Acts and Monuments Volume 1

De iure & appendijs regni Britannia, & quod sit officium Regis.

The king because he is the vicar of the highest king, is appointed for this purpose: to rule the earthly kingdom, and the lords people, and above all things, to reverence his holy church: to govern it, and to defend it from injuries: to pluck away wicked doers, and utterly to destroy them. Which unless he do, the name of a king agreeth not unto him, but he loseth the name of a King, as witnesseth Pope John: to the which Pope, Pipinus & Carolus his son (being not yet kings but princes under the French King being not very wise) did write, demanding this question, whither the kings of France ought so to continue having but only the name of a king. Unto whom Pope John answereth again, that it was convenient to cal thē kings which vigilālie do defend and govern the church of God and his people, following the saying of King David the Psalmograph. He shall not dwell in my house which worketh pride. &c. Moreover, the king by right & by his office, ought to defend & conserve fully & wholly in all ampleness w ^t out diminution, all the lands, honors, dignities, rights, and liberties of the crown of his kingdom. And further to reduce into their pristine state, all such things as have been dispersed, wasted and lost, which appertain to his kingdom. Also the whole and universal lande with all Ilelands about the same unto Norway and Denmark, be appertaining to the crown of his kingdom, and be of the appurtenances and dignity of the King: making one monarchy and one kingdom, which sometime was called the kingdom of Britain's, and now the kingdom of England: such bonds and limites as is abovesaid, be appointed and limited to the name of this kingdom.

Moreover, in the foresaid laws of this king Edward, it followeth in the same book where the foresaid Edward describing the office of a King, addeth in these words. A king saith he, ought above all things to fear God: to love and to observe his commandments: and cause them to be observed through his whole kingdom. He ought also to keep, chearish, maintain, & govern the holy church w ^t in his kingdom, with all integrity and liberty, according to the constitutions of his auncetors and predecessors: and to defend the same against all enemies, so that God above all things be honored, & ever be before his eyes. He ought also to set up good laws and customs, such as be wholesome and approved: such as be otherwise, to repeal them, and thrust them out of his kingdom. Item, he ought to do judgment and justice in his kingdom, by the counsel of the nobles of his realm. All these things ought a King in his own person to do, taking his oath upon y ^e Evangelist, and the blessed relics of saints, swearing in the presence of the whole state of his realm (as well of the temporality as of the spiritualty) before he be crowned of the Archbishops & Bishops. Three servants the king ought to have under him as vassals: fleshly lust, avarice, and greedy desire. Whom if he keep under as his servants and slaves, he shall reign well and honorably in his kingdom. Al things are to be done with good advisement and premeditation: and that properly belongeth to a king. For hasty rashness bringeth all things to ruin, according to the saying of the Gospel: Every kingdom divided in it self, shall be desolate. &c.

After the duty and office of Princes thus described, consequently followeth the institution of subjects, declared in many good & necessary ordinances, very requisite and convenient for public government. Of the which laws William Conqueror was compelled, thorough the clamor of the people to take some: but the most parte he omitted, contrary to his own oth at his coronation, inserting and placing the moste of his own laws in his language: to serve his purpose: and which as yet to this present day in the same Normande language do remain. Now (the Lord willing) let us proceed in the story, as in order followeth.

* King Harold.

HArolde the seconde son of Earl Godwine, and last king of the Saxons: notwithstanding that diverse of the nobles went with Edgar Adeling, the next heir after Edmund Ironside: yet he through force and might contemning the young age of Edgar, and forgetting also his promise made to duke William, toke upon him to be king of England, An. 1066. When Harolde Harefager, son of Canutus, king of Norway & Dēmark, heard of the death of king Edward, he came into England with 300. ships or mo: who, then joining w ^t Tostius, brother to the said Harold king of England, entered into the North partes, & claimed the land after the death of Edward. But y ^e Lord's of the country arose and gave them battle, notwithstanding the Danes had y ^e victory. And therefore Harold king of England prepared toward them in all hast, & gave them another strong battle, and there had the victory, where also Harold the Dane was slain, by the hand of Harold king of England. And Tostius was also slain in the battle. After this victory, Harold waxed proud & covetous: and would not devide the prays to his Knightes that had deserved it, but kept it to himself whereby he lost the favor of many of his knights and people.

In this mean time William Duke of Normādy, sent Ambassades to Harolde king of England, admonishing him of the couenauntes that were agreed between them: which was, to have kept the land to his use after the death of Edward. But because that the daughter of Duke William (that was promised to Harolde) was dead: Harolde thought him thereby discharged, and said, that such a nice foolish promise ought not to be holden (concerning an others land) without the consent of the Lord's of the same: and especially for that he was thereunto, for need or for dread compelled.

Upon these answers received, Duke William, in the while that the messengers went and came: gathered his knights, and prepared his name, and had the assent of the Lord's of his lande to aide and assist him in his journey. And over that sending unto Rome to pope Alexander, concerning his title & viage into england: the pope confirmeth him in the same, and sent unto him a banner, willing him to hear it in the ship, wherein himself should sails. Thus Duke William, being purueied of all things concerning his journey: sped him to the sea side, and took shipping at the haven off. Ualery: where he tarried a long time, or he might have a convenient wind. For the which his soldiers murmured (saying) it was a woodnesse, & a thing displeasing God, to desire to have an others man's kingdom by strength, and namely whē God was against it in sending contrary wind. &c. At the last the wind shortly after came about, and they took shipping with a great company, and landed at Hastings in Sussex.

For three causes Duke William entered this lande, to subdue Harold. One was, for that it was to him given by king Edward his nephew. The second was to take wreke, for the cruel murder of his nephewe Alfred, King Edward's brother, and of the Normands, which deed he ascribed chiefly to Harolde. The third was, to revenge the wrong done to Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, which was exiled by the means & labor of Harold, in the time of king Edward.

Thus, while Harold was in the North: Duke William made so great speed that he came to London before the King: out of which he was holden, till he had made good surety, that he & his people should pass through the City without tarrying: which promise he well observing, passed the bridge, and went over unto Sussex. From whence he sent a Monk unto Harold, & proffered to him three manner of ways. 1. Either to render to him the possession of the land, and so to take it again of him under tribute, reigning under him. 2. or else to abide and stand to the Popes arbitrement betwixt them both: or thirdly to defend his quarrel in his own person against the Duke, and they two only to try the matter by dinte of sword, without any other bloudsheding.

But Harold refused all these offers, saying: it should be tried by dinte of swords, & not by one sword. And so gathered his people, & joined battle with the Normands, in the place where afterward was built the Abbey of Battle in Sussex. In the beginning of which fight the englishmen kept them in good array, like to vanquishe the Normandes. Wherefore Duke William caused his men to give back, as though they fled: whereby the englishmē followed fast and brake their array. Then the Normanes fiercely giving a charge upon them, in conclusion obtained the victory, through the just providence of God. Where king Harolde, who before had murdered Alfred the true heir of the Crown, with his company of Normandes so cruelly: was now wounded of the Normandes, in the left eye with an arrow, and thereof incontinent died: although Gerardus saith, he fled away to Chester, and lived after that a Monk in the monastery of S. James. Whyche is not like, but rather that he was there slain, after that he had reigned nine months, and was buried at Waltham (which proveth that he died not at Chester) and so was he the last that reigned in England of the blood of Saxons: the which continued (to reckon from Hengistus his first reign in Kent) by the space of 591. years. And if it be reckoned from the years of the Westsaxons, then it endured the space of 565. years.

This William Duke, and king Edward, were by the fathers side, cousin germaines removed. For Richard the first of that name, which was the third duke of Normandy after Rollo: was father to Duke Richard the second of that name, & brother to Emma mother to king Edward. Which Duke Richard the seconde, was father to Duke Robert, this Duke Williams father.

Albeit in this matter, other some may gather otherwise and better, perchance, yet if I may say what I think, verily I suppose, that there is no consanguinity so much here the cause, why God of his unknown judgments suffered the Normandes here to prevail: as was rather the cruel murder of Alfred, & of the innocent Normands, wrought by the cruel despite of Harold and the englishmen, as is before declared. The which merciless murder, God here justly in this conquest recompensed.

Now remaineth also to these foreign affairs of kings & Princes, to add something likewise concerning the continuation of the Archbishops of Canterbury, beginning there where we last left: that is with Elphegus, whom we declared a little before to be stoned by the Danes at Grenewich. After which Elphegus next succeeded Liningus, after him Egelnothus also above mentioned. Then Robertus a Normand, a great doer (as is declared) about king Edward, and a faithful counsailer unto him: but he abode not long. After whom, Stigandus invaded the sea (as they report) by simony: being both Archbishop of Cāt. Bishop of Winchester, and also Abbot in another place. Wherein he continued a great space, gathering and heaping goods together, till at length Duke William clapt him in prison, and there kept him: placing in his room, Lancfrācus a Lombard borne, of whom more shall follow (Christ willing) hereafter to be declared.

Although the Church of Christ, and state of religion first founded and grounded by Christ and his Apostles, did not continually altogether remain in his primative perfection, wherein it was first instituted: But in process of time, began from better to worse, to decrease & decline into much superstition & inconvenience: partly through the coming in of Muhammad, partly through y ^e increase of wealth and riches, partly through the decrease of knowledge & diligence in such as should be the guides of Christ's flock: yet the infection & corruption of that time (though it were great) did not so abound in such excessive measure, as afterward in the other latter times now following, about the thousand years expired after Christ: whereof we have to entreat, Christ so permitting. About the which time and year came Sylvester the seconde of that name, who next succeeded after Gregory the v. before mentioned. pag. 159. and occupied the sea of Rome about the yere of our Lord 1000. lacking one or two.

This Sylvester was a Sorcerer, which after the sort of them, that work by familiars (as they cal them) and by cōiuration▪ cōpacted with the devil, to be made pope. And so he was (through the operation of Satan) according to his request, Which thing some histories say, he did greatly repent before his death. But for a more ample declaration hereof, I will bring in the words of Johannes Stella, a Uenetian, translated from Latin into English, concerning the said Sylvester: to the intent that our inchaunters and sorcerers now a days (whereof there be to many in England) may the better through his example be admonished. The words of Stella be these, agreeing also with the narration of Benno, Platina and many other. Sylvester the second of that name, being Pope, and a Frenchman, called Gibertus: sat in his Papacie iv. years, one month and viii. days. He entered into his Papacie, through wicked & unlawful means: who from his youth being a monk, and leaving his monastery, gave himself wholly to the devil, to obtain that which he required. And first coming to Hispalis a City in Spain, there applied his book and profited there in so much, y ^t he was made Doctor, having amongst his auditors, Otho the Emperors son, and Robert the French King, Lotharius Archbyshop of Senon, with diverse other moe. By whose advancement he was promoted, first Bishop of Rheme, afterward Bishop of Rauenna, and at last through the operation of Satan, was exalted to the Papacy of Rome; upon this condition, that after his death, he should give himself to the devil, by whose procuremēt, he came to that promotion. Upō a certain time he demanded an answer of the devil, how long he should enjoy his Popedom, to whom he answered again: until thou say Mass in Jerusalem thou shalt live. At length the iv. year of his Popedom, saying Mass at Lent time, in the temple of the holy cross being called then Jerusalem, there he knew the time was come, when he should die. Wherupon being stroke with repentance, confessed his fault openly before the people: desiring all men to cut his body all in pieces (being so seduced by deceits of the devil) & so being hewn in pieces, they would lay it upon a cart, and bury it there, where soever the horses would carry it of their accord. And so the saying is to be, that by the providence of God (whereby the wicked may learn yet hope of remission w ^t God, so that they will repent them in their life) the horses of their own accord staid at the church of Lateran, and there he was buried: whereas commonly by the rattling of his bones within the tomb, is portended the death of Popes as the common report goeth. Thus much out of Johannes Stella, concerning Sylvester. By whō our sorcerers and enchanters, or magicians may learn to beware of the deceitful operation of Satan: who, at the ende deceiveth and frustateth all them, that have to do with him: as the ende of all such doth declare commonly, which use the like art or trade. The Lord and God of all mercy, through the spirit of Jesus our redeemer, dissolve y ^e works of Satan, and preserve the hearts of our nobles, and of all other Englishmen from such infection. Amen.

After Sylvester succeeded Johannes .xix. by whom was brought in (as Volateran saith) the feast of all souls, an. 1004. through the means and instigation of one Odilo Abbot of Cluniake, to be celebrate; next after the feast of all Saints. This Monk Odilo, thinking that Purgatory (as he heard) should be in the mount Aetna: dreamed vpō a time in the country of Sicily, that he by his Masses had delivered diverse souls from thence: saying moreover, that he did hear the voices and lamētations of devils crying out, for that the souls were taken frō them by the Masses & Dirges funeral. Ex Bakenthorpo. in prolo. 4. Lib. Sentent. And not long after him came John the xx. and Sergius the iv. After whom succeeded Benedictus the viii. then John the 21. who being promoted by art magike of Theoyhilact his nephew, Gratianus, Brazutus and other Sorcerers brought in first the fast of the evē of John the Baptist and S. Laurēce. After him followed pope Benedictus the 9. likewise aspiring to his Papacy, by like magike, practicing inchauntmentes and coniuration in woods, after horrible manner. Who resisting the Emperor Henricus 3. son to Conradus, and placing in his room. Petrus the king of Hungary with this verse. Petra dedit Romam Petro, tibi Papa coronam: Afterward for fear of Henricus prevailing in battle; he was fain to sell his seat to his successoure Gratianus, called Gregorius vi. for 1500. pounds. At which time were 3. Popes together in Rome, reigning & raging one against another. Benedictus ix. Sylvester 3. & Gregorius vi. For the which cause Henricus surnamed Niger; the Emperor, coming to Rome: displaced these 3. monsters at one time, placing for them, Clemens 2. and thereupon inacting, that there should no bishop of Rome henceforth be chosen, but by the consent and confirmation of the Emperor. Which constitution though it was both agreeable & also necessary for public trāquilitie of that city, yet the Cardinals would not suffer it long to stand, but did impugn it afterward by subtle practice and open violence, as in process (the Lord permitting) shall appear, in the time of Henricus the 4. and 5. In the time of this Clement, the Romans made an oath to the Emperor, concerning the election of the Bishops, themselves to entermeddle no farther therein, but as the assent of the Emperor should go with all. Howbeit the Emperor departing thence into Germany again, by and by they forgote their oath, and within 9. months after poisoned the Bishop. Which fact some impute to Stephen his successor, called Damasus 2. Some impute it to Brazutus, who (as histories record) within 13. years poisoned 6. popes, that is, Clemens 2. Damasus. 2. Leo. 9. Uictor. 2. Stephanus 9. Nicolaus the 2.

Thus Clement being poisoned, after him succeeded Damasus 2. neither by consent of the people, nor of the emperor elected: but by force and invasion, who a • so within 23. days being poisoned. An. 1049. much contention and striving began in Rome about the Papal seat. Wherupon the Romans, through the counsel of the Cardinals, sent to the foresaid Emperor, desiring to give them a bishop, and so he did, whose name was Bruno an Almain, and bishop of Colle • , afterward called Leo 9. This Bruno being a simple man and easy to be led with evil counsel, coming from the Emperor towards Rome in his pontifical apparel like a Pope: meeteth him by the way the Abbot of Cluniake, and Hildebrand a monk. Who seeing him so in his pontificalibus, begā to rate him, laying to his charge, that he would so take his authority of the Emperor, and not rather of the Clergy of Rome & the people thereof, as other his predecessors were wont to do: and so counseled him, to lay down that apparel, and to enter in w ^t his own habit, till he had his election by them. Bruno following their counsel, and confessing his fault before the Clergy of Rome, obtained their favor, and so was nominate Leo 9. whereby Hildebrand was made a Cardinal, & put in high room. Under this Pope Leo were two Councils, one kept at Uercellis, where the doctrine of Berengarius against the real substance in the Sacrament was first condemned, although Berengarius yet recanted not, which nevertheless was done after in the Council of Lateran • , under Nicolas 2. An. M.lx. The other was kept at Moguntia, where amongst many other decrees was enacted, priests to be excluded and debarred utterly from marriage▪ Item, that no lay men might give benefice, or bishopric, or any spiritual promotion. &c.

This Leo, being at Wormes w ^t the Emperor upon Christmas day, did excommunicate the subdeacon because in reading the Epistle, he did it not in the Roman tune, he being there present. The Archbishop moved therewith, departed from the altare (being then at Mass) saying, he would not proceed no farther in his service, unless his subdeacon were restored. Wherupon the Pope commanded him to be released, & so they went forward in their service.

After the death of Leo, whom Brazutus poisoned the first yere of his popedom. Theophilactus did strive to be Pope: but Hildebrand to defeat him, went to the emperor, (partly also being sent by y ^e Romans for fear of the Emperors displeasure) who assigned another bishop, a German, called Uictor 2. This Uictor having a Council at Florence, deposed diverse Bishops and Priests, for simony and fornicatiō. For simony, in that they took of secular men their dignities for money: for fornication, in that contrary to their Canon, they were married. &c. The 2. year of his papacy and little more, this Pope also followed his predecessors being poisoned by the foresaid Brazutus, through the procurement of Hildebrand and his master.

Here now began the Church and Clergy of Rome, to wring out of the emperors hand the election of the pope: electing Stephen the 9. for pope, contrary to their oth and to the Emperors assignment. Here was the Church of Milan first brought to obedience of the Romish Church, by this Stephanus the 9. bishop of Rome. Who also shamed not to accuse the Emperor Henry (of whom mention is made before) of heresy: for minishing the authority of the Roman sea. So this was their heresy at that time, not to maintain the ambitious proceedings of the Romish prelate. And simony they called this, to take & enjoy any spiritual living at a secular man's hand. Wherefore Stephen hearing this simony to reign in diverse places, namely in the Churches of Burgundy and Italy, sent forth the Cardinal Hildebrand to reform the matter: who was no less earnest in that kind of commission to help the matter forward.

In the mean time Stephanus y ^e pope, tasting of Brazutus cup fell sick. Hildebrand hearing that, applieth home w ^t all post speed. So being returned to Rome, assembleth all the companies and orders of the Clergy together, making thē to swear: that they should admit none to be Bishop, but which should be appointed by the public consent of them altogether. This being done, Hildebrand taketh his journey to Florence (belike to fetch the bishop of Florence) to stal him bishop: the clergy swearing to him, that no bishop should be ordained before his return again. But the people of Rome not suffering the election to stand so long, after the death of Stephan: elected one of their own city, called Benedictus the 10. Hildebrand hearing of this, was not a little offended: wherefore returning to Rome with one Gerhardus bishop of Florence, caused y ^e clergy to proceed to a new election, saying: that Benedictus was not lawfully called but came in by force & bribing. But y ^e clergy not daring to attempt any new election at Rome, went to Sene, and there elected this Garhardus bishop of Florence, whom Hildebrand brought with him. So were 2. popes in Rome together: But Garhardus named Nicolaus 2. holding a council at Sutrium, through the help of Duke Godfride and Guibert, and other bishops about Italy, caused the other Pope to be deposed. Benedictus understanding them to be set against him through y ^e means of Hildebrand, vnpoped himself, and went to Uelitras, living there more quietly thē he should have done at Rome.

Here is to be touched by the way, the error of the gloss upon the 23. dist. which falsely alledgeth out of the Chronicles, y ^t Benedictus 10. which succeeded Stephen, was deposed: after whō came Johannes bishop of Sabine for money, & he again deposed. Benedictus was then restored, and after displaced again, and then Johannes Archdeacon ad portam latinam, was made Pope, and he again deposed by the Emperor, and all this w ^t in one yere. Which history neither is found in any Chronicle, nor agreeth upon any Benedictus, save only that Benedictus 9. was deposed, & then reigned 3. popes together, Benedictus 9. Sylvester 3. & Gregorius 6. which before was called Johannes ad portam latinam, whom the Emperor deposed (all three together.) But that Benedict neither was the 10. neither did he succeed pope Stephen, as the gloss recordeth. Nicolas thus being set up without the mind both of the emperor, & of the people of Rome, after his fellow Pope was driven away: brake up the Synod of Sutrium, & came to Rome, where he assembled another council, called concilium Lateranum. In which council first was promulgate the terrible sentence of excommunication mentioned in the decrees, & beginneth: In nomine Domini nostri. &c. The effect whereof is this. First, that he after a subtle practice (as far and as plainly as he durst speak) vndermindeth the Emperors jurisdiction, and transferreth to a few Cardinals, and certain Catholic persons, the full authority of choosing the Pope. Secondly, against all such as do creep into the seat of Peter, by money or favor w ^t out the full consent of the Cardinals: he thūdreth with terrible blasts of excommunication, accursing them and their children with devils, as wicked persons to the anger of almighty god, giving also authority and power to Cardinals, with the Clergy and laity, to depose all such persons, and cal a council general, wheresoever they will against them.

Item, in the said Council of Lateran, under Pope Nicholas the seconde, Berengarius Andegauensis, an Archdeacon was driven to the recantation of his doctrine, denying the real substance of Christ's holy body and blood to be in the Sacrament, otherwise then sacramentally and in mystery.

In the same council also was hatched & invented, the new found devise and term of Transubstantiation.

It were to long here to declare the confederation betwixt this Nicholas, and Robertus Guiscardus: whom this pope (contrary to all right and good law, displacing the right heir) made Duke of Apulia, Calabria, Sicilia, and captain general of S. Peters lands: that through his force of arms and violence, he might the better subdue all such as should rebel to his obedience, and so did. Now let all men judge & understand (which be godly wise) howe this standeth w ^t the doctrine of Christ, the example of Peter, or the spirit of a christen bishop, by ourward arms & violence to conquer christen men & countries, under the obedience of a bishops sea. Thus Pope Nicolas the 2. well answering to his Greek name: by might and force continued 3. years and a half. But at length he met with Brazutus cup, and so turned up his heels.

At the beginning of this Nicolas, or somewhat before, about the yere of our Lord 1057. Henricus the 4. after the decease of Henry the 3. was made Emperor being but a child, & reigned 50. years: but not without great molestatiō and much disquietness, and all through the ungracious wickedness of Hildebrand, as hereafter (the Lord so permitting) shall be declared.

Here, by the way cometh to be noted, an example, whereby all Princes may learn and understand, how the pope is to be handled, whosoever looketh to have any goodness at his hand. If a man stand in fear of his curse, he shall be made his slave, but if he be despised of you, ye shall have him as you list. For the Popes curse may well be assimiled to Domicianus thunder: If a man give ear to the noise and crack, it seemeth a terrible thing: but if ye consider the causes and effect thereof, it is a most vain ridicle.

In the reign of this Nicolas, An. 1060. Aldredus Bishop of Worcester, after y ^e decease of Kinsius his predecessor should be made Archbishop of York, who coming to Rome with Tostius erle of Northumberland, for his palle (as the manner was) could not obtain it, but was deprived of all his dignity (for some default, I cannot tell what) in his answer. And furthermore, after his reversion home, was spoiled also of all that he brought w ^t him. Whereupon he returning again to Rome with Tostius the foresaid Earl, there made his complaint, but could not be heard: til Tostius, a man of stout courage, taking y ^e matter in hand, told the Pope to his face, that his curse was not to be feared in far countre • s, which his own neighbors, yea & most vile vacabonds derided and despised at home. Wherefore he required the Pope, either to restore Aldredus again to his goods lost, or else it should be known, that they were lost through his means and subtlery. And furthermore, it would come to pass, that y ^e king of England hearing this, would debar him of s. Peters tribute, taking it for a great shame to him & his realm, if Aldredus should come from Rome both deprived of dignity, & spoiled also of his goods. &c. In fine, the Pope thus persuaded by the argument of his purse, was content to send home Aldredus with his palle, according to his request.

After the death of Nicholas, the Lombardes being oppressed before by pope Nicholas, and brought under fear, were the more desirous, and thought it good to have a Bishop of their company: and so elected the bishop of Parniē called Cadolus, to be Pope: sending to the emperor and desiring his favor and supportation therein. For the election of the Pope (said they) most properly apperteined unto him.

The emperor well pleased and content, giveth his good leave and voice w ^t all. Hildebrandus, no less a wicked Necromancer, then a stout mainteiner of popish liberties against good emperors, hearing this: setteth up by a contrary faction, another bishop, Anselmus, after called Alexander the 2. Cadolus thus elected by the emperor & the Cardinals, setteth forward to Rome with a sufficient army & strength of mē. Alexander also no les prepared, there receiveth him with another army, where they had a great conflict, & many slain on both sides. But Cadolus as he had the better cause, so had he the worse fortune: who being repelled, yet repaired himself and came again with a greater power. Albeit, he prevailed not. The Emperor seeing this hurly burly: to take up the matter, sent thither his embassador Otho, Archbishop of Colen: who coming to Rome, beginneth sharply to chide the pope for taking so vpō him without the leave or knowledge of the emperor, declaring how y ^e election of that sea ought chiefly to appertain to the right of the emperor, as it hath done for y ^e most part in the time of his predecessors tofore. But Hildebrand all set on wickedness and ambition, and also puffed up not a little, with his late victories: not suffering the embassador to tell to the end, interrupted him in the middle of his tale, affirming, y ^t if they should stand to law and custom, the liberty of that election should rather belong to the clergy, then to the Emperor. To make short, Otho the embassador bearing (belike) more with the Clergy, then with the emperor, was content to be persuaded: only required this in the emperors name, a council to be had, to decide the matter: whereat the emperor should be present himself. And so he was: In the which council being kept at Mantua, Alexander was declared pope, the other had his pardon granted. In this council amongst many other considerations, was concluded concerning priests to have no wives: such as have cōcubines to say no mass: priests children not to be secluded from holy orders: no benefices to be bought for money. Alleluya to be suspended in time of Lent out of the church. &c. This also was decreed (which made most for Hildebrandus purpose) that no spiritual man, whatsoever he be, should enter in any Church, by a secular person, & that the Pope should be elected only by the Cardinals, &c. Benno Cardinalis writeth thus of Alexander, that after he perceived the frauds of Hildebrand, and of other the Emperors enemies: and understanding that he was set up and inthronised, but only for a purpose: being at his Mass, as he was preaching to the people, told them, he would not sit in y ^e place, unless he had the license of the Emperor. Which when Hildebrandus heard, he was stricken in such a fury, that scarcely he could keep his hands of him, while Mass was done. After the Mass being finished, by force of soldiers & strength of men he had him into a chamber, and there all to be pomild Pope Alexander with his fistes, rating and rebuking him for that he would seek for favor of the Emperor. Thus Alexander being kept up in custody, and being stinted to a certain allowance, as about v. groates a day. Hildebrand encroacheth all the whole revenues of the Church to him self, procuring thereby much treasure. At length Alexander under the miserable endurance of Hildebrand, died at euentide after 11. years & half▪ of his popedom. And thus much of Romish matters.

These things thus discoursed concerning the matters of Rome (now returning again to our own country story) the order thereof would require to enter again into the reign of William Conqueror, the next king following in England. But as a certain oration of K. Edgarus, which should have been placed before, chanced in the mean time to come to my hands, not unworthy to be read: I thought by the way in the ende of this book, to insert the same (although out of order) yet better I judge it out of order, then out of the book.

In this Oration of K. Edgar above prefixed, 3. things are chiefly to be noted & considered, to them y ^t have judgments to mark and understand, to wit: The religious zeal and devotion of kings, both in giving to the church, & also in correcting the manners of churchmen. 2. Secondly, the dissolute behavior and wantonness of the clergy, then abusing the great donatiōs and patrimonies of princes bestowed upon them. 3. Thirdly, the blind ignorance and superstition of that time in both states, as well Ecclesiastical as temporal, in esteeming Christ's religion chiefly to consist in giving to Churches, and in maintaining of Monkery, falsely being persuaded that remission of their sins, & remedy of their souls therein did lie in building monasteries, erecting churches and cloisters, and in placing monks in the same, and such other alms deeds, and works of devotion. Wherein appeareth how ignorant that time was of the true doctrine of Christ's faith, and of free grace of the Gospel, which promiseth life, remedy, and justification, not by any devout merits of ours, nor by any works either of the law of God, or of the inventions of man, but only and freely by our faith upon Christ Jesus the son of God, in whom only consisteth all the promises of God. Amen.

Now remaineth as in the former book before, so in this likewise, to prosecute the order & race of Archbishops of Canterbury, as we have done the race of kings, beginning with Etheredus, who succeeded next after Celnocke, the seuententh Archbishop of that Sea mentioned, where we last left before, Pag. 131.

The tragical history of Gregory the vii. otherwise named Hildebrand.

THe words of the latin history be these: Hactenus pontifices Rom. comitijs curiatis, calatis, a sacerdotibus, equitatu, plebe, Senatu. &c. In English: Hitherto the Bishops of Rome have been elected by voices, and suffrages, of all sortes and degrees, as well of the Priests and the Clergy, as of the nobility, people, and Senate, all conventing and assembling together. And this election so I find to stand in force, if so be it were ratified and confirmed, by the consent of Roman Emperors: who had authority to call and to assemble all these, as well, as Bishops together, unto councils, as case required. Under the authority and jurisdiction of these Emperors, were contained both in Germany, France, Italy, and through the whole dominion of Rome, all Patriarchs, Bishops, masters of Churches and Monasteries, by the decree of Councils, according to the old custom of our aunceters, as is declared in a certain story, in the life of Carolus Magnus. The holy and ancient fathers (like as Christ our Lord with his disciples and Apostles both taught and did) honored and esteemed their Emperors, as the supreme potestate next under God in earth, set up, ordained, elected and crowned of God, above all other mortal men, and so counted them, and called them their Lord's. To them they yielded tribute, and paid their subsidies. Also prayed every day for their life. Such as rebelled against them, they took as rebels and resisters against God his ordinance, and Christian piety. The name of the Emperor then was of great majesty, and received as given from God. Then these fathers of the Church never intermeddled, nor entangled themselves with politic affairs of the common weal: much less they occupied Martial arms, and matters of cheualrie. Only in poverty and modesty, was all their contention with other Christians, who should be poorest, and most modest amongst them. And the more humbleness appeared in any, the higher opiniō they conceived of him. The sharp and two edged sword they took, given to the Church of Christ, to save, and not to kill: to quicken, & not to destroy: and called it the sword of the spirit, which is the word of God, the life and light of men, and reuoketh from death to life, making of men, God's: of mortal, immortal. Far were they from that, to thrust out any Prince or Kyng (though he were never so far out of the way, yea an Arian) from his kingdom: or to curse him, to release his subjects from their oth and their allegiance, to change and translate kingdoms, to subvert empires, to pollute themselves with Christian blood, or to war with their Christian brethren for rule & principality. This was not their spirit & manner then, but rather they loved & obeyed their Princes. Again Princes loved them also, like fathers and fellow princes with them of the souls of men. Now this Gregorius the seventh, otherwise named Hildebrandus, trusting upon the Normains which then rufled about Apusia, Calabria, and Campania, trusting also upon the power of Machtilda, a stout woman thereabout Rome, & partly again, bearing himself bold for the discord among the Germains: first of all other (contrary to the manner of elders) contemning the authority of the emperor, invaded the Cathedral sea of Rome, vauncing himself as having both the ecclesiastical and temporal sword committed to him by Christ, & that fullness of power was in his hand to bind and loose what so he listed. Wherupon thus he presumed to occupy both the regiments, to challenge all the whole dominion, both of the East & West church, yea and all power to himself alone, abiding none to be equal, much less superior to him, derogating from other, and arrogating to himself their due right and honor, setting at light Caesars, kings, and Emperors, and who reigned but by his own godamercy? Bishops and Prelates as his underlings, he kept in awe: suspending and cursing, & chopping of their heads, stirring up strife and wars, sowyng of discord, making factions, releasing oaths, defeating fidelity and due allegiance of subjects to their princes. Yea and if he had offended or injured the Emperor himself, yet notwithstanding he ought to be feared, as he himself glorieth in a certain epistle, as one that could not err, and had received of Christ our savior, and of Peter, authority to bind and vnbind at his will and pleasure. Priests thē in those days had wives openly and lawfully (no law forbidding to the contrary) as appeareth by the deed and writings of their chapter seals & donations, which were given to temples and monasteries, wherein their wives also be cited with them for witness, and were called praesbiterissae. Also for Bishops, Prelates, Persons of Churches, governors of the Clergy, masters of monasteries, & religious houses, all these were then in those times in the emperors ordination, to assign by voice or consent to whom he would. Now these two things Gregorius this Pope could not abide. For the which two causes only, was all his striving and driving from his first beginning, to abolish the marriage of Priests, and to translate the authority Imperial to the Clergy. For to this scope only tended all his labor, practices and devises, as appeared before in the council of Lateran, under Pope Nicolas, and also in the council of Mantua, under Alexander, making their marriage heresy, and the other to be simony. And that which before he went about by other, now he practiseth by himself to condemn ministers that were married, for Nicolaitans, and to receive any spiritual regiment of secular persons for simony. Directing forth his letters vpō the same to Henricus the Emperor, to Dukes, Princes, Potestates, Tetrarkes: namely, to Berchtoldus, to Rodulphus of Sweuia, to Whelpho, Adalberon, & their wines. Item, to bishops, Archbishops, to Priests, and to all the people, in the which letters he denounceth them to be no priests, so many as were married, forbidding men to salute them, to talk, to eat, to company with them, to pay them tithes, or to obey thē, if they would not be obedient to him. Amongst all other, he directed special letters to Ottho bishop of Constance, concerning this matter. But Ottho perceinyng the ungodly and unreasonable pretence of Hildebrand, would neither separate them that were married from their wives, nor yet forbid thē to marry, which were unmarried, &c.

The bishops of France being called upon daily, with the popes letters, were compelled to obey the decree of the council, but the residue of the clergy manfully and stoutly withstanding the Popes decree, and enforcement of their bishops would not agree, but repined thereat, & said, that the council did manifestly repugn against the word of God, & that the Pope did take from Priests, that which both God and nature had given them, and therefore that person to be an heretic, and Author of a wicked doctrine, which ruled and governed not by the spirit of God, but by Satan. The decree and act set forth, to tend directly against the word of God, and the saying of Christ: Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc, all men have not the gift and capacity of the word. Item, to be against the sound doctrine of S. Paul writing these words: As concerning virginity, I have no commandment of the Lord, &c. Agayne, he that cannot otherwise live continently, let him marry. Item, that it was against the Canons both of the Apostles, and of Nicene council. Moreover, that it was against the course of nature which he required, that men being sequestered from their natural wives, and women, should be coacted to live as angels, that is, to perform that which nature doth not give. And therefore the bishop therein did open a peruicious window to uncleanness and to fornication. In sum, giving up their answer, thus they concluded, that they had rather give up their benefices, then to forsake their natural and lawful wives, against the word of Christ. And finally, if married priests could not please them, they should call down Angels from heaven to serve the Churches. But Hildebrand nothing moved, neither with honest reason, nor with the authority of holy Scripture, nor with the determinatiō of Nicene council, nor anything else: followeth this matter, calleth upon the bishops still, with his letters and Legates doth sollicitate their minds, accuseth them of negligence and dastardnes, threateneth them with excommunication, unless they cause their priests to obey his decree enjoined them. Whereupon, a great number of bishops for fear of the Popes tyranny, labored y ^t matter with their priests, by all means possible to bereave them of their accustomed matrimony.

Amongst other the Archbishop of Mainz, perceyuing this act of taking away Priests marriage, might breed him no little trouble: talketh with his Clergy gently, admonisheth them of the Popes mind & decree, and giveth them half years respite to deliberate upon the case, exhorting them diligently to show themselves obedient to the Pope and to him, and to grant with good will that, which at length, will they, nill they, needs they must be forced unto, and therefore of their own accord to stand, content therewith, least the Pope should be compelled to attempt ways of sharper severity. The time of deliberation expired, the Archbishop assembleth his clergy at Erspford, the month of October, and there willeth them according to the pontifical decree, either to abjure forever all matrimony, or else to abrenounce their benefices and Ecclesiastical livings. The clergy again defend themselves, against the Popes decree with scriptures, with reason, with the acts of general councils, with examples of ancestors, by diverse strong arguments, declaring the Popes decree not to be consonant, nor ought to take effect. But the Archbishop said, he was compelled so of the Pope, and could not otherwise do, but to execute that was enjoined him. The clergy seeing that no reason, nor prayer, nor disputation would serve, laid their heads together cōsultyng among themselves what was best to be done. Some gave counsel not to return again to the Synod. Some thought it good to return and to thrust out the Archbishop frō his seat, & to give him due punishment of death for his deserving, that by the example of him, other may be warned hereafter, never to attempt that thing anymore to the prejudice of the church, and the rightful liberty of ministers. After that this was signified to the Archbishop, by certain spies that were amongst them, what the clergy intended to do. The Archb. to prevent and salve the matter, sendeth to the priests as they were coming out, certain messengers, bidding them of good hope, and to return again to the Metropolitan, and they should have that should content their minds. So being persuaded, they come again to the Council. The bishop promiseth he would do his endeavor what he could, to revoke & turn the mind of the Bishop of Rome from that sentence, willing them in the mean time to continue as they had done in their cure and ministry. The next year following, Hildebrand y ^• soldier of Satan, sendeth his Legate (a certain Bishop called Curiēsis) unto the Archb. of Mainz, and assembled there a Council. In the which council, the Archb. again proposeth the matter, commanding all the clergy under pain of the Popes curse, there, perpetually either to abrenounce their wives, or their livings. The clergy defended their cause again with great constancy. But when no defension could take place, but all went by tyranny & mere extortiō, it burst in the end to an uproar and tumult, where the Legate and the Archbishop being in great danger, hardly escaped with their lives, and so the Council brake up. By this schism and tumult it followed, that the churches after that in choosing their priests, would not send thē to the bishops (the enemies and suppressors of Matrimony) to be confirmed and inducted, but did elect them within themselves, and so put them in their office, without all leave or knowledge of bishops, who then agreed & were determined to admit no priests, but such as should take an oath of perpetual singleness, never to marry after. And thus first came up the oath and profession of single Priesthood. Notwithstanding, if other nations had followed the like constancy & concord of these Germain ministers, the • iuelish drift and decree of this Hildebrand (or rather Helbrand) had been frustrate and avoided. But this greediness of livings in weak priests, make them to yield up their godly liberty to wicked tyranny. Yet this remaineth in these Germains to be noted: what concord can do in repressing inordinate requests of evil bishops, if they constantly stand to truth, and hold together. And thus much for banishing of matrimony. Now let us proceed to the contentions betwixt wicked Hildebrand, and the godly Emperor. But before by the way of digression it shall not be much wide from the purpose, to touch a little of the properties of this Pope, as we find them described in certain epistles of Benno a Cardinal, writing to other cardinals of Rome. Which Benno lived in the same time of Hildebrand, and detecteth the prodigious acts and doings of this monstrous Pope.

First, declaring that he was a Sorcerer most notable, and a Nicromanser, an old companion of Sylvester, of Laurentius, and Theophilactus, called otherwise Benedictus nonus. Amongst other Benno Cardinals writeth this history of him. How upon a certain time this Gregorius coming from Albanus to Rome, had forgot behind him his familiar book of Nicromansie, which he was wont commonly to carry always with him. Whereupon remembering himself, entered the port of Lateran, he calleth two of his most trusty familiars to set the book, charging them at no hand to look within it. But they being so restrained, were the more desirous to open it, & to peruse it, and so did. After they had read a little the secrets of the Sathanicall book, suddenly there came about them the messengers of Satan, the multitude and terror of whom, made them almost out of their wits. At length they coming to themselves, the spirits were instant upon them to know, wherefore they were called up, wherefor they were vexed: Quickly (said they) tell us what ye would us to do, or else we will fall upon you, if ye retain us longer. Then spake one of the young men to them, bidding thē go and pluck down yonder walls, pointing to certain high walls there nigh to Rome, which they did in a moment. The young men crossing them for fear of the spirits (scarce recovering thē selves) at length came to their master. And it followeth moreover in the epistle of the said Benno to the Cardinals.

We have made mention to you before of diverse colleges of the church of Rome, which refused to communicate with him. As Leo then Archpriest of the Cardinals, Benno, Vgobaldus, Johannes the Cardinal, Peter Chancellor and Cardinal, being all instituted before this Hildebrand. These three also being consecrated by him, that is, Natro, Innocentius and Leo, forsook him, cursing the detestable errors which he held. In like case Theodinus whom he constituted Archdeacon, and other Cardinals mo, Johannes surnamed Primicerius, Petrus oblationarius with all that appertained unto them, saving one only man. And now when this Hildebrand saw that the bishops also would forsake him, he called unto him the lay men, and made them privy of his counsel, thinking thereby to separate the bishops, that they should have no conference with the Cardinals. After that he called together those bishops, and being guarded with bands of lay men, he enforced the bishops partly for fear, and partly for his manacing words, to swear unto him, that they should never disagre unto that, which he would have done, that they should never defend the Kynges quarrel, and that they should never favor or obey the Pope, that should in his stead be instituted. Which thing being done, he sent them by means of the Prince of Salernites, into Campania, and thus did he separate them, from the company of the Cardinals, & from the city of Rome. And not only the bishops, but also the Priests of the city, and clerks of inferior orders, as also the lay men, he bound by their oaths, that at no time nor for any cause, they should condescend unto the king.

As soon as Pope Alexander was dead, which died somewhat before night, the same day contrary to the Canons, he was chosen Pope of the laymen. But the Cardinals subscribed not to his election. For the Canons prescribe (under pain of cursing) that none should be chosen Pope before the third day, after the burial of his predecessors. But he (by sinister mean thus clyming to the seat) removed the Cardinals of the said seat, from being of the counsel. But with what persons he consulted night & day, Rome well heard and saw. And he now putting the Cardinals from his counsel, his life, faith, and doctrine, no man could accuse or bear witness off: where as in the Canons is commanded, that in every place where so ever the Pope is, should be with him iii. Cardinals being priests, & ii. Deacons, because of his Ecclesiastical testimony and style of verity, of which Canonical decree, look gentle Reader before. He violently wrested the sacred scriptures to cover his falsehood, which kind of Idolatry, how great it is, manifestly throughout all the Scripture it appeareth. Contrary to the minds and counsel of the Cardinals, and besides the determinate order of pronouncing judgment by the Canons, he rashly did excommunicate the Emperor, being in no Synod solemnly accused before. The sentence of which excommunication after rehersal of these presents, shall also be manifested (Christ willing) to the which excommunication saith Benno, none of the Cardinals would subscribe. As soon as he arose out of his seat papal, to excommunicate the Emperor, the same seat (being made but a little before, with big timber) suddenly by the appointment of God was rent and shiuered in pieces: so that all men might plainly understand, what, and how great and terrible schisms: that lubber had sown against the Church of Christ, against the seat of S. Peter: and how cruelly he had dispersed the chair of Christ, in defilyng the laws of the Church, ruling by might and austerity, in that his so perilous and presumptuous excommunication.

In the description of the same excommunication, he inserteth those things, wherein he himself erred, when he absolved the Emperor, being unjustly excommunicate, and the bishops also communicating with him, & to the uttermost thus cutting & mangling the unity of the Church and those that communicated with them, did as much as in him lay to make two churches.

Also the same bold merchaunt, commanded that the Cardinals should fast, to the intent that God would reveal whose opinion was better (either of the Church of Rome, or of Berengarius) touching the controversy of the Lord's body in the Sacrament. And hereby he proved himself to be a manifest Infidel: for that in the Nicene Council it is written, he that doubteth is an Infidel.

Further, he sought after a sign to establish his faith, concerning the Article of the Lord's body, as did Gregory to confirm the woman's faith, when the consecrated bread was transubstantiated into the form of a fleshly finger. He also sent two Cardinals (Attones and Cunones) unto Anastasie, that with the • Archpriest of the same Church, they should begin a fast of three days space. And that every of them (every day during those iii. days) should say over the Psalter, & sing Masses, that Christ would show unto them some such like sign of his body, as he did to the foresaid Gregory, which thing they could not see.

The Emperor was oftentimes wont to go to S. Mary's church in the mount Auentine to pray. Hildebrand when he had by his espials searched out, and knew all the doings of the Emperor, caused the place where the Emperor was accustomed (either standing, or prostrate on his face to pray) to be marked, and for money he hired a naughty pact (like himself) to gather and lay together a heap of great stones, directly over the place, in the vault of the Church, where the Emperor would stand, that in throwyng the same down upon his head, he should slay the Emperor. About which purpose as the hireling hasted, and was busy removing to the place, a stone of great hugenes & weight: it broke the plank whereon it lay, and the hirelyng standing thereupon, both together fell down from the roof, to the pavement of the church, and with the same stone was dashed all in pieces. And after the Romaines had understanding of the handling of this matter, they fastened a rope to one of the feet of this hire lyng, and caused him to be drawn through the streets of the City three days together in example of others. The Emperor notwithstanding according to his wonted clemency, caused him to be buried.

Johannes the bishop of Portua (being one of the secret counsel of Hildebrand) came up into the pulpit of S. Peter, & amongst other things in the hearing, both of the Clergy and people, said: Hildebrand and we have committed such a fact and so horrible, for the which we are all worthy to be burned alive (meaning of the Sacrament of the body of Christ) which Sacrament, Hildebrand when he thereof inquired a divine answer against the Emperor, and would not speak, threw into the fire and burned it contrary to the persuasion of the Cardinals, that were present and would have resisted the same.

In the second holy day in the Easter week, when the clergy & the people were assembled at S. Peters Church to hear mass, after the Gospel, he went up into the pulpit as he was in his pontifical attire, and in the presence of diverse bishops & Cardinals (a great company both of the Senate and the people of Rome, being gathered together) openly preached (among many other words of divination) that the king whose name was Henry, should die (without all peradventure) before the feast of S. Peter next ensuing: or else at least wise, that he should be so dejected from his kingdom, that he should not be able anymore to gather together above the number of vi. knights. This he preached to the bishops and cardinals, and all that were present, crying out of the pulpit in these words: Never accept me for Pope anymore, but pluck me from the altar, if this prophesy be not fulfilled by the day appointed. About the same time he went about by help of privy murderers to kill the Emperor, but God preserved him. And many there were evē at that time, which thoght Pope Hildebrand to be guilty, and to be the deviser of the treason, because that then he (before the deed put in execution) presumed of the death of the king, being by him falsely prophesied of before, which words of his, wounded many men's hearts. And it came to pass that Hildebrand by his words, was openly condemned in the congregation, which (as is said) gave judgment of himself to be no Pope, neither that he would be counted for Pope any longer, but thought to be both a belyer and a traitor, vnlesss that before the feast of S. Peter next coming, the Emperor should die, or else should be deprived of all kingly honor: In so much he should not be able to make above 6. knights on his part. And thus by the appoyntmēt of God it came to pass that by his own mouth he was condemned for an heretic.

Thus saith the Lord: The prophet which of arrogancy will prophesy in my name, those things I have not commanded him, or else will prophesy in the name of other God's, let him be slain. And if thou shall say with thyself, how shall I know what thing it is that the Lord hath not commanded to be spoken? This token shalt thou have to know it by. Whatsoever thing the Prophet in the name of God shall prophesy, & the same come not to pass, that mayest thou be sure the Lord hath not spoken, but the Prophet hath imagined through the hautinesse of his own mind, & therefore thou shalt not be afraid of him.

When the time was expired that Hildebrand in his divination had set, and that neither the king was dead, neither the power of the Empire empayred: and fearing least by the words of his own mouth he should be reprehended and condemned, subtle • y turned his tale, saying, and persuading the ignorant people, that he meant not of the body of the king, but of his soul, as though the soul of the king had lost all, saving 6. of his knights or soldiers, or else had been dead during that space, and thus by these sleights he beguiled the ignorant people. Against such Prophets S. Gregory upon Ezekiel saith: Betwene true Prophets and false, this difference there is, that true Prophets, if they speak anything upon their own mind, they be soon rebuked, but the false prophets, both they tell lies, and not having the spirit of truth, they persevere in their falsity.

Ouer and beside, the said Hildebrand judged to death 3. men before they were convict, or else confessed their crime without the sentence of any secular judge, and caused them to be hanged upon a pair of gallows, over against the Church of S. Peter in a place called Palatiolum, without any delay or advisement, contrary to the laws, which command that every public offender should have 30. days space, before he be put to execution. Which thing even amongst the Pagans is in ure and observed, as teacheth the authority of S. Ambrose, and the Martyrdom of holy Marcelianus and Marcus.

He cast Centius the son of Stephen the Alderman into prison, being before his trusty friend, and in a vessel being thick set with sharp nails, he tormented him to the point of death: who after that he was escaped, apprehended the said Hildebrand. Of this apprehension, before he was let at liberty, he openly forgave all the conspirators. Which thing afterwards, contrary to his fidelity, he brake and revenged, & caused Centius, to whom he had forgiven all offenses, to be taken, and hanged him, & 9. of his men upon the gallows before S. Peters porch.

There was at the apprehension of Pope Hildebrand, a certain widows son, to whom (and others moe for their penance) he enjoined a years banishment. Which time being explete or run out, the widow in tokē of more ample satisfaction, thinking thereby to have appeased the mind of Hildebrand, put a halter about her sons neck, and drawing her son by the rope to the foot of Hildebrand, said: My Lord Pope at your hands will I receive again my son, which one whole year hath endured banishment, and other penance by your holiness enjoined. Then the said Hildebrand, for that instant, because of those which were with him in company (dissembling his wrath) delivered her, her son very churlishly, saying, get thee hence woman I bid thee, and let me be in rest. After this he sent his officers & apprehended the widows son, and gave commandment to the Justices, to put him to death, who altogether making answer, said, that they could no more condemn or meddle with him, for that he had for his crime committed, appealed once to the Pope, & abidden the banishment, and done the penance by him enjoined. Hereupon this glorious Hildebrand being displeased with the Judges, caused the foot of the widows son to be cut off: making neither repentance, nor the laws and ordinances to be of any estimation with him. And thus his foot being cut off, he died within three days after with the pain thereof. Many other wicked deeds did this Hildebrand, upon whom the blood of the church crieth vengeance, shed by the sword (that is) the miserable treachery of his tongue. For which things (and that justly) the church refused to communicate with him. Haec Benno.

Hildebrand was earnestly in hand with the Emperor, that he should deprive those Bishops which came in by simony. The Emperor (thinking as a zealous Prince, that this commission had proceeded from the throne of God) without delay obeyed the same, and forthwith without any consideration, or judicial order, deprived certain Bishops, and thought that by this his obedience to Hildebrand be 〈◊〉 an acceptable sacrifice to God, not knowing the 〈…〉 . But Hildebrand then again placed those, whom the Emperor for 〈◊〉 at his commandment had before deposed, and those whom by that means he made to bea •• a hateful heart to the Emperor, he reconciled again unto himself in great familiarity, and by many and great oaths taken of thē, for their fidelity towards him, he promoted above all the rest. And thus by these pranks, the Imperial seat of the king being shortly after impaired, & destitute almost of friends, he craftily purchasing the friendship and favor of the greatest princes, the better to bring his matters to pass: suddenly again, without any lawful accusation, without any canonical vocation, without all judicial order, excommunicated the Emperor (so obedient always unto him) & set the Princes of the Empire all against him. And notwithstanding (as the Apostle saith) that no man ought to circumvent his brother in his business, as much as in him lay, he rather mortified and killed him, then brotherly corrected him. Thus the Emperor being many ways circumvented: as, excommunicate besides the canonical order, and by the consent and counsel of Hildebrand, spoiled of the greatest part of his Imperial honor, and overcharged with great wars and slaughters of his own subjects, in vain desired he and sued for, to have the Canon read and heard, causing him by force and violence at Canusium, in the presence of Hildebrand, to accuse himself by his own confession.

Say you now (I pray you) all such as love justice, and love not to lean either upon the left hand, or else the right hand, in the favor of any person. Say your minds, whether that such a confession being enforced upon never so poor a man (much less upon an Emperor) ought at such a time to be prejudicial or not. Or whether he which extorted the same confession, is guilty of the Canon? Or else he, which being so perversely judged, suffered the injury of a most perverse judge? Which also most patiently and publicly suffered this violence with lamentable affliction vpō his bare feet, clothed in thin garments, in the sharp winter, which never was used, and was three days together at Canusium, made a spectacle both of angels and men, and a ludibrious mocking stock to that proud Hildebrand. Never trust me, if that 14. Cardinals, the Archdeacon himself, and he that is called Primicerius, being all wise and religious men, besides many other of y ^• clarks of Lateran, to the judgment and privilege of whose holy seat the whole world is obedient (waying and considering his intolerable apostasy) departed not from participating, and refused from communicating with him.

This glorious Hildebrand & his affinity by their new authority, breaking the decrees of the Calcedone Council not only in words, but also in public writings have agreed, that it is tolerable both to baptize and communicate being out of the church of God, and how blind these men were, and also what heretics they be, their own writings do declare. What a mischief is this (saith Benno) they presume to judge of the Church, which swarm them selves in all errors, who also esteem the verity, but as a lie, and least their poisoned falsehood both in words & writings should appear, they have (like subtle poysoners, the sooner to deceive) mixed honey therwithall. A lie saith S. Augustine, is everything pronounced with the intent of deceauing other.

It were too long and tedious here to recite all the detestable doings, and diabolical practices, of coniurings, charms, and filthy sorceries, exercised between him and Laurentius, & Theophilact, otherwise named Pope Benedict the 9. whereof a long narration followeth in the foresaid epistle of Benno to the cardinals to be seen, to whom the reader may repair, who so hath either laisure to read, or mind to understand more of the abhominable partes, and devilish arts of this Hildebrand.

Thus having sufficiently alleged the words and testimonies of Benno and Auentinus, concerning the acts and facts of this Pope. Now let us proceed (in the order as followeth in his story) to set forth the miserable vexation which the virtuous and godly Emperor sustained by that ungodly person.

About what time Hildebrand was made Pope, Henricus the 4. Emperor was incombred and much, vexed with civil dissention in Germany, by reason of certain grievances of the Saxons against him & his father Henricus the 3. Whereupon, the matter growing to sedition, sides were taken, & great wars ensued, betwixt 〈◊〉 Duke of Saxony, & Henricus the Emperor. This 〈◊〉 time seemed to Hildebrand very opportune, to work his feats, whose study & drift was ever 〈◊〉 the beginning to advance the dominion of the Romish fear above all other bishops, and also to press down the authority of the temporal enters, under the 〈◊〉 men of the Church. And although he went about the same 〈…〉 trains and acts set forth to 〈…〉 he thought more effectuously to accomplish his purposed intent, after that he was exalted thither where he would be. And therefore now bearing himself the bolder, by the authority of S. Peters throne, first he began to pursue the act set out by his predecessor as touching simony, cursing and excommunicating, whosoever they were, that received any spiritual living or promotion at lay men's hands, as all such as were the givers thereof. For this he called than Simony, that under that color he might defeat the temporal potestates of their right, and so bring the whole clergy at length to the lure of Rome. And forasmuch as y ^• emperor was the head, thinking first to begin with him, he sendeth for him by letters and Legates to appear in the council of Lateran at Rome. But the Emperor busied in his wars against the Saxons, had no laysure to attend to councils. Notwithstanding Gregorius the Pope, proceedeth in his council, rendering there the cause and reason before the bishops, why he had excommunicate diverse of the clergy, as Herman bishop of Bamberge, counselor to the Emperor, and other priests mo for Simony. And there moreover in the said Council, he threateneth to excommunicate likewise the Emperor himself, and to depose him from his regal kingdom, unless he would abrenounce the heresy of simony, and do penance. The council being ended, Guibertus Archbishop of Rauenna, persuadeth with one Centius (a Romaine, the captains son, whom the Pope had excommunicate) to take the Emperors part against the Pope. Who watching his time in the temple of S. Mary, upon Christmas day in the morning, taketh the Pope & putteth him fast in a strong tower. The next day the people of Rome hearing this, harnes themselves with all erpedition to help the bishop, whom when they loosed out of prison, they besieged the house of Centius, and plucked it down to the ground. His family having their noses cut off, were cast out of the City. Centius himself escaping, fled to the Emperor. Guibert the Archbishop pretending good will to the Pope, departed from Rome, who likewise had wrought with Hugo Cādidus Cardinal, and with Theobaldus Archb. of Millaine, also with diverse other bishops about Italy, to forsake the Pope and take the Emperors part. Gregory the Pope called Hildebrand, hearing the conspiracy, layeth the sentence of excommunication upon them all, and depriveth them of their dignity. The Emperor being moved (and worthily) with the arrogant presumption of the proud prelate, calleth together a Council at Wormes. In which Council all the bishops not only of Saxonic, but of all the whole Empire of Germans, agree & conclude upon the deposition of Hildebrand, and that no obedience hereafter should be given to him. This being determined in the Council, Roulandus a Priest of Parmen, was sent to Rome with the sentence, who in the name of the council should command Gregory to yield up his seat, & also charge the Cardinals to resort to the Emperor for a new election of another Pope. The tenor of the sentence sent up by Rolandus, was this.

Gregory the Pope tickled with this sentence, first condemneth it in his council of Lateran with excommunication. Secondarily, depriveth Sigifridus Archbishop of Mainz of his dignities, and ecclesiastical livings, with all other bishops, Abbots and Priests, as many as took the Emperors part, Thirdly, accuseth Henricus the Emperor himself, depriveth him of his kingdom and regal possession, and releaseth all his subjects of their oth of allegiance given unto him, after this form and manner.

The Pope answereth he will neither forgive him, nor release the bande of his excommunication, but upon conditions. First, to promise, that he shall be content to stand to his arbitrement in the council, and to take such penance as he shall enjoin him, also that he shall be pressed and ready to appear, in what place or time the Pope shall appoint him. Moreover, that he being content to take the Pope judge of his cause, shall answer in the said council to all objections and accusations laid against him, & that he shall never seek any revengement herein. Item, that he (though he be quit and cleared therein) shall stand to the Popes mind and pleasure, whether to have his kingdom restored, or to loose it. Finally, that before the trial of his cause, he shall neither use his kingly ornaments, scepters, or crown, nor to usurp the authority to govern, nor to exact any oath of allegeaunce upon his subjects, &c. These things being promised to the bishop by an oth, and put in writing, the Emperor is only released of excommunication. The tenor of the writing is this.

Thus the matter being decided betwixt them after the Popes own prescribement, the Emperor taketh his journey to Papia. The Pope with his Cardinals, did vaunce and triumph with no little pride that they had so quailed the Emperor, & brought him on his knees, to ask them forgiveness. Yet notwithstanding mistrusting themselves & misdoubting time, what might befall them hereafter, if fortune should turn, & God give the Emperor to enjoy a more quiet kingdom: therefore to prevent such dangers betime, they study and consult privily with them selves, how to displace Henry clean frō his kingdom. And how that devise might safely be conveyed, they conclude and determine to derive the Empire unto Rodolphus, a man of great nobility amongst the chiefest states of Germany, and also to incite and stir up all other princes and subjects (being yet free and discharged from their oaths) against Henry, & so by force of arms to expulse the emperor out of his kingdom. To bring this purpose the better to pass, legates were sent down from the Pope. Sigehardus Patriarch of Aquilia, and Altimanus Bishop of Padway, which should persuade through all France, that Henry the Emperor was rightfully excommunicate, and that they should give to the bishop of Rome their consents in choosing Rodolphus to be Emperor. This being done, there was sent to the said Rodolphus duke of Swenia, a crown from the Pope with this verse.

Here by the way of digression (to make a little gloss upon this barbarous verse) two notable lies are to be noted. One, where he lieth upon Christ, the other where he lieth upon S. Peter. First, that Christ gave any temporal diademe to Peter, it is a most manifest lie, and against the scriptures, when as he would not take it, being given to himself, and saith his kingdom is not of this world. Agayne, where he saith that Peter giveth it to Rodulph: Here he playeth the Poet, for neither had Peter any such thing to give, and if he had, yet he would not have given it to Rodulph from the right heir, neither is it true that Peter did give it, because Hildebrand gave it. For it is no good argument. Hildebrand did give it: Ergo, Peter did give it: except ye will say, Hildebrand stirred up great wars & bloodshed in Germany, Ergo Peter stirred up great wars in Germany. So Peter neither could, nor would, nor did give it to Rodolphus, but only Hildebrand the Pope: who after he had so done, he gave in commandment to the Archbishop of Mainz and of Collen, to elect this Rodulphus for Emperor, and to annoint him king, and also to defend him with all force & strength they might.

While this conspiracy was in hand, Henricus the emperor was absent, and the Popes ambassadors with him also. In the mean space Rodulphus was elected Emperor unknowing to Henry. Upō this cometh the bishop of Strausborough unto the emperor, certifiyng him what was done. He suspecting & seeing the stomach and doings of the Saxōs so bent against him, mustreth his men with expedition, & marcheth forward to defend his right. But first sendeth to Rome (trusting upon the league betwixt him and the Pope) and requireth the bishop to proceed with his sentence against Rodulphus, for the rebellious inuasiō of his Imperye. But the bishop minding nothing less, sendeth word again, not to be right to condemn any person (his cause being not heard) thus under the pretence of the law, colouring his unlawful treatory. Henricus thus disappointed and forsaken on every side, with his men about him, attempteth battle against Rodulphus. In which battle, a marvelous great slaughter was on both sides, but the victory on neither part certain. So that both the Captains yet challenged the Empire. After the battle & great murder on both sides, they sent to Rome both to know of the Popes determination, to whether of them two, he judged the right title of the empire to appertain. The Bishop commandeth them both to break up their armies, and depart the field, promising that he shortly will call a council where this matter should be disputed. In the mean time they should cease from war. But before the messengers returned again (their armies being refreshed) they had another conflict together, but no victory got on either part. Thus both the Captains being weried in wars, the Romish beast the bishop which was the cause thereof, perceiving whether these cruel wars would tend, to the great calamity not only of the Germains, but also of other nations (trusting to find another way to help Rodulphus and his adherents) sendeth down a commission by Ottho Archbishop of Treuers, Bernardus Deacon, and Bernardus Abbot of Massilia: to whom he gave in charge that they should call together a Council or sitting in Almany, and there to be defined to whether part the Empire should pertain, by most right and public consideration. Promising that what they should therein determine, he (looking upon the matter, through the authority of God omnipotent, and of S. Peter, and Saint Paul) would ratify the same. Moreover, for that, no let nor impeachment should happen to the Legates by the way, he giveth with them letters, to the princes and nations of Germany. Whereof, the contents be declared briefly in Platina, if any list to read them.

But the Emperor would not so permit the Legates to have any Council within Germany, except they would first deprive Rodulphus of his kingdom. The Legates considering that to be against the drift and intention of the Pope, returned again frō whence they came. The Pope hearing this and seeing his purpose so disappointed by the Emperor, draweth out another excommunication against him, and again bereaveth him of his kingdom: sending about his letters excommunicatorie, throughout all places, thinking thereby to further the part of Rodulphus the better. Platina hath in his book the whole effect of the writing, which tendeth after this sort.

Furthermore, Pridebrand Driveur and not yet content with this, interditeth & deposeth also Guibertus Archb. of Rauēna, for taking the Emperors part, commanding all priests to give no manner obedience to him, and sendeth thither to Rauenna another Archb. with full authority.

After & upon this, Henricus & Rodulphus to try the matter by the sword, coped together in battle, not without bloodshed, where Henricus by the favor of God against the judgment of Hildebrand, had the victory. Rodulphus there greatly wounded in the conflict, was had out of the army, and carried to Hyperbolis, where he commanded the bishops & chief doers of his conspiracy to be brought before him, when they came, he listed up his right hand, in which he had taken his deadly wound, and said: This is the hand which gave the oth and sacrament unto Henricus my Prince, and which through your instigatiō, so oft hath fought against him in vain. Now go and perform your first oath & allegiance to your king, for I must to my fathers, and so died. Thus the Pope gave battle, but God gave the victory.

Henricus (after his enemy being thus subdued, and wars being ceased in Germany) forgot not the old injuries received of Hildebrand by whom he was twice excommunicate, & expulsed from his kingdom, and iii. days making humble suit (yea & that in sharp winter) could find no favor with him. Besides that, he incited moreover & aided his enemy against him, wherefor calleth together a council or assembly of diverse bishops of Italy, Lōbardy and Germany at Brixia, an. 1083. where he purged himself, & accused the bishop Hildebrand of diverse crimes, to be an usurper perjured, a Necromanser & Sorcerer, a lower of discord, complaining moreover of wrongs & injuries done by the bishop and church of Rome, in that the church of Rome preferred the bishop before him, whē that his father being emperor before him, had inthronised & set in diverse & sundry bishops there by his assignment, without all other electiō. And now this bishop contrary to his oth & promise made, thrust in himself, without the will and knowledge of him, being their king and magistrate, For in the time of his father Henricus 3. This Hildebrand with other, bound themselves with a corporal oth, that so long as the Emperor and his son now being king, should live, they should neither themselves presume nor suffer any other to aspire to the Papal seat, without the assent and approbation of the foresaid Emperors, which now this Hildebrand contrary to his corporal oth had done, wherefor the foresaid council with one agrement condemned this Gregory, that he should be deposed. The tenor of which condemnation is thus expressed in Abbate Vrspergensi.

This being enacted & sent to Rome, they elected Guibertus Archbishop of Rauena in the place of Hildebrand, to govern the Church of Rome, named Clemens 3. But when Hildebrand neither would give over his hold, nor give place to Clement, the Emperor gathering an army to send to Italy, came to Rome to depose Gregory, and to place Clement. But Hildebrand sending to Matilda the Countess before in ētioned, required (in remission of all he sins) to withstand Henry the Emperor, and so she did. Notwithstanding Henricus preuailyng came to Rome, where he besieged the City all the Lent, and after Easter got it, the Romaines being compelled to open the gates unto him: so he coming to the temple of S. Peter, there placeth Clement in his Papacy, Hildebrand straight flieth into Adrian’s tower with his adherents, where he being beset round about, at length sendeth for Robert Guiscardus his friend a Norman, in the mean time, while Robertus collecteth his power, the Abbot of Chiniake, couferryng with Gregory, exhorteth him to crown Henricus emperor in Lateran, which if he would do, the other promiseth to bring about, that Den. should depart w ^e his army into Germany, whereunto the people of Rome also did likewise move him. To whom Gregory answered, that he was content so to do (but upon condition) that the emperor would submit himself to ask pardon, to amend his fault, and to promise obedience. The Emperor not agreeing to those conditions went to Senas, taking Clement, new stalled Pope with him.

After the return of the Emperor, the foresaid Robert Buiscardus approaching w ^e his soldiers, brast in at one of the gates, and spoileth the City. And not long after delivereth Hildebrand out of his enemies hands, and carried him away to Campana, where he, not long continuing, after died in exile.

Antoninus writeth, that Hildebrand, as he did lie a dying, called to him one of his chief Cardinals, be wailing to him his fault & misorder of his spiritual ministry, in stirring up discord, war & dissension: whereupon he desired the Cardinal to go to the Emperor, and desire him of forgiveness, absolving from the danger of excommunication both him and all his partakers both quick and dead.

Thus hast thou (gentle Reader) the full history of pope Gregory 7. called Hildebrand, which I have laid our more, at large, & desire thee to mark, because that frō this Pope (it thou mark well) springeth all the occasion of mischief, of pride, pomp, stoutness, presumption & tyranny, which since that time hath reigned in his successors hitherto, in the cathedral church of the Romish clergy for here came first the subiectiō of the temporal regiment, under the spiritual iurisdictiō. And Emperors, which before were their masters, now are made their underlings. Also here came in the suppression of priests marriage, as is sufficiently declared. Here came in moreover the authority of both the swords spiritual & secular, into spiritual men's hands. So that Christian magistrates could do nothing in election, in giving bishoprikes or benefices, in calling Councils, in hearing & correcting the excesses of the clergy, but only the Pope must do all. Yea moreover, no bishop nor Pastor in his own parish could excommunicate or exercise any discipline amongst his flock, but only the Pope challenged that prerogative to himself. Finally, here came in the first example to persecute Emperors & kings, with rebellion & excommunication, as the clergy themselves hereafter do testify and witness in proceeding against Paschalis. Thus these notes being well observed, let us (by the grace of Christ) now repair again to our country history of englād.

About the death of Pope Hildebrand (or not long after) followed the death of king William Conqueror, in the yere of our Lord, 1090. after he had reigned in England the space of 21. years and 10. months. The cause of his sickness and death, is said to be this: For that Phillip the French king upon a time (jesting said) that king William lay in child bed and nourished his fat belly. with this the foresaid william hearing thereof, answered again and said, when he should be Churched, he would offer a thousand candles to him in France, wherewithal the king should have little joy. whereupon king William in the month of July (when the corn, fruit, & grapes were most flourishing) entered into France, & set on fire many Cities and towns in the westside of France. And lastly coming to the City of Meaux, where he burning a woman being as a recluse in a wall enclosed (or as some say, two mē Anachorites enclosed) was so servant and furious about the fire, that with the heat partly of the fire, partly of the time of year, thereby he fell into sickness, and died upon the same.

By the life & acts of this king, it may appear true, as stories of him report, that he was wise but guileful, riche, but covetous, a fair speaker, but a great dissembler, glorious in victory, & strong in arms, but rigorous in oppressing whom he overcame, in leuiyng of tasks passing all other. In so much that he caused to be enrolled & numbered in his treasury every hide of land, and owner thereof: what fruit & revenues surmounted of every Lordship, of every township, castel, village, field, river, & wood, within all the realm of England. Moreover, how many parish Churches, how many living cattle there were, what and how much every Baron in the realm could dispend, what fees were belonging, what wages were taken, &c. The tenor & contents of which taskment, yet remaineth in rolles. After this tasking or nūbring, which was the yere before his death, followed an exceeding moreine of cattle, & barennes of the ground, with much pestilence and hot fevers among the people, so that such as escaped the fever, were consumed with famine. Moreover, at the same season among certain other Cities, a great part of the City of London, with the church of Paul's was wasted with fire, an 1085.

In hunting and in parkes, the foresaid king had such pleasure, that in the country of Southhamptō by the space of 36. miles, he cast down churches and Townships, and there made the new forest, loving his Decre so dearly, as though he had been to them a father, making sharp laws for the increasing thereof, under pain of loosing both the eyes. So hard he was to Englishmen, and so favorable to his own country, that as there was no English Bishop remaining, but only wolstane of Worcester, who being commanded of the king and Lancfrank to resign up his staff, partly for inhabilitie, partly for lack of the French tongue, refused otherwise to resign it, but only to him that gave it, and so went to the tomb of king Edward, where he thought to resign it, but was permitted to enjoy it still: so likewise in his days there was almost no English mā, that bare office of honor or rule.

In so much, it was half a shame at that time, to be called an English man. Notwithstanding he some deal favored the city of London, & granted unto the Citizens the first charter that ever they had, written in the Saxon, with green wax sealed, and contained in few lines.

Among his other conditions, this in him is noted, that so given he was to peace and quiet, that any maiden being laden with gold or silver, might pass thorough the whole realm, without harm or resistance. This William in his time built two monasteries, one in England, at Battail in Suffex, where he wan the field against Harold, called the abbey of Battail: another beside, named Barmōdsey, in his country of Normandy.

After the life & story of K. William thus briefly described, with the acts & order of battle between him & K. Harold (although much more might have been written of y ^t matter, if the book had come sooner to my hands which afterward I saw) now remaineth in the end of his story to describe the names of such Barons & nobles of Normandy, which enterd with him into this land, as well of them which were embarked with him, & slain also (as appeareth) in the battle, as also of thē who were planted & advanced by the said Conqueror, in the lands & possessions of English Lord's, whom he either expulsed or else beheaded. The names of which Normands here follow vnderwritten.

Ouer and besides the great number of Knights and Esquiers that were under them. In the same battle between the said William the bastard, Duke of Normandy on the one part, and King Harold on the other part, there were slain on King Harold's side of Englishmen, 66654. And on Duke Williams side there were slain, 6013. men, as it is to be found in the Chronicles of S. Peter of Westminster, besides those that were drowned in the River of Thames.

When as the above named and many other great Lord's were so called, some of them appeared, other some did not: For some of them were slain there in the held, and others so wounded, that they could not come forth to show themselves. Then gave the Duke commandment that the dead should be buried, and those that were sick, comforted and eased the best that might be, &c.

A little above, mention was made of the Bishops sea of Shireborne, translated from thence to Salisbury. The first bishop of Salisbury was Hermannus & Normand, who first began the new church and minster of Salisbury. After whom succeeded Osmūdus, who finished the work and replenished the house with great living, & much good singing. This Osmundus first began the ordinary, which was called Secundum vsum Sarum. an. 1076. The occasion whereof was this (as I find in an old story book entitled Eulogium ) a great contention chanced at Glastenbury between Thurstanus the Abbot, and his convent in the days of William Conqueror, which Thurstanus the said William had brought out of Normandy, frō the Abbey of Cadonum, and placed him Abbot of Glastenbury. The cause of this cōtentious battle, was for that Thurstanus conteinning their Choir service, then called the use of S. Bregory, compelled his monks to the use of one Williā a monk of Fiscam in Normandy. Wherupon, came strife & contentions amongst them: first, in words, then from words to blows, after blows then to armor. The Abbot with his gard of harnest men, fell upon the monks, & drave them to the steps of the high altar: where ii. were slain, viii. were wounded with shafts, swords & pikes. The monks then driven to such a straight & narrow shift, were compelled to defend themselves with fourmes and candlesticks, wherewith they did wound certain of the soldiers. One monk there was (an aged man) who instead of his shield took an Image of the Crucifice in his arms, for his defense, which image was wounded in the breast by one of the bow men, whereby the Monk was saved. My story addeth more, that the striker incontinent upon the same fell mad, which sauoreth of some monkish addition besides the text. This matter being brought before the king, the Abbot was sent again to Cadonius, and the monks by the commandment of the king were scattered in far countries. Thus by the occasion hereof, Osmundus bishop of Salisbury, devised that ordinary, which is called the use of Sarum, and was afterward received in a manner through all England, Ireland and Wales. And thus much for this matter, done in the time of this king William.

Which William after his death, by his wife Matildis or Maulde, left iii. sons, Robert Courtley to whom he gave the Duchie of Normandy: William Rufus his second son, to whom he gave the kingdom of England: And Henry the third son, to whom he left and gave treasor, and warned William to be to his people loving & liberal, Robert to be to his people stern and sturdy.

In the history called Iornalensis, is reported of a certain great man, who about this time of king William, was compassed about with Mise and Rattes, and flying to the midst of a River, yet when that would not serve, came to the land again, and was of them devoured. The Bermaines say, that this was a Bishop, who dwelling between Colen and Mainz, in time of famine and dearth, having store of corn and grayne, would not help the poverty crying to him for relief, but rather wished his corn to be eaten of Myse and Rattes. Wherefore being compassed with Mise and Rattes (by the just judgment of God) to avoid the annoiance of them, he built a tower in midst of the River of Rheine (which yet to this day the Dutchmen call Rattes tower) but all that would not help: for the Rattes and Myse swam over to him in as great abundance as they did before. Of whom at length he was devoured.

William Rufus.

William Rufus the second son of William Cōquerour began his raigue, an. 1088. And reigned 13. years, being crowned at Westminster by Lanfrancus, who after his coronation released out of prison, by the request of his father, diverse of the English Lord's, which before had been in custody. It chanced that at the death of William Conqueror, Robert Courtsey his eldest son was absent in Almany. Who hearing of the death of his father, and how William his younger brother had taken upon him the kingdom, was therewith greatly amoued, in so much that he laid his dukedome to pledge unto his brother Henry, and with that good, gathered unto him an army, and so landed at Hampton, to the intent to have expulsed his brother from the kingdom. But William Rufus hearing thereof, sent to him sayre and gentle words, promising him deditiō and subjection as to the more worthy and elder brother, this thing only requiring, that seeing he was now in place and possession, he might enjoy it during his life, paying to him yearly iii. thousand marks, with condition, that which of them ouerlyued the other, should enjoy the kingdom. The occasion of this variance between these brethren, wrought a great dissentiō among the Normaine Lord's and Bishops, both in England & in Normandy. In so much that all the Normain bishops within the realm almost rebelled against the king (taking part with Duke Robert) except only Lanfrancus, and Wolstane Bishop of Worcester, above mentioned an English man: who for his virtue and constancy was so well liked and favored of his citizens, that (emboldened with his presence & prayer) they stoutly maintained the City of Worcester against the siege of their enemies, & at last vanquished them with utter ruin. But Duke Robert at length by the advise of his counsel (hearing the words sent unto him, and wagging his dead thereat, as one conceiving some matter of doubt or doublenes) was yet content to assent to all that was desired, & so returned shortly after into Normandy, leaving the bishops and such other, in the briers, which were in England taking his part against the king.

This Rufus was so ill liked of the Normaines, that between him and his Lord's was oft dissention. Wherefore (well nere) all the Normains took part against him: so that he was forced of necessity to draw to him the English men. Agayne, so covetous he was, and so unmeasurable in his tasks and takings; in selling benefits, Abbeys, and Bishoprics, that he was hated of all English men.

In the third yere of this king, died Lancfrancus Archbishop of Cant. from whose commendation and worthiness as I list not to detract anything (being so greatly magnified of Polidorus his countreyman) so neither do I see any great cause, why to add anything thereunto. This I think, unless that man had brought with him less superstition, and more sincere science into Christ's Church, he might have kept him in his country still, & have confuted Berengarius at home. After y ^e decease of Lanfranke, the sea of Cant. stood empty iiii. years.

After the counsel of Lancfrancus above mentioned: wherein was concluded for translating of Bishops seas, from villages into head cities: Remigius bishop of Dorchester, who (as ye heard, accompanied Lancfrancus unto Rome) removed his Bishops sea from Dorchester unto Lincoln, where he built the minster there situate upon an hill within the said city of Lincoln. The dedication of which church, Robert Archbishop of York did resist, saying that it was built within the ground of his precinct. But after, it had his Romish dedication by Robert Blocet, next bishop that followed. By the same Remigius also was sounded the cloister or monastery of Stow, &c.

In the iiii. year of this king, great tempest fell in sundry places of England, specially at Winchcombe, where the steeple was burned with lightning, the Church walle brast through, the head and right leg of the Crucifix, with the Image of our Lady, on the right side of the Crucifix thrown down, and such a stench left in the Church, that none might abide it. At London the force of the weather & tempest overturned vi. hundredth houses. In which tempest the roof of Bowe church was whurled up in y ^e wind, and by the vehemence thereof was pitched down a great deepenes into the ground.

King William (as ye heard an exceeding pillar or rauener rather of Church goods) after he had given the Bishoprike of Lincoln to his Chancellor Robert Bleuet (above minded) began to cavil, avouching the sea of Lincoln to belong to the sea of York, till the Bishop of Lincoln had pleased him with a great sum of money of v. thousand marks, &c.

And as nothing could come in those days without money from the king, so Herbert Lolinga paying to the king a piece of money, was made bishop of Thetford, as he had paid a little before to be Abbot of Ramesey. who likewise the same time, removing his sea from Thetford to the City of Norwich, there erected the Cathedral Church with the cloister in the said city of Norwith, where he furnished the Monks with sufficient living and rentes of his own charges, besides the Bishops lands. Afterward repentyng of his open and manifest simony, he went to Rome: where he resigned unto the Popes hands his bishopric: but so, that incontinēt he received it again. This Herbert was the son of an Abbot called Robert, for whō he purchased of the king to be bishop of Winchester, whereof runneth these verses.

Ye heard a little before of the death of Pope Hildebrand, after the time of which Hildebrand, the Germain Emperors began to loose their authority and right in the Popes electiō, and in giving of benefices. For next after this Hildebrand, came Pope Victor by the setting up of Matilda, and the Duke of Normandy, with the faction and retinue of Hildebrand, who likewise shown himself stout against y ^e emperor. But God gave the shrewd Low short horns: For Victor being poisoned (as some say in his chalice) late but one year and a half. Notwithstanding the same imitation and example of Hildebrand continued still in thē that followed after. And like as the kings of Israel followed most part the steps of Jeroboam, till the time of their desolation: so for the greatest sort all Popes followed the steps and proceedings, of this Hildebrand their spiritual Jeroboam, in maintaining falls worship, and chiefly in upholding the dignity of the sea, against all rightful authority, and the lawful kingdom of Zion. In the time of this Victor, began the order of the Monks of Charterhouse, through the means of one Hugo bishop of Gracionople, and of Bruno bishop of Colen.

Next to Victor sat Urbanus the ii. by whom the acts of Hildebrand were confirmed, & also new decrees enacted against Henricus the Emperor. In this time were two Popes at Rome, Urbanus and Clemens iii. whom the Emperor set up. Under Pope Urbane came in the white Monks of Cistercian order, by one Stephen Harding a monk of Shireborne (an Englishman) by whom this order had his beginning in the wilderness of Cistery, within the province of Burgoyne, as witnesseth Cestrensis. Other write that this Harding was the ii. Abbot of that place, & that it was first founded by the means of one Robert Abbot of Molisine in Cistercium, a Forest in Burgundy, an. 1098. (persuaded perchance by Harding) and afterward in the yere of our Lord, 1135. it was brought into England by a certain man called Espek, which built an Abbey of the same order called Merinale. In this order y ^e monks did live by the labor of their hands. They paid no tithes, nor offerings: they wear no furre nor lyning: they wear red shoes, their cowls white, and coat black, all shorn save a little circle: they eat no flesh but only in their journey. Of this order was Bernardus, &c.

This Urbanus held diverse Councils: one at Rome, where he excommunicated all such lay persons as gave inuestiture of any Ecclesiastical benefice. Also all such of the Clergy as abiected themselves to be underlings or servants to lay persons for Ecclesiastical benefices, &c.

An other Council he held at Cleremount in France. Where among other things the bishop made an Oration to the Lord's, being there present concerning the voyage & recovering of the holy land from the Turks and Sarazens. The cause of which voyage first sprang by one Peter a monk or Hermit, who being in Jerusalem, & seeing the great misery of the Christians under the Pagans, made thereof declaration to Pope Urbane, & was therein a great sollicitor to all Christian Princes. By reason whereof, after the foresaid Oration of pope Urbane 30000. men (taking on them the sign of the cross for their cognisaunce) made preparation for that voyage, whose Captains were Godfrey Duke of Loraine with his two brethren, Eustace, and Baldwine, the bishop of Pody, Bohemund duke of Puell and his nephew Tancredus, Raymund Earl of S. Egidius, Robert Earl of Flaunders, and Hugh le Graund, brother of Phillip the French king. To whom also was joined Robert Courthoyle duke of Normandy, with diverse other noble men, with the foresaid Peter the Deremite, who was the chief causer of that voyage.

At that time many of the said Noble men laid their lands & lordships to mortgage, for to provide for the forenamed voyage: as Godfrey duke of Lorayne, who sold the Dukedom of Boloine to the Bishop of Eburone for a great sumine of money. Also Robert Courthoyse Duke of Normandy laid his Dukedom to pledge to his brother William king of England for x. thousand pounds, &c.

Thus the Christians which passed first over Bosphorus, having to their captain Peter the Heremite (a man perchance more devout then expert to guide an army) being trapped of their enemies, were slain & murdered in great number among the Bulgars, and nere to the town called Ciuitus.

When the nobles and the whole army met together at Constantinople (where Alexius was Emperor) passing over by Hellespontus going to Jerusalem, they took the cities of Nicaea, Eraclea, Tarsis, and subdued the country of Cicilia, appointing the possession thereof to certain of their Captains.

Antioch was besieged, and in the ix. month of the siege it was yielded to the Christians by one Pyrrhus: about which season were sought many strong battayles to the great slaughter and desolation of the Sarazens, and not without loss of man • Christian men. The governance of this City was committed to Boamund Duke of Pucil, whose martial knighthood was often proved in time of the siege thereof.

And not long after, Corbona, master of the Persians Chiualry, was vanquished and slain, with an hundredth thousand Infidels. In which discomfiture were taken 15000. camels.

Jerusalem the 39. day of the siege was conquered by the Christians. Robert Duke of Normandy was elect to be king thereof. But he refused, hearing of the death of king William of Eng. wherefor he never sped in all his affairs well after the same. Then Godfrey captain of the Christian army was proclaimed the first king of Jerusalem. At the taking of the City was such a murder of men, that blood was congeled in the street the thickness of a foot. Then after Godfrey reigned Baldwine his brother. After him Baldwine the second nephew. Then Gaufridus duke of Gaunt, and after him Gaufridus his son, by whom many great battails there were fought against the Sarazens and all the country thereabout subdued save Askelon, &c. And thus much hitherto touching the voyage to the holy land. Now to our own land again.

About this time (as Mathaeus Parisiensis writeth) the king of England favored not much the sea of Rome, because of their impudent and insatiable exactions, which they required, neither would he suffer any of his subjects to go to Rome, alleging these words in the author thus expressed: Quod Petri non inherent vestigijs, praemijs inhiantes, non eius potestatem retinent, cuius sanctitatem probantur non imitari: that is, because they follow not the steppes of Peter, hunting for rewards; neither have they the power and authority of him, whose holiness they declare themselves not to follow, &c.

By the same Urbanus, the seven Houres which we call septem horas Canonicas, were first instituted in the Church.

Item, by this pope was decreed, no bishop to be made but under the name and title of some certain place.

Item, that Martins and Houres of the day, should every day be said.

Also every Saturday, to be said the Mass of our Lady, and all the Jews Sabbath to be turned to the service of our Lady, as in the Council of Turon, to the which service was appointed the Anthem, Ora pro populo, interueni pro clero, intercede pro deuoto foemineo sexu.

Item, all such of the clergy as had wives to be deprived of their order.

Item, to be lawful for subjects to break their oath of allegeaunce, with all such as were by the Pope excommunicate.

Item, not to be lawful both for husband and wife to christen one child both together, with matters many moe.

By the same Pope thus many chapters stand written in the Canon law. Dist. 7. Sanctorum, dist. 31. Eos qui 1. q. 1. Si qui dist. 56 praesbyterorum, 11. q. 3. quibus 15. q. 6. Iuratos, 16. q. 7. congregatio, 19 q. 2. Statuimus, 23. q. 8. Tributum. 30. q. 4. quod autem &c.

In the 6. yere of this kings reign, Malcoline king of Scots which four times before had made great slaughter of old & young in the North partes, as is before shown, braste into Northumberland with all the power he could make, and there by the right judgment of God was slain with his son Edward, and also Margaret his wife, sister to Edgar Adeling above minded, a virtuous and devout Lady, within 3. days after.

The same year he gave the Archbishoprike of Canterbury (after that he had detained the same in his own bands 4. years) to Anselmus Abbot of Becke in Normandy

This Anselm was an Italian in the City of Augusta borne, and brought up in the Abbey of Becke in Normandy: where, he was so straight a folower of virtue, that (as the story recordeth) he wished rather to be without sin in hell, then in heaven with sin. Which saying and wish of his (if it were his) may seem to proceed out of a mind neither speaking orderly according after the phrase and understanding of the scripture, nor yet sufficiently acquainted with the justification of a christen man. Further, they report him to be so far from singularity: that he should say it was the vice which thrust the angels first out of heaven, and man out of paradise.

Of this Anselm it is moreover reported, that he was so ilwilling to take the Archbishoprike, that the king had much ado to thrust it upon him: and was so desirous to have him take it, that the City of Canterbury (which before Lanfrancus did hold but at the kings good will and pleasure) he gave now to Anselm wholly, which was about the yere of our Lord, 1093. But as desirous as y ^e king was then to place the said Anselm, so much did he repent it afterward, seeking all manner of mean to defeat him if he might. Such strife and contention rose between them two for certain matters, the ground and occasion whereof, first was this.

After that Anselmus had been thus elected to the see of Canterbury, before he was fully consecrate, the king commoned with him (assaying by all gentle manner of words to entreat him) that such lands & possessions of the church of Cant. as the king had given and granted to his friends since the death of Lanfrancus: they might still enjoy the same, as their own lawful possession, through his grant and permission. But to this, Anselm in no case would agree. Wherupon the king conceiving great displeasure against him, did stop his consecration a great season, till at length in long process of time, the king enforced by the daily complaints and desires of his people and subjects for lack of an Archbishop to moderate the church, was constrained to admit and autorise him unto them. Thus Anselm with much ado, taking his consecration, and doing his homage to the king, went to his see of Cant. And not long after, the king sailed over to Normandy.

About this time there were two striving in Rome for the Popedom, as is afore touched. Urbanus & Guibertus. Divers realms diversely consenting, some to the one, some to the other. England taking part with their king was rather inclined to Guibertus, called Clemens the 3. but Anselmus did fully go with Urbanus, making so his exception with the king, entering to his bishopric. After the king was returned again from Normandy, y ^e Archbishop cometh to him and asketh leave to go to Rome, to set his palle of Pope Urban: which when he could not at the first obtain, he maketh his appeal from the king to the Pope. Whereat the king being justly displeased, chargeth the Archbishop with breach of his feaultie, contrary to his promise made: that is, if he, without his license, would appeal either to Urbane or to any other Pope. Anselm answereth again, that was to be referred to some greater council, where it is to be disputed, whether this be to break a man's allegiance to a terrene Prince, if he appeal to the vicar of S. Peter. And here much arguyng and contending was on both sides. The kings reason proceeded thus: The custom (saith he) from my fathers time hath been in England, that no person should appeal to the Pope without the kings license. He that breaketh the customs of the realm, violateth the power and crown of the kingdom. He that violateth and taketh away my crown, is a traitor and enemy against me, &c. To this Anselm replieth again: The Lord (saith he) easily discusseth this question, briefly teaching what fidelitic and allegeaunce we ought to give to the vicar of S. Peter, where he saith: thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church, &c. And to thee I will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind in earth, it shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou loosest in earth, shall be loosed in heaven, &c. Agayne to them all in general, he saith: he that heareth you, heareth me, and who despiseth you, despiseth me. And in another place, he that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine eye. On the other side, what duty we owe to the king, he showeth also. Geue (saith he) to the Emperor, what belongeth to the Emperor, and to God, give that to God belongeth. Wherefore in such things as belong to God, I will yield and must yield by good right and duty, my obedience to the vicar of S. Peter, and in such things as belong again to terrene dignity of my prince, in those I will not deny to him my faithful help and counsel, so far as they can extend.

Thus have ye the grounded arguments of this Prelate, to stand so stiffly against his prince, whereunto peradventure was joined also some piece of a stubborn heart. But in this conclusion, none of his fellow bishops durst take his part, but were all against him: namely, William Bishop of Duresine. To whom Anselm thus protesteth, saying: who so ever he were that would presume to prove it any breach of allegeaunce of feaulty to his sovereign, if he appealed to the vicar of S. Peter, he was ready to answer at all times to the contrary: the bishop of Duresine answering again, that he which would not be ruled by reason, must with force be constrained, &c. The king having on his part the agreement of the Bishops, thought to deprive the Archb. both of his pastoral sea, and to expel him out of the realm. But he could not perform his purpose, for Anselm as he was ready to depart the realm, he said: whensoever he went, he would take his office and authority with him, though he took nothing else. Whereupon, that matter was deferred till a longer time. In the mean season the king had sent privily two messengers to Pope Urbane, to entreat him to send his pall to the king for him to give it where he would, which messengers by this time were returned again, bringing with them from Rome Gwalther bishop of Albane the popes Legate, with the pall to be givē to Anselm. This Legate first landing at Dover, from thence came privily (unknowing to Anselm) to the king, declaring and promising, that if Urbane was received pope in England, whatsoever the king required to be obtained, he by his privilege from the Apostolical sea would ratify and confirm the same, save only that when the king required of the Legate that Anselm might be removed, the Legate thereunto would not agree, saying: that was impossible to be obtained, that such a man as he, being lawfully called, should be expelled without manifest cause. In conclusion so it followed, that although he could not obtain his request of the Legate, yet y ^e Legate wrought so with the king, that Urbane was proclaimed lawful Pope through all the realm.

Then were sent to Anselmus certain bishops to move and prove his mind, declaring what charges and pains the king had been at in his behalf, to procure the pall for him from Rome, which otherwise would have stood him in great expenses, and that all this the king hath done for his sake. Wherefore it were good reason and convenient, that he (to gratify the king) should something condescend to his request again. But with all this, Anselm the stout Archbishop would not be moved, wherefore the king seeing none other remedy, was compelled to grant unto him y ^e full right of his Archbishoprike. And so y ^e day appointed when the palle should be brought to Canterbury (being carried with all solemnity in a thing of silver) the Archbishop with a great concourse of people, came forth barefoot, with his priestly vestments, after a most goodly manner to meet the same. And so being brought in, was laid upon the altar, whilst Anselm (spreading over his shoulders his popish vestments) proceeded unto his popish mass.

Thus agreement being made between the king and the bishop, so long as it would hold. It happened the yere following, the king with his army entered into Wales to subdue such as there rebelled against him. After the victory gotten, the king returned home again with triumph. To whom Anselm thought to have come, to congratulate his prosperous success. But the king prevented him by messengers, laying to the bishops charge both the small number & evil service of his soldiers sent to him at his need. At the hearing hereof, all the hope of Anselm was dashed, who at the same present had thought to have obtained & done many great matters with the king touching the state of the Church. But here all turned contrary to his expectation. In so much, that he was charged against the next court of parliament, to make his answer. But he avoided that by appealing to Rome. Wherefore he made his suit and friends to the king for lisence to go to the Pope. Unto the which suit, the king answered again, that he should not go, neither was there any cause for him so to do for that both he knew him to be of so sound a life, y ^t he had done no such offense where of he needed to crave absolution at Rome, neither was there any such lack of science & knowledge, that he needed to borrow any counsel there. In so much (saith the king) that I dare say. Pope Urbane, rather hath to give place to the wisdom of Anselm, then Anselm to have need of Urbane. Wherefore as he hath no cause to go, so I charge him to tarry. And if he continue in his stubburnnes still, I will assuredly season upon his possessions, and convert his Archbishoprike unto my cofers: for that he transgresseth and breaketh his fidelity and obessaunce, promising before to observe all the customs of my kingdom. Neither is it the fashion in this Realm, that any of my Nobles should go to Rome without my sending. And therefore, let him swear unto me, y ^t he shall neither for any greuance, appeal hereafter to the sea of Rome, or else let him void my realm.

Against these words of the king, Anselm thinking not best to reply again by any Message, but by word of mouth, coming himself personally to the king, placeth himself (after his order) on the right hand of the Prince, where he made his reply unto the message sent to him by the king. Whereas ye say, I ought not to go to Rome either for lack of any trespass, or for abundance of counsel and knowledge in me (albeit I grant to neither of them as true) yet what the truth is therein, I refer it to the judgment of God. And whereas ye say that I promised to keep and observe your customs: that I grant, but with a condition: so far to keep them, and such of them to observe, as were consonant to the laws of God, & ruled with right and equity. Moreover, whereas ye charge me with breach of my fidelity and allegiance, for that contrary to your customs I appeal to the Sea Apostolic (my reverence and duty to your sovereignty reserved) if another would say it, that is untrue. For the fidelity and obeisaunce that I owe to thee (O King) I have it of the faith and fidelity of God, whose Vicare S. Peter is: to whose seat I do appeal. Farther, whereas ye require me to swear, that I shall for no cause hereafter at any time appeal to Rome: I pronounce openly that a Christian Prince requireth such an oath of his Archbishop unjustly. For if I should forswear S. Peter, I should deny Christ. And when I shall at any time deny Christ, then shall I be content and ready to stand to my satisfaction of my transgression to you, for asking license to go to Rome. And peradventure when I am gone, the goods of the Church shall not so serve your temporal desires and commodities as ye wene for. At these words of the Bishop, the king and his nobles were not a little incensed: defending again, that in observing the kings customs, there was neither condition nor any clause put in, either of God or right. No was, said Anselm? If so be that in your customs was neither mention made of God nor of right, whereof was there mention then? For God forbid that any Christian should be bound to any customs, which go contrary to God and to right: Thus on both sides passed much altercation between thē. At length, the king after many threatening words, told him he should carry nothing out of the realm with him. Well said the Bishop, if I may neither have my horse, nor garments with me, then will I walk on foot. And so addressed him toward his journey (all the other bishops forsaking him) whereof none would take his part: but if he came to them for their counsel, they said he was wise enough, and needed not their counsel, as who for his prudence knew best what was to be done, as also for his holiness was willing and able to prosecute the same that he did know. As for them, they neither durst nor would stand against the king their Lord: whose favor they could not lack, for the peril that might happen both to thenselves and to their kinrede. But for him because he was both a stranger, and void of such worldly corruption in him: they willed him to go forward as he had begun, their secrete consent he should have, but their open voice they would not give him. Thus Anselmus remaining at Dover 15. days tarrying for wind: at last sped him toward his passage. But his packing being secretly known in the court: the kings officer (William Warlwast) prevented his purpose: searching by the kings commandment all his trusses, coffers, satchels, sleeves, purse, napkin and bosom for letters, and for money, and so let him pass. Who sailing into France, first rested a while at Lions, from thence came to Rome to complain to Pope Urbane, according to the tenor and form of a certain Epistle of his, wherein among many other things in the same Epistle contained: these words he writeth to Pope Paschalis, the third yere after his banishment, after the death of Urbane, and a little before the death of the king.

By these here above prefixed, appeareth how Anselm the Archbishop coming to Rome, made his complaint to the Pope Urbane of the king: and how the Pope writing to the king in the behalf of Anselm: his letters and commandments were despised. And now to our story. In the mean time while the popes letters were sent to the king, Anselm was bid to wait about the Pope to look for an answer back. Who perceiving (at length) how little the king reputed the popes letters, began to be weary of his office: desiring the pope that he might be discharged thereof. But the Pope in no case would thereto consent, chargying him upon his obedience, that where soever he went, he should bear with him the name and honor of the Archbishop of Cant. Whereunto, Anselmus again said, his obedience, he neither durst nor would refuse, as who for God's cause, was ready to suffer, whatsoever should happen (yea though it were death itself) as he thought no less would follow thereof. But what should we think (saith he) is there to be done, where not only justice taketh no place, but is utterly oppressed? and where as my suffragans not only do not help (for dread) the righteous cause: but also for favor do impugn the same. Well (saith the Pope) as touching these matters, we shall sufficiently provide for at the next Council at Baron: where as I will you the same time and place to be present.

When the time of the Council was come, Anselm among other was called for. Who first sitting in an utter side of y ^e Bishops, afterward was placed at y ^e right foot of the Pope, with these words: Includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam alterius orbis Papam. Wherupon the same place after him was appointed to the successors of the sea of Cant. (in every general Council by the decree of Urbane) to sit at the right foot of the pope. In this Council, great stir and much reasoning there was against the Grecians, concerning the matter and order of proceeding of the holy Ghost. Where is to be noted that the Greek Church hath of long time dissented from the Latin church in many and sundry points, to the number of xx. or almost xxi • . Articles, as I have them collected out of the Register of y ^e Church of Hereford. Whereof, like as occasion hereafter may serve (God willing) for a further & more ample tractation to be made: so here by the way partly I mean to touch some. The first is.

Wherein the Greek Church differeth from the Latin.

THe first article wherein the Greek Church altereth from the Latin or Romish Church is this, Quod sunt extra obedientiam Romanae ecclesiae, pro eo quod ecclesia Constantinopolitana non est subiecta, sed ei aequalis. 1. Dicunt Dominum Apostolicum non habere maiorem potestatem, q̄ iiii. Patriarc hae. Et quicquid sit praeter scientiam eorum per Papam, vel sine eorum approbatione, nullius est valoris &c. In English. First they are not under the obedience of the Church of Rome, because that the Church of Constantinople is not subject, but equal to the same.

2. They hold that the Bishop of the Apostolic Sea of Rome, hath greater power then the 4. Patriarchs. And whatsoever the Pope doth beside their knowledge, or without their approbation, it is of no valor.

3. Item they say, whatsoever hath been done or concluded since the second general Council, is of no full authority, because from that time they recount the Latins to be in error, and to be excluded out of the holy Church.

4. Item Dicunt Eucharistiam consecratam per Romanam Ecclessam non esse verum corpus Christ:. 1. They hold the Eucharist consecrated by the Church of Rome, not to be the very body of Christ. Also where the Romish Church doth cosecrate in unleavened bread, they consecrate in bread leavened.

5. Item they say, that the Romish church doth err in the words of Baptism for saying, I baptize thee, when they should say: let this creature of God be baptized. &c.

6. They hold moreover, to be no Purgatory, nor that the Suffrages of the Church do avail the dead, either to less the pain of them, that be destinate to hell, or to increase the glory of them that be ordained to salvation.

7. Item they hold, that y ^e souls out of the bodies departed (whether they have done good or evil) have not their perfect pain, nor glory: but are reserved in a certain place, till the day of judgment.

8. Item they condemn the church of Rome, for mixting cold water in their sacrifice.

9. Item they condemn the Church of Rome, for that as well women as priests annoint children (when they baptize them) on both shoulders.

10. Item Dicunt panem nostrum panagiam. i. They call our bread Panagia.

11. Item they blame the Church of Rome, for celebrating their Mass on other days beside Sondaies, and certain other feasts appointed.

12. Also in this the Greek Church varieth from the Latin, for they have neither cream, nor oil, nor sacrament of confirmation.

13. Neither do they use extreme unction, or anoyling after the manner of the Roman church, expounding the place of S. James of the spiritual infirmity, and not corporal.

14. Item they enjoin no satisfaction for penance, but only that they show themselves to the Priests, anointing them with simple oil in token of remission of sins.

15. Item only on maundy Thursday they consecrate for the sick: keeping it for the whole year after, thinking it to be more holy upon that day consecrate, then upon any other. Neither do they fast any saterday through y ^e whole year, but only on Easter even.

16. Item they give but only 5. orders as of Clerks, Subdeacons, Deacones, Priests, & Bishops, when as the Romaine Church giveth ix. orders after the ix. orders of Angels.

17. Moreover, the Greciās in their orders make no vow of chastity, alleging for them the 5. Canon of N. * Ego praesbyter vel Diaconus, vxorem causa honestatis non reijciam. &c. i. I. N. Priest or Deacon will not forsake my wife for honesty sake.

18. Item, every year the Grecians, use upon certain days to excommunicate the Church of Rome, and all the Latins, as heretics.

19. Item, among the said Grecians they are excommunicate, that beat or strike a Priest. Neither do their religious men live in such Priestly chastity, as the Roman Priests do.

20. Item, their Emperor among them, doeth ordain Patriarchs, Bishops, and other of the Clergy, and deposeth the same at his pleasure, also giveth benefices to whō he lusteth, and retaineth the fruits of the same benefices, as pleaseth him.

21. Item, they blame the Latin Church because they cate not flesh, eggs, and chese, on Friday, and do eat flesh on Saterdaies.

22. Item, they hold against the Latin men, for celebrating without the consecrated Church, either in the house or in the field: And fasting on the Sabbath day: And for permitting menstruous women, to enter into the Church before their purifying: Also for suffering dogs, and other beasts, to enter into the Church.

23. The Grecians use not to knele in all their devotions, yea not to the body of Christ (as the register termeth it) but one day in the whole year: saying and affirming, that the Latins be goats and beasts, for they are always prostrating themselves upon the ground in their prayers.

24. The Grecians moreover permit not the Latins, to celebrate upon their altars. And if it chance any Latin Priest to celebrate upon their altar, by and by they wash their altare, in token of abomination & false sacrifice. And diligently they observe, that whē soever they do celebrate, they do but one Liturgy or mass upon one altar or table, that day.

25 Item, they dissent from the Church of Rome, touching the order and manner, of the proceeding of the holy Ghost.

These Articles wherein is declared the difference between the East and West church, of the Grecians and Romans, as I found them articulate and collected in an ancient & autentical register of the church of Hereforde: so I thought here to inserte them, & leave them to the consideration of the Reader. Other four articles moe in the same Register be there expressed, concerning sunonie, usury not w ^e them forbidden, and touching also their Emperor, and how they teach their children to hurt or danify by any manner of way the Latin priests, &c. Which articles, for that either they seme not truly collected out of their teachings, or else not greatly pertinent to the doctrine of Religion, I overpass them. To the purpose now of our story again.

When certain of these above prefixed, were moved in the foresaid Council to be discussed, namely concerning the assertion of proceeding of the holy Ghost: and concerning leavened bread in the ministration of the Lord's Supper. Anselm, as is above said, was called for, who in the tracration of the same Articles so besturred him in that council, that he well liked the Pope, and them about him, as mine author recordeth. Wherupon, touching the matter of unleavened bread how indifferently he seemed there to reason: and what he writeth to Valerane Bishop of Nurenburgh, thereof ye shall bear by a piece of his letter sent to the said Bishop, the copy whereof here ensueth.

To this letter I have also adjoined another Epistle of his to the said Valtrame, appertaining to matters not much unlike to the same effect: Wherein is entreated touching the variety and diverse usages of the sacraments in the church. Whereby such as cal and cry so much for uniformity in the Church, may note peradventure in the same, something for their better understanding.

Then in the story it followeth, after long debating and discussing of these matters in the council, when they had given forth their determination upon the same: And the Pope had blasted out his thundering excommunications against the Grecians, & all that took their parte: at length was brought in, touching the complaints and accusation against the king of England. Upon the hearing whereof, Pope Urbane with his adherents was ready to proceed in excommunication against the king. But Anselm kneeling before the Pope, after he had first accused his King, then after obtained for him longer time to be given upon further trial.

Thus the council breaking up, the Pope returning again to Rome, directeth down his letters to the King, commanding him that Anselm with all his partakers (in speedy wise) should be reuested again into his archbishoprick, and all other possessions thereunto appertaining. To this the king sendeth answer again by messengers, who coming to the Pope, declared in the kings behalf on this wife. That the King their master did not a little marvel, what came in his mind to command Anselm to be reuested and relaised again into his former Archbyshopricke, seeing he told him before plainly, that if he went out of England without his leave, he would so do unto him. Well saith the Pope, have ye no other matter against Anselmus but only this? No, quod they. And have ye taken all this travel (saith the Pope) to come hither so far to tell me this, that the Primate of your country is therefore ceased and dispossessed, because he hath appealed to the sea and judgment Apostolical? Therefore if thou lovest thy Lord speed thee home and tell him, if he will not be excommoned, that he quickly reuest Anselm again, to all y ^e he had before. And least I make thee to be hanged for thy labor, look to thy term, and see that thou bring me answer again from him into this city, against the next council the third week after Easter. The messenger or speaker being somewhat astonied at the hearing of this so ragicall answer: thinking yet to work something for his King & master: came secretly to the Pope, saying that he would confer a certain mystery from his king privately with his holiness between them two. What mystery that was or what there passed from the king to the Pope & the court of Rome, mine author doth not show. But so cunningly y ^e mystery was handled: that with a full consent both of the Pope and all the court of Rome, a longer day was given (from Easter to Michaelmas) and the popes choleric heat so asswaged: that when the council came (which then was holden in S. Peters Church in Rome) albeit great complaints were then denounced against the King: yet such favor was found, that he toke no harm. Only the sentence of excommunication was there pronounced against such lay persons as gave inuesture of Churches, and them y ^t were so invested. Also against them that do consecrate such, or which give themselves in subjection to lay mē for ecclesiastical livings, as is before touched, &c.

This Council being finished, the Archbishop seeing the unsteadfastness of the Pope (which pleased him but a little) took his journey to Lions: where he continued his abode a long time, till the death first of pope Urbane, then after of the king.

Of this king William, many things be diversely recorded, some to his commendation, & some to his discommēdation: whereof this is one which some will ascribe to hardines, but I rather to rashness in him. As this king upon a time was in his disport of hunting: suddenly word came to him, that Cenourona (a City in Normandy) was besieged. The King without longer tarrying or advisement, took the straight way toward the sea side, sending to his lords, that they should follow after. They being come to his presence, advised him to stay, till the time his people were assembled, but he would not be stayed: saying, that such as him loved (he knew) would follow him shortly, and so went to take ship. The shipmaster seeing the weather so dark and cloudy, was afraid, and counseled the king to tarry till the wind did turn about, and the weather more favorable. But the King persisting in his journey, commanded him to make all the speed he might for his life (saying) that he never heard, that any King yet was ever drowned. And so passed the sea in safety, and came to Normandy.

The 13. year of his reign the said King William having the same time in his hand three byshoprickes, Cant. Wint. and Saruin • also 12. Abbeys in farm: As he was in his disport of hunting in the new forest, by glaunsing of an arrow (shot of a Knight named Walter Eyrell) was wounded to death: and so speechless was carried to Westminster, and there was buried. Where also is to be noted, y ^t Richard the cosen German of K. William, and son to duke Robert his brother, was likewise slain in the forsaid forest. See the just hand of god upon kings, usurping wrongfully upon other men's grounds, as did William Conqueror their father, in making this new forest: plucking down diverse churches and towneships, the cōpass of 30. miles about. Here therefore appeareth, that although men cannot revenge, yet God revengeth either in thē, or in their posterity, &c. This king as he always died Concubines, so left he no issue legitimate behind him. His life was such, that it is hard for a story that should tell truth, to say, whether he was more to be commonded, or reproved. Among other vices in him, especially is to be rebuked in him immeasurable and unreasonable covetousness: in so much y ^e he coveted (if he might) to be every man's heir. This one example of a liberal and princely nature I find in him: that upon a time, when a certain Abbot of a place was dead, there came to his court two Monks of the same house: who before had gathered much money, and made their friends to the king, and offered large offers either of them to be promoted to that dignity. There was also the third monk of the same place, which of meekness and humility followed the other two: to the intent that upon him y ^e the king had admitted for Abbot, he should give attendance, and as his chaplain to have with him returned. The king called before him the two monks severally, of whom the either outprosered the other. As the king cast his eye aside, he espied the third Monk standing by, supposing that his coming had been also for the like cause. Then the King calling him, asked what he would do, whether he would give more then his brethren had offered, to be Abbot. He answered to the king, and said: that he neither had (nor would if he might) offer any panic for it, by any such unlawful mean.

When the king had well pondered this third Monks answer, he said that he was best worthy to be Abbot, and to have the rule of so holy a charge: and so gave unto him that benefice without taking any penny.

Urbanus B. of Rome (who, as is said succeeded after Victor) ruled the Church of Rome, about the space of 12. years: and among his other acts, he excommunicated the Emperor Henricus the fourth of that name, as a man not much devout to that sea of Rome: But yet a worthy and victorious prince he was, in whom albeit some vice perchance might be noted: yet none such, wherefore any prelate or minister of Christ, ought to excite his subjects to rebel against public authority of God appointed. This Emperor Henricus the iiii. was by 4. Popes seuerallye excommunicate: first by Hildebrand, by Victor, Urbanus, and Paschalis. Which excommunicatiō wrought so in the ignorant & blind hearts of the people, that many (as well of the nobles as of the multitude, contrary to their sworn allegiance) rebelliously conspired against their king and Emperor. In number of whom, among the rest, was one certain Earl named Ludouicus: to whom Waltramus bishop of the Church of Mergburgh (a godly and a faithful man, as appeareth) doeth write letters of fatherly admonition, exhorting and instructing him in the office of obedience. Unto the which letters he likewise doth answer again, by cavilling sophistication, and by mere affection, rather disposed to discord, then seeking sincerity of truth. And forasmuch as in these two letters, y ^e argument of Christian obedience on both sides is so debated by proofs and reasons, as may be profitable for the Reader to peruse and understand: I thought therefore not to defraud the English reader of the same, whereof peradventure some utility might be taken. The tenor of the Bishops letter to the Earl here followeth.