after, which was 1189. he wrote also the third letter to him. In the which year also died king Henry 2. After whom succeeded king Richard his son, who joining likewise with the Archbyshop, took his part strongly against the said Monks. At last, after much a do on both partes, and after great disturbance, and imprisoning diverse of the Monks, king Richard preparing his viage toward Jerusalem, and studying first to set peace between them, consulted and agreed with the Bishops and Abbots about a final concord in this matter, between the Archb. and monks of Cant. which at length on both partes was made, upon these cōuentions as follow.
1. First, that Roger Noris should be deposed, whom the Archbishop had made Prior against their willes. Whome the king then at the request of the Archb. promoted to be Abbot of Eusham. 2. Item, that the Archbishop should pluck down his chapel, which he built in y e suburbs of Cant. against the minds of the Monks. 3. Item, that the foresaid monks should make profession of their obedience and subjection to the Archb. as they had done to his other predecessors before him. 4. Itē, as touching all other complaints and injuries (except only the Chapel, and deposition of Roger Noris the Prior) the monks should stand to the arbitrement of the king, of the Archb. and the Prelates. 5. Item, that the monks kneeling down before the king in the Chapter house, should ask the Archb. forgiveness. Which being done, they went altogether to the Church, & sang Te Deum for this reformation of peace. Ex veteri Chronico manuscripto & ex Geruasio.
The next day after y e Archb. coming into the Chapter, restored to the Convent their manors & farms again: also discharged the Prior which he had made before, desiring them likewise, that if he had offended them either in word or deed, they would from their heart remit him. This reconciliation being made between the Archb. and y t convent, then the Archb. going about to dissolve the building of his new Church, though he changed the place, yet thought not to change his intent, and therefore making exchaunge of lands with the Bishop and Monks of Rochester, purchased of them their ground in Lambeth an. 1191. which done, he came to his Clerks whom he had placed to be Canons in his new College of Hakingtō, and willed them to remove all their goods & furniture to Lambeth over against Westminster, where he erected for them another church, and there placed the said Canons. About which college of Lambeth afterward much trouble likewise ensued by the stirring of the said Monks of Cant. in the time of Hubert the archbish. in the reign of the said King Richard, and in the year of our Lord. 1196. Furthermore after the deposing of Roger Norys Pryor of Cant. aforesaid, Baldwyn the archb. enforesaid to grant them another Pryor by the assent of the king and of the Convent, assigned Olbernus to their Pryor, who had takē part before with the archbish, but the monks not pleased with him, after the death of Baldwine the Archb. removed him again.
And thus have you the tedious discourse of this Catholic tragedy, between the monks of Cant. and their Archb. scarce worth the rehearsal, Notwithstanding, this I thought to give y t reader to see, of purpose first to show forth unto the world the stout sturdines of this monkishe generatiō, who professing profound humility in their coat, what little humility they had in their heart, what pride & arrogancy in their conversation, and what hypocrisy in their religiō, this one example amongst a thousand other may give some experience, Secondly, that the posterity now may see, how little kings could then do in their own Realms, for the Pope. And thirdly, to the intent it may more notoriously appear to all readers, what strife and debate, what dissention and division, what little unity and concord hath always followed the popes Catholic church, wheresoever the corrupt religiō and usurped ambition of the pope prevailed. For not to speak only of this monkishe house of Cant. what Church Cathedral, Collegiate, or Conuentuall, what sea, Church Monastery or Chapel was under all the popes government, but ever there happened some variance, either between the king and the archb. as between K. William & Lancfranck king Henry 1. and Anselm, king Stephen and Richard, king Henry 2. and Becket, king John & Stephen Lancton, king Henry 3. and Boniface &c. or else between archb. and archb. for making profession, for caryeng y • Cross, for sitting on the right hand of the popes Legate. &c. or else between archbishops and their Suffragans, or between Archbishops and their Couentes, or between Bishops and monks, between Dean and the Chapter, between monks and secular Priests, monks of one sort against another, Friars of one order against another, students against Friers, towns men against scholars. &c. As for example, what discord was between the archb. Of Canterbury, and Richard archbish. of York. Between Lancfrancus and archb. Thomas, between Theobalde archb. of Cant. and Sylvester Abbot of S. Augustine's, between Walter of Christ's Church, and Sylvester Abbot aforesaid, between William archb. of Cant. and Jeremiah Prior of Cant. an. 1144. between the monks of Cant. and O do their Prior for translating the relics of Dunstane, between King Stephen and Roger bishop of Salisbury, the bishop of Lincoln, and Roger bishop of Eli his son. an. 1138. between Pope Innocent, and Anacletus the space of seven years, the Cardinals for money (saith Gernasius ) sometime holding with the one, sometime with the other, at at last the election was determined by a sore battle between Lotharius Emperor, & Rogerius Duke of Apulia. an. 1137. Also between pope Innocent. 4. and Frederick Emperor 2. between R. Henry 3. and William Rale bishop of Winchester, when the king had the gates of Winchester town to be shut against him. an. 1250. between Boniface Archbishop of Canterb. and Canons of S. Paul. Item, between the said Boniface and Monks of S. Bartholomew, who sat there in harnes in his visitation. an. 1250. between the Abbot of Westminster, and monks of the same house. an. 1251. Itē, between the foresaid William Rale Bishop of Winchester and Boniface archbishop of Canterbury for a priest of the Hospital in Soutwarke. an. 1252. between the said Boniface, and Canons of Lincoln after the death of Robert Grosthead, for giving of Prebends. an. 1253. between the monks of Coventry, and Canons of Lichfield, for choosing their bishop in the time of R. Henry 3.
And what should I speak of the discord, which cost so much money between Edmund archbishop of Canterb. and the monks of Rochester, for choosing Richard Wandour to be their bishop. an 1238. between Robert Grosted Bishop of Lyncolne, and Canons of the same house, for which both he and they were driven to travail to Rome, an. 1244. between Gilbert bishop of Rochester delegate to archbishop Baldwine, and Robert the Popes Legate for sitting on the right hand of the Legate in his council at Westminster, an. 1190. between the Abbot of Bardeney and the said Grosted, about the visitation of their Abbay. an. 1243. Item between the Convent of Canterb. & the said Robert bishop of Lyncolne. an. 1243. between Hugo B. of Durham, and Hubert Bishop of Sarum: and Geoffrey Archbishop of York, an. 1189. between William Bishop of Eli the kings Chancellor, & the Canons of York, for not receiving him with procession. an. 1190. between the Abbot of Westminster, and his Convent of Black monks, whom king Henry the 3. had much ado to still and agree. an. 1249. Item, between the foresaid bishop of Lincoln, & the Abbot of Westminster. Likewise between Nicolas bysh. of Durhā, and John Abbot of S. Albones. an. 1246. Also between Hubert archbishop of Canterbury and the monks there for the house of Lābeth. an. 1146. And what a stir was between the preaching Friars, and the gray Friers mentioned In. Math. Paris. for superiority, an. 1243. Also between the said gray Friars, and the Prelates and Doctors of Paris about ix. conclusions, and condemned of the Prelates to be erroneous.
- 1. Concerning the divine essence, that it cannot be seen of the angels or men glorified.
- 2. Concerning the essence of the holy Ghost.
- 3. Touching the proceeding of y e holy ghost, as he is love.
- 4. Whether men glorified shall be in coelo Empyreo, or in coelo Christallino.
- 5. That the evil Angel at his first creation was evil and never good.