Acts and Monuments Volume 1

Appendix Historiae.

After the tune of this king William, the name of kings ceased in the country of Wales among the Britain's, since king Ris. who in the reign of this king, the year of our Lord 1093. was slain in Wales. Ex continuatione Roger. Houeden.

King Henry the first.

HEnry first of that name, the third son of W. Conqueror; succeeding his brother Rufus: began his reign in England; the yere of our Lord 1100. who tor his knowledge & science in the 7. liberal arts, was surnamed Clerke or bewclerke. In whom may well appear, howe knowledge and learning doth greatly conduce, to the government and administration of any realm or country. At the beginning, he reformed the state and condition of the clergy: released the grievous payments: reduced again king Edwards laws, with emendation thereof: he reformed the old and untrue measures, & made a measure after y ^e length of his arm: he greatly abhorred excess of meats & drinks: many things misused before his time he reformed: and used to vanquish more by counsel then by sword. Suche persons as were nice and wanton, he secluded from his court. This man as appeareth, little favored the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome. Soone after he was King, he married Matilde or Maude: daughter of Malcolin king of Scots, and of Margaret his wife: daughter of Edward the Dutlaw, as is before specified: being a profesied Nun in Winchester, whom notwithstanding (wont the popes dispensation) he married by the consent of Anselm: By the which Maude he received 2. sons, William, and Richard: & 2. daughters, Maude & Mary, which Maude afterward was married to Henry the v. Emperor. &c.

In the second yere of his reign, Robert his elder brother Duke of Normādy, who being occupied in the Christian wars against the Turks, and being elect (as ye heard) king of Jerusalem, hearing of the death of Rufus, refused the kingdom thereof. For the which (as is thought) he never sped well after. Thus the said Robert, leaving of the Lord's business, and returning into Normandy, made there his preparation, and came over into England; with a great host to challenge the Crown. But by mediation of the Lord's it was agreed; that Robert should have yearly during his life iii. M. marks, as was likewise promised him before, by R. Rufus his brother. And whether of them over lived the other, to be others heir. And thus Robert departed again unto Normādy, to the great discontentation of his Lord's there. But in few years after, the forenamed tribute of iii. M. Markes, through the means of Queen Maude, was released to the King his brother. In process of time, variance falling between king Henry, and the said Robert his brother: at length Robert in his war was taken prisonner and brought over into England, & was put into the Castel of Cardise in Wales, where he continued as prisoner while he lived.

In this time, as about the iii. year of this king: the hospital of S. Bartholomewe in Smithfield was founded (by means of a minstrel belonging to the King) named Rayer. And after was finished by Richard Whittyngton, Alderman and Major of London. This place of Smithfield was at that day, a lay stowe of all ordure or filth, & the place where the felones & other transgressors of the kings laws were put to execution.

Divers strait laws were by this king provided, especially against thieves and felones: that who so were taken in that fault, no money should save him from hanging.

Item, that who so did counterfeit false money, should have both his eyes, and nether partes of his body cut off.

Item, in the same Council was decreed, an order for Priests to be sequestered from their wives, which before were not forbidden; according as the words of mine author do purporte, whose words be these: Anselmus prohibuit vxores sacerdotibus Anglorum, ante non prohibitas. Quod quibusdam mundissimum visum est, quibusdam periculosum, ne dutrimundicias viribus maiores appeterent, in immundicias horrib • les ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus inciderent &c. Hen. Hunt.

Item, it was then decreed, that Monks and Priests should bear no rule over lay persons.

Item, it was then decreed, concerning broydering of hear, and wearing of garments.

Item, that the secrete 〈◊〉 act between a young lad and a young maid should not stand: with other things mo concerning the excommunication of Sodomites. &c.

In the story of William Rūfus before, was declared how Anselmus Archbishop of Canterbury departing out of the realm, went unto the Pope, who after the death of King William, was sent for again by the foresaid King Henry, and so returned again, and was at the Council of the King at Westminster: where the king in the presence of the Lord's as well temporal as spiritual, ordained and invested 2. Bishops, Roger Bishop of Salisbury, & Roger bishop of Hereford. During which parliament or council of the king. Anselmus in his convocation deposed and displaced diverse Abbots and other Prelates, from their roumes and dignitics: eitherfor that they lawfully came not by them, or uprightly did not administer the same.

After this council, and the other before set forth by Anselmus. Herbert bishop of Norwich, had much ado with y ^e priests of his diocese. For they would neither leave their wives, nor yet give over their benefices. Whereupon, he wrote to Anselm the Archbishop for counsel, what was to be done therein. Which Anselm required him (as he did other mo the same time, by writing) to persuade the people of Norfolk and Southfolke: that as they professed Christianity, they should subdue them as rebels against the church, and utterly to drive both them and their wives out of the country: placing Monks in their rooms, as by the Epistles of the said Anselm doth appear. Whereof certain parcels shall hereafter (by the grace of Christ) ensue for the better evidence of this and the other his acts above recited.

The like business also had Gerarde the Archbishop of York, in depriving the priests of his province from their wives: which thing with all his excommunications and thunderings he could hardly bring about. Upon this ruffeling of Anselm with married priests, were running verses made to help the matter withal, when reason could not serve. Which verses for the folly thereof, I thought here to annex.

About the end of the third yere of this king, which was the computation of our Lord 1103. a variance fell between king Henry and Anselm: the occasion whereof was this. Ye heard a little before how Henry the foresaid king had of his own authority invested 2. bishops, our Roger which was his Chancelor, bishop of Salisbury: and another Roger bishop of Herford. Besides them diverse also he invested, and diverse other like things took he upon him in the ecclesiastical state, which he might lawfully do, God's word allowing well the same: but because it was restrained by the bishop of Rome for him so to do: this Anselm swelled, fretted, and waxed so mad, that he would neither consent to it, neither yet confirm them: nor communicate nor talk freēdly with them, whom the king had instituted and invested: but opprobriously called them abortives, or children of destruction: disdainefully rebuking the gentle king as a defiler of Religion and polluter of their holy ceremonies: as witnesseth Polydorus. With this uncomely outrage the King was much displeased (as he might full well) and required Gerard the Archbishop of York, (as he ought him allegiance) to consecrate them: who without delay did so, well performing the same, saning that one William Gifford to whom the king had given the Bishoprike of Winchester, refused to take his consecration by the hands of the Archbishop of York. For the which cause the King worthily with him offended, deprived him both of bishopric and goods, and banished him the realm.

Moreover, the king required of Anselmus the Archb. of Canterbury, to do unto him homage after the manner of his auncetours, as witnesseth Guliel de gestis pontif. Anglo. Also, it was asked of the said Anselm, whether that ye would be with the king in giving inuestures as Lanfrancus his predecessor was with his father. To whom Anselm said, that he promised not in any time, that he would enter into this order, to keep the law or custom of his father, as Lanfrancus did. Moreover, as concerning homage to be done to the King, that he refused, alleging the Censures of the Popes excommunication: whom his council of Rome a little before, had given forth open sentence of excommunication, upon all such lay persons (whatsoever they were) that should from henceforth confer or give any spiritual promotions: also upon them that received them at their hands, either yet should consecrate any such receivers, Moreover, he accursed at them that for benofices or other Ecclesiastical promotions, should subject themselves under the homage or service of any great mā, king, Prince, Duke, or Earl of the laity. For it was unseemly (said the Pope) and a thing very execrable: that the hands which were converted into so high working, as was granted to no Angel (that is, to create him with their Crosses, which created all, and to offer up the same before the sight of the father, for the salvation of the whole world) should be brought to such a slavery, as to be subject to those filthy hands, which both day and night are polluted in shameful touchings, robberies, and bloodshed. &c. This decree of Pope Urban, Anselmus alleging for himself: denied to subject himself to the kings homage, fearing (as he said) the Popes excommunication. Upō this, messengers were sent to Rome on both partes, unto the Pope (then paschalis) who stoutly standing to the steps and determinations of Urbane his predecessor, would in no case decide to the kings investing.

In the mean time while there was long disputation on both sides for investing: the nobles of the realm cōtended, that inuestings did belong to the kings dignity: wherefor the King calling for Anselmus again, required him either to do homage to him, or else to void his kingdom. To whom Anselmus replying again, required the popes letters to be brought forth: and according to y ^e tenor thereof, so the matter to be decided. For now the mess̄gers were returned from Rome with the Popes answer, altogether bearing with Anselmus: Then said the king: what have I to do with the Popes letters. I will not forgo the liberties of my kingdom for any Pope. Thus the contention continued between them. Anselmus saith, he would not out of the realm, but depart home to his church: and there see who would offer him any violence, and so did. Not long after, message came from the King to Anselm, requesting him after a gentle sort, to repair to the Kings presence again, to set an ende of the controversy begun: whereunto Anselm granted and came. Then were new Ambassadors sent again to the Pope, that he would something qualify and moderate (or rather abolish) y ^e streitnesse of the Romaine decree before mentioned. On the part of Anselmus went two monks, Baldwinus and Alexander. On the kings behalf were sent two bishops, Robert bishop of Lichfield, and Herbert bishop of Norwich, to the kings letters written unto the Pope, containing in form as followeth.

At the same term also be sent another letter or Epistle to the said Pope, craving of him the pass for Girardus Archb. of York, the form whereof, here also followeth.

This second letter of the king in sending for the Palle, was well taken of all the court of Rome, which (as mine author saith) procured such favor to Girardus archbishop of York, and bringer thereof: that no complaint of his adversaries afterward could hurt him with the Pope. Notwithstāding he was accused grievously for diverse things, and specially for not standing to the consecration of Anselitic Archbishop of Cant.

Polidorus in his 11. book of his English history, affirmeth, that Anselmus also went up to Rome with Birardus, about the same cause. But both the premisses, and sequel of the story argueth that to be untrue. For what needed the 2. Monks to be sent up on Anselmus side, if he had gone up himself. Again, howe could the Pope write down by the said messengers to Anselm, if he had there been himself present? For so proceedeth the story by the narration of Malmesbury and others.

After the Ambassadors (thus on both sides sent up to Rome) had labored their cause with instant suit, one against the other: the pope glad to gratify the king (yet loath to grant his request, being against his own profit, and therefore more inclining to Anselmus side) sendeth down his letters to the said Anselm, signifying that he would not repeal the statutes of his holy fathers for one man's pleasure: charging him moreover, not only not to yeide in the cause of investing, but constantly to adheare to y ^e foresaid decreemēt of Pope Urban his predecessor. &c. Besides this letter to Anselm, he directed also another to the king himself: which letter, mine author saith, the king suppressed, and did not show: only declaring by word of mouth, what the ambassadors had said unto him from the Pope. Which was, that he permitted unto him the license of Inuesting upon condition, that in other things he would execute the office of a good Prince. &c. To this also y ^e testunony of the 2. bishops above minded, did accord, which made the matter more probable. But the 2. monks on the other side replied again, bringeth forth the letter of Anselm to the contrary. &c. To thē was answered again, that more credit was to be given to the degree and testimony of the Bishops, then to theirs: And as for monks, they had no suffrage nor testimony (said they) in secular matters, and therefore they might hold their peace. But this is no secular matter, said Baldwine abbot of Ramesey. Whereunto the nobles again of the kings part, answered, saying: that he was a good man, and of such demeanor, as they had nothing to say against him, neither so would if they might: but yet both human and divine reason taught them so, to yield more credit and confidence to the testimony of 3. bishops then of 2. monks. Whereby may well appear, that Anselm at that time went not with them. Then Anselmus seeing the king and his peres how they were set: and hearing also the testimony of the 3. bishops, against which he saw, he could not preuatle: And also having y ^e popes seal, which he saw to be so evident on the contrary side: made his answer again, that he would send to Rome, for a more certainty of truth. Adding moreover, that he neither would nor durst give over his cause, though it should cost him his life, to do or proceed against the determination of the Church of Rome, unless he had a perfect warrant of absolution from thence, for his discharge. Then was it agreed by the king and his nobles, that he should not send, but go himself to Rome. And much entreaty was made, that he would take that journey himself, in his own person, to present himself to the Pope, for the peace of the Church and of his country. And so at the length by persuation was content, went to Rome, and spake with the pope. In short time after followeth also, the kings Ambassador (William Warlwast) new elect bishop of Exetor: who there pleading on the kings side, for the ancient customs of the realm, & for the kings right of Inuesting. &c. First declared: howe England of a long continuance, had ever been a province peculiar to the Church of Rome, and howe it paid dewly his yearly tribut unto the same. Inferring moreover how the king, as he was of nature very liberal, so also of courage a prince stout and valiant. Then what a shame would he think it be to him (as it were in deed) if he, who in might and dignity far exceeded all his progenitors, should not defend and maintain the liberties & customs by them procured? wherefore he desired the Pope to see to the matter, so as might stand both with the kings honor, and also with his own profit and advantage: who otherwise no doubt, should loose a great piece of money out of the realm, unless he did remit something of the severity of his canons and laws decretal.

With these and such other persuasions like to the same effect, the court of Rome was well contented: agreeing that the kings request ought with all favor to be granted. But the Pope & Anselm sat still marking their doings. The ambassador supposing their silence to be half a yielding to him, added moreover and said: that the king, no not for the crown of his realm, would loose the authority of Inuesting or admitting his Prelates, within his Dominion: Whereunto the proud Pope answering again, brast out in these words: Nor I (said he) for the price of his head (as thou sayst) will lose the giving of spiritual promotions in England, and confirming it with an oath (before God saith he I speak it) know it for a certain. &c. Then it followeth in the story of Malmesberie: with this word of the P. the minds of the rest were changed, saying: Benedicta fit cordis tui constantia, benedicta oris tui loquela. The kings attourney also was therewith dashed: who notwithstanding, yet brought to pass, that certain of the Kings customs used before of his father, were released unto him. At the which tune, in the same court was decreed, that (the king only, which had invested them, being excepted) the other which were invested by the king, to be excommunicated: the absolution and satisfaction of whom was left to Anselm the archbishop.

Thus Anselm being dismissed from Rome, took his journey toward England. But the ambassador pretending to go to S. Nicholas remained behind, to see whether he could win the popes mind to the kings purpose. Which when he saw it would not be, he overtaketh Anselmus by the way, at Placentia, and opened to him the kings pleasure. The king (saith he) giveth to you in charge and commandment, that if you will come to England and there behave yourself to him, as your predecessors did to his father, you should be received and retained in the Realm accordingly: if not you are wise enough (saith he) ye know what I mean, and what will follow, &c. And so to these words parting from him, returned again to the King. Anselmus remained at Lions a year and a half, writing diverse letters to the King, after this effect and words as followeth.

In the mean while, great business there was, & much posting went to and fro, between y ^e king, the archbishop, and the Pope, but nothing was done: for neither would the Pope agree to the king, neither would the King condescende to the Archbishop. At last, the Archbishop seeing by no means he could prevail against the king: thought to revenge himself by excommunication, and so went about the same. The king having word thereof by the Countess Adala his sister, desireth her to come to him to Normādie, and bring Anselmus with her: whereupon (through the means of the Countess) reconcilement was made, & the archbishop was restored to his former possessions again. Only his return into England was deferred, because he would not communicate with those whom the King had invested. So y ^e king took his passage over into England, and Anselm made his abode at the Abbey of Becke.

Then were ambassadors again directed unto Rome W. Warlwast, & Baldwin above named Abbot of Ramesey: who at length concluded the long controversy between the king & the Pope, upon this agreement, that the King should take homage of the Bishops elect, but should not deal with investing them by staff and ring. &c. While the Ambassadors were thus in their suit at Rome, diverse complaints were daily brought from England to Anselm, against the Priests and Canons: who in his absence, contrary to the late council holden at London, received their wives unto their houses again, & so were permitted by the king, paying him certain money for y ^e same. Anselm (the fore enemy against lawful marriage) aggrieved therewith: addresseth his letters unto the King, requiring him to refrain from anymore taking of such exactions: declaring moreover and affirming, that the offenses of all such Ecclesiastical ministers must be corrected by the instance of Bishops, and not of lay men. To this the king answereth gently again by letters, tempering himself: howe he purposed shortly to come over into Normandy, and if he had done anything amiss, either in these or other things he would reform it by his obedience.

It was not long after (the messengers being now returned from Rome) but the king as he had promised, sped him into Normādy: where he warring against his brother Robert, brought both him & the Country of Normandy at last under his subjection. But first meting w ^t Anselmus at the Abbey of Becke, he cōuented & agreed with him in all such points as the Archb. required. As first, that all his Churches which before were made tributary unto King William his brother, now should remain free from all tribute. Item, y ^t he should require nothing of the said Churches or Provinces, in the time of the seat being vacant. Moreover, concerning such Priests & Ministers, as had givē money to the king for their company w ^e their wives: it was agreed that they should surcease from all Ecclesiastical function, the space of 3. years: and y ^e the king should take no more after such manner. Item, that all such goods, feuitēs, and possessions, as had been taken away before frō the Archbyshoppricke, should be restored at his coming again into England. &c.

This Anselmus the stout champion of Popery & superstition, after this victory gotten upon the King, for the which he so long fought: with joy and triumph faileth into England, having all his Popish requests obtained. Where first, he flieth like a Lion upon the married Priests, contrary to the word of God, diuorsing and punishing that by man's authority, which the eternal and almighty God had coupled. Next he looketh to them, which did hold any Church by farm under the king. Against Simony likewise, and against them that married within the 7. degree, he proceedeth with his full pontifical authority.

Shortly after, as king Henry had finished his war in Normandy, & with victory returned again into England, about the 6. yere of his reign: Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury (by the permission of the king) assembled a great Council at Westminster in London, of the Clergy and Prelates of England.

In the which (by the Bishop of Rome's authority) he so wrought with the king, that at length, albeit (as the story saith not without great difficulty) it was newly confirmed and enacted: that no temporal man after that day, should make inuesture with cross or with ring, or with pastoral hoke. In this Council sundry and diverse iniunetions were given forth to priests and Deacons: as diverse other sinodall acts also by the same Anselm had been concluded in other Councils before. And because here falleth in mention of the acts Synodal concluded in the time of this Anselm: I thought here good to pack them all in one general heap together, as I find them in Malmesburie, and in other sundry authors scatteringly recited.

The first thing decreed by this Anselm in his synodal Councils, was touching the fault of Simonic: whereby diverse both Bishops and Abbotes (as is aforesaid) were at the same time deposed. And lay men forbidden to coufer any Ecclesiastical promotion.

Also it was decreed, that no Bishop should bear any office in secular men's business or meetings. And that such should not go appareled as the lay mē did, but should have their vestures decent, and mete for religious persons. And that in all places they should never go without some to bear witness of their conversation.

Item, y ^t no Archdeaconries should be let out to ferme.

Item, that no Archdeacon should be under the degree of a Deacon.

Item, y ^t no archdeacon, priest, deacon, subdeacon, colligener, nor Chanon, should from thence forth mary a wife, nor yet keep her, if he had been married to one before.

Item, that every subdeacon, being under the degree of achanon (after the profession of chastity, marrying a wife) should be subject to the same rule.

They ordained also that a Priest keeping company with his wife, should be reputed unlawful: and that he should say no Mass: and if he said Mass, it should not be heard.

They charged that none were admitted to orders from that time forward, from the degree of a subdeacon, unless he did profess chastity.

That Priests sons should not claim by heritage the benefices of their fathers, as the custom had always been before.

Item, that no spiritual person should sit in any secular office: as to be procurators or judges of blood.

Item, that Priests should not resort to taverns, or banquets, nor sit drinking by the fire side.

That the garments of Priests should be of one color, and that their shoes should be decent.

Item, that Monks or any other of the Clergy (if they forsook their order) either to come again, or to be excommunicate.

Itē, that mē of y ^e clergy should wear broad crowns.

Item, that no tithes should be given, but to y ^e church.

Item, that no Churches or prebends should be bought.

That no new Chapels should be made without consent of the Bishop.

That no Church should be hallowed, before the necessary provision were made for the priest, and for the Church to be maintained.

That Abbots should set forth no men to war, & that they must both sleep, & eat in the same house with their monks, unless some great necessity do let.

Item, that Monks do enjoin no penance to any man without the knowledge of his Abbot. And that their Abbots may give no license therein, but only for such persons whose charge they have of soul.

That no monks should be Godfathers: Nor Numnes Godmothers.

That Monks should have no Lordships to ferme.

Item, that Monks should take no Churches but by the Bishop, neither should so spoil and oppress y ^e churches given to them, with their rentes, that sufficient were not left for the ministers of the same.

That privy contract between man and women without witness should not stand, but be frustrate if each party do go from the contract.

Item, that such as were long hear of the clergy, be so roūded, that part of their ear appear, and that their eyes be not covered.

Item, that there be no matrimonial copulation, w ^t in the vii. degree of kindered: nor so to continue if they be married: but the marriage to be broken. And if any being privy to that incest, do not detect the same, he to be giltye of the same crime.

Item, that no funeral or buryenges be without their own Parishe Church, so that the priest thereof do lose that which to him is due.

Item, that no man upon any new fangled rashness, do attribute any reverence or opiniō of holiness, to dead men's bodies: to fountaynes, or to any other thing (as the use hath been in time past) without authority of the Bishop.

Item, y ^t no buying and selling be used hereafter in England of men, as of other cartell.

Item, after the restreint of Priests marriage: when filthy Sodomitry begā to come in the place thereof, then were they forced also, to make an act for that, which was this.

With a grievous curse we condemn both them that occupy the ungracious vice of sodomitry, and them also that willingly assist them, or be wicked doers with them in the sauie: till such time, as they may deserve absolution by penance and confession.

So that whatsoever he be, that is noised or proved to be of this wickedness (if he be a religious person) he shall from thence forth be promoted, to no degree of honor: and that which he hath, shall be taken from him.

If he be a lay person, he shall be deprived of all his freedom within the land, and be no better then a foreiner.

And because it shall be known, the absolution of such as be secular to belong only to bishops, it was therefore enacted: that on every Sunday, in every parish church of England the said excommunication should be published. &c.

But mark in this great matter what followed. For as Ranulphus Lestrensis witnesseth: this grievous general curse was soon called back again, by the suit of certain: which persuaded Anselm, that the publication or opening of that vice, gave kindlings to the same in the hearts of lewd persons: ministering occasion of more boldness to thē to do the like. And so to stop the occasiō of filthy Sodomitry, the publication thereof was takē away, but the forbidding and restreinement of Priests unlawful marriage (which chiefly was the cause thereof) remained still. And thus ever since, horrible Sodomitry remained in the clergic, both for lack of marriage more used, and for lack of publication, less punished.

Besides all these Synodal acts above comprehended, and given out by Anselmus in his Councils before: heeralso in this present Council at Westminster, and in the yere of this king aforesaid, he also directed other new Iniuncetions to the Priests.

First, that they and their wives should never more meet in one house, neither yet have dwelling in their territories.

Item, that the Priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should keep no women in their house, unless they were of their next kin.

Item, for such as had disseuered themselves from the society of their wives: yet for some honest cause they had to common with them, they might: so it were without door, and with ii. or iii. lawful witnesses.

Item, if any of them should be accused by ii. or iii. witnesses, and could not purge himself again by six able mē of his own order (if he be a Priest, or if he be a Deacon by iv. or if he be a Subdeacon by ii.) then he should be judged a transgressor of the statutes, deprived of his benefice, & be made infamous, or be put to open reproach of all men.

Item, he that rebelled, as in contempt of this new statute held still his wife, and presumed to say mass: upon the viii. day after (if he made not due satisfaction) should be solemnly excommunicated.

Item, all Archdeacons and Deacons to be straightly sworn, not to wink or dissemble at their meetings, nor to bear w ^t them for money. And if they would not be sworn to this, then to loose their offices without recovery.

Item, such priests as forsaking their wives, were willing to serve still and remain in their holy order: first must cease 40. days from their ministration, setting Uitars for them in the mean time to serve: and taking such penance upon them, as by their Bishop should be enjoined them.

Thus have ye heard the tedious treatise of the life and doings of Anselmus: how superstitious in his Religion, how stubborn against his Prince he was, what occasion of war and discord he ministered by his complaints (if they had ben taken) what zeal without right knowledge, what fervency without cause he pretended, what pains without profit he took. Who if he had bestowed that time and travel in preaching Christ at home to his flock, which he took in gadding to Rome, to complain of his country: in my mind he had been better occupied. Moreover, what violent and tyrannical injunctions he set forth of investing and other things, ye have heard: but specially against the lawful and godly marriage of Priests. Wherein, what a vehement adversary he was: here may appear by these minutes or pieces extracted out of his letters, which we have here annexed in form and effect as followeth.

Unto these letters above prefixed, I have also adjoined an order of the said Anselmus, touching a great case of conscience, of a Monks whipping of himself. Wherein may appear both the blind and lamentable superstition of those religious men, and the judgment of this Anselmus in the same matter.

And thus much concerning Anselmus archb. of Cant. whose stout example gave no little courage to Thurstinus and Becket his successors: and other that followed after to do the like against their kings and princes, as in process hereafter by the grace of Christ shall appear.

About this time An. 1105. two famous Archbishops of Mainz, being right virtuous and well disposed Prelates: were cruelly and tirannously dealt withal, and entreated by the B. of Rome. Their names were Darry and Christian. This Darry having intelligence, that he was complained of to the pope, sent a learned man (a special friend of his) to excuse him, named Arnolde: one for whom he had much done, and promoted to great living and promotions. But this honest mā Arnold, in steed of an excuser became an accuser, bribing the two chiefest Cardinals with good gold: by which means he obtained of the Pope, those two Cardinals to be sent as inquisitors and only doers in that present case. The which (coming to Germany) somoned the said Henry, and deposed him of his Archbyshoppricke (for all he could do) either by law or justice: substituting in his place the foresaid Arnolde, upon hope (truly) of the ecclesiastical gold. Whereupon that virtuous & honorable Henry (as the story telleth) spake unto those his perverse judges on this wise. If I should appeal unto the Apostolic see for this your unjust process had against me: perhaps the pope would attempt nothing anymore therein, then ye have: neither should I win anything by it, but only royle of body, loss of good, affliction of mind, care of heart, & missing of his favor. Wherefore I do appeal to the Lord Jesus Christ, as to the most highest & just judge, and cite you before his judgment, there to answer me before the high judge. For neither justly nor godly (but by corruption as it pleaseth you) you have judged. Whereunto they scoffingly answered: Go you first, and we will follow. Not long after (as the story is) the said Darry died: whereof the 2. Cardinals having intelligence, said one to the other testingly: behold he is goue before, and we must follow according to our promise: and verily they said truer then they were aware off, for win a while they died in one day. For the one sitting upon a • aches to ease himself, voided out all his entrails into the draught, and miserably ended his life. The other gnawing of the fingers off his hands, and spitting them out of his mouth (all deformed in devouring himself) died. And in likewise, not long after the ende of these men, the foresaid Arnold (most horribly) in a sedition was slain and certain days (lying stinking above the ground unburied) was open to the spoil of every rascal & harlot. The Hystoriographer in declaring hereof, crieth upon the cardinals in this manner: O ye Cardinals, ye are y ^e beginning and authors hereof. Come ye hither therefore, come ye hither, and heap and carry unto your countries the devil: and offer yourselves to him with that money whereof ye have been most gluttonous and insatiable.

About the same time and year when king Henry began his reign, Pope Paschalis entered his papacy, succeeding after Urbanus: about the year of the Lord 1100▪ nothing swerving from the steps of Hildebrand his superior. This Paschalis, being elected by the Cardinals, after that the people had cried thrice, S. Peter hath chosen good Raynerus: He than putting on a purple vesture, & atice upon his head, was brought upon a white palsray into Lateran: where a scepter was given him, and a girdle put about him (having vii. keys, with vii. scales hanging there upon) for a recognisance or token, of his vii. fold power, according to the vii. fold grace of the holy Ghost: of binding, loosing, shutting, opening, sealing, resigning, & judging, &c. After this Paschalis was elected Pope: Henricus 4. the foresaid Emperor (of courage most valiant, if the time had served thereto) thought to come up to Italic to salute the new Pope. But understanding the Popes mind bent against him, he changed his purpose. In the mean time, Paschalis to show himself inferior to Hildebrand in no point: began first to depose all such Abbates & bishops whom the Emperor had set up. Also banished Albertus, Theodoricus, and Maginulphus striving the same time for the papacy. I spake before of Guibert, whō Henricus the Emperor had made Pope against Hildebrand. Against this Guibert Paschalis made out an army: who being put to flight, not long after departed.

About the same time, An. M. Li. the bishop of Fluence began to teach and to preach of Antichrist then to be borne & to be manifest, as Sabellicus restifieth: whereupon Paschalis assembling a council, put to silence the said bishop, and condemned his books. In this council at Trecas: priests that were married, were condemned for Nicolaitanes. Item, according to the decree of Hildebrand, all such of what degree or estate soever they were (being lay men) y ^t gave any ecclesiastical dignities, were condemned of Symonie. Furthermore, the statute of priests tithes, there he renewed: coūting the selling away thereof as a sin against the holy ghost. Concerning the excommunicatiō and other troubles, that Hildebrand wrought against Henricus the 4. Emperor: it is declared sufficiently before. This excommunication, Paschalis y ^e Pope renewed a fresh, against the said Henry. And not only that, but also conventing the Princes of Germany into a general assemble: set up his own son against him: causing the bishop of Mainz, of Colen, and of worms, to deprive him of his Imperial crown, and to place his son Henricus the fifth, in his fathers kingdom, and so they did. Comming to the place at Hilgeshem, first they required his Diademe, his purple, his ring, and other ornaments pertaining to the crown, from him. The Emperor demandeth the cause, being there excommunicate and void of friends. They pretending again (I cannot tell what) for selling of Bishoprics, Abbases, and other ecclesiastical dignities for money: also alleging the popes pleasure, and of other princes. Then required he first of the Bishop of Mainz (and likewise of the other two whom he had preferred to their bishopricks before) asking them in order, if he had received of them any penny for his promoting thē to their dignities. This when they could not deny to be so: well saith he, & do you require me again with this? With diverse other words of exhortation, admonishing them to remember their oath & alleageaunce to their Prince. But the perjured Prelates, neither reverencing his majesty, nor moved with his benefits, nor regarding their fidelity, ceased not for this, but first plucked from him (sitting in throne) his crown unperiall: then disuestured him, taking from him his purple & his scepter. The good Emperor, being left desolate and in confusion, saith to them: Videat deus, & iudicet, that is, let God see, and judge. Thus leaving him, they went to his son, to confirm him in his kingdom, and caused him to drive his father out, who then being chased of his own son (having but 9. persons about him) did flee by the Dukedom of Limbrugh, where the Duke being then in hunting, perceiving and bearing of him, made after to follow him. The Emperor fearing no other but present death (for he had displaced y ^t same Duke before out of his Dukedom) submitted himself, craving of him pardon, and not revengement. The Duke full of compassion, & pitiyng his state: not only remitted all his displeasure, but also received him to his castle. Moreover, collecting his soldiers and men of war, brought him to Colen, and there was well received. His son hearing this, besieged the city of Colen. But y ^e father by night escaping, came to Leodium: where resorted to him all such as were men of compassion and of a constant heart. In so much, that his power being strong enough, he was now able to pitch a field against his enemies, and so did: desiring his friends that if he had the victory, they would spare his son. In fine (the battle joined) the father had the victory, the son was put to flight: many being slain on both sides. But shortly after the battle renewed again: the son prevailed, the father was overcome, and takē, who then being utterly dispossessed of his kingdom, was brought to that exigent: that coming to Spire, was same to crave of the bishop there (whom he had done much for before) to have a prebende in the Church: and for that he had some 〈◊〉 of his Book, he desired to serve in our Ladies quire. Yet could he not obtain so much at his hand: who swore by our Lady, he should have none there. Thus the woeful emperor (most unkindly handled, and repulsed on every side) came to Leodium, and there for sorrow died, after he had reigned 50. years: whose body Paschalis after his funeral, caused to be taken up again, and to be brought to Shires, where it remained 5. years unburied. Haec ex Helmoldo.

After the decease of this Emperor Henricus the 4. his son Henricus the 5. reigned the space of 20. years. Who coming to Rome to be crowned of the Pope, could not obtain before he would fully assent to have this ratified, that no Emperor should have anything to do with the election of the Romaine Bishop, or with other byshopprickes. Besides that (about the same time) such a stir was made in Rome by the said Bishop: that if the Emperor had not defended himself, with his own hands, he had been slain. But as it happened, the Emperor having the victory: amongst many other Romaines (which were partly slain, partly taken in the same skirmishe) he taketh also the Pope, and leadeth him out of the City: where he indenteth with him vpō diverse conditions, both of his coronation, and of recovering again his right and title in the election of the Pope, & of other bishops: whereunto the Pope assenting, agreed to all. So the Emperor (being crowned of Paschalis) returned again with the Pope to Rome.

All the conditions between the Emperor & the Pope (so long as the Emperor remained at Rome) stood sirine and ratified. But asseone as the Emperor was returned again to Germany, forth w ^t the Pope calling a Synod; not only revoked all that he had agreed to before: but also excommunicated Henricus the Emperor, as he had done his father before, reproving the former priuilegium for prauilegium. The Emperor returning frō Rome to Franice, there married Mathild daughter to king Henry. Who then hearing what the Pope had done (aggrieved not a little) to all expedition marcheth to Rome, and putteth the Pope to flight: and finally placeth another in his stead. In the mean time the Bishops of Germany (the Popes good friends) slept not their business, incensing the Saxons, all that they might against their Cesare: In so much that a great commotion was stirred up, and grew at length to a pitched field: which was fought in y ^e month of Felnuarie, by the wood called, Silua Catularia. An. M. Cxv.

The Emperor seeing no end of these conffictes (unless he would yield to the Pope) was fame to give over, and forgo his privilege: falling to a composition, not to meddle with matters pertaining to the Popes electiō, nor with investing, nor such other things belonging to the Church, and Church men. And thus, was the peace between them concluded and proclaimed, to no small rejoicing to both the armies, then lying by worms, near the river of Rine.

In the time of this Paschalis: lived Bernardus, called Abbas Clarauallensis, An. M. Cviii. of whom sprang the Bernadine Monks.

About what time, the city of Worcester was consumed almost all with fire. An. M. Cix.

All this while Henricus the Emperor had no issue (having to wife Mathildis, the daughter of Henricus 1. king of England) and that by the just judgment of God, as it may appear. For as he having a father, persecuted him by the Popes setting on, contrary to the part of a natural son: so God's providence did not suffer him to be the father of any child, naturally to love him, or to succeed him.

After the death of Paschalis, An. 1118. succeeded Pope Belasius (chosen by the Cardinals) but without the consent of the Emperor: whereupon rose no little variance in Rome. And at length another pope was set up by y ^e Emperor called Gregorius viii. and Belasius driven away into France, and there died. After whom came Calixtus the second (chosen likewise by a few Cardinals, without the voice of the Emperor) who coming up to Rome to enjoy his seat, first sent his legat into Germany to excommunicate the Emperor Henricus: who then having diverse conflicts with his fellow Pope Gregorius, at length brave him out of Rome. At this time by this occasiō, great disputation and controversy was between the Emperors and the Popes court, whether of them in dignity should excel the other: whereof reasons and arguments on both sides were alleged, as in the verses here following are comprehended.

In conclusion the Emperor being overcome so much with the vain reasons of the Popes, side, and scaring the dangerous thunderbolt of this curse (talking m ^e Princes, and persuaded by his friends, was fain to condescend to the unreasonable conditions of the Pope. First to ratify his election: notwithstanding (the other pope whō the said Emperor had set up) yet was a live: Secondly, that he should resign up his right and title in matters pertaining to the election of the Pope, and inuesture of bishops.

This being done & granted, and the writings thereoffet up in the Church of Lateran for a triumph, of the Emperor thus subdued: the pope maketh out after Gregorius his fellow pope, being then in a town called Sutrium. This Sutrium, being besieged and taken, Gregory also was taken. whom Calixtus the pope, sitting upon a Camel (his face to the Camels tail) brought him so through the streets of Rome, holding the tail in his hand in stead of a bridle: and afterward being shorn, was thrust into a Monastery.

Amongst many other acts done by this glorious pope, first he established the decrees of the papal sea against this Emperor. He brought in the 4. quarter fasts, called Imber pays. Dist. 70. cap. ieiunium.

By the same Calixtus, the order of monks called Praemonstraterises, were brought in.

Farther, by him it was decreed to be judged for adultery, if any person (by his life time) had put from him either Byshopricke or benefice: grounding upon this Scripture of S. Paul to the Romaines: Alligata est vxor legi viri, quamdiu vir eius viuit: eo defuncto, soluta est a lege viri &c. That is: the wife is bound to the law of her husband, so long as the husband liveth: after he is dead, she is loose frō the law of her husband. &c.

Item, the same Calixtus holding a general Council at Rhemis, decreed: that priests, deacons, and subdeacons should put away their cōcubines and wives: or else, whosoever was found to keep his wife, to be deprived of benefice, and all other Ecclesiastical livings: whereupon a certain English writer made these verses following.

That is word for word.

And thus much of Romain matters, Now to our country story again. After the death of Anselm before mentioned (who deceassed the year of our Lord. 1109. after he had been sit the sea 16. years) the Church of Cant. stood void 5. years: and the goods of the Church were spent to the Kings use. And when he was prayed to help the Church that was so long without a pastor, his answer was: pretending that where his father and brother, had accustomed there to set the best, tried and approved men that might be found: to the intent therefore that he might do the same (in choosing such, which either should equal y ^e former examples of them before, or at least follow their footsteps as near as they could) he took therein the more time and laisure. And so with shift of answer dalied out the time, while he had filled his cofers with the commodities of that benefice. The same year (after the death of Anselm) the King converted the Abbey of Eley to a Byshopricke, which before was under the Byshopricke of Lyncolne: placing there Henry Bishop of Bangor the first bishop of that sea. And as of late years before this, diverse wonders were scene: as stars falling from heaven so thick, y ^t they could not be numbered, at the setting forth of the Christians to the holy lande: Iornalens. A blasing star over Constantinople: A spring boiling out blood (seen at Finchamstede in Barkeshire) three weeks together. An. 1090. Gisburnons. After that, the firmament appearing so red, as it had been all on fire: Also two full Moons appearing together, one in the East, the other in the West (on maundy thursday) with a blasing star in the same year appearing about the taking of Duke Robert, having a white circle inclosing it. An. 1106. Iornalens. Also with an Eclipse of the Sun darkened after that: so likewise about this present yere, An. 1110. was seen the flood of Trent, about Notyngham, so dried up from morning to 3. of the clock at after noon, that men might go over it drishodde, Gisburnens. Also in Shrosbery a great earthquake happened: And after that followed a sharp winter, great moraine of beasts, and pestilence of men, as Gualterius Guisburnens recordeth: Moreover the same author mentioneth that next about the same year, the like vading of water also happened in the flood of Medeway: And in Thamis (between the bridge & the tower, and under the bridge, frō midnight to the next evening) was so great an ebb, that an vnnumerable forte of people and children waded over, scarce kne depe in the water, the sea withdrawing his tide x. miles from his accustomed course, Rog. Houeden, Gwalther. Gisburneris. &c. In the which year also as the said author and Iornalens do testify, the City of Worcester, by casualty was consumed with fire. Also the city of Chester, An. 1114. Rog. Houed.

The next yere following, Rodolphus bishop of Rochester (an Englishman) was promoted to be Archb. of Canterb. and Thurstinus the kings chaplain was elect archbishop of York, who being content to receive his benediction or consecration of the see of Cant. yet because he refused to make his profession of obedience to the same See, he was by the king deprived of his dignity.

Then Thurstin (by the instigation of certain of his clerks at York) took his journey to Rome: who there making his complaint to Pope Paschalis, brought with him a letter from the Pope to the King: where among other words was contained as followeth: Audiuimus electum Eboracensis Ecclesiae virum, sapientem & strenuum, fine iudicio ab Eboracensi sequestratum ecclesia, quod nimirum diuinae iustitiae & S. Patrum institutionib aduersatur. Nos quidem ne{que} Cant. ecclesiam minui, neque Eboracensem volumus praeiudicium pati, sed eam constitutionem quae a B. Gregorio Anglicae gentis Apostolo, inter easdem ecclesias constituta est, firmam censemus illibatamque seruari. Idem ergo electus (vt iustitia exigit) ad suam ecclesiam omnibus modis reuocetur. Si quid autem quaestionis inter easdem ecclesias nascitur, praesentibus vtrisque partibus in vestra praesentia pertractetur. &c.

In English thus.

We hear and understand, that the Archbi. elect of the church of York (a discrete and industrious man) is sequestered from the church of York: which standeth against both divine justice, and the institution of holy fathers. Our purpose is, that neither the church of Cāt. should be impaired, nor again that the church of York should suffer any prejudice, but that the same constitution which was by blessed Gregory (the apostle of the english nation) set and decreed between those two churches: should remain still in force and effect inuiolate. Wherefore, as touching the forsaid elect let him be received again by any means (as right and mere it is) unto his Church. And if there be any question between the foresaid churches, let it be handled and decided in your presence, both the two parties being there present. &c.

Upon the occasion of this letter, a solemn assemble there was appointed at Salisbury, about the hearing of this controversy. The variance between these two prelates still increased more and more. Radulph Archbishop of Can. in no case would yield nor condescend to give imposition of hands unto him, unless he would make his profession of obedience. Thurstine again said he would willingly receive & embrace his benediction, but as touching the profession of his subjection, that he would not agree unto. Then the king declaring his mind therein, signified unto Thurstin; that without his subjection and obedience professed to the Archbishop of Cant. he should not enjoy his consecration to be Archbishop, of York. Wherunto Thurstin (nothing replying again) renounced his Archbishopric, promising moreover to make no more claim unto is nor molest them that should enjoy it.

Shortly after this, it happened, that Pope Paschalis died: After whom (as is above rehearsed) succeeded Pope Gelasius, which live prior past a yere, and died in France. Whereupon, the Cardinals (which then followed the said Pope Gelasius to Cluniake) created another Pope of their choosing, whom they called Calixtus 2. The other cardinals which were at Rome did choose another Pope called Gregory as mention before is made: About which 2. Popes much stir there was in Christian Realms. As this Calixtus was remaining in France, and there calling a general council at Remis as ye heard before. Thurstinus the Archbishop of York desired license of the King to go to the Council, purposing there to open the cause of his Church, which estsones he obtained: first promising to the king that he should there attempt nothing that should be prejudicial to the Church of Cant. In the mean time, the king had sent secret word unto the Pope, by Radulph and other procurators, that in no case he would consecrate Thurstinus. Yet (notwithstanding the faithful promise of the Pope made to the King) so it fell out: that the said Pope, through the suit of his Cardinals, whom Thurstinus had won to him: was inclined to consecrate him, and gave him the palle. For this deed the king was fore discontented with Thurstine, and warned him the entry of his land.

In this council at Rhemis (above mentioned) where were gathered 434. Prelates, these 5. principal acts were concluded.

• 1. That no man should either buy or sell any Bishoprike, abbotship, deanry, archdeaconship, priesthood, prebēdship, altar, or any Ecclesiastical promotion, or benefice, orders, consecration, church halowing, seat or stall within y ^e quire, or any office ecclesiastical, under danger of excommunication, if he did persist.
• 2. That no lay person should give inuesture of any Ecclesiastical possession: or that any spiritual men should receive any such at any lay man's hand under pain of deprivation.
• 3. That no man should invade, take away or detayne the goods or possessions of the Church: but that they should remain firm and perpetual, under pain of perpetual curse.
• 4. That no Bishop or Priest should leave any ecclesiastical dignity or benefice to any, by way of inheritance. Adding moreover that for baptism, chrism, anoyling, or burial, no money should be exacted.
• 5. Item that all priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should be utterly debarred and sequestered from company of their wives and concubines, under pain of excluding from all Christian communion.

The acts thus determined, were sent estsoones to Hēricus the Emperor, to see and try, before y ^t breaking up of the council, whether he would agree to the canonical elections, free consecration, and investing to spiritual persons and to other Acts of the said Council. The Emperor maketh answer again, that he would lose nothing that ancient custom of his progenitors had givē him. Not withstanding, because of the authority of the general council, he was content to consent to the residue, save only the investing of ecclesiastical function to be taken from him, to y ^t he would never agree. Upō this, at the next return of the Pope to the Council, y ^t Emperor was appointed to be excommunicated. Which thing, when diverse of the Council did not well like, and therefore did separate thenselves from the rest, the Pope applying against them the similitude of the 70. disciples which were offended at the Lord, when he taught them of eating his flesh and blood, and therefore divided themselves from him. Declaring moreover to thē, how they which gathered not with him scattered, and they that were not with him, were against him: by these and such like persuasions reducing them again to his side, and so by that Council Henricus the Emperor was excommunicated.

It was not long after, but the Pope came to Gisortiuin: where, Henry King of England, resorted to him, desiring & also obtaining of him, that he would send henceforth no Legate, nor permit any to be sent from Rome to England, unless the king himself should so require, by reason of some occasion of strife, which else could not otherwise be decided, by his own bishops at home. The cause why the king required this of the Pope: was for that certain Romaine legates had been in England a little before (to wiste) one Guido, and another Romaine named Anselmus, and another also called Petrus, who had spoiled the realm of great treasure, as the customed manner of the Popes proud Legates is wont to do, Guliel de pont. lib. 1. Also he required of the Pope, that he might use & retain all the customs used before of his forefathers in England and in Normandy.

To these petitions the Pope did easily consent, requiring again of the king that he would license Thurstinus the Archb. above minded, no return with favor into his realm. But that the king utterly denied unless he would profess subiectiō to the church of Cant. as his predecessors had done before, and excused himself by his oath, which he before had made. To this the Pope answered again, that he by his authority Apostolical, both might and woud • also easily dispense with him for his promise or oath. Then the king said that he would talk with his 〈◊〉 thereof; and so send him an answer of his mind. Which answer was this. That for the love and request of the Pope, he was content that Thurstinus should receive his realm, and quietly enjoy his prelateship, upon this conditiō that he would (as his predecessors did) profess his subjection to the church of Canter. Otherwise (said he) so long as he was king, he should never sit Archb. of the church of York. And thus ended that meeting betwne the king of englād, and the Pope for that time.

The year following after that, which was, an. 1120. the foresaid pope Calixtus directeth his letters for Thurstinus to the king, and to Radulph Archbish. of Cant. In which epistle, by his full power Apostolical, he doth interdict both the church of Cant. and the church of York with all the parish churches within the same cities, from all divine service, from the burial also of the dead; except only baptising of children, and absolution of them that he on dieng; unless within a month after the rece • te of the same; Thurstinus (without any exaction of subjection made) were received and admitted to the sea of York, and that the king likewise should doubtless be excommunicated, except he would consent unto the same. Whereupō Thurstinus for fear of the Popes curse, was immediately sent for & reconciled to the king, and was placed quietly in his Archiepiscopall see of York.

It followed not long after (within two years) Radulph Archbishop of Cant. departed: in whose see succeeded after him Gulielmus de Turbine. About which time (in the 27. year of the kings reign) the gray friers by procuring of the king, came first into England, and had their house first at Canterbury. About the same season, or a little before, the king called a council at London, where the spiritualty of England (not knowing to what purpose it was required) condescended to the king, to have the punishment of married Priests: by reason of which grant (whereof the spiritualty afterward much repented) the priests paying a certain to the king, were suffered to retain their wives still, whereby the king gathered no small sum of money, Rog Houed. Guliel. Gisburnens. At this time began first the foundation of the Monastery called Gisburne in Cleueland.

It was above touched, how Matild or Maude daughter of king Henry, was married to Henry the 5. Emperor, who after the decease of the said Emperor her husband, returned about this present time with the Imperial crown to her father in Normandy, bringing with her the hand of S. James. For the joy whereof, the king built the Abbey of Reading, where the said hand was reposed. This Matild was received by the said council to be next heir to the king her father, in possession of the English crown, for lack of issue male. And soon after upon the same was sent over to Normandy, to mary with Geoffrey Plantagenet Earl of Angeow, of whō came Henry the second, who (after Stephen) was king of England. And about this time was also founded the priorie of Norton in the Province of Chester, by one William the son of Nichelle. In the story of Polychron. Iornal. and Polydorus is declared, how the king was troubled greatly with 3. sundry visions appearing unto him by night. The first was of a great multitude of husbandmen of the country, which appeared to fly upon him with their mattocks and instruments, requiring of him his debt which he did owe unto them. In the second, he saw a great number of soldiers and harnessed men to come fiercely upon him. In the third, he saw a company of prelates and churchmen, threatening him with their bishops staves, & fiersly approaching vpō him. Wherupon (being dismayd) in all hast; ran & took his sword to defend himself, finding there none to strike: who afterward asking counsel concerning these visions, was mouthed by one of his p • ssitions (named Grimbald) by repentace, alms and amendment of life, to make some mends to god and to his country whom he offended. Which three vows thus being made, the next yere after he went to England: where he being upon the seas in a great tempest with his daughter Matild, remembered there his iii. vows. And so coming to the land (for performance of the same) • irst released unto the conuitons the Danogelt which his father & his brother before had renewed. Secondly, he went to S. Edmondesbury, where he shown great benefits to the churchmen. Thirdly, he procured justice to be administered more rightly throughout his realm, &c. Also he ordained and erected a new bishopric at Carlisle.

In the 33. year of this king reign (as witnesseth a certain author) a great part of the city of London, with the Church of S. Paul, was burned with fire in Whition week.

After Calixtus (whose story and ryme is before discoursed) succeeded Pope Honorius, ii. Notwithstanding that the cardinals had elected another, yet he by the means of certain citizens obtained the papacy, an. 1125. About the second year of his induction (as is to be red in Math. Paris. ) there was a certain legate of his called Johannes-Cremensis, sent down to England, from the Pope for the redress I cannot well tell whoreof. But in deed the chiefest purpose of his coming (as of all other after him in those days) was to fill their pouches with English money, as may further appear by their proceedings. This Legate coming then with the Popes letters directed both into england & Scotland (after he had well refreshed himself in Bishops houses, and amongst the Abbotts) at length resorted to London, where he assembled the whole Clergy together, inquired of Priests concubines (otherwise called their wives) & making there upon a statute in the said Synod of London, after this tenor: Praesbyteris, diaconibus, subdiaconibus, & canonleis, vxorum, concubinarum, & omnium omnillo foeminarum concuberniat autoritate Apostolica inhibemus praeter matrem, aut sororem vel amitam, aut eiusmodi quae omnino careant suspitione. Et qui decreti huius violator extiterit (confessus vel convictus) ruinam-ordinis patiatur. Inter consanguineos, seu affinitate propinquos, vsque ad septimam generationem, matrimonia contrahi prohibemus. That is, unto priests, deacons, subdeacons, and canons, we do utterly inhibit by authority Apostolical, all manner society and conversation with all kind of women, except only their mother, sister, or Aunt, or such whereof can rise no suspicion. And whosoever shall be found to violate this decree (being convict thereof) shall sustain thereby the loss of all that he hath by his order. Moreover, amongst kindred or such as be joined in affinity, we forbid matrimony, unto the seventh generation, &c. But see how God worketh against such ungodly proceedings. The next night after, it happened, the same Cardinal (rufflyng & reuellyng with his concubines) to be apprehended in the same vice, whereof he had so straightly given out precepts the next day before, to the no little slander and shame (as Math. Paris doth write) of the whole clergy.

Unto this time lived Henricus the v. Emperor, after he had reigned 20. years, dying without issue as is before mentioned. Next after Henricus, the Imperial crown came to Lotharius Duke of Saxon. an. 1127.

Certain histories make mention of one Arnulphus in the time of this Pope Honorius. ii. Some say he was Archbish. of Lugduneias Hugo, Platina, Sabellicus. Trithemius saith, he was a priest, whose history, as it is set forth in Trithemius, I will briefly in English express. About this time (saith he) in the days of Honorius, ii. one Arnulphus Priest (a man zealous and of great devotion, and a worthy preacher) came to Rome, which Arnulphus in his preaching rebuked the dissolute and lascivious losenes incontinency, avarice, and immoderate pride of the clergy, provoking all to follow Christ and his Apostles in the poverty rather, and in pureness of life. By reason whereof, this man was well accepted, and highly liked of the nobility of Rome, for a true disciple of Christ, but of the Cardinals and the clergy no less hated; then favored of the other. In so much, that privily in the night season they took him and destroyed him. This his martyrdom (saith he) was revealed to him before, from God by an Angel, he being in the desert, whē he was sent forth to preach, wherupō, he said to them publicly with these words: I know (saith he) ye seek my life, and know, ye will make me away priuisy. But why? because I preach to you the truth, and blame your pride, stoutness, avarice, incontinency, with your immeasurable greediness in getting and heaping up riches, therefore be you displeased with me. I take here heaven and earth to witness, that I have preached to you, that I was commanded of the Lord. But you contemn me and your creator, who by his only son hath redeemed you. And no marvel if ye seek my death being a sinful person preaching to you the truth: when as if S. Peter were here this day, and rebuked your vices (which do so multiply above all measure) you would not spare him neither. And as he was expressing this with a loud voice, he said moreover: For my part I am not afraid to suffer death for the truth sake, but this I say to you, that God will look upon your iniquities, and will be revenged. You being full of all vnpuritie, play the blind guides to the people committed to you, leading them the way to hell. A God he is of reuengeaunce. Thus the hatred of the Clergy being incensed against him for preaching truth, conspired against him, and so laying privy wait for him, took him and drowned him. Sabellicus & Platina say, they hanged him.

In the second Tome of the general Councils imprinted at Colen, is mentioned a certain book called Opus tripartitum, written as the author supposeth, above 400. years ago, either of this Arnulphus, or just about the same time. In this book the writer complaineth of many enormities and abuses in the Church, First, of the number of holy days, declaring what occasion of vice groweth thereby, according to the common saying of whores and naughty women (which say) they vauntage more in one holy day, then in 50. other days besides.

Item, complaineth of the curious singing in cathedral churches, whereby many be occasioned to bestow much good time, yea many years about the same, which otherwise they might give to the learning of better sciences.

Likewise, he complaineth of the rabble and multitude of begging Friers and religious men, & professed womē, showing what great occasion of idle & uncomely life cometh thereof.

Also of the vnconsiderate promotion of evil Prelates, and of their great negligence in correcting and reformyng the evil demeanour of the people.

Item, of the great wantonness & lasciviousness in their seruauts and families, concerning their excessive wearing of apparel.

Item, complaineth also of the outrageous and excessive gains, that Prelates and other under them take for their seal, especially of officials, scribes & such like, which give out the seal they care not how, nor wherefor, so they may gain money.

He complaineth in like manner, that prelates be so slack and negligent in looking to the residēts in their benefices.

Farther lamenteth, for the rash giving of benefices to parlons, vicars, and curates, not for any godliness or learning in them, but for favor or friendship, or intercession, either else for hope of some gain, whereof springeth this great ignorance in the Church.

After this he noteth in prelates, how they wast and expend the goods of the church in supersluities or upon their kinsfolk, or other worse ways, which should rather be spent upon the poor.

Nextly, in the x. chapter, he complaineth for that through the negligence of men of the church (especially of the church of Rome) the books and monuments of the old Councils & also of the new, are not to be found: which should be reserved and kept in all cathedral Churches.

Item, that many prelates be so cold in doing their duties. Also reproacheth the unchaste and voluptuous demeanor of Ecclesiastical persons by the example of Storks, whose nature is (saith he) that if any of their company, leaving his own mate, joineth with any other, all the rest flieth upon him (whether it be he or she) beateth him, and plucketh his feathers off: what then (saith he) ought good prelates to do to such a person of their company, whose filthiness and corrupt life both defileth so many, and stinketh in the whole Church.

Again, forasmuch as we read in the book of Esdras, lib 2. cap 9 that he purging Israel of strange womē, began first with the priests: So now likewise in the purging & correcting of all sortes of men, first the purgation ought to begin with these, according as it is written by the prophet Ezekiel. Begin first with my sanctuary, &c.

Moreover, how that in the time of Phillip king of France, the whole Realm was interdicted, for that the king had but one woman instead of his wife, which was not his wife by law. And again, • eyng in these our days, the king of Portingale hath been sequestered from his dominion, by the authority of the church (being thought not sufficient to govern) what then ought to be said to that Prelate, which abuseth other men's wives, virgins, and Nuns, which also is found unable & insufficient to take upon him the charge of souls?

About the year of our Lord, 1128. the orders of the knights of the Rhodes called Joannites, also the order of Templars rose up.

After Honorius, next in the same usurpation succeeded Pope Innocentius 2. an. 1130. But as it was with his predecessors before him, that at every mutation of new Popes, came new perturbations, and commonly never a Pope was elected, but some other was set up against him, (sometimes 2. sometimes 3. Popes togethey) so likewise it happened with this Innocentius: for after he was chosen, the Romans elected another pope named Anacletus. Betwixt these two Popes was much ado, and great conflicts through the partaking of Rogerius Duke of Sicily, taking Anacletus part against Innocentius, until Locharius the Emperor came, who rescuing Innocentius, drove Rogerius out of Italy. Our stories record, that king Henry was one of the great helps in setting up and maintaining this Pope Innocentius against Anacletus, Gisburnens.

Amongst many other things this Pope decreed, that whosoever did strike a Priest or Clerke being shaven, he should be excommunicate, and not to be absolved, but only of the Pope himself.

About the time of doing of these things (being the year of our Lord, 1135. ) king Henry being in Normandy (as some say) by taking there a fall frō his horse (as other say) by taking a surfeit in eating Lampries, fell sick & died, after he had reigned over the realm of England 35. years and odd months, leaving for his heirs Matilde the Empresse his daughter, with her young son Henry to succeed after him, to whom all the Prelates and Nobility of the Realm were sworn. But contrary to their oth made to Molde in the presence of her father before: William the Archbishop of Cant. and the nobles of the realm, crowned Stephen Earl of Boloyne, and sisters son to king Henry, upon S. Stephens day in Christmas week. Which Archbishop, the next year after died: being (as it was thought) justly punished for his perjury. And many other lords which did accordingly, went not quite without punishment. In like justice of punishment is numbered also Roger bishop of Salisbury, who contrary to his oath (being a great doer in the coronation of Stephen) was apprehended of the same king, and miserably (but justly) extermined.

A certain written English story I have, which addeth more, and faith, that king Stephen (having many foes in diverse quarters, keeping there holds and castels against him) went then to Oxford, & took the Bishop of Salisbury, and put a rope about his neck, & so led him to the castle of Uice (that was his) and commanded them to render up the castle, or he would slay and hang their Bishop. Which Castle being given up, the king took the spoil thereof. The like also he did to the Bishop of Lyncolne named Alexander, whom in like manner he led in a rope to a Castle of the Bishops, that was upon Trent, and bad them deliver up the Castle, or else he would hang their Lord, before the gate. Long it was before the castle was given up, yet at length the king obtaining it, there entered and took all the treasure of the Bishop, &c. Roger Houeden. Fabian alleagyng a certain old Authors, whom I cannot find, referreth a great cause of this perjury to one Hugh Bigot, Steward sometime with king Henry. Who immediately after the death of the said Henry, came into England, and before the said Archbishop and other Lord's of the land, took willfully an oath and sware: that he was present a little before the kings death, when king Henry admitted for his heir (to be king after him) Stephen his nephew, for so much as Molde his daughter had discontented him. Wherunto the Archbishop with the other Lord's gave to hasty credence. But this Hugh (saith he) escaped not unpunished, for he died miserably in a short time after. Ex Fabia. Albeit all this may be supposed rather to be wrought not without the practice of Henry bishop of Winchester, & other Prelates (by his setting on) which Henry was brother to King Stephen, &c.

King Stephen.

T Hus when king Stephen contrary to his oth made before to Molde the Empresse, had taken upon him the crown (as is abovesaid) he sware before the Lord's at Oxford, that he would not hold the benefices that were voided and that he would remit the Danegelt, with many other things, which after he little performed, Moreover, because he dread the coming of the Empresse, he gave lisence to his Lord's, everyone to build upon their own ground, strong castles or sorcresses, as them liked. All the time of his reign he was vexed with wars, but especially with David King of the Scots, with whom he was at length accorded, but yet the Scottish king did him no homage, because he was sworn to Mande the Empresse. Notwithstanding, yet Henry the eldest son to king David, did homage to king Stephen. But he after repentyng thereof, entered into Northumberland with a great host, & burnt and New the people in most cruel wise, neither sparing man, woman, nor child. Such as were with child they ripped, the children they tost upon their spear pointes, and laying the priests upon the altars, they mangled and cut them all to pieces after a most terrible manner. But by the manhood of the English Lord's and soldiers, and through the means of Thurstine Archbishop of York, they were met withal, and slain a great number of them, and David their king constrained to give Henry his son hostage for surety of peace. In the mean time king Stephen was occupied in the South countries, besieging diverse castles of diverse Bishops & other Lord's, and took them by force, and fortified them with his knights and servants, to the intent to withstand the Empresse, whose coming he ever feared.

About the vi. year of his reign, Maud the Empresse came into England out of Normandy, & by the aid of Robert Earl of Gloucester, and Ranulph of Chester, made strong war upon king Stephen. In the ende whereof the kings party was chased, and himself taken prisoner, & sent to Bristow, there to be kept in sure hold. The same day whē king Stephen should join his battle: It is said in a certain old Chronicle before inyuded, that he being at the Mass (which then the bishop of Lincoln said, before y ^e king) as he went to offer up his taper, it brake in two pieces. And when the mass was done, (at what time the king should have been houseled) the Rope whereby the pyxe did hang, did break, and the pyx fell down upon the alter.

After this field, the Queen (king Stephens wife, lying then in Kent) made great labor to the Empresse and her counsel, to have the king delivered and put into some house of religion, but could not obtain. Also the Londoners made great sure to the said Empresse, to have and to use again S. Edward's laws, and not the laws of her father, which were more straight and strange to them then the other: which when they could not obtain of her and her counsel, the citizens of London (being therewith discontented) would have taken the Empresse. But she having knowledge thereof, fled privily from London to Oxford. But then the Kentishmen and Londoners taking the kings part, joined battle against the Empresse: there the foresaid Robert Earl of Gloucester, and base brother to the Empresse was taken. And so by exchange, both the King, and Earl Robert were delivered out of prison. Then Stephen (without delay) gatheryng to him a strong army, straightly pursued the foresaid Matild or Mauld, with her friends; besieging them in the Castell of Oxford. In the siege whereof, fell a great snow and frost so hard, that a man well laden might pass over the water. Upon the occasion whereof, the Empresse (bethinking herself) appointed with her friends & retinue: clothed in white shectes (& so issuing out by a postern gate) went vpō the ise, over Thames and so escaped to Wallingford. After this, the king) the castle being gotten) when he found not the Empresse, was much displeased, and molested the country about diuer's ways. In conclusion, he pursued the empresse & her company so hard, that he caused them to flee the realm, which was the vi. year of his reign.

The second year after this, which was the viii. year of his reign, there was a parliament kept at Londō, Unto the which, all the Bishops of the Realise resorted, and there denounced the king accursed (and all them with him) that did any hurt to the Church, or to any minister thereof. Wherupon the king began somewhat to amend his conditions for a certain space: but afterward as my story saith, was as evil as he was before: but what the causes were, mine author maketh no relation thereof, &c. To return again to the story, the Empresse compesled (as is said, to flee the realm) returned again into Normandy to Geoffrey Plantagenet her husband. Who, after he had valiantly won and defended the Duchy of Normandy, against the puissance of king Stephen a long time, ended his life, leaving Henry his son to succeed him in that dukedom. In the mean while, Robert Earl of Gloucester, and the Earl of Chester (who were strong of people) had diverse conflicts with the king. In so much, that at a battle at Wilton between them, the king was well nere taken, but yet escaped with much pain.

It was not long after, but Eustace son to king Stephen, who had married the French kings sister, made war upon duke Henry of Normādy, but prevailed not. Soone after, the said Henry Duke of Normandy (in the quarrel of his mother Maude) with a great puissance entered into England, and at the first wan the castle of Mahnesbury, then the Tower of London, and afterward the town of Nottingham, with other holds and castles, as of Walynford and other mo. Thus, between him and the king were foughten many battayles, to the great annoyaunce of the realm. During which time, Eustace the kings son departeth. Upon the occasion whereof, the king caused Theobald (which succeeded next after W. above mentioned) Archbishop of Canterbury, to make means for the Duke for peace, which upon this condition between them was concluded, that Stephen during his life time should hold the kingdom, and Henry in the mean time to be proclaimed heir apparent, in the chief cities throughout the Realm. These things thus concluded, Duke Henry taketh his journey into Normandy (king Stephen and his son William, bringing him on his way) where William the kings son, taking up his horse before his father, had a fall and brake his leg, and so was had to Canterbury. The same yere king Stephen, about October (as some say for sorrow) ended his life, after he had reigned 19. years periuredly.

As Theobald succeeded after William Archbishop of Canterb. so in York after Thurstine succeeded William, which was called S. William of York, who was poisoned in his chalice by his chaplaines.

In the time of this king, which was the xvi. year of his reign, Theobaldus Archbishop of Cant. and Legate to the Pope, did hold a council at London. In the which council first began new found appellatiōs, from councils to the Pope, found out by Henry Bishop of wint. For as the words of mine author do record: In Anglla namq̄;, appellationes in vsu non erant, donec ease Henricus Wint. Episcopus dum legatus esset, malo suo crudeliter intrusit. In eodem namq̄; concilio ad Rom. pontificis audientiam ter appellatū est, &c. That is, For appellations before were not in use in England, till Henry Bishop of Winchester being thē the Popes Legate, brought them cruelty in, to his own hurt. For in that Council thrice appeal was made to the Bishop of Rome.

In the time of king Stephen died Gracianus a monk of Bononie, who compiled the book called the Popes decrees. Also his brother Petrus Lambardus bishop of Paris (which is called the master of Sentences) compiled his four books of the sentence. These two brethren were the greatest doers in finding out and stablishing this blind opinion of the sacrament, that the only simnitude of bread and wyne remained, but not the substance of them: and this they call the spiritual understanding of the mystery. And therefore no meruail if the sun in those days were seen black and dim.

Some also affirm, that Petrus Comestor, writer of the Scholastical history was the third brother to these above named.

In the same time and reign of the said king Stephen was also Hugo surnamed De sancto victor. About y ^e which time (as Polychronicon reciteth) lived and died Bernardus Clareuallensis.

The author of the history (called Iornalensis ) maketh also mention of Hildegare the Numne and propheresse in Almaine, to live in the same age. Concerning whose prophesy against the Friers: hereafter (by the grace of Christ) more shall be said, when we come to recite the order and mumber of Friers and religious men crept into the Church of Christ.

We read moreover of one named Johannes de temporibus, which by the affirmaunce of most of our old histories, lived 361. years (servant once to Carolus Magnus ) and in the reign of Stephen, king of England died, Polychron. lib 7. Continuator, Henr. Hunt. Iornalens in vita Steph. Nicol. Triuet, &c.

In the days also of this king (and by him) was built the Abbey of Feuersham, where his son & he were buried. He built the monastery of Finerneys, & of Fomitance, the castle of Walingford, with a number of other Castles mo.

During the time of the said king Stephen, the year of our Lord, 1144. the miserable Jews crucified a child in the City of Norwich, N. Triuet & alij.

Much about the same time came up the order of the Gilbertines, by one Gilbert son to Jacoline a knight of Lincolnshire, &c.

Mention hath been made before of certain English Councils, holden in the time of this king, where it was (in one of them under Theolbald the Archbishop of Canterbury) decreed, that bishops should live more discretely, should reach their flock more diligently, that reading of scriptures should be frequented more usually in Abbeys: that Priests should not be rulers of worldly matters, and that they should learn and teach the Lord's prayer, and Creed in English, Malmesb.

Matth. Parisiensis writeth, how Stephen king of England in these days reserved to himself, the right and authority of bestowyng of spiritual livings, and inuestyng Prelates, an. 1133.

At which time also, Lotharius the Emperor began to do the like in recovering again the right & privilege taken away from Henricus his predecessor, had not Bernardus given him contrary counsel.

Here came into the Church, the manner of cursing with book, bell, and candle, devised in the Council of London holden by William bishop of Winchester under Pope Celestinus, which succeeded after Innocentius, an. 1144.

Also Lotharius succeeded in the Imperial crown, Conradus the nephew of Henricus the v. afore mentioned, an. 1138. which only amongst many Emperors is not found to receive the crown at the Popes hand.

In the days of this Emperor (who reigned 15. years) were diverse Popes, as Celestinus 2. Lucius the 2. Eugenius the 3. at which time the Romaines went about to recover again their former old manner of choosing their Consuls and Senators. But the Popes thē being in their ruffe, in no case would abide it, whereupon rose many commotions, with much civil war amongst them. In so much, that Pope Lucius (sending for aid to the Emperor, and he otherwise letted at that time could not come) armed his soldiers, thinking to invade them or else to destroy them in their Senate house. But this coming to their knowledge before, the people was all in array, and so much add was amongst them. Pope Lucius being also amongst thē in the fight (well pelted with stones & blows) lived not long after. Likewise Pope Eugenius after him, an. 1145. (pursuing the Romans for the same matter) first did curse them with excommunicatiō. After, when he saw that would not serve, he came with his host: and so compelled them at length to seek his peace, and to take his conditions which were these: That they should abolish their Consuls, and take such Senators, as he by his Papal authority should assign them.

Then followed Anastacius the 4. & after him Hadrianus 4. an Englishman, by his name (called Breakespere) belonging once to S. Albōs. This Hadrianus kept great stir in like sort with the citizens of Rome for abolishyng their consuls and Senate, cursing, excommunicating, and warring against them with all power he could make: to the time he removed the Consuls out of their office, and brought them all under his subjection. The like business and cage he also stirred up against Apulia, and especially against the Empire, blustering and thundering against Friderieus the Emperor, as (the Lord granting) you shall hear anon after we have prosecuted such matter, as necessarily appertaineth first to the continuation of our English story.

King Henry the second.

H Enry the second of that name, the son of Jeffrey Plantagenet, and of Maude the Empresse and daughter of king Henry the first, began his reign after king Stephen, and continued 35. years. The first year of his reign he subdued Ireland, and not long after, Thomas Becket was made by him Lord Chancellor of England. This king cast down diverse Castles which were erected in the time of king Stephen. He went into the North partes, where he subdued William king of Scotland, who at that time held a great part of Northumberland unto new Castell upon Tyne, and joined Scotland to his own kingdom from the South Ocenm to the North Isles of Orchades; Also he put under his dominion the kingdom of Wales, and there let to fall down many great wooodes, and made the ways plain. So that by his great manhood and policy; the seignorie of England was much augmented with the addition of Scotland, Ireland, the Isles Orchades, Britain, Poytow, and Guyan. Also he had in his rule, Normandy, Gascoyne, Angeow, and Chinon: also Aluerne and the City of Tholous he wan, and were to him subject. Ouer and besides (by the title of his wife Elenore daughter to the Earl of Poytow) he obtained the mounts Pyraine in Spain: so that we read of none of his progenitors, which had so many countries under his dominion.

In England were seen in the firmament two sun’s, or as it is in Chronica Chronicorum, in Italy appeared three sun’s by the space of iii. hours in the West, and the yere following, appeared iii. moons, whereof the middle moon had a red cross ouertwart the face. Whereby was tokened (by the judgment of some) the great schism, that after fell among the Cardinals for the election of the Bishop of Rome: or else rather the business between Fridericus the Emperor and the Popes, whereof partly now incidently occasiō giveth us to discourse. After that I have first written of Gerhardus and Dulcinus Nauarēsis, who in their time according to their gift, did earnestly labor & preach against the church of Rome, defending and maintainyng, that prayer was not more holy in one place then in another, that the Pope was Antichrist, that the Clergy & prelates of Rome were reject, and the very whore of Babylon prefigured in the Apocalypse, &c. Peradventure these had received some light of knowledge of the Waldenses. Who at length with a great number of their followers were oppressed and slain by the Pope. And although some inconvenient points of doctrine and dishonesty in their assemblies be against them alleged of some, yet these times of ours do teach us sufficiently, what credit is to be given to such popish slanders, forged rather upon hatred of true religion, then upon any judgment of truth. Illyricus in his book De testibus referreth the time of these two, to the yere of our Lord, 1280. but as I find in y ^e story of Robert Guisburn: these ii. about y ^e year of our Lord, 1158. brought 30. with them into England, who by the king and the Prelates, were all burnt in the forehead, and so driven out of the Realm, and after (as Illyricus writeth) were slain by the Pope.

And now according to my promise premised, the time requireth to proceed to the history of Fredericus the first, (called Barbarossa) successor unto Conradus in the Empire, who marched up to Italy, to subdue there certain rebels. The Pope hearing that, came with his Clergy to meet him by the way, in a town called Sutrium, thinking by him to find aid against his enemies. The Emperor seeing the Bishop, lighteth of his horse to receive him, holding the stirrup to the Prelate on the left side, when he should have held it on the right, whereat the Pope shown himself somewhat agrieued. The Emperor smiling, excused himself that he was never accustomed to hold stirrups. And seeing it was done only of good will, and of no duty, the less matter was, what side of the horse he held. The next day to make amends again to the Bishop, the Emperor sending for him, received him, holding the right stirrup to the prelate, & so all the matter was made whole and he the Popes own white son again.

After this, as they were come in and late together, Hadrianus the Pope beginneth to declare unto him, how his ancestors before him (such as sought to the sea of Rome for the crown) were wont always to leave behind them some special token or monument of their benevolence, for the obtaining thereof, as Carolus Magnus in subduing the Lombards, Ottho the Berengarians, Lotharius the Normands, &c. Wherefore, he required some benefit to proceed likewise from him to the church of Rome, in restoring again the country of Apulia, to the Church of Rome. Which thing if he would do, he for his part again would do that which appertained to him to do: (meaning in giving him the crown) for at y ^e time the popes had brought the Emperors, to fetch their crown at their hands.

Frederike with his princes perceiving, that unless he would of his own proper costs & charges fetch in again Apulia out of duke Williams hands, he could not speed of the crown, was fain to promise to all that the Pope required, and so the next day after was crowned.

This done, the Emperor returneth into Germany, to refresh his army and his other furnitures, for the subduing Apulia. In the mean while, Hadrianus not thinking to be idle, first giveth forth censures of excommunication against William duke of Apulia. Besides (not coutēt with this) sendeth also to Immanuel Emperor of Constantinople, incensing him to war against the foresaid William. The duke perceiving this, sendeth to the Pope for peace, promising to restore to him whatsoever he would.

But the Pope through the malignant counsel of his Cardinals, would grant to no peace thinking to get more by war. The Duke seeing nothing but war, prepareth himself with all expedition to the same. To be brief, making all his power out of Sicilia, he arriueth at Apulia, & there putteth Immanuel the Emperor to flight. This done, he proceedeth to the City Bonauentuee, where the Pope with his Cardinals were looking for victory. He planting there his siege, so straightly pressed the City, that the Pope w ^e his Cardinals were glad to entreat for peace which they refused before. The Duke granted to their peace upon certain conditions: that is, that neither he should invade such possessions as belonged to Rome, and that the Pope should make him king of both Siciles. So the matter was concluded, and they departed. The bishop coming to Rome was no less troubled there about their Consuls and Senators. In so much, that when his curses and excommunications could not prevail nor serve, he was sayne to leave Rome, and removed to Ariminum.

The Emperor all this while sitting quietly at home, began to consider with himself, how the Pope had extorted from the Emperors (his predecessors) the investing and induyng of prelates: how he had pylied and poled all nations by his Legates, and also had been the sower of seditions through all his Empery, he began therefore to require of all the bishops of Germany homagium, and oath of their allegiance, commanding also the Popes Legates, if they came into Germany without his sending for, not to be received. Charging moreover all his subjects, that none of thē should appeal to Rome. Besides this, in his letters he set & prefixed his name before the popes name. Whereupon, the Pope being not a little offended, directed his letters to the foresaid Frederike Emperor, after this tenor and form as followeth.

Upon this, Hadrianus the Pope directeth out a Bull against Friderike, excommunicating him with public & solemn ceremonies, Moreover (conspiring with William duke of Apulia) sought all manner of ways to insest the emperor, and to set all men against him, especially the clergy. Amongst many other writing to Hilituns Bishop of Driuers, to Arnulphus bishop of Mainz, & to Friderike bishop of Colen, seeketh first to make them of his side. His Epistle to them soundeth to this effect.

THe Empire of Rome was transferred from the Greeks to the Almains, so that the king of Almains could not be called Emperor, before he were crowned of the bishop Apostolical. Before his consecration he is a king, afterward Emperor. Whence hath he his Empire then, but of us? By the election of his princes he hath the name of a king by our consecration he hath the name of the Emperor of Augustior of Caesar. Ergo, by us he raygneth as Emperor: Search ancient antiquities. Zacharias P. promooted Carolus, and made him a great name, that he was made and called Emperor. And after that, ever the king of Almaines was named Emperor and advocate to the see Apostolical, so that Apulia (conquered by him) was subdued to the bishop of Rome: which Apulia with the city of Rome, is ours, and not the Emperors. Our seat is at Rome, the seat of the Emperor is at Aquis in Arduenna, which is a wood in France. The Emperor whatsoever he hath, he hath it of us. As Zacharias did translate the Empire frō the Greeks to the Almaines: so we may translate it again from the Almains, to the Greeks. Behold it lieth in our power to give it to whom we will, being therefore set up of God above Gentiles and nations, to destroy and pluck up, to build and to plant, &c.

And yet further to understand the ambitious presumption of this proud see of Rome, it so chanced this Emperor Fridericus at his first coming up to Rome, did behold there in the palace of Lateraue, a certain picture brought forth unto him, how Lotharius the ii. Emperor was crowned of the Pope, with the inscription of certain verses in Latin, declaring how the foresaid Emperor coming to Rome, first did swear to the city, after was made the Popes man, and so of him received the crown. Fridericus offended with this picture, desired the pope it might be abolished, for that it should be no cause of any dissention hereafter. The Pope understanding the intent of the Emperor, how loath he was to come under subiectiō to his see, devised by all crafty ways to bring it to pass. And first taking his occasion by the bishop of Laodicea (being thē detained in custody, I cannot tell by whom) sent diverse and sharp letters unto him. And yet not so sharp, as proud & disdainful. Wherein the first saluration by his legates, was this in Latin : Salutat vos beatissimus pater noster Papa, & vniuersitas Cardinalium, ill vt pater, hij vt fratres. That is, our most blessed father the Pope greeteth you, and the universal company of the Cardinals, he as your father, they as your brethren. Meaning thereby that he should understand himself to be subject and vnderlyng to the Pope, no less then the Cardinals were. Moreover in his letters objecting diverse things against him, reciteth, how many and great benefits he had received of the church of Rome: by the which church he had obtained the fullness of his honor and dignity, &c. The Emperor with his princes perceiving whereunto the Pope by his Legates did shoot: (being a prince of courage) could not abide such intolerable presumption of a proud message: whereupon, much contention fell between the Legates and the Princes. And of whom then (say the Legates) receiveth Caesar the Emperie, if he take it not of the Pope; with the which word, the German princes were so much offended, that had not the Emperor stayed them (with much ado) they would have used violence against the Legates. But the Emperor not permitting that, commanded the Legates away, straightly charging them to make no turn by the way to any person or persons, but straight to depart home. And he (to certify the whole state of the Empire of the truth of the matter) direcreth forth these letters that follow.

This letter of Caesar fretted the Pope not a little, who wrote again to the bishops of Germany, accusing the emperor, and willing them to work against him what they could: they answer again with all obedience to the Pope submitting themselves, and yet excusing the emperor, and blaming him rather. And exhorted him henceforth to temper his letters and legacies with more gentleness and modesty, the which counsel he also followed, perceiving otherwise, that he could not prevail.

Much trouble had good Fridericus with this Pope: but much more with the other, that followed. For this Pope continued not very long, the space only of 4. years & odd months. About whose time rose up the order of the Hermits by one William once duke of Aquitania, and afterward a Frier. This Hadrianus walking with his cardinals abroad, to a place called Anagnia or Arignanum, (as Volateran calleth it) chanced to be choked with a fly getting into his throat, and so was strangled, who in the latter time of his papacy, was wont to say, that there is no more miserable kind of life in the earth, then to be a Pope, and to come to the papacy by blood, that is (said he) not to succeed Peter, but rather Romulus, who to reign alone, did slay his brother.

Although this Adrian was bad enough, yet came the next much worse, one Alexander the 3. of that name. Who yet was not elected alone: for beside him the Emperor w ^t 9. Cardinals (albeit Sabellicus saith but with 3.) did set up another Pope named Victor the 4. Betwene these two Popes rose a soul schism and great discord, and long continued. In so much, that the Emperor being required to take up the matter, sent for them both to appear before him, that in hearing them both, he might judge their cause the better. Victor came, but Alexander (disdaming that his matter should come in controversy) refused to appear. Whereupon the Emperor with a full consent of his Bishops and clergy about him, assigned and ratified the election of Victor to stand, and so brought him into the City there to be received & placed. Alexander (flying into France) accused them both, sending his letters to all christendom against them, as men to be avoided and cast out of all Christian company. Also to get him friends at Rome by flattery and money got on his side the greatest part of the City, both to the favoring of him, and to the setting up of such Consuls as were for his purpose. After this, Alexander coming from France to Sicily, and frō thence to Rome, was there received with much favor, thorough the help of Phillip the French king.

The Emperor hearing this rebellion and conspiracy in Rome, removed w ^t great power into Italy, where he had destroyed diverse great cities. Comming at length to Rome, he required the Citizens that the cause betwixt the two Popes might be decided, and that he which had y ^e best right, might be takē. If they would so do, he would restore again that which he took from them before. Alexander mistrusting his part, and doubting the willes of the Citizens, (having ships ready prepared for him, from William Duke of Apulia) fetched a course about to Venice.

To declare here the difference in histories, between Blondus Sabellicus, and the Venetian chronicles, with other writers, concerning the order of this matter, I will overpass. In this most do agree, that the Pope being at Venice, and required to be sent of the Venetians, to y ^e Emperor, they would not send him. Wherupon, Fridericus the Emperor sent thither his son Otho with men and ships well appointed, charging him not to attempt anything before his coming. The young man more hardy then circumspect (joining with the Venetians) was overcome, & so taken was brought into the city. Hereby the Pope toke no small occasion to work his feats.

The father to help the captivity and misery of his son, was compelled to submit himself to the Pope, and to entreat for peace. So the Emperor coming to Venice (at S. Markes Church, where the bishop was, there to take his absolution) was bid to kneel down at the Popes feet.

The proud Pope setting his foot upon the Emperors neck, said the verse of the Psalm: Super aspidem & basiliscum ambulabis & conculcabis Leonem & Draconem: That is, Thou shalt walk upon the Adder and the Basilisk, and shalt tread down the Lion and the Dragon, &c. To whō the Emperor answering again, said: Non tibi sed Petro, that is, not to thee but to Peter. The Pope again, Et mihi, & Petro, both to me and to Peter. The Emperor fearing to give any occasion of further quarreling, held his peace and so was absolved, and peace made between thē: the conditions whereof were these. First, that he should receive Alexander, for the true Pope. Secondly, that he should

restore again to the Church of Rome, all that he had taken away before. And thus the Emperor obtaining again his son, departed.

Here, as I note in diverse writers, a great diversity and variety touching the order of this matter (of whom some say that the Emperor campt in Palestine before he came to Venice, some say after) so I meruell to see in Volaterane (so great a favorer of the pope) such a contradiction who in his 22. book saith: y ^e Otto (the Emperors son) was taken in this conflict, which was the cause of y ^e peace between, his father and the pope: And in his 23. book again saith, that the Emperor himself was taken prisoner in the same battle: & so (afterward peace concluded) took his journey to Alia & Palestine: This P. in the time of his papacy (which continued 21. years) kept sundry councils both at Turo & at Lateran, where he confirmed the wicked proceedings of Hildebrand, and other his predecessors. As to bind all orders of the clergy to the vow of chastity, which were not greatly to be reprehended if they would define chastity aright. For who so liveth not a chaste life (saith he) is no fit person to be a minister. But herein lieth an error full of much blindness: and also peril, to think that matrimony immaculate (as S. Paul calleth it) is not chastity, but only a single life, that they esteem to be a chaste life.

Now forasmuch as our english pope holy martyr, called Thomas Becket, happened also in the same time of this pope Alexander, let us somewhat also story of him so far as the matter shall seem worthy of knowledge and to stand with truth. To the end that the truth thereof being sifted from all flattery and lies of such popish writers as paint out his story: men may the better judge both of him what he was, and also of his cause.

The life and history of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury.

IF the cause make a Martyr (as is said) I see not why we should esteem Tho. Becket to die a martyr, more then any other whom the Princes sword doth here temporally punish for their temporal deserts. To die for the Church, I grant is a glorious matter. But the Church, (as it is a spiritual and not a temporal Church) so it standeth upon causes spiritual, and upon an heavenly foundation, as upon saith, religion, true doctrine, sincere discipline, obedience to God's commandments. And not vpō things pertaining to this world, as possessions, liberties, exemptions, privileges, dignities, patrimonies, and superiorities. If these be given to the Church, I pray God churchmen may use them well, but if they be not given, the church cannot claim thē: or if they be takē away, that stadeth in the princes power. To contend to Princes for the same, it is no matter (in my mind) material, to make a martyr, but rather a rebellion against them, to whom we owe subjection. Therefore as I suppose Tho. Becket to be far frō the cause and title of a Martyr (neither can he be excused, from a plain rebel against his prince) so yet would I have wished again, the law rather publicly to have found out his fault: then the swords of men (not bid̄ not sent) to have smitten him, having no special commandment, neither of the prince nor of the law so to do. For though the indignation of the Prince (as the wise Prince saith) is death: yet it is not for every private persō straghtwayes to revenge the secret indignation of his Prince, except he be publicly authorised thereunto. And thus had been (as I suppose) the better way, the laws first to have executed their justice upon him. Certes, it had been the safest way for the king, as it proved after: who had just matter enough, if he had prosecuted his cause against him. And also thereby, his death had been without all suspicion of martyrdom, neither had their followed this shrining and fainting of him as there did. Albeit, the secret providence of God (which governeth all things) did see this way percase to be best, and most necessary for those days. And doubtless (to say here what I think, and yet to speak nothing again charity) if the Emperors had done the like to the Popes, contending against them what time they had cook them prisoners: that is, if they had used the law of the sword against them, and chopped off the heads of one or two, according to their traiterous rebellion: they had broken the neck of much disturbance, which long time after did trouble the Church. But for lack of that, because Emperors having the sword, and the truth on their side, would not use their sword: but standing in awe of the Popes vain curse, and reverencing his seat for Saint Peters sake, durst not lay hand upon him: though he were never so abhominable and traiterous a maletactour. The Popes perceiving that, took so much upon them (not as the scripture would give) but as much as the superstitious fear of Emperors and kings would suffer them to take: which was so much, that it past all order, rule, and measure. And all because the superior powers (either would not, or durst not) practice the authority given to them of the Lord, upon those inferiors, but suffered them to be their masters.

But as touching Thomas Becket, whatsoever is to be thought of them that did the act: the example thereof yet bringeth this profit with it, to teach all Romish Prelates not to be so stubborn (in such matters not pe • tayning to them) against their Prince, unto whom God hath subjected them.

Now to the story, which if it be true that is set forth in Quadrilogo, by those source who took upon thē to express the life and process of Thomas Becket: it appeareth by all conjectures that he was a man of a stout nature, severe, & inflexible. What persuasion or opinion he had once cōceaued: from that he would in no wise be removed, or very hardly. Threatenings & flatterings were to him both one. In this point singular, following no man's counsel so much as his own. Great helps of nature were in him (if he could have used them well) rather then of learning. Albe it, somewhat skillful he was of y ^e civil law, which he studied at Bonomie. In memory excellent good, and also well broken in courtly and worldly matters. Besides this, he was of a chaste and strait life, if the histories be true. Although in the first part of his life (being yet Archdeacon of Canterbury and after Lord Chancellor) he was very evil, courtlike, pleasant, given much both to hunting & hawking, according to the guise of the court. And highly favored he was of his prince, who not only had thus promoted him: but also had committed his son & heir to his institution and governance. But in this his first beginning he was not so well beloved: but afterward he was again as much hated (& deservedly) both of the king, and also of the most part of his subjects: save only of certain Monk •• and priests, and such other as were persuaded by thē: who magnified him not a little, for upholding the liberties of the church (that is) the licentious life and excess of Churchmen. Amongest all other, these vices he had most notable, & to be rebuked. Full of devotion, but without all true Religion. Zelous, but clean without knowledge. And therefore as he was stiff and stubborn of nature, so (a blind conscience being joined w ^t all) it turned to plain rebellion. So superstitious he was to the obedience of the pope, that he forgot his obedience to his natural and most beneficial king. And in maintaining (so cōtentiously) the vain constitutions and decrees of men: be neglected the commandments of God. But herein most of all to be reprehended, that not only (contrary y ^e kings knowledge) he sought to convey himself out of the realm (being in that place and calling) but also (being out of the realm) set matter of discord between the Pope & his K. and also between the French king and him: contrary to all honesty, good order, natural subjection, and true christianity. Wherupon followed no little disquietness after, both to the king and damage of the realm, as here (in process and in order following by the grace of Christ) we will declare. First beginning with the first rising up of him, & so consequently to prosocute in order his story as followeth.

And first here to omit the progeny of him and of his mother named Rose, whom Polyd. Virgilius falsely nameth to be a Saracen: when in deed she came out of the partes bordering near to Normandy. To omit also the fabulous vision of his mother, mentioned in Rob. Crikeladensis, of a burning torche issuing out of her body and reaching up to heaven: his first preferment was to the Church of Branfield, which he had by the gift of S. Albous. After that, he cutred in the service of the Archb. of Cant. by whō he was then preferred to be his Archdeacon. And after by the said Theobald was put (as a mā most metest for his purpose) to K. Hen. to bridle the young K. y ^e he should not be fierce against the clergy: whom in process of time, the K. made lord Chancellor, and then he left playing the archdeacon, and began to play the Chancellor. He facioned his conditions like to the kings both in weighty matters & trifles. He would hunt with him, and watch the time when the Kyng dyned and and slept. Furthermore he began to love the merry gessinges of the court, to delight himself in the great land of mē & praise of the people. And y ^e I may pass over his household stuff, he had his bridle of silver, & the bosses of his bridle were worth a great treasure. At his table and other expenses, he passed any earle: That on the one side, men would judge him little to consider the office of an Archdeacon: and on the other side would judge him to use wicked doings. He played also the good soldier under the K. in Gascon, and both wan and kept towns. When the K. sent Thomas being Chancellor home into England (ambassador with other nobles after the death of the Archb.) he willed Rich. Luci (one of the chiefest) to commend in his name, this Thomas to the convent of Canterbury, that they might chose him archbish. Which thing he did diligently. The monks said, it was not meet to choose a courtier and a souldior to be head of so holy a company, for he would spend (said they) all that they had. Other had this surmise also, because he was in so great favor with the prince, the kings son, & was so suddenly discharged. of the Chancellorship which he had borne five years. In the 44. year of his age (on the Saturday in the Whitsonweeke) he was made priest, and the next day consecrated Bishop.

As touching the priesthood of this man, I find the histories to vary in thenselves, for if he were beneficed, and chaplain to Theobald, & afterward archdeacon (as some say) it is no other like, but that he was priest before, & not (as our most English stories say) made priest in one day, and archbishop the next.

But howsoever this matter passeth, here is in y ^e mean time to be seen, what great benefits the K. had done for him, and what great love had been between them both. Now after that Becket was thus promoted, what variance and discord happened between them, remaineth to be shown: The causes of which variance were diverse and sundry.

As first when (according to the custom) the Kings officers gathered, of everyone, hyde money through the Realm, for the defense of their own country: the Kyng would have taken it to his cofers. But the Bishop said, that which every man gave willingly, he should not co •• t as his proper rent.

An other cause was, that where a Priest was accused of murder, and the kings officers and the friends of the dead, accused the priest earnestly afore the bishop of Salisbury his Diocesan to whō he was sent, desiring justice to be done on him: the priest was put to his purgation. But when he was not able to defend himself, the Bishop sent to the archbishop to ask what he should do. The Archb. commanded he should be deprived of all ecclesiastical benefices, & shut up in an abbey to do perpetual penance. After the same sort were diverse other handled for like causes, but none put to death, nor lost joint, nor burned in the hand, or the like pain.

The third cause was, that where a Chanon of Bruis did revile the kings iustices: the king was offended with the whole clergy. For these and such like, the Archbishop (to pacify the kings anger) commanded the Chanon to be whipped, & deprived of his benefices for certain years. But the king was not content with this gentic punishment, because it rather increased their boldness: and therefore he called the Archbishop, bishops, and all the clergy to assemble at Westminster. Whē they were assembled together: the king earnestly commanded, that such wicked Clerks should have no privilege of their Clergy, but he delivered to the Iaylers, because they passed so little of y ^e spiriturll correction: and this he said, also their own Canons and laws had decreed. The Archbishop counsailing w ^e his bishops and learned men, answered probably: and in the end he desired heartily the kings gentleness (so: the quietness of himself and his realm) that under Christ our new king, and under the new law of Christ, he would bring in no new kind of punishment into his Realm (upon the new chosen people of the Lord) against the old decrecs of the holy fathers: And oft he said, that he neither ought nor could suffer it. The king moved therewith (and not without cause) alledgeth again and exacteth the old laws and customs of his grandfather, observed and agreed vpō by archbishops, bishops, prelates, & other priuileged persons: inquiring likewise of him, whether he would agree to the same, or else now (in his reign) would condemn that which in the reign of his graūdfather was well allowed. To which laws & customs, the said Thomas did partly grant, and partly not grant. The copy of the which foresaid laws are contained in the number of xxviii. or xxix. whereof I thought here to recite certain, not unworthy to be known.

By these and such other laws and decrees it may appear that the abolyshing of the pope, is no new thing in the realm of England. This only difference there is, y ^e the P. being driven out then, could not be kept out so long as now he is. The cause is, that y ^e time was not yet come, that antechrist should so fully be revealed. Neither was his wickedness then so fully ripe in those days, as it hath been now in our time. Now these premised, let us return where we left, to the matter betwixt the king and Thomas becket.

The communication and controversy between the king and Thomas Becket with his Clergye.

THe king as is aforesaid, conventing his Nobles and clerks together, required to have y ^e punishment of certain misdoers of the Clergy. But Thomas Becket not assenting thereunto: the king came to this point: to know whether he would consent with his clergy, that the customs then set forth in the realm (meaning by the first part of those decrees above specified) should be observed. To which the Archbishop consulting together with his brethren, giveth answer again, that he was contented y ^e kings ordinances should be observed, adding this withal, Saluo ordine suo : that is, saving his order. And so in like manner all the other bishops after, being demanded in order, answered w ^t the same addition, Saluo ordine suo. Only Hillarius bishop of Chichester, perceiving the king to be exasperate with that addition, instede of Saluo ordine, agreed to observe them Bona fide. The king hearing thē not simply to agree unto him but with an exceptiō, was mightily offended: who thē turning to the Archbishop and the Prelates said: that he was not well contented with that clause of theirs, Saluo ordine suo, which he said, was captious and deceitful: having some manner of venine lurking under, & therefore required an absolute grant of them w ^t out any exception to agree to the kings ordinances. To this the Archbishop answered again, that they had sworn unto him their fidelity, both life, body, and earthly honor, Saluo ordine suo : and that in the same earthly honor, also those ordinances were comprehended: and to the observing, they would bind themselves after no other form, but as they had sworn before. The king with this was moved, & all his nobility not a little. As for y ^e other bishops, there was no doubt but they would easily have relented, had not the stoutness of the Archb. made thē more constant then otherwise they would have been. The day being well spent: the king (when he could get no other answer of them) departed in great anger: giving no word of salutatiō to y ^e bishops. And likewise, the bishops everyone to his own house departed. The bishop of Chichester (amongst the rest) was greatly rebuked of his fellows, for chaūging y ^e exception contrary to the voice of all the other. The next day following, the king took from the archbishop all such honors & Lordships, as he had givē him before, in the time that he was chauncellor: whereby appeared the great displeasure of the king against him and the clergy. Not long after this, the king removing from London (unknowing to the bishops) sailed over to Normandy, whither the bishop of London called Gilbert (not long after) resorted to crave the Kings favor: & gave him council withal to join some of y ^e bishops on his side, least if all were against him, peradventure he might sooner be overthrown. And thus the greatest mumber of y ^e bishops were by this means reconciled again to the King: only the archbishop with a few other remained in their •• outnes still. The K. (thinking to try all manner of ways) when he saw no fear not threats could turn him: did assay him with gē • lenes, it would not serve. Many of the nobles labored betwixt thē both, exhorting him to relent to the King, it would not be. Likewise the archbishop of York with diverse other Bishops and abbots (especially the bish. of Chester) did the same. Besides this his own household daily called upon him: but no man could persuade him. At length understanding (partly by them y ^e came to him) what danger might happen not only to himself, but to all the other clergy upon the kings displeasure: partly considering the old love & kindness of the king towards him in time past, was content to give over to the kings request: & came to Oxeford to him, reconciling himself about the addition, which displeased the king so much. Wherupō, the king (being somewhat mitigate) receiveth him with a more cheerful countenance: but yet not all so familiarly as before, saying: that he would have his ordinances and proceedings after y ^e form confirmed in the public audience & opē sight of his Bishops and all his Nobles. After this the K. (being at Clarendon) there called all his pieres and prelates before him: requiring to have that performed which they had promised, in consenting to the observing of his grandfathers ordinances and proceedings. The archbishop suspecting (I cannot tell what) in y ^• kings promise, drew backward, & now would not that he would before. At last with much a do he was enforced to give assent. First, came to him the bishop of Salisbury and of Norwich, who (for old matters endangered to the king long before) came weeping & lamēting to the archbishop, desiring him to have some compassion of them, & to remit this pertinency to the king: left if he so continued (through his stoutness to exasperate the kings displeasure) happily it might redound to no small danger, not only of thē which were in ieoperdy already: but also of himself to be imprisoned, and the whole Clergy to be indaungered. Besides these two bishops, there wet to him other two noble pieres of the realm laboring w ^e him to relent & condescend to the kings desire. If not, they should be enforced to use violence, as neither would stand with the kings fame, and much less with his quietness. But yet the stout stomach of the mā would not give over. After this, came to him ii. rulers of the temple called Templars: one Richard de Hast: another Costans de Heuerio with their company: lamenting & bewailing their great peril which they declared unto him to hang over his head: yet neither with their tears nor with their kneelinges, would he be removed. At length came y ^e last message from the king, signifying unto him with express words (and also with tears) what he should trust to, if he would not give over to the kings request.

By reason of which message, he (either terrified or else persuaded) was content to submit himself. Whereupon, the king incontinent assembling the states together: the Archbishop first before all other beginneth to promise to the king obedience and submission unto his custom, and that Cum Bona fide leaving out of his former addition, Saluo ordine, mentioned before: in steed whereof he promised in Verbo veritatis, to observe and keep the kings customs and swear to the same. After him the other Bishops likewise gave the like oath. Whereupon, the king commanded incontinent certain instruments obligatory to be drawn: of y ^e which: the king should have one: the archbishop of Canterbury another: the Archbishop of York the third: requiring also the said Archbishop to set his hand and seal. To the which, the Archbishop (although not denying but that he was ready so to do) yet desired respite in the matter, while that he (being but newly come to his bishoppricke) might better peruse with himself the foresaid customs and ordinances of the king. This request as it seemed but reasonable, so it was lightly granted: and so the day being well spent, they departed for that season and brake up.

Alanus one of the iv. writers of y ^e life of this Thomas Becket, recordeth: that the archbishop in his viage toward Winchester, begā greatly to reap̄t that he had done before, partly through the instigation of certain about him, but chiefly of his crossebearer, who going before the Archbish. did sharply and earnestly expostulate with him, for giving over to the kings request against the priuelege & liberties of the Church: polluting not only his fame and conscience, but also giving a pernicious example to them that should come after, with many like words. To make the matter short: the Archbishop was so touched upon the same with such repentance, that keeping himself from all company, lamenting with tears, with fasting, and with much penance macerating and afflicting himself, did suspend him self from all divine service: and would not receive comfort, before that (word being sent to his holy graundfather the pope) he should be assoild of him: who tenderyng the tears of his dear chicken, directed to him letters again by the same messenger which Thomas had sent up to him before. In which letters not only he assoiled him from his trespass: but also with words of great consolation did encourage him to be stout in the quarrel he took in hand. The copy of which letters consolatory sent from the Pope to Popish Becket, here follow under written.

Thys letter with other moe after like sort, the pope thē wrote to him: animating and comforting him in this quarrel so nearly pertaining to the popes profit. By the occasion whereof, Becket toke no small heart and consolation In so much, y ^t thereof seemeth to me to proceed, all the occasiō y ^e made him so stout & malipart against his prince, as hereafter followeth to be seen by his doings. What y ^e other letters were that the pope wrote unto him, shortly after (when we come to the appellatiōs made to the pope) shall appear God willing. In the mean season (as he sat thus mourning at home) the king hearing of him, & howe be denied to set his seal to those sanctions, which he condesceded to before, took no little displeasure against him. In so much that he (threatening to him and his, banishment & death) began to call him to reconinges, and to burden him with paymentes: that all men might understand that y ^e kings mind was sore set against him. The Archbishop hereupon (whether more for the love of the pope, or dread of his prince) thought to make an escape out of the realm, and so went about in the night (with two or three with him stealing out of his house) to take the sea privily. Now amongst other the kings ordinances and sanctions, this was one: that none of the prelacy or nobility without the kings license (or of his iustices) should depart out of the realm. So Becket twice attempted the sea, to flee to the see of Rome: but the wether not serving, was drivē home again, and his devise for that time frustrated. After his departure began to be known and noised abroad, the kings officers came to Canterbury to season upon his goods in the kings behalf. But as it chanced the night before their coming, Becket being returned and found at home, they did not proceed in their purpose.

Upon this, the Archbishop (understanding the king sore bent against him, and the seas not to serve him) made hast to the court, lying then at woodstock. Where the king received him (after a certain manner) but nothing so familiarly as he was wont: taunting him gestingly & merrily, as though one realm were not able to hold them both. Becket (although he was permitted to go and come at his pleasure to the court) yet could not obtain the favor that he would: perceiving both in himself, and confessing no less to other, how the matter would fall out: so that either he should be constrained to give over with shame, or stoutly stand to that which he had so holdly taken in hand. The Archbishop of York in the mean time (going between y ^e king and the Archbish.) labored to make a peace & love between them, but the King in no case would be reconciled, unless the other would subscribe to his laws. So the while, neither the K. would otherwise agree, nor yet the archb. in any wise would subscribe: there was a foul discord. Where the fault was, let the reader here judge between thē both. The K. (for his regal authority thought it much, that any subject of his, should stand against him. The Archb. again (bearing himself bold upon the authority, & especially upon the letters of the P. lately writ̄ to him) thought him strong enough against the king & all his realm. Again, such was his quarrel for the maintenance of liberties and glory of the Church, that he could lack no setters on, & favorers in that behalf, in so sweet a cause amongst the clergy. Wherefore the Archb. (trusting to these things) would give no place, but by virtue of his Apostolic authority gave censure upon these laws and constitutions of the king: condemning some, & other some approving for good and catholic, as is before declared. Besides this, there came also to the K. Rotrodus Archbishop of Rotomage (sent from the Pope) to make peace between the K. and Canterbury. Whereunto the king was well content, so that the Pope would agree to ratify his ordinances. But whē that could in no wise be obtained at the Popes hands: then the king being stopped and frustrate of his purpose by reason of Beckets Apostolic legacy (being Legatus a Latere ) thought good to send up to the pope and so did: to obtain of him that the same authority of the Apostolic Legacy might be conferred to another after his appointment, which was the Archbishop of York. But the pope denied. Notwithstanding at the request of the kings Clergy, the Pope was content that the king should be Legate himself: whereat the king took great indignation (as Houeden writeth) so that he sent the Pope his letters again. Here the Pope was perplexed on both sides.

If he should have denied the king, that was to hot for him. For the Pope useth always to hold in with kings howsoever the world speedeth. Agayne, if he should have forsaken such a churchly chaplen (the cause being so sweet and so gainful) that should have been against himself: what did he thē? Here now cometh in the old practice of popish prelacy, to play with both hands: privily he cōspireth with the one, and openly dissembleth with the other. First, he granted to the kings ambassadors their request, to have the Legate removed, and to place in that office the Archbishop of York, after his own contentation, and yet notwithstanding (to tender the cause of Tho. Becket) he addeth this promise withal, that the said Becket should receive no harm or damage thereby. Thus the Pope craftily conneying the matter between them both (glad to further the Archbishop for his own advantage, and yet loath to deny the king for displeasure) writeth to the king openly, and also secretly directeth another letter to Becket: the contents whereof here follow.

Upon these letters and such other, as is said before: Becket seemed to take all his boldness to be so stout and sturdy against his Prince as he was. The Pope (beside these) sent secretly this Chaplain of his, and directed another letter also unto the king: granting and permitting at his request, to make the Archbishop of York Legate Apostolical.

The king (after he had received his letters sent from the Pope) began to put more strength to his purposed proceedings against the Archbishop: first beginning with the inferiors of the clergy, such as were offenders against his laws, as fellons, robbers, quarellers, breakers of peace, and especially such as had committed homicide and murders, whereof more then an hundred at that time were proved upon the clergy (as witnesseth Guliel. Neuburgēsis, in his book de gestis Anglorum, lib. 2. cap. 16 ) urging and cōstraining them to be arreigned after the order of the law temporal, and justice to be ministered to them according to their deserts: as first to be deprived, and so to be committed to the secular hands. This seemed to Becket to derogate frō the liberties of holy church, that the secular power should pass in causes criminal, or sit in judgment against any ecclesiastical person. This law, the roisters (then of the clergy) had picked and forged out of Anacletus & Euaristus by whole falsely alleged and pretensed authority, they have deduced this their constitution from the Apostles, which giveth immunity to all ecclesiastical persons to be free from secular jurisdiction. Becket therefore like a valiāt champion (fighting for his liberties, and having the Pope on his side) would not permit his clerks infamed, otherwise to be conuēted, then before ecclesiastical judges, there to be examined & deprived for their excess, and no seculare judge to proceed against them. So that after their deprivation, if they should incur the like offense again, then the temporal judge to take hold vpō them, otherwise not. This obstinate and stubborn rebellion of the Archb. stirred up much anger and vexation in their king, & not only in him, but also in the nobles and in all the bishops (for the greater part) that almost he was alone a wonderment to all the realm.

The kings wrath daily increased more and more against him (as no marvel was) and caused him to be cited up to appear by a certain day at the town of Northhampton, there to make answer to such things as should be laid to his charge. So when the day was come (all the Pieres and nobles, with the prelates of the Realm upon the kings proclamation being assembled in the Castle of Northhampton) great fault was sound with the Archb. for that he (personally cited to appear) came not himself, but sent another for him. The cause why he came not, Houeden assigneth to be this: for that the king had placed his horse and horsemen in the Archb. lodging (which was a house there of Canons) wherewith he being offended, sent word again that he would not appear, unless his lodging were voided of the kings horsemen, &c. Wherupon (by the public sentence as well of all the Nobles, as of the bishops) all his moveables were adjudged to be confiscate for the king, unless the kings clemency would remit the penalty. The stubborn Archbishop again (for his part) quarellyng against the order & form of the judgment, complaineth: alleagyng for himself (seeing he is their Primate and spiritual father not only of all other in the realm, but also of the king himself) not to be convenient, the father so to be judged of his children, nor the pastor of his flock so to be condened: saying moreover that the ages to come should know what judgment was done, &c. But especially he complaineth of his fellow bishops (when they should rather have taken his part) so to sit in judgment against their Metropolitan, and this was the first days action.

The next day following, the king laid an actiō against him in the behalf of one that was his Marshall (called John) for certain injury done to him, and required of the said Archb. the repaying again of certain money, which he (as is said) had lent unto him being Chancellor, the sum whereof came to 500. marks. This money y ^e Archb. denied not but he had received of the king, howbeit (by the way and title of gift as he took it) though he could bring no probation thereof. Wherupon, the king required him, to put in assurance for the payment thereof: whereat the Archbish. making delays (not well contented at the matter) was so called upon, that either he should be countable to the king for the money, or else he should incur present danger, the king being so bent against him. The Archbishop being brought to such a strait (and destitute of his own suffragans) could here by no means have escaped, had not v. persons of their own accord stepped in, being bound for him, every man for one C. marks a piece. And this was upon the second day concluded.

The morrow after (which was the third day of the council) as the Archb. was sitting below in a certain cōclave with his fellow bishops about him consulting together (the doors fast locked to them, as the king had willed & commanded) it was propounded unto him in the behalf of the king, that he had had diverse bishoprikes & Abbarikes in his hand which were vacant (with the fruits and revenues thereof due unto the king for certain years) whereof he had rendered as yet no accompt to the king: wherefor it was demanded of him to bring in a full and a clear reckoning of the same. This (with other such like) declared to all the council great displeasure to be in y ^e king and no less danger toward the Archbishop.

The advise of the bishops for Thomas Becket.

THus while the bishops and prelates were in council, (advising and deliberating what was to be done) at length it came to voices, every man to say his mind, and to give sentence what were the best way for their Archb. to take. First began Henry bishop of Winchester, who thē took part with Becket so much as he durst for fear of the king, who said, he remembered that the said Archb (first being Archdeacon, and then Lord Chancellor, at what time as he was promooted to the church of Canterbury) was discharged from all bands and reckonings of the temporal court, as all the other bishops could not but bear record to the same.

Next spake Gilbert bishop of London, exhorting and motioning the Archbishop that he should cal with himself to mind, from whence the king took him, and set him up, what and how great things he had done for him, also that he should consider with himself the dangers and perils of the time, and what ruin he might bring upon the whole church (and upon them all there present) if he resisted the kings mind in the things he required. And if it were to render up his Archbishoprike (although it were x. times better then it is) yet he should not stick with the king in the matter. In so doing it might happen, the king seeing that submission and humility in him, would release him peradventure of all the rest. To this the Archbishop answering, well, well (saith he) I perceive well enough my Lord, whether you tend, & where about you go. Then spake Winchester, inferring upon the same. This form of council (saith he) seemeth to me very pernicious to the Catholic Church, tending to our subversion, and to the confusion of us all. For if our Archbishop and Primate of all England do leave to this example, that every Bishop should give over his authority and the charge of the flock committed to him, at commandment & threatening of the prince: to what state shall the Church be brought thē, but that all should be confounded at his pleasure and arbitrement, and nothing to stand certain by any order of law, and so as the priest is, so shall the people be:

Hilary the bishop of Chichester replieth again to this saying: If it were not, that the instance and the great perturbation of time did otherwise require and force us, I would think this counsel here given were good to be followed. But now seeing the authority of our canon faileth, & cannot serve us, I judge it not best to go so straightly to work, but so to moderate our proceedings, that dispensation with suffrance may win that which severe correction may destroy. Wherefore my counsel and reason is, to give place to the kings purpose for a time, least (by over hasty proceeding, we exceed so far) that both it may redounde to our shame, & also cannot rid our selves out again when we would.

Much to the same end spake Robert the bishop of Lincoln after this manner: Seeing (saith he) it is manifest that the life and blood of this man is sought, one of these two must needs be chosen: that either he must part with his Archbishoprike, or else with his life. Now what profit he shall take in this matter of his Bishoprike, his life being lost, I do not greatly see.

Next followed Bartlemew bishop of Exceter, with his advise, who (inclining his counsel to the state of time) confirmed their sayings before, affirming how the days were evil and perilous. And if they might so escape that violence of that raging tempest under the cover of bearing and relenting, it were not to be refused. But that he said could not be, except straight severity should give place to tractabilitie, and so the instance and condition of time then present, required no less, especially seeing that persecution was not general, but personal and particular, & thought it more holy and convenient, one head to run in some part of danger, then the whole church of England to be subject and exposed to inconvenience inevitable.

The answer of Roger bishop of Worcester was divided in a double suspense, neither affirming the one, nor denying the other, whose saying was this: that he would give no answer on neither part. For if I (saith he) shall say that the pastoral function & cure of souls, ought to be relinquished at the kings will or threatening, then my mouth shall speak against my conscience to the condemnation of mine own head. And if I shall give again contrary counsel to resist the kings sentence, here be they that will hear it, and report it to his grace, and so I shall be in danger to be thrust out of the sinagoge, and for my part to be accōpted amongst the public rebels (with them to be condemned) wherefor neither do I say this, nor counsel that.

And this was the consultation of the Bishops in that place, assembled together by the kings commandment. Against these voices & censures of the bishops Becket the Archbishop replieth again, expostulatyng and checking them with rebukefull words. I perceive (saith 'he) and understand ye go about to maintain and cherish but your own cowardnes, under the colorable shadow of suffrāce: and under pretence of dissembling softness, to choke the liberty of Christ's church. Who hath thus bewitched you, O insatiable bishops? What mean ye? Why do ye so under the impudent title of forbearing, bear a double heart, and cloke your manifest iniquity? What call ye this bearing w ^e time, the detriment of the Church of Christ? Let terms serve the matter, why pervert you the matter that is good, with vocables & terms untrue? For that ye say we must bear with the malice of time, I grant with you, but yet we must not heap sin to sin. Is not God able to help the state and condition of his church, but with the sinful dissimulatiō of the teachers, of the church? Certes God is disposed to tempt you. And tell me (I pray you) whether should the governors of the church put themselves to dangers for the church in time of tranquility, or in time of distress? Ye will be ashamed to deny the contrary but in distress. And now then (the church lying in so great distress and vexation) why should not the good pastor put himself into peril therefore? For neither do I think it a greater act or merit for the ancient bishops of the old time, to lay the foundation of the church then (with their blood) then now for us to shed our blood for the liberties of the same, And to tell you plain, I think it not safe for you to swerve from an example, which you have received of your holy elders. After these things were spoken, they sat all in silence a certain space, being locked in together. At length (to find a shift to cause the door to be opened) I will saith the Archbishop speak with two Earls which are about the king, and named them whom they were. Which (being called) opened the door and came in with hast, thinking to hear some thing which should appease the kings mind. To whom the Archbishop spake in this manner: As touching and concerning the matters between the king & us, we have here conferred together. And for as much as we have them not present with us now, which know more in the matter then we do (whose advise we would be glad also to follow) therefore we crave so much respite as to the next day following, and then to give up our answer unto the king. With this message two bishops were sent to the king, which was the bishop of London, and the bishop of Rochester.

London (to help the matter, and to set quietness as I take it, adding something more to the message) said to the king, that the Archb. craved a little delay of time to prepare such writings and instruments, wherein he should set forth and declare his mind, in accomplishing the kings desire, &c. Wherefore, two barons were sent to him from the king to grant him that respite or stay, so that he would ratify that which the messengers had signified to the king. To the which the Archb. answereth, that he sent no such message as was intimate in his name: but only, that the next day he would come and give answer to the king, in that which he had to say. And so the convocation of the bishops was dissolved, and dismissed home: so that the most part of them that came with the Archb. and accompanied him before, (for fear of the kings displeasure) severed thenselves from him. The Archb. thus forsaken and destitute (as his story saith) sent about for the poor, the lame, and the halt, to come in and furnish his house, saying, that by them he might sooner obtain his victory, than by the other which had so slipped from him.

On the next day following, because it was Sunday, nothing was done. But the night before (being taken with a disease called passio iliaca, the colicke) all that day he kept his bed, and was not able, as he said, to rise. Every man supposing this to be but a feigned sickness, as it seemed no less, certain of the chief Nobles were sent to try the matter, and to cite him to the Court: namely, Rob. erle of Leicester, and Reginald Earl of Devonshire. To whom the Archb. answered, that as that day he was so diseased that he could not come, yea though he were brought in an horse litter. So that day passed over. The morrow after certain that were about him, fearing no less, but that some danger would happen to him, gave him counsel in the morning to have a mass in the honor of the holy Martyr S. Stephen, to keep him from y ^e hands of his enemies that day. When the morrow was come (being Tuesday) there came to him the Bishops & Prelates, counsailyng and perswadyng him covertly by insinuation (for apertly they durst not) that he would submit himself with all his goods (as also his Archbishoprike) to the will of the king, if peradventure his indignation by that means might swage. Adding moreover, that unless he would so do, perjury would be laid against him: for that he being under the oath of fidelity to keep the kings laws and ordinances, now would not observe them. To this, Becketh the Archbishop answereth again: Brethren ye see and perceive well how the world is set against me, and how the enemy riseth and seeketh my confusion. And although these things be dolorous and lamentable, yet the thing that grieveth me most of all, is this: the sons of mine own mother be pricks & thorns against me. And albeit I do hold my peace, yet the posterity to come will know and report how cowardly you have turned your backs, and have left me your Archbishop & Metropolitan alone in this conflict. And how you have sit̄ in judgment against me (although vnguilty of crime) now ii, days together, and not that only in the civil & spiritual court, but also in the temporal court ready to do the same. But in general this I charge and command (by the virtue of pure obedience, and in peril of your order) that ye be present personally in judgment against me. And that ye shall not fail so to do, I here appeal to our mother (the refuge of all such as be oppressed) the church of Rome: and if any secular men shall lay hands upon me (as it is rumord they will) I straightly enjoin and charge you in the same virtue of obedience, that you exercise your censure ecclesiastical upon them, as it becometh you to do for a father & an Archbishop. And this I do you to understand: that though the world rage, & the enemy be fierce, and the body trembleth (for the flesh is weak) yet God so fauoring me, I will neither cowardly shrink, nor vily forsake my flock committed to my charge, &c.

But the bishop of London, contrary to this commandment of the archbishop: did incontinent appeal frō him. And thus the bishops departed from him to the court, save only two (Henry Winchester and Ioceline of Salisbury, who returned with him secretly to his chamber and comforted him. This done, the Archbishop (which yesterday was so sore sick that he could not stir out of his bed) now addresseth him to his mass of S. Stephen with all solemnity, as though it had been an hie festiual day, with his Metropolitan Pall, which was not used but upon the holy day to be worn, &c. The office of his mass began, Sederunt principes, & aduersum me loquebantur : that is, Princes sat and spake against me, &c. (the kings servants being also there and beholding the matter). For this mass, Gilbert bishop of London accused Becket afterward, both for that it was done per artem magicam, & in cōtemptum regis (as the words of Houeden purport) that is, both by art, magike, and in contempt of the king, &c.

The mass being ended, the Archbyshop (putting of his pall, his miter and other robes) proceedeth to the kings Court: but yet not trusting peradventure so greatly to the strength of his mass (to make the matter more sure) he taketh also the sacrament privily about him, thinking thereby himself sufficiently defensed against all bugs. In going to the kings chamber (there to attend y ^e kings coming) as he was entering the door, he taketh from Alexander his crosier, the cross with the cross staff, in the sight of all that stood by, and carrieth it in himself (the other Bishops following him & saying) he did otherwise then became him. Amongst other Robert bishop of Hereford offered himself to bear his cross rather then he should so do, for that it was not comely: but the Archbish. would not suffer him. Then said the bishop of London to him: if the king shall see you come armed into his chamber, perchance he will draw out his sword against you, which is stronger then yours: and then, what shall this your armor profit you? The Archb. answereth again: if the kings sword do cut carually, yet my sword cutteth spiritually, & striketh down to hell. But you my lord as you have plaid the fool in this matter, so you will not yet leave of your folly for anything I can see: and so he came into the chamber. The king hearing of his coming and of the manner thereof, tarried not long but came where Becket was set in a place by himself, with his other Bishops about him. First, the crier called the prelates and all the lords of the temporality together. That being done, (and everyone placed in his seat, according to his degree) the king beginneth with a great complaint against the Archb. for his manner of entering into the court: not as (saith he) a subject into a kings court: but as a traitor, showing himself in such sort, as hath not ben seen before in any christen kings court, professing christiā faith. To this, all (there present) gave witness with the king, affirming him always to be a vain & a proud man, and that y ^e shame of his fact did not only redound against the prince himself, but also against his whole realm. Moreover they said that this had so happened to the king, for that he had done so much for such a beast, advancing him so highly in such a place and room next under himself. And so altogether with one cry called him traitor on every side, as one that refused to give terrene honor to the king, in keeping (as he had sworn) his laws and ordinances: at whose hands also he had received such honor and great preferments: and therefore was well worthy (said they) to be handled like a perjured traitor and rebel. Wherupon, great doubt and fear was what should befall upon him. The Archb. of York coming down to his men said, he could not abide to see what the archb. of Cant. was like to suffer. Likewise, the Tipstaues and other ministers of the assembly coming down with an outcry against him, crossed them to see his haughty stubbornness, and the business there was about him. Certain there were of his disciples sitting at his feet, comforting him softly, and bidding him to lay his curse upon them. Other (contrary) bidding him not to curse, but to pray and to forgive them, and if he lost his life in the quarrel of the church and the liberty thereof, he should be happy. Afterwarde, one of them named Johannes Stephani, desired to speak something in his care, but could not be suffered by the kings Marshal, who forbade, that no man should have any talk with him. Then he (because he could not otherwise speak to him) wrought by signs, making a cross, and looking up with his eyes & wagging his lips, meaning that he should pray, and manfully to stand to the cross. In the mean time cometh to him Bartlemew B. of Excetor: desiring him to have regard and compassion of himself, and also of them, or else they were all like to perish for the hatred of him: for there cometh out (saith he) a precept from the king that he shall be taken, & suffer for an open rebel, that hereafter taketh your part. It is said moreover, that Iocelinus B. of Salisbury, and William B. of Norwich, are to be had to the place of execution for their resisting and making intercession for the B. of Canterbury. When he had thus said, the Archbyshop (looking upon the said Bishop of Exceter) avoid hence from me (saith he) thou understandest not, neither doest savor those things that be of God.

The Bishop and Prelates then going aside by themselves from the other nobles (the king so permitting them to do) took counsel together what was to be done. Here the matter stood in a doubtful perplexity, for either must they incur the dangerous indignation of the king, or else with y ^e Nobles they must proceed in condemnation against the archbishop for resisting the kings sanctions: which thing neither, they themselves did favor. In this straight necessity (they devising what way to take) at length agreed upon this: that they with a common assent should cite the Archb. to the sea of Rome upon perjury. And that they should oblige and bind themselves to the king with a sure promise, to work their diligence in deposing the Archbish. (upon this condition) that the King should promise their safety, & discharge them from the peril of that judgment, which was toward them. So all the bishops obliging thē selves thus to the king, went forth to the Archbishop: of whom, one speaking for the rest (which was Hillarie Bishop of Chichester) had these words: Once you have been our Archbishop, and so long we were bound to your obedience: but now for as much as you (once swearing your fidelity to the king) do resist him: neglecting his injunctions and ordinances concerning and appertaining to his terrene honor and dignity: we here pronounce you perjured, neither be we bound to give obedience to an Archbishop thus being perjured. But putting ourselves and all ours in the popes protectiō, do cite you up to his presence. And upon the same, assigned him his day and time to appear. The Archbishop answering again, said: he heard him well enough. And upon this sendeth up to Rome in all hast to y ^e pope, signifying to him by letters the whole matter, how and wherefore, and by whom he was cited. To whom the Pope directed again his letters of comfort (as he had done diverse before) the copy whereof here ensueth.

As the Archbyshop was thus cited up to Rome (sitting with his cross waiting in the Court, neither giving place to the k • ngs request, nor abashed with the clamor of the whole court against him calling him traitor on every side, neither following the advertisement of his fellow Bishops) at length the king by certain Earls and Barons sent commandment to him, (Robert Earl of Lecester doing the message) that he should without delay come & render a full accompt of all things that he had received, as the profits and revenues of the Realm, in the time he was Chauncelor: and especially for the 30000. Markes, for the which he was accōptable to the king. To whom the archbishop answereth again: the king knew, how oft he had made his reckoning of those things which now were required of him. Farther and besides, Henry his son and heir of his realm, with all his Barons, and also Richard Lucie chief Justice of England, told him: that he was free and quit to God and to holy Church, from all receipts and computations, and from all secular exactions on the kings behalf. And so he taking thus his discharge at their hands, entered into his office, and therefore other accompt besides this he would make none. When this word was brought to the king, he required his Barons to do the law upon him. Who so doing, judged him to be apprehended, & laid in prison. This done, the king sendeth to him Reignalde Earl of Cornewall & Devonshire, and Robert Earl of Leycester, to declare to him what was his judgment. To whom the Archbyshop answereth: hear (my son & good Earl) what I say unto you: how much more precious the soul is more then the body, so much more ought you to obey me in the lord, rather then your terrene king. Neither doth any law or reason permit the children to judge or condemn their father. Wherefore, to avoid both the judgment of the king, of you, and all other: I put myself only to the arbitrement of the Pope, under God alone to be judged of him, and of no other. To whose presence here before you all, I do appeal: committing the ordering of the Church of Cant. (my dignity, with all other things appertaining to the same) under the protection of God and him. And as for you my brethren & fellow Bishops (which rather obey man, then god) you also I call and cite to the audience and judgment of the pope, and depart hence forth from you, as from the enemies of the Catholic Church, and of the authority of Apostolic see.

While the Barons returned with this answer to the king, the Archbishop passing through the throng, taketh to him his Palfrey (holding his Cross in one hand, and his bridle in y ^e other) the courtiers following after and crying: traitor, traitor, tarry & hear thy judgment. But he passed on till he came to the uttermost gate of the Courte, which being fast locked there had ben staid, had not one of his servants, called Peter (surnamed Demunctorio) finding there a bunche of keys hanging by: first proved one key, then another (till at last finding the true key) had opened the gate, and let him out. The archbishop went straight to the house of Canons, where he did lie, calling unto him the poor, where they could be found. When supper was done, making as though he would go to bed (which he caused to be made betwixt two altares) privily while the king was at supper, prepareth his iorny secretly to escape away: and changing his garment and his name (being called Derman) first went to Lincoln, from thence to Sandwiche, where he took ship, and sailed into Flaunders: and from thence journeyed to France, as Houedenus saith. All be it Alanus differing something in the order of his flight, saith: that he departed not that night, but at supper time came to him the bishop of London, & Chichester (declaring to him) that if he would surrender up to the king his two manners of Oxford & wyngecham, there were hope to recover the kings favor, & to have all remitted. But when the Archbishop would not agree thereunto (forasmuch as those manners were belonging to the Church of Canterbury) the king hearing thereof, great displeasure was taken: In so much that the next day, Becket was fain to send to the king two bishops and his chaplein, for leave to depart the realm. To the which message the king answered, that he would take a pause thereof til the next day, & then he should have an answer. But Becket not tarrying his answer, the same day conveyed himself away secretly (as is aforesaid) to Ludouicus the French king. But before he came to the king, Gilbert the bishop of London, & William the earle of Arundel (sent frō the king of England to France) prevented him: requiring of the said French king (in y ^e behalf of the king of England) that he would not receive nor retain in his dominion the archb. of Canterbury. Moreover (that at his instance) he would be a means to y ^e pope, not to show any familiarity unto him. But the King of England in this point seemed to have more confidence in y ^e French king, then knowledge of his disposition. For thinking that the French king would have been a good neighbor to him (in trusting him to much) he was deceived. Neither considered he w ^e himself enough the manner & nature of the Frenchmen, at that time against the realm of England: who then were glad to seek and take all manner of occasions to do some act against England.

And therefore Ludouicke the French king, understanding the matter: & thinking (percase) thereby to have some vauntage against the king, and realm of England, by the occasion hereof: contrary to the kings letters and request: not only harboreth and cherisheth this Derman: but also (writing to the pope by his Almener and brother) entreateth him (upon all loves, as ever he would have his favor) to tender the cause of the Archbishop Becket. Thus the kings Ambassadors repulsed of the French king, returned, at what time he sent another ambassage (vpō the like cause) to Alexander the pope thē being at Sene in France. The Ambassadors sent in this message were Roger archbishop of York, Gilbert bishop of London, Henry Bish. of Winchester, Hilary Bish. of Chichester, Bartholomew bishop of Exceter, with other doctors & clerks: also william Earl of Arundell, with certain moe Lord's & Barons. Who coming to the popes court, were friendly accepted of certain of the Cardinals: amongst y ^e which cardinals, rose also dissention about the same cause: some judging the Bishop of Canterbury, in y ^e defense of the liberties of the Church (as in a good cause) to be maintained: Some thinking again, that he (being a perturber of peace and unity) was rather to be bridled for his presumption, then to be fostered & encouraged therein. But the P. partly bearing with his cause (which only tended to his exaltation and magnificence) partly again incensed with the letters of the French king: did wholly incline to Becket as no marvel was. Wherefore (y ^e next day following) the pope sitting in consistory with his Cardinals, the ambassadors were called for, to the hearing of Beckets matter: and first beginneth the bishop of London: next, the Archbishop of York: then Exceter: and the other Bishops, everyone in their order to speak. Whose orations being not well accepted of the Pope, and some of them also disdained: the Earl of Arundel perceiving that (and somewhat to qualify and temper the matter to the Popes ears) began after this manner.

This oration of his, although it was liked of them for the softness and moderation thereof: yet it could not so persuade the Romish Bishop to condescende to their suit and request. Which suit was, to have two legates or arbiters to be sent from his Popish side into England, to examine and take up the controversy between the king and the Archbyshop. But the pope incensed (as is said before) would not grant to their petition: forasmuch as it should be (saith he) prejudicial, and tending to the oppression of the archbishop to grant unto it, he being not present. And therefore he willed them to tarry his coming up, otherwise (he being absent) he would not (he said in any case) proceed against him. But they (alleging again their time to be expired appointed them of the king, having besides other lets and causes as they alleged) said that they could not there wait for the coming of Becket: but returned back (their cause frustrated) without the Popes blessing to the king. Within iv. days after, Becket cometh to the Popes court, where he prostrating himself at his feet, brought out of his bosom a scrolle containing the customs and ordinances of the king, afore mentioned fol. 207. The Pope receiving the foresaid scrolle, and reading it in the open hearing of his Cardinals, condemned and cursed the most parte of the said decrees of the King, which he called consuetudines auitas, that is, his grandfathers ordinances. Besides this: the Pope moreover blameth Becket, for that he so much yielded to them at the beginning, as he did: yet notwithstanding (because he was repentant for his unadvised fact) he was content to absoil him for the same, and the rather because of his great troubles, which he for the liberties of holy church did sustain: and so with great favor for that day dimissed him.

The next day (Alexander the Pope assembling his cardinals together in his secret chamber) appeareth before them archbishop Becket, having this oration to the pope and his popelings: which here I thought to set out in our vulgare English tongue (translated out of Latin) to the intent that the posterity hereafter may understand, either the vain superstition or vile slavery of the Churchmē in those days: who (being not content with their own natural Prince and king given them of God) must seek further to the Pope: thinking no ecclesiastical living to be given, which is not taken at his hands. The words of his Oration be storied rightly thus.

This done, the Archbyshop was bid to stand a parte. The Pope conferring upon this with his Cardinals, about the resignation of Becket what was best to be done: some thought it best to take the occasion offered, thinking thereby the kings wrath might easily be swaged if the church of Canterbury were assigned to some other person, and yet the said Becket otherwise to be provided for notwithstanding. Cōtrary, other again thought otherwise, whose reason was: If he (which for the liberties of the church had ventred not only his goods, dignity and authority, but also his life) should now at the kings pleasure be deprived: like as it might be a president hereafter to others in resisting their king in like sort (if his cause were maintained) so contrariwise if it quailed: it should be an example to all other hereafter, none to resist his Prince in the like case. And so, might it redounde not only to the weakening of the state of the Catholic Church, but also to the derogation of the Popes authority. Briefly, this sentence at length prevailed: and so Becket receiveth his pastoral office of the Popes hand again, with commendation and much favor. But for so much as he could not be well placed in England: in the mean while, the Pope sendeth him with a monks habit into the abbay Pontiniak in France: where he remained 2. years, from thence he removed to Senon where he abode 5. years. So the time of his exile continued a 7. years in all. &c.

Uppon this, the King being certified by his Ambassadors of the Popes answer, howe his favor inclined more to Becket then to him: was moved (and woorthely) with wrathful displeasure. Who upon the same sailing frō England unto Normandy, directed over certain Inunctions against the Pope, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, as were recited above. Fol. 207. The contents whereof were declared to be these.

If any person shall be found to bring from the Pope, or from the Archbishop of Canterbury. &c.

Of these and such other injunctions Becket specifieth partly in a certain letter, writing to a friend of his in this manner.

Besides these and such like injunctions, it was also set forth by the Kings proclamation. An. 1166. that all manner of persons (both men and women, who soever were found of the kindred of Thomas Becket) should be exiled without taking any part of their goods with them and sent to him, where he was: which was no little vexatiō to Becket to behold them. Moreover, for so much as he then was lying with Gwarine Abbot of Pontiniacke (to whom the pope as is aforesaid had commended him) therefore the king writing to the same Abbote, required him not to retain the Archbishop of Canterbury in his house: for if he did, he would drive out of his realm, all the monks of his order. Whereupon Becket was enforced to remove from thence, and went to Louis the French King, by whom he was placed at Senon, and there found of him the space of five years, as is above mentioned.

In the mean time, messengers went daily with letters between the king and the pope, between the Pope again and him, and so between the Archbishop and other. whereof if the Reader (peradventure) shall be desirous to see the copies: I thought here to express certain of them, to satisfy his desire: first beginning w ^e the Epistle of Becket complaining of his prince, to the Pope in manner and form as followeth.

Besides this Epistle sent unto the Pope: he writeth also another letter, sent to the King in Latin: the tenor whereof (he that is disposed to read) may peruse in our former edition, with the notes adjoined withal.

Besides which Epistle to the king in Latin, he sent also one or two mo, to the said king Henry the second, much after the like rate & sort. The one thus beginning: Loqui de Deo, liberae mentis est & valde quietae. Inde est quod loquar ad Dominum meum, & vtinam ad omnes pacificum. &c. which Epistle, for that I would not overcharge the volume of these Hystories with too much matter superfluous, I thought hore to omit. The other he sent afterward, whereof the words be these.

Besides these letters of the Archbyshoppe sent to the king, the Pope also in the same cause writeth to the king, beginning after this sort:

The whole tenor of the letter as 〈◊〉 wrote it to the king I would here express, but for treating of the time & straightness of room, having so many things else in this story (by the grace of Christ) to be comprehended. But the letter tendeth to this effect: to exhort and charge the king to show favor to Thomas Becket. Where, in the process of the Epistle, it followeth in these words: That is: therefore we desire you, monish and exhort your honor by these our Apostolical writings, and also enjoin you vpō the remission of your sins, in the behalf of almighty God, and of S. Peter Prince of the Apostles, by our authority, that you will receive again the foresaid Archb. into your favor and grace, for the honor of God, his Church, and of your own Realm, &c. Thus you heard the Popes entreating letter: now here is another letter sent unto the foresaid king, wherein he doth manace him, as in the tenor thereof here followeth.

To answer these letters again: there was another certain writing drawn out & directed to the Pope, made by some of the Clergy, as it seemeth: but not without consent of the king, as by the title may appear, inueying and disprouing the misbehauior of the Archbishop. The tenor whereof here followeth, and beginneth thus.