Acts and Monuments Volume 1

In Regem Alfredum, & virtutum illius claram memoriam.

Moreover in the History of Henricus Huntingtonensis, these verses I find written in the commendation of the same Alfred: made (as I suppose and as by his words appeareth) by the said author, whereof I thought not to defraud the reader: the words whereof here follow.

In the story of this Alfred, a little above, mention was made of Pleimundus Scholemaster to the said Alfred, and also Bishop of Canterbury, succeeding Etheredus, there Byshoppe before him. Which Pleimundus governed that Sea, the number of xxxiiij. years. After Pleimundus succeeded Athelmus; and sat xii. years. After him came Ulfe • mus xiii. years. Then followed Odo a Dane borne, in y ^e said Sea of Caunterb. and governed y ^e same xx. years, being in great favor with King Athelstane, king Edmund, and Edwin, as in process hereafter (Christ willing) as place & order doth require, shall more at large be expressed.

As touching the course and proceedings of the Romish Bishops there: where I last entered mention of them pag. 139. I ended with Pope Stephen the fifth. After his time was much broyle, in the election of the Bishops of Rome: one contending against another: in so much that within the space of ix. years, were ix. Bishops. Of the which, first was Formosus, who succeeded next unto the forenamed Stephen 5. being made pope against the mind of certain in Rome: that would rather Sergius then deacon of the church of Rome, to have been Pope. Notwythstanding, Mars and money prevailed on Formosus part. This Formosus, of whom partly also is mentioned in other places, of this Ecclesiastical history, being before bishop of Portuake: had in time past (I know not upon what causes) offended Pope John the viii. of that name. By reason whereof for tear of the Pope, he voided away, and left his Bishopprike. And because he being sent for again by the Pope, would not return: therefore was excommunicated. At length coming into France, to make there his satisfaction unto the Pope, was degraded from a Bishop into a secular man's habit, swearing to the Pope that he would no more reenter into the City of Rome, nor claim his Bishoprike again: subscribing moreover with his own hand to continue from that time in the state of a secular person. But then, Pope Martin (the next Pope after John) released the said Formosus of his oath, and restored him again unto his Bishoprike. Whereby Formosus entered not only into Rome again, but also obtained shortly after y ^e papacy. Thus he being placed in the popedom, arose a great doubt or controversy among the Divines, of his consecration, whether it was lawful or not: some holding against him, that for so much as he was solemnly deposed, degraded, vnpriested, and also sworn not to reiterate the state Ecclesiastical: therefore he ought to be taken no otherwise, then for a seculare man. Other alleged again, that whatsoever Formosus was, yet for the dignity of that order, and for the credit of them, whom he ordered: all his consecrations ought to stand in force, especially, seeing the said Formosus was afterward received and absolved by Pope Martin, from that his perjury and degradation. &c. In the mean time (as witnesseth Sigebertus) this Formosus sendeth for King Arnulphus for aide against his adversaries. Who then marching toward Rome, was there resisted by the Romaines from entering. But in the siege (saith the author) the Romaines within so played the Lions, that a poor Hare (or such a like thing) coming toward the City: the host of Arnulphus followed after with such a main cry, that the valiant Romaines upon the walls for very fear, (where there was no hurt) cast themselves desperately over the walls: so that Arnulphus with little labor scaled the walls, and gate the City. Thus Arnulphus obtaining the City of Rome, rescueth Pope Formosus, and beheadeth his adversaries, whom the Pope, to gratify with like recompense again, blesseth and crowneth him for Emperor. Thus Formosus sitting fast about y ^e space of 4. or 5. years followed his predecessors: after whose time (as I said) within the space of ix. years were ix. Bishops as followeth. But in the mean time concerning the story of this Formosus declared by Sigebert, and many other Chroniclers: this thing would I gladly ask, and more gladly learn of some indifferent good Catholic person, which not of obstinacy, but of simple error being a papist would answer his conscience. Whether doth he think the holy order of Priesthoode, which he taketh for one of the seven Sacraments, to be Character indelebilis or not? If it be not indelebilis, that is, if it be such a thing, as may be put of: why then doeth the Popes doctrine so call and so hold the contrary, pretending it to be indelebile, unremoveable? If it be in deed, so as they teach and affirm, indelebilis character, why then did Pope John, or could Pope John, adnichilate & cuacuate one of his vii. Popeholy Sacraments: making of a Priest a non Priest, or a layman: vncharactering his own order, which is (as he saith) a Character, which in no wise may be blotted out, or removed? Again, how soever Pope John is to be judged in this matter, to do either well or not well, this would I know, if he did well in so dispriesting and discharactering Formosus, for such private offenses? If yea, how then standeth his doing with his own doctrine, which teacheth the contrary? If he did not well, how then standeth his doctrine with his doings to be true, which teacheth that the Pope with his Synod of Cardinals cannot err? Moreover if this Pope John did not err in his disordering Formosus: howe then did Martinus his successoure not err, in repealing the said doing of his predecessor? Or how did not Pope Formosus err himself, who being vnpriested by Pope John: afterward without reiterating the Character or order of Priesthoode, took upon him to be Pope, and made acts and laws in the Church? Again, if Formosus now Pope did not err, how then did Pope Stephen his successoure afterward not err: who did annihilate the consecration, and all other acts of the said Formosus, as erroneous? Or again, if we say that this Stephen with his Synod of Cardinals did right: then howe could it be, that Pope Theodore, & Pope John the tenth, which came after the foresaid Stephen, did not plainly err? Who approving the consecration of Formosus: did condemn, and burn the acts Synodale, of Stephen and his Cardinals, which before had condemned Formosus: according as in story here consequently may appear?

After Formosus had governed the Sea of Rome five years, succeeded first Boniface the vi. who continued but 25. days, then came Stephen the vi. which so enuyed the name of his predecessor Formosus: that he abrogated and dissolved his decrees: And taking up his body, after it was buried, cut two fingers of his right hand, and commanded them to be cast into Tiber, & then buried the body in a private or laymans sepulcher.

Thus Stephen after he had sat in the chair of pestilence one year: succeeded in the same chair, Pope Rhomanus, and sat iii. months: repealing the acts decreed by Stephen his predecessor, against Formosus. Next to whom came Theodorus 2. who likewise taking parte with Formosus against the foresaid Stephē, reigned but 20. days. Then sat Pope John the 10. who did fight and repugn against the Romans. And to confirm the cause of Formosus more surely, did hold a Sinode at Rauenna of 74. Bishops, w ^t the French king Endo and his Archbishops being present at the same. At the which council, were ratified all the decrees and doings of Formosus: and the contrary acts of the Synod of Stephen the vi. were burned. This Pope lived not Pope fully two years: after whom succeeded Benedictus the 4. which kept the chair three years. After whom Leo the 5. was next Pope, who with in 40. days of his papacy, was with strong hand taken & cast in prison by one Christopher his own household chaplain, whō he had long norished before in his house. Which thing (saith Platina ) could not be done without great conspiracy and great slaughter of men. Which Christofer being Pope about the space of seven months, was likewise himself hoisted from his Papal throne by Sergius, like as he had done to his master before. And thus within the space of 9. years, had been 9. Popes one after another. Then Sergius after he had thrust down Pope Christofer, and shorn him Monk into a Monastery, occupied the room 7. years. This Sergius a rude man, and unlearned, very proud and cruel: had before been put back from the Popedom by Formosus above mentioned. By reason whereof, to revenge Formosus again being now in his papacy, caused the body of Formosus, where it was buried to be taken up: and afterward set in the Papal sea (as in his pontificalibus) first disgraded him, then commanded his head to be smitten off, w ^t the other three fingers that were left (as Sigebertus writeth) which done, he made his body to be thrown into Tiber, deposing likewise all such, as by the said Formosus before had been consecrated and invested. This body of Formosus thus thrown into Tiber, was afterward (as our writers say) found & taken up by certain fishers, and so brought into s. Peters temple. At the presence whereof (as they say) certain images there standing by, bowed down themselves, and reverenced the same, with lie and all. But such deceiveable miracles of stocks and images in monkish and frierly temples, be to us no news, especially here in England: where we have been so inured with the like, & so many, that such wily practices cannot be to us invisible: though this crownshorn generation, think themselves to dance in a net. But the truth is, while they think to deceive the simple, these wily beguily most of all deceive themselves, as they will find except they repent. By this Pope Sergius, first came up to bear about candles on Candelmas day: for y ^e purifying of the blessed virgins. As though the sacred conception of Jesus the son of God, were to be purified as a thing impure, and that with candell light.

After Sergius, entered pope Anastasius, in whose time the body of Formosus forenamed, is thought to be found of fishermen in the river of Tiber, & so brought, as is said, into the temple to be saluted of the images, which thing may quickly be tainted as a lie. For how it is to be thought that the body of Formosus so long dead before, and now lying 7. years in the river: could remain whole all that while, that Fishers might take it up, & discern it to be the same? After Anasius had sat two years, followed Pope Lando, the father (as some stories think) of pope John, which John is said to be the paramour of Theodora'a famous harlot of Rome, & set up of the same harlot either against Lando, or after Lando his father to succeed in his room. There is a story writer called Liuthprandus, who writing de Imperatoribus. Lib. 2 cap. 13. maketh there mention of this Theodora, and Pope John xi. and saith moreover, that this Theodora had a daughter named Marozia: which Marozia had by pope Sergius above mentioned, a son which afterward was Pope John the 12. The same Marozia afterward it chāced to marry with Guido Marques of Tuscia: through the means of which Guido and his friends at Rome, she brought to pass that this pope John the 11. was smothered with a pillow laid to his mouth, after he had reigned 13. years. And so the foresaid John the 12. her son, to succeed next after him. But because y ^e clergy and people of Rome did not agre to his election, therefore was Pope Leo the 6. in his place set up. Thus Pope John the son of Sergius and Marozia being dejected, reigned Pope Leo 7. months. After him Pope Stephen 2 years. Who being poisoned, then was Pope John the 12. above rehearsed, the son of Sergius and Marozia, set up again in the Papacie, where he reigned near the space of 5. years. Of the wickedness of this strompet Marozia, howe she married two brethren, one after the death of the other: And howe she governed all Rome, & the whole church at that time, I let it pass. Although the latin verses wherewith the said Liuthprandus, doeth inuey against such women as marie two brethren, were neither worthy here to be recited, and perhaps might be further applied then to that Marozia of Rome, but for shortness I let them also pass.

After John. 12. followed Pope Stephen three years. Pope Leo 3. years and 4. months. Pope Stephen the eight 3. years and 4. months. Pope Martin 3. years and 6. months. After him Pope Agapetus 8. years and 6. • nethes. About whose time or a little before began first the order of monks called Ordo Cluniacensis, &c.

But now to leave of these monstrous matters of Rome, and to return again to our country of England, where we last left before.

King Edward the elder.

AFter the reign of the famous king Alfred, his son Edward succeeded, surnamed the elder. Where first is to be noted, that before the Conquest of the Normandes, there were in England 3. Edward's, first this Edward the elder. 2. Edward the martyr. 3. Edward the confessor. Whereof hereafter (by the grace of Christ) shall follow in order, as place shall give to be declared. This Edward began his reign, the year of our Lord. 901. and governed the land right valiantly and nobly 24. years. In knowledge of good letters and learning, he was not to be compared to his father▪ Otherwise, in princely renown, in civil government, and such like martial prowess, he was nothing inferior, but rather excelled him. Through whose valiant acts, first the princedome of Wales, and kingdom of Scotland, with Constantine king thereof were to him subdued. He adjoined moreover to his dominion the country of Eastanglia, that is, of Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex. All Merceland also he recovered and Northumberland out of the hands of the Danes. In all his wars he never lightly went without victory. The subjects of his provinces and dominions were so inured, and hardened in continual practice and feats of war: that when they heard of any enemies coming (never tarrying for any bidding from the king, or from his dukes) straight ways they encountered with them: both in number, and in knowledge of the order of war excelling always their adversaries. Guliel. de Regi. Ita hosts militibus contemptui, Regi risui erant. To mean, So was the coming and assaulting of their enemies to the people and common Soldiers but a trifle, to the king but a ridicle. Among other adversaries which were busy rather then wise, in assailing this king: was one called Clito Ethelwoldus a young man, king Edward's uncles son. Who first occupying the Town of W • nborne (taking thence a Nonne rb him, whom then he had married) fled oc by night to Northumberland, to adjoin himself unto the Danes, who was made chief king and captain over them. Then chased from thence, he fled over into France, but shortly returning again into England, landed in Eastengland, where the said Clyto with a company of Danes of that country gathered unto him, destroyed and pilled much of the country about Crekinford and Crikeland. And so passing over Thamis after he had spoiled the lande there to Bradeuestocke: returned again to Norfolk and Suffolk, where he meting with a bushment of Kentish men, which dragged & tarried after the main host of Edward, contrary to his commandment, enclosed them in, and slew the moste parte of them. Soone after the two hosts meeting together, between the two diches of S. Edmunds land, after a long fight, Clyto with many of the Danes were slain, and the remnaunte were constrained to seek for peace, which upon certain conditions, and under a tribute was to them granted.

In process, about the 12. year of his reign, the Danes repenting them of their covenants, and minding to break the same: assembled an host and met w ^t the king in Staffordshire at a place called Totenhall, & soon after at wodnefield: at which two places the king slew two kings, two erles, & many thousand of Danes, that occupied the country of Northumberland.

Thus the importunate rage of the Danes being asswaged, King Edward having now some leisure given from wars, to other studies: gave his mind to the building or repairing of cities, towns, and castles, that by the Danes were rased, shatred, and broken. As first of Chester, which city he double enlarged to that it was before: compassing the castle within the walls of the same, which before stood without. That done, the king built a strong castle at Herford in the edge of Wales. Also for the strengthening of the Country, he made a Castle at the mouth of the water of Auene, and another Castle at Buckingham, and the third fast thereby upon the river of Owse. Moreoouer he built or reedified the towns of Towsetor, and Wigmore, & destroyed the castle that the Danes had made at Demes • ord. Likewise upon the river of Trent against the old town of Nottingham, he built a new town on the southside, and made a bridge over the river, between the said ii. towns. Also by the river of Merce, he built a city or town, in the North end of Mercia, and named it Thilwall, and after repaired the city of Manchester, that sore was defaced with war of the Danes.

In this renewing and building of towns and Castles for the more fortifying of his Realm: his Sister Elfleda, daughter of king Alfred, & married to the Duke of Mercia (as is afore mentioned) was no small helper. Of this Elfleda it is firmly of writers affirmed that she being as is said married to Ethelrede Duke of Mercia, after she had once assayed the pains of women in traueling with her child: so much she abhorred ever after the embracing of her husband, that it seemed to her (she said) not seemly for a noble womā to use such fleshly liking, whereof so gret sorrow and travail should ensue. And yet notwithstanding the same Elfleda, for all her delicate tenderness in eschewing the natural passion, which necessity giveth to women: so hardy she was in warlike dangers, which nature giveth not to women, that fighting against the Danes, so venturous she was of stomach, that four of her next knights, which were gardeius of her body, were slain fast by her. This Elfleda among her other noble acts, whereby she deserved praise, was a great helper and stirrer up of her brother Edward : who built and newly repaired many Castels and towns, as Toniworth, beside Lichfielde, Stafforde, Warwike, Shrowesbury, Watrisbury, Eldisbury, besides Chester in the forest now destroyed. Also in the North ende of Mercia, upon the river of Merce, a castle called Rimcorne, also a bridge over Seuerne named Brimmisbury bridge.

As touching the laws and statutes of this Edward, as also of his father Alfred made before him, I omit here to record them for length of matter and wast of time: yet notwithstanding, this admonition by the way I think good to note: that in those days of these ancient Kings reigning in England, the authority then both of conferring Bishoprics, and spiritual promotions, and also of prescribing laws as well to the church men▪ as to the la • tie, and of ordering and intermeddling in matters mere spiritual, was then in the hands of kings, ruling in the land, and not only in the hand of the Pope, as appeareth by these laws of Alfred.

Si quis fornicetur cum vxore aliena, &c,

Si quis in quadragesima sanctum velum in publico vel in lecto. &c.

Vt Christiani Deum diligant & paganismo renuncient. &c.

Si quis Christianitatem mutet. &c.

Si quis ordinatus sacris furetur. &c.

Si praesbyter ad rectum terminum sanctum Chrisma. &c.

Si duo fratres, vel cognati cum vna aliqua fornicentur. &c.

By these and other such like constitutions of King Alfred, it may appear: how the governance and direction of the church in those days, depended not upon Monsieur le Pope of Rome: but upon the kings which here in their time (under the Lord) did govern the land. To this also the example of King Edward's time giveth testimony: which Edward with Pleimundus (above mentioned) Archbishop of Canterbury, and with other bishops in a sinode assembled: assigned and elected 7. Bishops in 7. Metropolitan churches of the realm. Which were, 1. Fridestane. 2. Adelstane. 3 Werstane▪ 4. Adelelme. 5. Edulfus 6 Dernegus. 7 Kenulphus. In which election the kings authority seemed then alone to be sufficient. &c.

This Edward (as in the beginning was said) reigned 24. years. Who had three wives, Egwine, Elfled, and Ethelwide. Of Egwine he had his eldest • on Adelstane, who next succeeded in the kingdom, and a daughter married after to the duke of Northumberland. Of Elflede, he received two ionnes, and vi. daughters, to wit Ethelward and Edwin. Ethelward was excellently well seen in all knowledge of learning: much resembling both in countenance and conditions his grandfather Alfred, and died soon after his father. Of his vi. daughters, two of them. 1 Elflede and Ethelhilda, were made nonnes. The other four were married. Edgina to Charles the French King, in his fathers time. Ethilda by King Ethelstane was married to Hugo, the son of Duke Robert. Edgitha and Algina, were both sent to Henricus Prince of Almaines. Of which two sisters the seconde, the said Henricus, married to his son Otho, who was the first Emperor of the Almains. The other sister which was Edgitha, the foresaid Henticus, married to a certain Duke about the border of the Alps, in Italy. Of his third wife Ethelwide, he received two sons, Edmund, and Edred : which both reigned after Adelstane. And two daughters, Egburga whom he made a Nonne, and Eadguina who was married to Ludouicus, Prince of Aquitania in France. These sons and daughters Kyng Edward thus brought up: Hys daughters he set to spinning, and to the needle. Guliel. de Reg. His sons he set to the study of learning, vt quasi Philosophi ad gubernandam remp. non iam tudes procederent : that is, to the ende, that they being as first made Philosophers, should be the more expert thereby to govern the common wealth.

King Ethelstane, or Adelstane.

EThelstane or Adelstane, after the death of Edward his father: began his reign in England, and was crowned at Kingstone. He was a prince of worthy memory, valyant and wise in all his acts, nothing inferior to his father Edward, In like worldly renown of civil governance, joined with much prosperous success, in reducing this realm under the subjection of one monarchy. For he both expelled the Danes, subdued the Scots, and quieted the Welshinē, as well in Northwales, as also in Cornwale. The first enemy against this Ethelstane, was one Elfredus : who, with a faction of seditious persons conspiring against the said Ethelstane at Winchester, continently after the death of his father, went about to put out his eyes. Notwithstanding the king escaping that danger: through the help of God, was at that time delivered. Elfrede upon the same being accused, fled to Rome: there before y ^e Pope to purge himself by his oath. Who being brought to the Church of S. Peter, and there swearing (or rather forswearing himself to be clear, which in deed was guilty thereof: suddenly upon his oath fell down, and so brought to the English house in Rome within 3. days after departed. The Pope sending word to king Ethelstane, whether he would have the said Eldred buried among Christians or not: at length through the persuasions of his friends and kinsfolks, it was concluded that he should be buried in Christian burial. This story although I find in no other writers mentioned, but only in the Chronicles of Guliel. Lib. de Regi. yet forasmuch as it heareth the witness and words of the king himself, as testified in an old deed of gift, given to the monastery of Malmesbury: I thought the same the more to be of credit. The words of the king proceed in this tenor as followeth.

In the second year of the reign of King Adelstane, for an unity and a peace to be had between the King and the Danes of Northumberlande: he married to Sythericus their king his sister, whereof mention is made before. But shortly after, within one year this Sythericus died. After whose death King Ethelstane seized that province into his own hand, putting out the son of the foresaid Sythericus called Alanus : who with his brother Godfridus fled the one into Ireland, the other to Constantine King of the Scots. And when he had thus accorded with the Danes of Northumberlande, he shortly made subject unto him Constantine King of Scots. But the said Constantine meeked himself so lowly to the King, that he restored him to his former dignity, saying, that it was more honor to make a king, then to be a king.

Not long after, the said Constantine King of Scots did break covenant with king Ethelstane. Wherefore he assembled his Knights, & made toward Scotland. Where he subduing his enemies, and bringing them again unto due subjection, returned into England with victory. Here by the way in some story writers (who forgetting the office of historicians, seme to play the Poetes) is written and recorded for a marvel, that the said Ethelstane, returning out of Scotland into England, came to York, and so into the Church of S. John of Beuerly, to redeem his knife, which before he had left there for a pledge at his going forth. In the which place he praying to God & to S. John of Beuerley, that he might leave there some remembrance whereby they that came after, might know, that the Scots by right should be sudbued to the English mē: smote with sword (they say) upon a great hard stone standing nere about the castle of Dunbar, that with the stroke thereof the stone was cut a large elne deep (with a lie no less deep also, then was the stroke in the stone.) But of this poetical or fabulous story, albeit Polychronicon, Fabian, Iornalensis, and other mo constantly accord in the same: yet in Guliel and Henricus, no mention is made at all. But peradventure he that was the inuentour first of this tale of the stone, was disposed to lie for the whetstone: Wherefore in my mind he is worthy to have it.

Of like truth & credit seemeth also to be this that followeth, about the same year and time, under the reign of King Ethelstane, being the viii. year of his reign, of one Bristanus Bishop of Winchester, who succeeded Frithstanus in the same sea, and governed that Bishoprike iv. years. This Bristanus being a devout Bishop in prayer and contemplation: used much among his solitary walks, to frequent late the churchyard, praying for the souls there, and all christen souls departed. Upon a time, the said Bristanus after his wonted manner proceeding in his devotions, when he had done, came to requiescant in pa • e. Whereunto, suddenly a great multitude of souls answering together with one voice, said Amen. Of this miracle, albeit I have not much to say (hasting to other matters) yet this question would I ask of some indifferent papist, which were not willful, but of ignorance deceived: if this multitude, which here answered Amen, were the souls of them buried in the churchyard or not? If yea, then howe were they in purgatory, what time they were heard in that place answering Amen ▪ Except we should think Purgatory to be in the churchyard at Winchester, where the souls were heard then so many answering and praying Amen. And yet this story is testified by the accord of writers of that time, Guliel. Polychron. Houedenus, Iornalensis, and other moe. Much like miracles and Prophecies also we read of Elphegus, which succeeded him: but because we haste to other things let these fables pass.

Ye heard a little before, howe king Ethelstane after the death of Sythericus King of Northumberland, seized that land or province into his own hand, & put out his son Alanus : who after flying into Scotland, married the daughter of Constantine King of Scots. By whose stirring and exhortation, he gathered a company of Danes, Scots, and other, and entered the mouth of Humber with a strong nauie of 615. ships.

Whereof King Ethelstane with his brother Edmunde having knowledge: prepared his army, and at length joining in fight with him & his people, at a place called Brimābruch or Brimford: where he fighting with them from morning to even, after a terrible slaughter on both sides (as the like hath not been seen lightly in England) had the victory. In which battle were slain five small and under kings, with Constantine king of Scots: and xii. Dukes with the more part of all the strangers which at that time they gathered to them. Here also our writers put in another miracle in this battle: howe king Ethelstanes sword miraculously fell into his sheath through the prayer of Odo, then Archbishop of Canterbury.

Concerning this battle, I find in a certain written Chronicle these verses: which because they should not be lost, I thought not unworthy here of rehearsal.

After this victory thus obtained of the Danes and Scots: King Ethelstane also subdued (or at least quieted) the North Brytaines. Whome he conventing together at Herforde (or there about) forced them to grant unto him as a yearly tribute, xx. pound of gold: three hundredth poūde of silver: and of heads of neat xxv. hundred: with hawks and dogs, to a certain number. This done, he went to Exceter, and there likewise subduing the South Brytaines about Exceter and Cornewall: repaired the walls of Exceter with sufficient strength, and so returned.

Among these victorious and noble acts of this King: One blot there is of him written and noted, wherein he is as much worthy to be reprehēded, as in the other before to be commended (that is) the innocent death and murder of his brother Edwin. The occasion thereof was this: King Edward aforenamed their father, in the time of his youth, coming by a certain village or grange, where he had been nursed and brought up of a child: thought of curtesy to go see howe his nurse did. Where he entering into the house, espied a certain young damsel beautiful and right seemly attired, Egwina by name. This Egwina before being a pore man's daughter, had a vision by night, y ^t of her body sprang such a bright light of the Moon, that the brightness thereof gave light to the Realm of England. By reason whereof, she was taken into the foresaid house, & daintely brought up instead of their own daughter: for hope of some commodity to ensue thereby, as afterward it came to pass. For King Edward (as it is declared) coming into the house, and ravished with the beauty of the maiden: begat of her the same night this Ethelstane. Wherefore the said Ethelstane being thus vasely borne of Egwina, the first wife to Edward (as is said) before he was married to her: and fearing his next brother Edwin, which was rightly borne (especially being stirred thereunto through the sinister suggestion of his Butler) did cast such displeasure to the foresaid Edwin his brother, being yet but young, that (notw ^t standing his innocent submission and purgation made against his accusers) he caused him to be set in an old rottē boat in the broad Sea (only with one Esquire w ^t him) w ^t out any tackling or other provision to the same. Where the young and tender Prince being dismayed with the rage of winds and of the floods, and now weary of his l •• e, cast himself over board into the sea, and so was drowned. Notwithstanding the Esquire shifting for himself as he could, and recovering the body of his master, brought it to Sandwich, where it was buried. Which done, the king afterward coming to the remembrance of himself, was stricken with great repentance the space of vii. years together. And at length was revenged of him that was the accuser of his brother. This accuser (as is said) was the kings cupbearer, who (as God the righteous judge of all things would have it) upon a certain solemn feast, bearing the cup unto the king, chanced in the middle of the flour to stumble with one foot, helping and recovering himself with the other, saying in these words: Thus one brother (as ye see) helpeth another. These words being thus spokē in the hearing of the king, so moved his mind, that forthwith he commanded the false accuser of his brother to be had out to execution. Whose just recompense I would wish to be a warning to all men, what it is to sow discord betwixt brother and brother.

King Ethelstane (besides his vii. years lamentation, for this act) built the two Monasteries of Midletone, and of Michelenes, for his brothers sake (or as the stories say) for his soul. Whereby it may appear, what was the cause most special in those days, of building monasteries, to wit, for releasing the sins both of them departed, and them alive, which cause howe it standeth with the grace and verity of Christ's Gospel, and of his passion, let the Christian reader try & examine with himself. This cruel fact of the king toward Edwin, caused him afterward, to be more tender and careful toward his other brethren and sisters left in his hands unmarried. Which sisters, as is partly in the Chapter before declared, he richly bestowed, in great marriages: As one to the king of Northumberland Sithericus: another he gave to Louis King of Aquitania, the third to Henricus Duke of Almaine for his son Otho : who was the first Emperor of the Germans. Whereby it is to be understand, that the Empire at this time began first to be translated from France (where it remained about C. years and half) unto Germany where it hath ever since continued.

The fourth of his sisters, being a virgins of singular benty Hugo y ^e French king required to be given unto him: sending to King Ethelstane precious and sumptuous presents, such as were not before seen in England. Among the which presents & gifts, besides the rare odors of sundry favors & fine spices: and besides the precious & costly gems, namely of Smaradges of most redolēt grene, besides also many and great coursers and palfries richly trapped, especially of one jewel (as writers make inention) which was, a certain vessel finely and subtly made of the precious stone Onichinus so radiantly wrought, y ^t in it appeared the lively corn growing, and men's images walking. &c. Ouer and besides was sent also the sword of Constantine the great, w ^t the name of the possessor written in golden letters, where in the hast of the same all beat̄ in gold, was one of the iron nails, wherewith our Savior on the cross was nailed. Of the verity whereof I am not disposed at this present much to say what I suspect, but that this in the Ecclesiastical story of Eusebius, is evident. That two of the foresaid nails of Christ, was spent on the bridle of Constantine: the 3. he cast into the Sea in a raging tempest. Wherefore, if Christ were nailed w ^t 4. nails, perhaps this nail might be one. If he were nailed but with iii. I see not how this story can stand with other stories, neither howe this fourth nail can stand with truth. Among the rest moreover, was the spear (as is reported) wherewith the side of our Savior was opened: which also the said Constantine was wont to carry in the field against his enemies: with a portion likewise of the holy cross enclosed in Cristall: Also a part of the crown of thorn in like manner enclosed. &c. Of the which Relics, part was given to Winchester, part to the Church of Malmesbury, where king Ethelstane was buried. As this King was endued and enlarged, by the gift of God (the serter up & disposer of all kings) w ^t great victories of worldly renown: having under his subjection both the Scots, and Britons, and the whole Monarchy of the land: So he devised diverse good and holesom laws for the government of the same, as well concerning the state of the orders Ecclesiastical, as also of the secular or lay people. Whereby it is to be understand, that the usurped power of the bishop of Rome, did not then extend it self so largely, nor so proudly to derogate frō the authority of kings & princes: but that everyone in his own dominion, had (under God, and not under the Pope) the doing of all matters within the same his dominion contained: whether they were causes temporal, or spiritual. As by the decrees and constitutions of this king (& also of other as well before him, as after him) may evidently be testified: as where he among other laws, thus ordeineth • ouching the bishop, in words as follow.

Episcopo iure pertinet, omnem rectitudinem promouere Dei videlicet, ac seculi. In primis, debet omnem ordinatum instruere, quid ei • it agendum iure, & quid hominibus secularibus iudicare debeant.

Debet etiam sedulo pacem & concordiam operari cum seculi iudicibus: qui rectum velle diligunt, & in compellationum allegationem edocere, ne quis alij perperam agat, in iureiurando, vel ordalio.

Nec pati debet aliquam circumuentionem iniustae mensurae, vel iniusti ponderis. Sed conuenit vt per consilium & testimoniū eius, omne legis rectum, & burgi mensura, & omne pondus sit secundum ditionem eius, institutum valde rectū: ne quis proximum suum seducat, pro quo decidat in peccatum.

Et semper debet Christianis prouidere contra omnia, quae praedicta sunt, & ideo debet se de pluribus intromittere: vt sciat quomodo grex agat, quem ad Dei manum custodire suscepit, ne diabolus cum dilaniet, nec malum aliquod superseminet. Nunquam enim erit populo been consultum, nec digne Deo conuersabitur, vbi lucrum impium & magis falsum diligitur. Ideo debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est eneruare, & quod iustum est eleuare, nec pati vt propter falsum, & pecuniae questum homines se forisfaciant erga vere sapientem Deum, cui displicet omnis iniustitia.

Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est, vt rectum diligant, & iniqua condemnent & faltem sacris ordinibus euecti iustum semper erigant, & praua deponant.

Hinc debent Episcopy cum iudicibus, iudicia dictitare & interesse, ne permittant (si possint) vt illinc aliqua prauitatū gramina pullulent. Et sacerdotibus pertinet in suo Dioecesi, vt ad rectum sedulo quemcumque muent, nec patiantur (si possint) vt Christianus aliquis alij noceat, non potens impotenti, non summus infirmo, non praelatis subditis, non Dominus hominibus suis, seruis, aut liberis. Et secundum ditionem, & per mensuram suam, conuenit per rectum, vt necessaria serui operentur super omnem scyram cui praeest.

Et rectum est vt non sit aliqua mensurabilis virga longio • quàm alia, sed per Episcopy mensuram omnes institutae sint, & exequatae per su • m dioecesin. Et omne pondus constet secundum dictionem eius, & si aliquid cōtrouersiarum intersit, discernat Episcopus.

Vniuscuius{que} Domini proprium est & necesse, vt seruis condescendat, & compatiatur, sicut indulgentius poterit: Quia Domino Deo viuenti sunt aeque chari seruus, & liber. Et omnes vno & eodem pretio redemit, & omnes sumus Deo necessario serui: Et sic iudicabit nos, sicut ante iudicauimus eos, in quos potestatem iudicij in terris habebimus. Et ideo opus est vt eis parcamus qui nobis parere debent & tunc manutenebimur in Dei omnipotentis proprio iudicio. Amen.

The said Ethelstane besides, prescribed other constitutions also, as touching tithes giving: where he saith and proclaimeth. Ego Ethelstanus Rex, consilio V • felmi Archiepiscopi mei & aliorum Episcoporum, mando praepositis omnibus in regno meo, in nomine Domini & sanctorum omnium, vt inprimis reddant de meo proprio decimas Deo, tam in viuente capitali, quàm in mortuis frugibus terrae: & Episcopy mei similiter faciant de suo proprio, & Aldermanni mei & praepositi mei, &c. That is, I Ethelstane King, charge and command all my officers through my whole Realm, to give tithes unto God of my proper good, as well in living cattle, as in the corn and fruits of the ground, and that my Bishops likewise of their proper goods, and mine Aldermen, and my officers and headmen shall do the same. Item this I will: that my Bishops & other headmen do declare the same, to such as be under their subjection, & that to be accomplished at the term of S. John the Baptist. Let us remember what Jacob said unto the Lord: Of all things that thou givest to me, I will offer tithes unto y ^e Lord. &c. Also what the Lord saith in the Gospel of S. Matthew. To him that hath, it shall be given: and he shall abound. We must also consider how terribly it is written in books, that if we will not offer our tenths, from us ix. partes shall be taken away, and only the x. part shall be left us. &c. And in the same place, after that he hath assigned y ^e Church rightes to be paid in the place, whereto they belong: it followeth thus. Facite etiam vt mihi mea propria cupiatis, quae mihi poteritis recte acquirere. Nolo vt aliquid mihi injust cóquiratis. Sed omnia vestra concedo vobis eo tenore, quo mihi mea similiter exoptetis. Cauete simul & vobis, & eis quos admonere debetis, ab ira Dei, & transgression mea.

Among his other laws & ordinances, to the mumber of xxxv. diverse things be comprehended pertaining as well to the spiritual, as also to the temporal jurisdiction.

Out of the laws of this King, first sprang up the attachement of thieves, such as stoale above xii. pence, and were above xii. years old, should not be spared.

And thus much briefly concerning the history of King Ethelstane, & things in his time done: who reigned about the space of xvj. years. And because he died without issue, therefore after him succeeded his brother Edmund, the yere of our Lord. 940. who reigned vi. years.

King Edmund.

EDmund the son of Edward the elder, by his third wife (as is declared) and brother of Ethelstane, being of the age of xx. years, entered his reign: who had by his Queen Elgina, two sons, Edwin, and Edgarus, surnamed Pacificus, which both reigned after him, as followeth. This Edmund continued his reign vi. years & a half. By him were expulsed the Danes, Scots, Normandes, and all foreine enemies out of the land. Such Cities and Towns which before were in the possession of strangers: as Lyncolne, Nottingham, Derby, Stafforde, and Leycetour, he recovered out of their hands. Thus the realm being cleared of foreine power, for a time: then the king set his study and mind in the redressing and maintaining the state of the Church: which all stood then in building of Monasteries, and furnishing of Churches, either with new possessions, or w ^t restoring the old which were taken away before. In the time of this Edmund, this I find in an old written story, borrowed of W. Cary: a citizen of London, a worthy treasurer of moste worthy Monuments of antiquity. The name of the author I cannot allege: because the book beareth no title, lacking both the beginning, and the latter end. But the words thereof faithfully recited, be these: Huius regis tempore, facta est dispersio Monachorum Eushmensis coenobij, cum substitutione Canonicorum per Althelmum, & Vlricum laicos, & Osulphum Episcopum. &c. That is: In the time of this King, there was a scattering or dispersion made of the Monks out of the Monastery of Eusham, and Canons substituted in their place: through the doing of Athelmus, & Ulricus lay men, and of Osulfus Bishop. &c.

Where, as concerning this matter between Monks and other of the clergy, first it is to be understand: that in the realm of England, heretofore before the time of Dunstane: the Bishops seas and cathedral churches were replenished with no monks, but with priests and canons (called then clerks or men of the clergy) After this beginneth to rise a difference or a sect betwixt these two parties, in straitness of life and in habit: so that they which lived after a straiter rule of holiness, were called monks, & professed chastity: that was, to live from wives, (for so was chastity then defined in those blind days) as though holy matrimony were no chastity, according as Paphnutius did well define it in the council of Nice. The other sort which were no monks but priests or men of the clergy called, lived more free from these monkish rules and observances: and were then commonly (or at least lawfully) married, and in their life and habit, came nearer to the secular sort of other Christians. By reason whereof great disdain & emulation was among them: in so much that in many Cathedral churches, where as priests were before, there monks were put in. And contrary, sometime where as Monks were intruded, there priests and canons again were placed, and monks thrust out: whereof more shall appere here after (by the grace of Christ) when we come to the life of Dunstane. In the mean time, something to satisfy the cogitation of the reader, which peradventure either is ignorant, or else would know of the first coming in of monks, into this realm and Church of England in the Saxons time: this is to be noted, according as I find in old Chronicles, namely in the latin history of Guliel. de gestis pontificum Angl. recorded, touching the same. That about this time of king Edmund or shortly after, when hardness and straitness of life, joined with superstition, was had in veneration, and counted for great holiness: Men therefore, either to win public same with men, or merits with God, gave themselves to lead a strait life: thinking thereby, the stranger their conversation was, and farther from the common trade of vulgar people, the more perfect to be toward God and mā. There was at that time (and before that) a monastery in France named Floriake, after the order and rule of Benedict: from the which Monastery did spring a great part of our english monks. Who being there professed, and afterward returning into England, did cōgregate men daily to their profession. And so, partly for strangeness of their rule: partly for outward holiness of their strait life: partly for the opinion of holiness that many had of them, were in great admiration: not only with the rude sort, but with kings and princes: who founded their houses, maintained their rules, and enlarged them with possessions. Among the which order of monks coming from Floriake, especially was one Oswaldus, first a monk of Floriake, then bishop of Wirceter and of York: a great patron and setter up of monckery. Touching the which Oswaldus, William in his book, De pontific. writing of his history, hath these words: Familiaris per id temporis Anglis consuetudo fuit, vt si qui boni afflati essent desiderio, in beatissimi Benedicti monasterio caenobialem susciperet habitū: a quo, religions huiusce manauit exordium, &c. That is, It was a common custom at that time among English men, that if any good men were well affected or minded toward religiō, they went to the Monastery of blessed S. Benedict in France, and there received the habit of a Monk: Wherupon the first origin of this religion began, &c. But of this Oswald bishop of York, and Dunstane bishop of Canterbury, and Aethelwold bishop of Winchester, howe they replenished diverse Monasteries, & Cathedral Churches with Monks: and howe they discharged married Priests and Chanans out of their houses, to plant in Monks in their celles: more shall be spoken (by the grace of Christ) hereafter. Now let us return again to the matter where we left, of king Edmund: who besides his noble victories against his enemies, and recovering the Cities above expressed into his own hands: did also subdue the province of Cumberland. And after he had put out the eyes of the two sons of Dunmail king of Cumberland, he committed the governance thereof to Malcolinus king of Scots: upon promise of his trusty service & obedience, when the king should stand in any need of him. In the time of this king, Dunstane was not yet Archbi. of Canterbury, but only Abbot of Glastenbury: of whom many fabulous narrations pass among the writers, importing more vanity then verity. Wherefore this is one of the first: what time Edgarus called Pacificus was borne, Dunstane being the same time Abbot of Glastenbury (as the monkish fables dream) heard a voice in the air of certain Angels singing after this tenor, and saying: Now peace cometh to the church of England in y ^e time of this child and of our Dunstane, &c. This I thought to recite, that the Christian reader might the better pōder with himself, the impudent and abhominable fictions of this Romish generation. Out of the same mint also have they forged, how the said Dunstane should hear the angels sing the Kyrieeleyson, used to be song at euensong in the church. Guliel de pontif. lib. 1. Which is as true as that the Harp hanging in a woman's house, played by it self the time of the Anthem, called Gaudent in coelis, &c. What would not these deceivers fain in matters something likely, which in things so absurd and so inconvenient, shame not to lie and to forge so impudently & also so manifestly? Through the motion of this Dunstane: King Edmund built and furnished the monastery of Glastenbury, & made the said Dunstane Abbot thereof.

Concerning the ende and death of this King, sundry opinions there be, Alfridus and Marianus say: that while this King Edmund endeavored himself to save his sewer from the danger of his enemies, which would have slain him at Pulcherchurch: the king in parting of the fray was wounded, and died shortly after. But Guliel. de Regibus. lib. 2. saith, that the king being at a feast at Pulcherchurch upon the day of S. Augustine, espied a fellon sitting in the hall, named Leof, whom he before for his fellony had exiled. And leaping over the table did fly upon him, & plucked the thief by the hair of the head to the ground. In which doing, the fellon with a knife wounded the king to the death, and also with the same knife wounded many other of the kings servants, and at length was all to hewn, and died forthwith.

By the laws of king Edmund (ordained and set forth, as well for the redress of church matters, as also of civil regiment) it may appear, that the state both of causes temporal & likewise spiritual, appertained then to y ^e kings right (the false pretensed vsurpatiō of the bishop of Rome notwithstanding) as by these laws is to be seen: where he by the advise of his lords and bishops, did enact & determine concerning the chastity & pure life of ecclesiastical ministers, and such as were in the orders of the Church, w ^t the penalties also for them which transgressed the same.

Item, for tithes to be paid of every Christian man, and for the church fees, and alme fees, &c.

Item, for deflowering of womē professed, which we call Nuns, &c.

Item, for every bishop to see his churches repaired, of his own proper charge, and boldly to admonish the king whether the houses of God were well maintained, &c.

Item, for flying into the church for sanctuary, &c.

Item, concerning cases and determinations spousall, or matrimonial, &c.

All which constitutions declare, what interest kings had in those days in matters as well ecclesiastical as other, within their dominion, and that not only in disposing the ordinances and rites, such as appertained to the institutiō of the church: but also in placing and setting Bishops in their sense, &c.

In the time of this Edmund, was Ulstanus Archb. of York, and Odo Archbishop of Canterbury, which Odo being a Da • e borne (as is before touched) was promoted to that sea by king Ethelstane, for that (as they say) he being first bishop of Witone, & present with king Ethelstane in the field against Analafus before mentioned, what time the said Ethelstane had lost his sword, he thorough his intercession up to heaven, did see a sword from heaven, come down into the sheath of the king. Whereof relation being made to the king by the foresaid Bishop, Ethelstane upon the same was so affected toward Odo, that not only he counted him for a Patron of his life, but also made him Primate of Canterbury after the decease of Ulfelmus. This Odo was the first from the coming of the Saxons, till his time which was Archbishop of Canterbury being no monk. For all the other before him were of the profession of Monks, of whō a great part had been Italiās unto Berctualdus. Notwithstanding this Odo, being also a stranger borne, after he was elected into the bishopric, to answer to the old custom of others before him, sailed over into France, and there at Floriake (after the usual manner above mentioned of Englishmen) received the profession and habit of monkish religion, as saith my foresaid author. And like as the said Odo first being no monk, was made Archbishop of Canterbury. So also Ulstanus the same time, being bishop of York and of Worcester, differed from diverse his predecessors before him in profession and in habit: of whom the forenamed author thus writeth in his iii. book, speaking of Ulstanus qui sanctitate discrepabat & habitu, that is, he differed in sanctimony and in habit. Whereby is to be collected, that in those days was a difference in habit & garment, not only between monks & bishops, but also between one Bishop and another. Albeit what difference it was yet, I do not find. But I return again to Odo, who by the description of his manners, might seem not to be the worst that occupied that place, were it not that our lying histories feigning false miracles upon him (as they do of other) make him in deed to seem worse then he was. As where they imagine that he should see from heaven a sword fall into the scabbard of king Ethelstane. Itē, where he should cover and defend the church of Canterbury with his prayers from rain. And also where he should turn the bread of the altar (as the writer termeth it) into lively flesh, & from flesh into bread again, to confirm the people which before doubted in the same. Where note again (good Reader) that albeit this miracle were true, as no doubt it is untrue: yet is it to be noted, y ^t in those days was a great doubt among englishmen of the popish sacrament, & that transubstantiatiō was not received into the christiā creed. The like judgment is to be givē also of that, where our English writers testifieng of the same Odo, say that he should prophesy long before of Dunstan, to be his successor in the church of Canterbury. But to let these fantasies and idle stories pass, this which we find of Odo, his own writing is certain, that the said Odo in the reign of king Edmund, had a synod commensed of the chief Prelates and mē of the clergy in his time, to whom he directed this letter here following: the copy whereof I thought to express, for the Reader to see what zealous care reigned in Archbishops then toward the Church of the Lord. The words of his epistle proceed in this tenor.

And after a few other words of like effect, wherein he doth declare the heavy burden of his office, it followeth after this manner.

This Odo continued bishop the space of 20. years. After whom Elsinus was elected and ordained by the king to succeed through favor and money: but in going to Rome for the Popes palle, in his journey thorough the Alps, he decayed and died for cold. Whereupon succeeded Dunstane▪ as in time and place (by the leave of Christ) followeth to be declared.

This Edmund gave to S. Edmund the Martyr before mentioned, the town of Bredrich • ehworth, which is now called S. Edmondesbury, with great revenues and lands appertainyng to the same. But concerning the frivolous miracles which our Monkish storywriters here • ayne of this good Edmund, by the way (or rather out of the way) I let them pass.

And thus much concerning the reign of king Edmund, who after he had reigned vi. years and half, was slain as is said at Pulchorchurch, and buried at Glastenbury of Dunstane: leaving behind him two children, Edwin & Edgar, by his wife Elgina. But because the foresaid children were yet young & under age, therefore Edrede brother to king Edmund, and uncle to the children, governed as Protector about the space of 9. years and half, til Edwin the eldest son came to age. This Edrede with great moderation, and fidelity to the young children, behaved himself during the time of his government. In his time, Dunstane was promooted through the means of Odo the Archbishop, from Abbot of Glastenbury, to be Bishop of Wirceter, and after of London. By the counsel of this Dunstane, Edrede was much ruled, and too much thereto addicted: In so much that the said Edrede is reported in stories to submit himself to much fond penance, and castigations inflicted to him of the said Dunstane. Such zealous devotion was then in princes, and more blind superstition in bishops. And here again is another miracle as fantastical as the other before, forged of Dunstane. That whē that Edrede being sick, sent for Dunstane to be his confessor by the way: Dunstane should hear a voice declaring to him before, that Edrede was already departed, at the declaring whereof Dunstans horse fell immediately dead under him, with lie and all.

* King Edwin.

EDwine the eldest son of king Edmund afore mentioned, after his uncle Edrede, began his reign about the yere of our Lord, 955. being crowned at Kingston by Odo the Archbishop of Canterbury. Of this Edwin it is reported of diverse writers, that the first day of his coronation, sitting with his Lord's, brake suddenly from them & entered a secrete chamber, to the company of a certain woman, whom he inordinately retained (being as some say another man's wife) whose husband he had before slain, as other say being of his alliance, to the great mislikyng of his Lord's, and especially of the Clergy. Dunstane was yet but Abbot of Glastenbury, who following the king into the chamber, brought him out by the hand, and accused him to Odo the Archbishop, causing him to be separate from the company of the foresaid party, by the which Odo, the king was for his fact suspended out of the Church. By reason whereof the king being with Dunstane displeased, banished him his land, & forced him for a season to flee to Flanders where he was in the monastery of S. Amandus. About the same season the Monastical order of Benedict Monks or black monks (as they were called) began to multiply and increase here in England. In so much, that where before time other priests & Canons had been placed. there monks were in their roumes set in, and the secular priests (as they then were called) or Canons put out, But king Edwin for the displeasure he bare to Dunstan, did so vex all the order of the said monks, that in Malmesbury Glastenbury, & other places mo, he thrust out the monks, and set in secular priests in their stead.

Notwithstanding it was not long, but these priests and Canons were again removed, and the said monks in their stead restored, both in the foresaid houses, and in diverse other Churches Cathedral besides, as in the next story of Kyng Edgar (Christ willing) shall at more large appear.

In five king Edwin being hated by reason of certain his demeanors, of all his subjects (especially the Northumbrians and Mercians) was by them removed from his kingly honor, and his brother Edgar in his stead received: so that the River of Thamis divided both their kingdoms. Which Edwin after he had reigned about the term of four years departed, leaving no heir of his body. Wherefore the rule of the lande fell unto Edgar his younger brother.

King Edgar.

EDgar the second son of Edmund, and brother to Edwin being of the age of xvj. years, began his reign over the realm of England, in the year of our Lord, 959. but was not crowned till 14. years after: the causes whereof here under follow (Christ willing) to be declared. In the beginning of his reign he called home Dunstane, whom king Edwin before had exiled. Then was Dunstane, which before was Abbot of Glastenbury, made bishop of Worcester, & then of London. Not long after, this Odo the Archbishop of Cant. deceaseth, after he had governed y ^e Church 24. years. After whom Brithelinus bishop of Winchester, first was elected. But because he was thought not sufficient to furnish y ^e room: Dunstane was ordained Archb. and the other sent home again to his old Church. Where note by the way, how in those days the donatiō and assignyng of ecclesiastical dignities remained in the kings hand, only they fet their palle frō Rome, as a token of the Popes confirmation. So Dunstane being by the king made Archb. took his journey to Rome for his palle of Pope John the 13. which was about the beginning of the Kings reign. Thus Dunstane obtaining his palle, shortly after his return again from Rome, entreateth King Edgar, that Oswaldus (who, as is said, was made monk at Floriake, and was nephew to Odo late bishop of Cant.) might be promooted to the bishopric of Worcester, which thing to him was granted. And not long after, through the means of the said Dunstane, Ethelwoldus (whom stories do fain to be the great patron of Monkery) first Monk of Glastenbury, thē Abbot of Abbendon, was also made Bysh. of Winchester. Of this Aethelwold, Gulielmus libro de gestis pōtificum recordeth, that what time he was a Monk in the house of Glastenbury, the Abbot had a vison of him which was this. How that there appeared to him in his sleep a certain great tree, the branches whereof extended through out all the four quarters of the Realm, which branches were all covered with many little Monks cowls, where, in the top of the tree was one great master cowl, which in spreading it self over the other cowls, enclosed all the rest, which master cowl in the tree top, mine Author in the interpretation applieth to the life of this Aethelwold. Of such prodigious fantasies, our monkish histories be full, and not only our histories of England, but also the Heathen histories of the Gentiles be stuffed with such kind of dreams of much like effect.

Of such a like dream we read of the mother of Ethelstane, how the Moon did spring out of her womb, & gave light to all England. Also of king Charles the Emperor, how he was led by a thread to see the torments of hell. Like wise of Furceus the Heremite mentioned in the third book of Bede, who saw the joys of heaven and the 4. fires that should destroy the world: the one of lying, for breaking our promise made at Baptism. The second fire was of covetous. The third of dissention. The fourth was of the fire of impiety and wrongful dealing. Item, in like sort of the dream of Dunstane, and of the same Aethelwold, to whom appeared the three bishops, Bristanus, Birinus, and Swithinus, &c. Itē, of the dream of the mother of this Aethelwold, who being great with him, did see a golden Egle flee out of her mouth, &c. Of the dream likewise, or the vision of Kyng Edgar concerning the falling of the two apples, and of the pots, one being full of water, the other empty, &c. Also of king Edward the Confessor, touching the ruin of the lande by the conquest of the Normands. We read also in the history of Astiages, how he dreamed of Cyrus. And likewise of many other dreams in the books of the monks, & of the Ethnike writers. For what cannot either the idle vanity of man's head, or the deception of the lying spirit work by man: in foreshowing such earthly euentes as happen commonly in this present world? But here is a difference to be understood between these earthly dreams, speaking of earthly things, and matters of human superstition, & between other spiritual revelations sent by God touching spiritual matters of the Church, pertaining to man's salvation. But to our purpose, by this dream, and by the event which followed after, it may appear how & by what means the multitude of Monks began first to swarm in the Churches of England (that is) in the days of this Edgar, by the means of these three Bishops, Dunstane, Aethelwold and Oswold. Albeit Dunstane was the chiefest ring leader of this race, yet Aethelwold being now Bishop of Winchester, & Oswald bishop of Worcester, were not much behind for their partes. By the instigation and counsel of these three aforesaid, king Edgar is recorded in histories to build either new out of the ground, or to re-edify monasteries decayed by the Danes, mo then xl. As the house of Eli, Glastenbury, Abington, Burgh by Stamford, Thorney, Ramsey, Wilton, Wenton, Winchtombe, Thamstock in Devonshire, with diverse other moe▪ In the setting up and building of the which, the foresaid Aethelwold was a great doer and a founder under the king. Moreover, thorough the motion of this Dunstane and his fellows, king Edgar in diverse great houses and Cathedral Churches, where Prebendaries and priests were before, displaced the priests, and set in Monks. Whereof we read in y ^e chronicle of Rog. Houeden, in words and form as followeth: Hic nam{que} Ethelwoldus Regem cuius eximius erat consiliarius, ad hoc maxim prouocauit, yt clericos à Monasterijs expelleret, & monachos sanctimoniales{que} in eis collocaret, &c. That is, Aethelwold bishop of Winchester, who was then one of the kings coūsails, did urge the K. chiefly to expel Clerks out of Monasteries, and in their rooms to bestow Monks and Nuns, &c. whereunto accordeth likewise Historia Iornalensis, containing the like effect in these words: Hoc anno Ethelwoldus Wint. & Oswaldus Wygornensis Episcopy, iussu Regis Edgari (clericis de quibusdam maioribus Ecclesijs expulsis) Monachos instituerunt, aut de eisdem clericis & alijs monachos in eisdem fecerunt. Gulielmus also writing of the time of Dunstane, maketh the matter somewhat more plain where he saith: Ita{que} clerici multarum Ecclesiarum data optione, vt aut amictum mutarent, aut locis valedicerent, melioribus habitacula vacuefacientes. Surgebant itaque in tota insula, religiosorum monasteria, cumulabātur mole pretiosi metalli sanctorum altaria, &c. Thus the secular priests being put to their choice, whether to change their habit, or to leave their roumes, departed out of their houses, giving place for other better men to come in. Then the houses & Monasterics of Religious men through all the Realm, went up apace, &c.

After the kings mind was thus persuaded and incited by these bishops to advance Monkery, then Oswaldus bishop of Worcester, & also made Archbishop of York, after the decease of Oskitellus, sui 〈◊〉 compos effect{us} (as Houeden writeth) having his sea in the cathedral Church there of S. Peter, began first with fair persuasions to assay the minds of the Canons and priests, whether they could be content to change their profession, and to be made monks, or no: which when he saw it would not take effect, he practiced this policy with thē. Nere to the said Church of S. Peter, within the churchyard he erected another Church of our Lady, which when he had replenished w ^t Monks, there he continually frequented, there he kept, there he sat, and was ever there conversant. By reason whereof, the other church was left naked and desolate, and all the people gathered there where the bishop was. The priests seeing themselves so to be left and neglected both of the Bishop and of the people, to whom nothing remained but shame and contempt, were driven of shame either to relinquish the house (such as would not enter the Monkish profession) or else to become monks, such as had nothing else to stay upon. After the like superstition (although not after the same subtlety) did Aethelwold also drive out the Canons and priests from the new Monastery in Winchester, afterward called Hida, and placed his monks. So in Oxford and in Mildune, with diverse other places moe: the secular Priests with their wives were expelled to give place to Monks. The cause whereof is thus pretended in certain story writers, whom I see also Fabian to follow, for that the priests and Clerks were thought slack and negligent in their Church service, and set in Uicares in their stead, while they lived in pleasure, and misspent the patrimony of the Church after their own lust. Then king Edgar gave to the Uicars the same land which before belonged to the Prebendaries, who also not long after shown themselves as negligent as the other. Wherefore king Edgar (as mine authors write) by the consent of Pope John, 13. voided clearly the priests, and ordained there monks. Although certain of the nobles, and some of the Prelates were therewith not well contented, as in the chapter following, may partly appear.

But for so much as we have entered into the mention of Monks & Nuns, and of their profession, which I see so greatly in our Monkish stories commended: lest perhaps the simple Reader may be deceived thereby, in hearing the name of monks in all histories of times to be such an ancient thing in Christian life (even frō the primitive church after the Apostles time) both commonly recited and well received: therefore to help the judgment of the ignorant, and to prevent all error herein, it shall not be unprofitable in following the present occasion here given (by way of a little digression) to entermedle somewhat concerning the original institution of monks, what they were in the old time, which were called Monachi, wherein the monks of the primitive time, did differ from the Monks of the middle time, and from these our Monks now of this latter age. Moreover, wherein all these three do differ from Priests (as we call them) and frō men of the clergy. Wherefore to answer to the superstitious scruple of such, which allege the old antiquity of the name and title of monks: first I grant, the name and order of Monks to be of old continuance, during near from the time of 300. years after Christ. Of whom diverse old authors do record, as Augustinus, Hieronymus, Basillus Magnus, who was also himself one of the first institutors and commenders of that superstition. Chrysostomus, Nazianzenus, Euagrius, Sozomenus, Dionysius, and diverse other. In the number of these monks (which then were divided into Her • mites or Anachorites and into Coenobites ) wexe Antonius, Paulus, Johannes, with diverse other recluses. Among the which was Jerome, Basil, Macarius, Isidorus, Pambus, Nilammon, Simeon, with infinite other, both in Palestine, Syria, Thebaide, Mesopotamia in Egypt, in Africa and Scythia. In so much that Cassianus, Lib. 2. cap. 4. de Canon. Noctur. orat. maketh mention of a certain Monastery in Thebaide, wherein were above 5000. monks, under the government of one Abbot. And here also in England mention is made before of Bangor, wherein were two thousand & two hundred Monks under one man's ruling, in the year of our Lord, 596. whereby it appeareth that Monks were then, and 2000. years before in the primitive time of the Church. But what monks these were, is to be considered. Such as either by tyranny of persecution were driven into solitary and desert places, or else such as not constrained of any, but of their own voluntary devotion (joined with some superstition among, for the love they had to spiritual contemplation, and for hatred of the wicked world) withdrew themselves from all company, either having nothing to themselves proper, or else all things common with other. And all these were then nothing else but lay men. Of which lay men there were two sundry sortes, one of the vulgare & common people, which only were partakers of the Sacraments, the other in following a Monastical kind of life, were called Monks (being nothing but lay men) leading a more severe and straighter trade of life, then the other, as may sufficiently appear by August. Lib. de moribus Ecclesiae cap. 13. Item, Lib. de operibus Monachorum. Item Epistola ad Aurelium. Also by Jerome ad Heliodorum, writing these words: Alia Monachorum est causa, alia clericorum. Clerici pascunt oues, ego pascor, &c. That is, One thing pertaineth to Monks, another thing to them of the Clergy. They of the Clergy feed their flock. I am fed, &c. Et ex Dionysio. Also the same appeareth likewise by the 4. Canon of the Council of Chalcedone, where it is provided, Ne Monachi se Ecclesiasticis negocijs immisceant. That is, That Monks should not intermeddle with matters of the Church. &c. Et Leo Epistola 62 vetat Monachos & laicos, etsi scientie nomine glorientur, admitti ad officium docendi & concionandi.

By these foresaid authors alleged, it is evident: that Monks in the former age of the church, albeit they lived a solitary life, yet they were then no other but only lay mē, differing from priests, & differing from the other monks, which succeeded them afterward in the middle age of the Church, and that in iii. pointes. First, they were tied and bound to no prescript form either of diet or apparel, or anything else, as we may see testified by the words of S. Augustine, which be these:

inuigilat omnis industria. And Sozomenus, Lib 3. cap. 16. speaking of the Monks of the same time, which in cities had several mansions frō other, saith: Alij in turba ciuitatum conuersabantur, sic seipsos gerentes, vt nullius momenti viderentur, & à multis nihil differrent, &c. 1. Some lived in cities, so behaving themselves, as seeming nothing worth, and they differed nothing from the multitude, &c. The second point wherein they were discrepant from the latter Monks: was, in that they remained no other but in the order of lay men (only being of a straighter life then the rest) and had nothing to do in matters & charges Ecclesiastical. Which was afterward broken, by Pope Boniface the 4. as followeth more (the lord willing) to be seen and said. Thirdly, the foresaid monks of that age (albeit the most part of them lived sole & single from wives) yet some of them were married: certes none of them were forbidden or restrained from marriage. Of such as were married, speaketh Athanasius in Epistola ad Dracontium, qui ait se nouisse & Monachos & Episcopos coniuges & liberorum patres, &c. That is, which saith that he knew both Monks and Bishops married men, and fathers of children, &c.

And yet the said Monks of the old time, though they were better then the other which followed them: yet all that notwithstanding, superstitiō with them and among them begā then to creep into the church, through the crafty subtlety of Sachan, and all for the ignorance of our free justification by faith in Jesus Christ. Examples do declare the vain and prodigious superstitiō of these Monastical sort of men, which examples do not lack: if 〈◊〉 rather did not lack to bring them in. But ii. or iii. shall suffice for many, which I purpose (the Lord willing) here to insert: to the intent the mind of the godly reader may the better consider and understand, how shortly after the time of Christ and his Apostles, the doctrine of Christian justification began to be forgotten, true religion turned to superstition, & the price of Christ's passion to be obscured through the vain opinion of men's merits, &c. A certain Abbot named Moses thus testifieth of himself in the Collations of Cassianus, that he so afflicted himself with much fasting and watching, that sometimes for ii. or iii. days together, not only he felt no appetite to eat, but also had no remembrance of any meat at all, and by reason thereof was driven also frō sleep. In so much, that he was caused to pray to God, but for a little refreshing of sleep to be given him some piece of the night. In the same author, mention is made of a certain old man an Hermit, who because he had conceived in himself such a purpose never to eat meat without he had some guest or stranger with him, sometime was constrained to abstain v. days together until Sunday, while he came to the Church and there brought some stranger or other home with him.

Two other examples yet more will I add out of the said Cassianus, to declare how the subtlety of Satan, thorough superstition and false color of holiness, blindeth y ^e miserable eyes of such which rather attend men's traditions, then the word of God. In the xl. chap. of the said author in his book de Gastrimargia, is told of a certain Abbot named Johannes, in the desert of Scythia, who sent ii. of his Novices with figs unto one that was sick in the wilderness 18. miles off from the Church. It chanced these two young Novices missing the way, wandered so long in the wild forest or wilderness, and could not find the Celie, that for emptiness and weariness they waxed faint & tired. And yet rather would they die then taste the figs committed to them to carry, and so did, for shortly after they were found dead, their figs lying whole by them.

An other story he also reciteth of two Monastical brethren, who making their progress, in the desert of Thebaide: purposed with thenselves, to take no sustenance, but such as the Lord should minister himself unto them. It happened, as they were wandering desolate in the desert, and faynting almost for penury, certain Mazices, a kind of people by nature fierce and cruel: notwithstanding, being suddenly altered into a new nature of humanity, came forth and of their own accord offered bread unto them. Which bread the one thankfully received, as sent of God. The other as counting it sent of man and not of God, refused it, and so for lack perished.

Hereunto might I also annex the story of Mucius, who to declare his obedience, did not stick at the commandment of his Abbot, to cast his son into the water, not knowing whether any were appointed there ready to rescue him from drouning, so far were the Monks in those days drouned in superstition. What is this, but for man's traditions and commandments, to transgress the commandment of God, which saith: Thou shalt do no murder. Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God? What man is so blind, that seeth not by these & infinite examples mo: what pernicious superstition hath begun by reason of this Monkery, almost from the beginning to creep into the Church? Wherefore I cannot marvel enough, seeing that age of the Church, had in it so many learned and famous Doctors, who not only did approve and allow these monastical sects of life: but also certain themselves were the authors and institutors of the same, yea and of men's traditions made the service of God. In number of whom may be reckoned Basilius Magnus, & Nazianzenus, who with immoderate austerity did so pluck down themselves, that when they were called to the office of Bishops, they were not able to sustain the labor thereof.

After these foresaid monks of that time above recited, followed other Monks of the middle age of the Church: who as in multitude, so also in superstition increasing, began by little and little from their desolate dens in the vast wilderness, to approach more near to great towns, where they had solemn Monasteries founded by Kings and Queens, and kings daughters, and other rich Consuls, as is partly before touched. And the causes also touched withal, for the which they were first founded, as these: pro remedio animae meae, pro remission peccatorum meorum, pro redemptione peccatorū meorum, & pro salute regnorum, qui{que} meo subiacent regimini populorum. In honorem glorlosae virginis, &c. For all these impious, and erroneous titles, and causes, we find alleged in stories, as in Malmes beriensis, Iornalensis, Henricus, and other moe. In which histories I also note, that the most part of these foresaid monasteries were erected first upon some great murder, either by war in the field, or privately committed at home: as shall well appear to them which read the books whom I have alleged. But to return to our Monks again, who (as is said) first began to creep from the cold field into warm towns and cloisters: from towns, then into cities, and at length from their close cellors and cities, unto Cathedral Churches (as here appeareth by this story of King Edgar) where not only they did abound in wealth and riches (especially these Monks of our latter time) but much more did swim in superstition, and Pharisaical hypocrisy, being yoked and tied in all their doings, to certain prescript rules and formal observances: in watching in sleeping, in eating, in rising, in praying, in walking, in talking, in looking, in tasting, in touching, in handling, in their gestures, in their vestures, every mā apparailed, not as the proper condition of other would require, nor as the season of the year did serve, but as the coacted rules & order of every sect did enforce them. The number of which sects was infinitely diverse: some after Basilius rule, went in white: some after Benets rule in black: some Cluniacēsis, first set up by Otho in the time of this king Edgar, wearing after the rule of Benets order: some after Jerome's rule leather girdled and coped above their white coat: some Gregorians copper color • : Some de valle vmbrosa, graye Monks: Some Grand • montenses, wearing a coat of mailes upon their bare bodies, with a black cloak thereupon: Some Cistercianes, who had white rochets on a black coat: Some Celestines, all in blew, both cloak, cowl, and cap: Some Charter Monks, wearing hearecloth next their bodies: Some Flagellants, going barefoot in long white linen shirtes, with an open place in the back, where they beat themselves with scourges on the bare skin every day, before the people's eyes, till the blood ran down: saying that it was revealed to them by an Angel, that in so scourging themselves, within 30. days and 12. hours, they should be made so pure from sin, as they were whē they first received baptism: some starred Monks: Some Jesuits, with a white girdle & a russet cowl. Briefly, who can reckon up the innumerable sects and disguised orders of their fraternities? Some holding of S. Benet, some of S. Jerome, Some of S. Basel, Some of S. Barnard : Some of S. Bridget : Some of S. Bruno : Some of S. Louis : as though it were not enough for Christian men to hold of Christ only: so subject were they to servile rules, that no part of Christian liberty remained among them. So drowned and sunk in superstition: that not only they had lost Christ's religion, but also almost the sense and nature of men. For where men naturally are and ought to be ruled by the descrete government of reasō, in all outward doings, wherein no one rule can serve for all men: the circumstance of time, place, person, and business being so sundry and diverse. Contrary, among these, not reason but only the knock of a bell, ruled all their doings: their rising, their sleeping, their praying, their eating, their coming in, their going out, their talking, their silence, & altogether like insensible people, either not having reason to rule themselves, or else as persons vngrateful to God, neither enjoining the benefit of reason created in them, nor yet using the grace of Christ's liberty, whereunto he redeemed them.

Thus thou seest (gentle Reader) sufficiently declared, what the monks were in y ^e primitive time of the Church, & what were the Monks of the middle age, and of these our latter days of the church. Wherunto join this with all, that where the Monks of elder time (as is said) were mere lay men and no spiritual ministers. Afterward Boniface the 4. made a decree, an. 606. that Monks might use the office of preaching, of Christening, of hearing confessions, & also of assailing them of their sins, &c. So thē monks, who in the beginning were but lay men, and no spiritual ministers, forbidden by the general Council of Chalcedon (as is above related) to intermeddle with matters ecclesiastical: afterward in process of time did so much incroch upon the office of spiritual ministers, that at length the Priests were discharged out of their Cathedral churches, & monks set in their places. Because that Monks in those days leading a straighter life, and professing chastity, had a greater countenance of holiness among the people, then the Priests, who then in the days of king Edgar had wives (at least so many as would) no law forbidding them to the contrary, till the time of Hildebrand, now called Gregory the 7. whereof more shall be said (Christ willing) in the book next following.

And thus much by the way as touching the order and profession of Monks. Now to turn in again from whence we digressed (that is) to the matter of king Edgar, who following the counsel and leading of Dunstane, and the foresaid Aethelwold Bishop of Winchester, was somewhat thereby inclined to superstition. But otherwise of his own nature, well given to all virtues and princely acts worthy of much commondation, and famous memory. So excellent was he in justice, and sharp in correctiō of vices (as well in his magistrates, as other subjects) that never before his days was less felony by robbers, nor less extortion or bribery by false officers. Such Provinces & lordships as were not yet come under the kings subjection, he united and adjoined to his dominion. And so made one perfect monarchy of the whole realm of England, with all the Ilelands and borders about the same. Such as were wicked, he kept under, he repressed thē that were rebels, the godly he maintained, he loved the modest, he was devout to God, and beloved of his subjects, whom he governed in much peace and quietness. And as he was a great seeker of peace, so God did bless him with much abundance of peace and rest from all wars: so that as the history recordeth of him, Nullas insidias domesticorum, nullum exterminium alienorum sen serit, for the which he was called Pacificus. He neither tasted of any privy treson among his subjects, nor of any invasion of foreign enemies. So studious he was of the public profit of his Realm, and fruitful in his government, that as the said story testifieth of him, Nullus fere annus in Chronicis praeterijt, quo non magnum & necessarium patriae aliquid fecerit : No year passed in all the time of his reign, wherein he did not some singular and necessary commodity for the common wealth, &c. A great mainteyner he was of Religion and learning, not forgetting herein the foresteps of Kyng Alfred his predecessor. Among his other princely virtues this chiefly is to be regarded, that where as other princes commonly in much peace and quietness, are wont to grow into a dissolute negligence of life, or obliuiō of their charge committed unto them. This king in continuance of peace (that notwithstanding) kept ever with him such a watch, & a vigilant severity joined with a seemly clemency, that I cannot here but recite the witness of our story writers, testifiyng of his diligent care over the common wealth: which was so great, Vt nullum cuiuscun{que} dignitatis homine, leges eludere impune permitteret i. That he would suffer no man of what degree of nobility so ever he were, to dally out his laws without condign punishment, &c. And followeth more in the same author. Nemo eius tempore priuatus latro, Nemo popularis praedo, nisi qui mallet in fortunas alienas grassari propriae vitae dispendio, &c. In all his time there was neither any privy picker nor open thief, but he that in stealing other men's goods, would venter and suffer (as he was sure) the loss of his own life, &c. Guliel. de Reg.

Moreover, as the studious industry of this Prince was forward in all other points, so his prudent provision did not lack in this also, in driving out the devouring & ravening Wolves, throughout all his land. Wherein he used this policy, In causing Ludwallus Prince or Kyng of Wales, to yield to him yearly by way of tribute, 300. Wolves. By means whereof, within the space of 4. years after in England and Wales, might scantly be found one Wolf alive.

This Edgar among other of his politic deeds, had in readiness 3600. ships of war, to scour the Seas in the Summer time, whereof 1200. kept the East seas, as many to defend the Westside, again, as many on the Southseas to repulse the invasion of foreign enemies. Moreover, in Winter season, the use and manner of this virtuous Kyng was this: During all the time of his life, to ride over the land in progress, searching and inquiring diligently (to use here the words of mine author.) Quomodo legum iura, & suorum statuta decretorum obseruarentur: & ne paupers à potentibus praeiudicium passi opprimerentur. That is, How his laws and statutes by him ordained were kept, & that the poor should suffer no prejudice or he oppressed any manner of ways by the mightier, &c. Briefly, as I see many things in this worthy prince to be commended, so this one thing in him I cannot but lament, to see him like a Phenix to flee alone, that of all his posterity so few there be that seek to keep him company. And although I have shown more already of this king, then I think will well be followed, yet this more is to be added to the worthiness of his other acts. That where as by the multitude of the Danes dwelling in diverse places of England much excessive drinking was used, whereupon ensued drunkenness, and many other vices, to the evil example and hurt of his subjects: he therefore to prevent that evil, ordained certain cups with pins, or nails set in them, adding thereunto a law, that what person drank past that mark at one draught, should forfeit a certain penny. Whereof one half should fall to the accuser, and the other half to the ruler of the borough or town, where the offense was done.

It is reported of this Edgar by diverse authors, that about the 13. yere of his reign, he bring at Chester, a kings (called in histories Subreguli ) to wit petykings, or vnderkings, came & did homage to him. Of whom the first was the king of Scots, called Kinadius: Macolinus of Cumberland. Mackus or Mascusinus king of Moniae, and of diverse other Islands, & all the kings of Wales, the names of whō were Dufuall, or Dunewaldus; Sifreth, Hu •• all, Jacob, Vikyll, Iuchell. All which kings after they had given their fidelity to Edgar: the next day following (for a pomp or royalty) he entered with these aforesaid kings into the river of Dee. Where he sitting in a boat took the rule of the helm, and caused these 8. kings, every person taking an ore in his hand, to row him up and down the river to and from the Church of S. John unto his palace again, in token that he was master and Lord of so many provinces: whereupō he is reported to have said in this manner: Tunc demum posse successores suos gloriari, se Reges Angliae esse, cum tanta praerogatiua honorum fruerētur. But in my mind this king had said much better, if he had rather said with S. Paul, Absit mihi gloriari, nisi in cruce Domini nostri Jesus Christi.

And thus ye have heard hitherto touching the commendation of king Edgar, such reports as the old Monkish writers thought to bestow upon him, as upon the great patron of their monkish religion, who had built so many monasteries for them, as were Sondayes in the year, (as some say) or, as Edmer reporteth, but 48.

Now on the other side, what vices in him were reigning, let us likewise consider, according as we find in the said authors described, which most write to his advancement. Wherof, the first vice is noted to be cruelty, as well upon others, as namely upon a certain Earl being of his secret counsel called Aethelwold. The story is this, Ordgarus Duke of Devonshire, had a certain daughter named Elfrida, whose beauty being highly commended to the king, he being inflamed therewith, sent this foresaid Aethelwold (whom he especially trusted) to the party, to see and to bring him word again, & if her beauty were such as was reported, willing him also to make the match between them. Aethelwold well viewing the party, and seeing her beauty nothing inferior to her fame, and thinking first to serve his own turn, told all things contrary to the king. Wherupon the king withdrawing his mind otherwise, in the ende it came to pass that Aethelwold himself did marry her.

Not long after, the king understanding further by the complaints and rumors of certain, how he was prevented and beguiled, set a fair face upon the matter before Aethelwold, and merrily jesting with him, told him how he would come and see his wife, & in deed appointed the day when he would be there. Aethelwold the husband perceiving this matter to go hardly with him, made hast to his wife, declaring to her the coming of the king, and also opening the whole order of the matter how he had done, desired her of all love, as she would save his life, to disgrace & deform her self with garments and such attire, as the king might take no delighting in her. Elfrida hearing this what did she, but contrary to the request of her husband, & promise of a wife, against the kings coming trimmed her self at the glass, & decked her in her best array. Whom when the king beheld, he was not so much enamored w ^t her, as in hatred with her husband who had so deceived him. Wherupon the king shortly after making as though he would go to hunt in the forest of Harwood, sent for Aethelwold to come to him under the pretence of hunting, & there ran him thorough and slew him. After this the bastard son of Aethelwold coming to him, the king asked him how he liked that hunting. Who answered again, that which pleaseth the king, ought not to displease him. For the death of which Aethelwold, Elfrida afterward built a Monastery of Nuns in remission of sins.

An other fault which Malmesbury noteth in him, was the coming in of strangers into this land, as Saxons, Flemmings, & Danes, whom he with great familiarity retained, to the great detriment of this land, as the forsaid story of Malmesbury recordeth, whose words be these. Vnde factum est, vt fama eius per ora omnium volitante, alienigenae, Saxons, Flandritae, ipsi etiam Dani huc frequenter annauigarent, Edgaro familiares effecti: quo rum aduentus magnū prouincialibus detrimentum peperit. Inde merito iure{que} reprehendunt eum literae, &c. That is, whereby it happened, that diverse strangers out of foreign countries▪ allured by his fame, came into the land, as Saxons, Flemmings, and Danes also, all which he retained with great familiarity. The coming of which strangers wrought great damage to the realm, and therefore is Edgar justly blamed in stories, &c. with the which reprehension all the Saxone stories also do agree.

The third vice to him objected, was his incontinent & lascivious lust in deflowering maids, as first of a Dukes daughter being a Numne, and a virgin named Wilfrida, or Wilftrude, of which Wilfride was borne Editha, a bastard daughter of Edgar. Also of another certain virgin in the town of Audeuar. who was privily conveyed into his bed by this means. The lascivious king coming to Andeuar, not far from Winchester, and thinking to have his pleasure of a certain Dukes daughter, of whose beauty he heard much speaking, commanded the maid to be brought unto him. The mother of the virgins grieved to have her daughter made a concubine, secretly by night conveyed to the kings bed instead of her daughter, another maiden of beauty and favor not uncomely: who in the morning rising to her work, and so being known of the king what she was, had granted unto her of y ^e king such liberty and freedom, that of a servant she was made mistress both to her master, and also to her mistress. Ex Mat. Paris. lib. de Regib.

An other concubine he had also besides these aforesaid, which was Egelfleda or Elfleda, called Candida y ^e white daughter of duke Ordinere (as Guliel. Malmesb. recordeth) she being also a professed Nun, of whom he begot Edward in bastardy. For the which he was enjoined by Dūstane 7. years penance. After which penance being complete, then he took to him a lawful wife (as Malmesbury saith) Elfritha, the mother of Edmund and Æthelred, or otherwise called Egelred, whereof more shall be said (the Lord willing hereafter.

Ouer and besides all these vices noted and objected to king Edgar in our monkish storywriters, I also observe another no less, or rather greater vice then the other afore recited, which was blind superstition and idolatrous mōkery brought into the church of Christ, with the wrongful expulsing of lawful married priests out of their houses. Whereupon, what inconveniences ensued after in this realm, especially in the house of the Lord, I leave it to the consideration of them which have heard of the detestable enormities of these religious votaries. The occasiō whereof, first and chiefly began in this Edgar through the instigation of Dunstane and his fellows, who after they had inueigled the king & had brought him to their purpose, they caused him to call a Council of the Clergy, where it was enacted and decreed, that the Canons of diverse Cathedral churches, Colleginars, Persons, Uicars, Priests and Deacons, with their wives and childrē, either should give over that kind of life, or else give room to Monks, &c. For execution of which decree, two principal Uisitors were appointed, Athelwold or Aethelwold, bishop of Winchester, and Oswold bishop of Worcester, as is partly before touched. Osbernus in vita Dunstani, Malmesb. De vit. pontif. Rog, Houed.

And thus much concerning the history of king Edgar and of such things as in his time happened in the church. Which Edgar after he had entered into the partes of Britannie, to subdue the rebellion of the Welchmen, and there had spoiled the country of Glamorgan, & wasted the country of Ono within x. days after, when he had reigned the space of xvj. years, died, and was buried at Glastenbury, leaving after him two bastards, to wit, Editha and Edward, and one son lawfully begot̄, named Æthelred, or otherwise by corruption called Egelred: For Edmund the elder son died before his father.

Ye heard before how king Edgar is noted in all stories to be an incontinent liver in deflowering maids and virgins. Of which virgins iii. notoriously are expressed in authors, to wit, Wlftrude or Wlfride: The second, was the dukes maid at Andeuar, nigh to Winchester: The third, was Elflede mother of Edward, for the which Elflede he was stayed and kept back from his Coronation by Dunstane Archbishop of Cant. the space of 7. years, and so the said king beginning his reign in the 16. year of his age being the year of the Lord, 959. was crowned at his age 31. An. dom. 974. as is in the Saxon Chronicle of Worcester church to be proved. For the more evident declaration of which matter concerning the coronation of the king, restrained, and the presumptuous behavior of Dunstan against the king: and his penance by the said Dunstane enjoined, ye shall hear both Osborne, Malmesb. and other authors, speak in their own words as followeth, Perpetrato ita{que} in virginem velatam peccato, &c. After that Dunstane had understanding of the kings offense perpetrated with the professed Nun, and that the same was blased amongst the people, with great ire and passion of mind he came to the king. Who seeing the Archb. coming, eftsones of gentleness arose from his regal seat towards him, to take him by the hand, and to give him place. But Dunstan refusing to take him by the hand, and with stern countenance bending his brows, spake after this effect of words (as stories import) unto the king: You that have not feared to corrupt a virgins maid handfast to Christ, presume you to touch the consecrated hands of a bishop? you have defiled the spouse of your maker, & think you by flattring service to pacify the friend of the bridegroom? No sir, his friend will not I be, which hath Christ to his enemy, &c. The king terrified with these thundering words of Dunstan, and compuncted with inward repentance of his crime perpetrated, fell down with weeping at the feet of Dunstane. Who, after he had raised him up from the ground again, began to utter to him the horriblenes of his fact, and finding the king ready to receive whatsoever satisfaction he would lay upon him, enjoined him this penance for 7. years space, as followeth: That he should wear no crown all that space, that he should fast twice in the week, he should distribute his treasure left to him of his auncesters, liberally unto the poor, he should build a Monastery of Nuns at Shaftsbury, that as he had robbed God of one virgins through his transgression, so should he restore to him many again in times to come: Moreover, he should expel Clerks of evil life (meaning such priests as had wives and children) out of churches, and place Couents of Monks in their room, &c.

It followeth then in the story of Osborne, that whē the 8. years of the kings penance were expired: Dunstan calling together all the pieres of the Realm, with Bishops, Abbots, and other ecclesiastical degrees of the Clergy, in the public sight of all the multitude, set the crown upon the kings head at Bathe, which was the 31. year of his age, and the 13. year of his reign, so that he reigned only but 3. years crowned king. All the other years besides, Dunstan belike ruled the land as he listed. Furthermore, as touching the sonne of the said Elfled, thus the story writeth: Puerum quo{que} ex peccatrice quondam progenitum, sacro fonte regeneratum lauauit, & aptato illi nomine Edwardo in filium sibi adoptauit. i. The child also, which was gotten of the harlot, he baptized in the holy fountain of regeneration, and so giving his name to be called Edward, did adopt him to be his son, &c. Ex Osberno.

By the which narration of Osberne, agreing also with the story of the Saxon book above mentioned, is convinced a double untruth or error, either negligently ouerseen or of purpose dissembled in our latter Monkish storywriters, as in Malmesbury, Math. Paris. Math. Westm. & other mo. Who to conceal the fault of king Edgar, or to bear with Dunstans fact, in setting up Edward for the maintenance of their monkish order, first do falsely affirm, that Editha the daughter of Ulfride was borne after Edward, & that for her this penance was enjoined to king Edgar, which neither is, nor can be so, as in process hereafter (the Lord willing) shall appear.

Secondly, they are deceived in this, that they affirm king Edgar to have two wives, and that Elfleda the mother of Edward was not a professed Nun in deed, but dissembled so to be, to avoid the violence of the king: where as in deed the truth of the story both giveth her to be a Nun, and her son to be base, and she her self never to be married unto the king.

Now, forasmuch as we have hitherto entered mention of Elfleda and Editha, also of Wlfrede and Dunstane, here would not be let pass to speak something of their lying miracles, falsely forged to the great seductiō of christen people by superstitious Monks, who cared not what fables and lies they brought into the church, so they might have the vantage of poor men's purses and oblations. And first here cometh in the fabulous miracles wrought at the tomb of Elfleda the kings concubine, which W. Malmesb. in these verses expresseth:

The English of which verses is needless here to be recited. Briefly, the effect is this: That both the blind, deaf, halte, and such as be mad, receive their health again, if they worship the tomb of this Elfleda, &c.

The like fainings and monstrous miracles we read also in chronicles of doting Dunstane, drowned in all superstition, if he were not also a wicked sorcerer: First, how he being yet a boy, chased away the devil, set about with a great company of dogs, and how the Angels did open the church door for him to enter. Then how the Lute or Harp hanging upon the wall, did sing or play without any finger these words: Gaudent in coelis animae sanctorum, qui Christi vestigi • sunt sequuti, & qui pro eius amore sanguinem suum suderunt: ideo cum Christo regnabunt in aeternum. Item where a certain great beam or maisterpost was ••• ed out of the place: he with making the sign of a Cross, set it in right frame again. Moreover, how the said Dunstane being tempted upon a time of the devil with the cogitation of women, caught the devil by the nose with a whore pair of tongs, and held him fast. Item, how often heavenly spirits appeared to him, and used to talk with him amiliarly. Item, how he prophesied of the birth of king Edgar, of the death of king Egelred, of the death of Editha, and of Ethelwood bishop of Winchester. Also how our Lady with her fellows appeared visibly to him, singing this song: Cantemus Domino sociae, cantemus honorem. Dulcis amor Christi personet ore pio. Agayne, how the Angels appeared to him, singing the Hymn called Kyr •• Rex splendens, &c And yet these prodigious fantasies with other mo, are written of him in Chronicles, and have been believed in Churches.

Among many other false and lying miracles, forged in this corrupt time of Monkery, the fabulous or rather filthy legēd of Editha were not to be overpassed, if for shame and honesty it might well be recited. But to cast the dyrt of these Pope holy monks in their own face, which so impudently have abused the church of Christ, and simplicity of the people with their ungracious vanities, let us see what this miracle is, & how honestly it is told. Certain years after the death of Editha, saith Will. of Malmes. which years Capgrave in his new Legend reckoneth to be thirtene, the said Editha & also S. Denys holding her by the hand, appeared to Dunstan in a vision, willing and requiring him that the body of Editha in the church of Wilton, should be taken up & shrined, to the intent it might be honored here in earth of her servants, according as it is worshipped of her spouse in heaven. Dunstan upon this, coming from Salisbury to Wilton, where Editha was interred, commanded her body to be taken up with much honor & solemnity. Who there in opening her tomb (as both Malmes. and Capgrave with shame enough record) found all the whole body of this Editha consumed to earth, save only her thombe, her belly, & the part under the belly. Wherof the said Editha expounding the meaning, declared that her thombe remained found, for the much crossing she used with the same. The other partes were incorrupted for a testimony of her abstinence, and integrity, &c. Ex Malmes. & Capgrauo. What Satan hath so envied the true sincerity of Christian faith and doctrine, so to contaminate the same with such impudent tales, such filthy vanities, & Idolatrous fantasies as this? Such Monks with their detestable houses, where Christ's people were so abominably abused and seduced to worship dead carcases of men and women, whether they deserved not to be rased, and plucked down to the ground, let all chaste Readers judge. But of these matters enough and to much.

Here followeth the Epitaphe written by Henricus Archdeacon of Huntingdon, vpō the praise and commendation of king Edgar.

Among his other laws, this king ordained that the Sunday, should be solemnised from Saturday at ix. of the clock, till Monday morning.

King Edward called the Martyr.

AFter the death of Edgar no small trouble arose amongst the Lord's and Bishops for succession of the crown: the principal cause whereof rose upon this occasion, as by the story of Simon of Durham, and Roger Houeden, is declared. Immediately after the decease of the king, Alferus Duke of Mercia, and many other nobles, which held with Egelrede or Ethelrede the only right heir and lawful son of Edgar, misliking the placing and intrudyng of Monks into churches, & the thrusting out of the seculare Priests, with their wives and children out of their ancient possessions, expelled the Abbots and Monks, and brought in again the foresaid priests with their wives. Against whom, certain other there were on the contrary part, that made resistance, as Ethelwine Duke of Eastangles, Elfwoldus his brother, and the Earl Brithnothus, saying in a council together assembled, that they would never suffer the religious Monks to be expulsed and driven out of the Realm, which held up all Religion in the land, and thereupon eftsoons levied an army, whereby to defend by force the Monasteries, such as were within the precinct of Eastanglia.

In this hurly burly amongst the Lord's about the placing of Monks and putting out of Priests, rose also the contention about the crown, who should be their king: the bishops and such lords as favored the Monks, seeking to advance such a king as they knew would inclyne to their side, so that the lords thus divided, some of them would have Edward, and some consented upon Egelred the lawful son. Then Dunstane Archb. of Cant. & Oswold Archb. of York, with other their fellowbishops, Abbots, and diverse other Lord's and Dukes assembled in a council together. In the which council Dunstan coming in with his cross in his hand, & bringing Edward before the Lord's, so persuaded them that in the ende Edward by Dunstans means was elected, consecrated, and anointed for their king.

And thus hast thou (good Reader) the very truth of this story, according to the writing of authors of most antiquity which lived nerest to that age, as Osberne and others, which Osberne living in the days of William Conqueror, wrote this story of Dunstan through the motiō of Lanfran • us, and alledgeth or rather translateth the same out of such Saxon stories as were writ̄ before his time. Besides which Osberne, we have also for witness hereof, Nic Trinet, in his English story written in French, and also Johannes Paris, in his French story written in the Latin tongue, where he plainly calleth Edward, non legitimum filium, that is, no lawful son. Whereunto add moreover the testimony of Vincentius and Antoninus, who in plain terms likewise report the same.

Now having said the foundation for the truth and ground of this matter, let us come to examine how truly our latter writers do say, which write that Editha, and not Edward was the child for whom Dunstane enjoined to the king 7. years penance, and also how truly they report Edward to be a lawful heir, and Elflede to be a lawful wife to king Edgar.

For first touching Editha, this is confessed by the said writers themselves, that she was of good years, at what time Edgar her father was enjoined his penance. After the which seven years of his penance expyred, he lived at the most but in years and a half. Which seven years and 3. years and a half, make in all but x. years & a half. But now the said authors themselves do grant, that she was made Abbas by her father, he being then alive. And how can this then stand with her Legend, which saith that she was not less then 15. years of age? By which account it must needs fall out, that she could not be so little as v. years old, before the birth of that child for whom the king did penance.

And thus much touching Editha. Now in like manner, to consider of the time of Edward. First, this by all writers is granted, that he was slain in the 15. year of his age. Which years do well agree to that child which king Edgar begat in bastardy, & for the which he did his penance. For the more evidence whereof, let us come to the supputation of years in this sort.

First, the penance of the king, after the birth of this child, lasted 7. years. Then the king after the same lived 3. years & a half. After whose death Edward reigned other 3. years and a half, which in all make the full sum of 14. years. About the count of which age, the said Edward going on his 15. years, by their own reckoning was slain.

And thus have ye by manifest demonstration proved by the right casting of the years, after their own grant & rekoning, that Editha daughter of Wlfride in no case can be the child which was borne after Edward, & for whom the king was enjoined penance, but that Edward rather was borne after Editha, and was the child for whom the penance was enjoined, contrary to the opinion commonly received in the church, which for ignorance of y ^e story hath hitherto holden Edward to be an holy Martyr, and right heir unto the crown. Which error and opinion, how it first sprang and by whom, albeit it pertain not to my story to discuss, yet were it no hard matter to conjecture.

First, after that Dunstane and Oswolde, with other Bishops, Abbots, and certain Lord's & Dukes of that faction, for the maintenance of Monkery, had advanced Edward to be king against Queen Alfrith mother of Æthelred, & Alferus duke of Mercia, and certain other Nobles, which held with the contrary side of the Priests against the Monks. In process of time the monks that came after to write stories, perceiving Dunstane to be reputed in the Church of Rome for an holy Saint, and the said king Edward for an holy Martyr, and partly also to bolster up their own religion of Monkery so much as they could: to the intent therefore they would save the credit both of Dunstane and of the king, and especially bearing favor to their own religion, and partly that the reputation of the church of Rome should not be disteined by opening y ^e truth of this matter, either did not see, or would not confess herein what they knew, but rather thought best to blanch the story, and colourably to hide the simple truth thereof, making the people falsely believe, that Elfleda the mother of Edward was wife to king Edgar, and Edward to be lawfully borne, and also that Editha was born after Edward, & to be the child for which the king was enjoined penance. All which is false and contrary both to the order of time above declared, and also to the plain words of Malmesbury, which speaking of king Edgars last concubine, saith in plain words: Dilexit vnice, integram lecto vni deferens sidem, quoad legitimam vxorem accepit Elfthride, filiam Ordgari. That is, he had a concubine whom he loved entirely, keeping true faith of his bed to her alone, until the time he married for his lawful wife Elfride the daughter of duke Ordgare, &c. Whereby we have to understand that whatsoever concubine this was which Malmesbury speaketh off, certain it is, that Edgar lived in whoredom till time he married his lawful wife. Furthermore, and finally to conclude, beside these arguments and allegations above recited, let this also be perpended, how the said Dunstan with his complices, after the killing of king Edward, leaving the right heir of the crown (which was Æthelred) went about, as Capgrave and their own Legend confesseth, to set up Editha the other bastard to possess the crown, but that she more wise then her brother Edward, refused the same. Whereby what is to be thought of the doings of Dunstane, and what should be the cause why he preferred both Edward and Editha to the crown rather then the lawful heir, I leave to all indifferent Readers thereof to judge.

After that Dunstane and his fellows had thus set up Edward for their king, they were now where they would be, supposing all to be sure on their side, and that they had established the kingdom of Monkery forever, through the help of the young king, and the Duke of Eastangles, and certain other nobles whom they had drawn to their part. Howbeit this matter passed not so well with them, as they hoped. For shortly after the coronation of this young king. Alferus duke of Mercia, who followed much the deeds of the Queen with other great men, stoutly standing on the contrary side, drove out the Monks from the Cathedral churches, which king Edgar before had set in, and restored again the Priests (as Ranulphus saith) with their concubines: but in the history of the Librarie of Iornall, I find it plainly expressed with their wives. The words of the very author be these: Alferus princeps Merciorum, caeteri{que} plures, eiectis monachis de magnis monasterijs, quos rex Edgarus nuper instituerat, clericos cum vxoribus reduxerunt: That is, Alterus duke of Mercia, with other great men mo, drove out the Monks from the great monasteries, whom king Edgar had there set in before, & restored again the priests with their wives.

Whereby it doth evidently appear, that priests in those days were married and had their lawful wives. The like before that in king Inas time is plain, that Bishops then had wives and children, as appeareth by the words of the law then set forth, extant in the history of the said Iornalensis, which be these: Si quis filiolum alterius occidat vel patrinum, sit simile cognationi, & crescat emendatio secundum Weram eius Regi, sicut cognationi. Si de parentela sit qui occidit eum, tunc excedat emendatio patrini, sicut manbota Domini. Si Episcopy filiolus sit, sit dimidium hoc, &c. And thus much by the way for Priests wives and their children.

Now to the purpose again of our matter, which is to declare how the Duke and Nobles of England expulsed the Monks out of the Monasteries after the death of king Edgar. Whereof let us hear what the Monkish story of the Abbey of Crouland recordeth. Monachis de quibusdam Monasterijs eiectis, clerici sunt introducti, qui statim monasteriorum maneria ducibus terrae distribuebant, vt sic in suas partes obligati, eos contra monachos defensarent. Tunc de monasterio Eueshamensi, monachis expulsis, clerici fuerant introducti. Terrae{que} tyranni de terris Ecclesiae praemiati sunt, quibus Regina nouercali nequitia, stance cum clericis in regis opprobrium, fauebat. Cum monachis autem Rex, & sancti Episcopy persistebant. Sed tyranni fulti Reginae fauore & potentia, super monachos triumphabant. Multus inde tumultus in omni angulo Angliae factus est. Ex Chronico Ingulphi Abbatis de Crouland, &c. That is, The Monks being expelled out of certain Monasteries, the Clerks again were brought in, who distributed the Manors or Fermes of the said Monasteries, to the Dukes and Lord's of the land, that they being obliged to them should defend them against the Monks. And so were the monks of Euesham thrust out and the seculare Clerks placed, & the lands of the church given to the Lord's, with whom the Queen, the Kings stepmother holding the same time, took part also with the said Clerks against the king. On the contrary part stood the king & the holy bishops, taking part with the monks. Howbeit, the lords & pieres of the Realm staying upon the favor and power of the Queen, triumphed over the monks, &c.

Thus as much ado there was through all quarters of the realm, about the matter among the Lord's, so arose no less contention between the priests & monks of England. The Priests complainyng to the Kyng and Dunstane, laid for themselves that it was uncomely, uncharitable, yea and unnatural, to put out an old known dweller for a new unknown: and that God was not pleased, that to be taken from the ancient possessor which by God was given him, neither that it could be to any good man accepted, to suffer any such injury to be done, least peradventure the same thing wherein he was prejudicial to another, might after reuert & redound upon himself at length. The monks on the other side, laid for their part, y ^e Christ allowed neither the old dweller, nor the new commer, nor yet looked upon the person, but who so would take y ^e cross of penance upon him, and follow Christ in virtuous living, should be his disciple.

These & such other were the allegations of the monks. But whether a monks cowl or a wiueles life, make a sufficient title to enter into other men's possessions or no, I refer it to the judgment of the godly. The troublous cares in marriage, the necessary provision for house keeping, the virtuous bringing up of children, the daily helping of poverty and bearing of public charges, with other manifold perturbations and combraunces daily incident to the state of matrimony, might rather appear to godly wise men, to come nearer to the right cross of penance, then the easy & loytring idleness of monkery. In the end, vpō this controversy was holden a Council of Bishops, & other of y ^e Clergy. First, at Reading or at Winchester as Guliel. saith, where the greater part both of the nobles & commons judged the priests to have great wrong, and sought by all means possible, to bring thē again to their old possessions and dignities. Iornalensis here maketh rehearsal of an Image of the Crucifix, or a rood standing upon the frater wall, where the Council was holden. To this rood Dunstane requireth them all to pray, being belike not ignorant of some spiritual prouisiō before hand. In the midst of their prayer the rood, or else some blind monk behind him in a truēke through the wall, is reported to speak these words: Absit hoc vt fiat, absit hoc vt fiat: iudicastis been, mutaretis non been. In remembrance whereof, these verses were written under the roodes feet.

Of this Dunstanicall, or rather Satanical oracle, Henricus maketh no mention, nor Ranulphus, nor yet Houedenus, nor Fabian in their histories. Gulielmus in his book de Regibus, reporteth it but by hearsay, in these words saying: Aliae literae docent, &c. Wherefore the less it seemeth to be of credit. Albeit if it were of credible truth, yet it proveth in this matter nothing else, but Dunstan to be a Sorcerer, as Polydorus Virgilius, also himself seemeth to smell something in this matter.

Notwithstanding for all this, yet the strife ceased not. In so much that a new assembly of the Clergy and other, was appointed after at a place called the street of Calue, where the Council was kept in an upper lofte. In this Council many grievous complaints were objected (as Malmes buriensis saith) against Dunstane. But yet he kept his opinion, and would not remove from that which he began to maintain. And while they were there in great contention and argument which way should be admitted and allowed, (if it be true that in the stories is written) suddenly the ioyses of the lof • failed, & the people with the nobles fell down, so that certain were slain, & many hurt. But Dunstane (they say only, standing upon a poast of the sollar, which remained unbroken) escaped without danger. Which thing, whether it so happened to portend before the ruin of the Realm and of the nobles (as Henry Hunting. doth expound it) which after ensued by the Danes, or whether it was so wrought by Dunstanes sorcery (as was not impossible) or whether it were a thing but feigned of the monkish writers, and not true, all this I leave to the Readers, to think therein what them liketh. The stories say further, that upon this the matter ceased, and Dūstan had all his will.

These things thus done at Calue, it happened not long after the same, that king Edward, whom the writers describe to be a virtuous and a meek prince, much pitiful & beneficial to the poor, about the iv. year of his reign, came upon a season from hunting in the forest alone, without the company of his servants, to the place in the West country, where Alfeith his mother, with her son Egelred did lie. When the Queen the mother was warned of his coming by her men, anon she calleth a servant of hers, which was of her special trust, opening to him all her conceived counsel, & showing him all pointes how & what to do for the accomplishing of her wicked purpose. Which thing so done, she made towards the king, and received him with all courtesy, desiring him to tarry y ^e night. But he in like courtesy excused himself, and for speed desired to see his brother, and to drink, vpō his horse sitting, the which was shortly brought.

And while the cup was at his mouth, the servant of the Queen (before informed) strake him in the body with a long two edged dagger. After the which stroke the king took the horse with the spurs, and ran toward the way, where he supposed to meet with his company. But he bled so sore, that with faintnes he fell from his horse, his one foot being in the styrrup. By reason whereof, he was drawn of his horse over fields and lands, till he came to a place named Coryfgate, where he was found dead. And for that, neither the manner of his death, nor yet he himself, for the king was known, was buried vnhonourably at the town of Warham, where the body remained y ^e space of iii. years, and then after was taken up by Duke Al • ere above mentioned, and with pomp and honor accordingly, was removed to the Minster of Shaftsbury, and there bestowed in the place called Edwardstow. Many tales run (moe perchance then be true) concerning the finding and taking up of his body, which our most common histories ascribe to miracles and great wonders, wrought about the place where the king was buried. As first how a poor woman borne blind, received her sight by the means of S. Edward, there where he did lie. Also how a pillar of fire from heaven, descended over the place of his burial. Then how the foresaid Queen Alfrith taking her horse to go to the place, was stopped by the way, that neither her horse could be driven by any means, nor she her self on foot was able to approach near to the place where the corpse of S. Edward was. Furthermore, how the said Queen in repentance of her fact, afterward built two Nunneries, one at Amesbury by Salisbury, the other at Werewell, where she kept her self in continual repentance all the days of her life. And thus as ye have heard, was this virtuous young king Edward murdered when he had reigned almost iv. years, leaving no issue behind him, whereby the rule of the land fell to Egelredus his brother.

But here by the way is to be noted (upon the name of this Edward) that there were three Edward's before the conquest. The first, was king Edward the Senior. The second, king Edward the Martyr, which was this king. The third, was king Edward called the Confessor▪ whereof hereafter shall follow (Christ willing) to be declared.

In the order and course of the Romain Bishops; mention was made last of Agapetus the second. After whom next succeeded Pope John xiii. of whom Dunstane Archbishop of Canterbury received his palle, as in the story of King Edgar is before minded. This Pope is noted to be very wicked and infamous, replete from his first bringing up with abhominable vices: a whoremaister, an adulterer, incestuous, libidinous, a gamester, an extorcioner perjured, a fighter, a murderer, cruel, and tyrannous. Of his Cardinals, some he put out their eyes, from some he cut of their tongues, some their fingers, some their noses, &c. In a general council before the Emperor Otho, she first of that name (who was the first Emperor of the Germans) after the Empire was translated out of France to Germany by Pope Agapetus (as is above historied) these objections were articulate against him. First, that he never said his service, that in saying his Mass he did not communicate, that he ordained Deacons in a stable, that he committed incest with two of his sisters, that playing at dice, he called for the Devil to help, that for money he made boys Bishops, that he deflowered Uirgins and strangers, that of the palaice of Lateran he made a Stews, that he lay with Stephana his fathers concubine, likewise with Ramera and with Anna and her neese, that he put out the eyes of the bishop Benedict, that he caused houses to be set on fire, that he brake open houses, that he drank to the devil, that he never crossed himself, &c. For the which causes (and worthily) he was deposed by the consent of the Emperor with the Prelates, and Pope Leo was substitute in his place. But after his departing (thorough the harlots of Rome and their great promises) the said Pope John was restored again to his place, and Leo (set up by the Emperor) was deposed. At length about the tenth yere of the Popedom of this John he being found without the city with another mans wife, was so wounded of her husband, that within viii. days after he died.

After him, the Romans elected Pope Benedictus the fifth, without the consent of the Emperor. Wherupon the said Otho the Emperor being not a little displeased for displacing of Leo, whom he had before promooted, and for the choosing also of Benedict, came with his army, and said siege to Rome, and so set up Pope Leo again, the viii. of that name. Which Leo to gratify his benefactor again, crowned Otho for Emperor, and entitled him to be called Augustus. Also the power which Carolus Magnus had given before to the Clergy and people of Rome: this Leo by a synodall decree granted to the emperor and his successors: that is, touching the election of the Bishop of Rome. The Emperor again restored to the sea of Rome, all such donations and possessions, which either Constantine (as they falsely pretend) or which Carolus Magnus took from the Lombards, and gave to them.

After Pope Leo had reigned a year and iii. months, succeeded Pope John the 14. against whom (for holding with the Emperor) Petrus the head captain of the City, with two Consuls, xii. Alderine, and diverse other nobles, gathering their power together, laid hands upon him, in the Church of Lateran, and clapt the Pope in prison, 11. months. The Emperor hearing this, with all speed returned with his army again to Rome, who after execution done upon the authors and chief doers of that fact, among other 〈…〉 foresaid Petrus, to the Popes arbitrement. Whom 〈◊〉 caused first to be stripped naked, then his beard being shaven, to be hanged by the hair a whole day together, after that to be set upon an Ass (his face turned backward, and his hands bound under the asses tail) and so to be led through the City, that all men might see him: that done, to be scourged with rods, and so banished the City. Thus ye see, how the holy father followeth the injunction of the Gospel: Diligite inimicos vestros, Love your enemies, Luke. 6. &c. From this Pope proceeded first the Christening of bells, an. 971.

After him followed Pope Benedictus the sixth, who in like manner was apprehended by Cynthius a Captayne of Rome, & cast in prison, where he was strāgled, or as some say, famished to death.

Then came Pope Donus the ii. After whom Boniface the vii. was Pope: who likewise seeing the Citizens of Rome to conspire against him, was constrained to hide himself, And seeing no place there for him to tarry, took the treasure of S. Peters Church, and so privily stale to Constantinople. In whose stead the Romaines s • t up P. John the xv. Not long after: Boniface returning again from Constantinople, by his money & treasure procured a garrisō or company to take his part: By whose means the foresaid Pope John was taken, his eyes put out, and so thrown in prison, where he was as some say famished: some say he was slain by Ferrucius. Neither did Boniface reign many days after, but suddenly died: whose carcass after his death was drawn by the feet through the streets of Rome, after the most despiteful manner of the people shriking and exclayming against him. an. 976.

Next pope after him was Benedictus the vii. by y ^e consent of the Emperor Otho the 2. and reigned xix. years. In the time of this pope: Hugh Cappet the French king, took Charles (the right heir to the crown) by the treason of the Bishop of Laou, and when he had imprisoned him, he also committed to prison Arnoldus Archbishop of Raynes, and placed in his room Gilbartus a monk of Florsake (a Nicromanser) who was schoolemaister to D. Robert the kings son. But this pope Benedictus, calling a Council at Remis, restored the said Arnoldus again: and displaced Gilbertus: which after by the help of Otho was made Archbishop of Reuenna, and at length was Pope, as in process hereafter (Christ granting) shall be declared.

After Benedictus succeeded in the sea of Rome Pope John the xvi. & died the viii. month of his Papacy. Next to whom came John the xvii. And after him Gregory the .v. in the year of our Lord. 995. This Gregory (called before Bruno) was a Germane borne, and therefore y ^e more malaced of the Clergy & people of Rome. Wherupō, Crescētus with the people and Clergy, conventing against y ^e said Gregory: set up Pope John the xviij. Gregory upon the same, sped himself in all convenient hast to the Emperor, Otho the iii. in Germany. Who hearing the complaint of Gregory, and understanding his wrongs, set forward with his army well appointed, to Italy: gate the City, & there took both Crescentius the Consul, and John the Pope. Which John first having his eyes put out, was deprived after of his life. Crescentius the Consul was set upon a vile horse, having his nose and ears cut off, and so was led through the City, his face being turned to the horsetayle, & afterward having his members cut off, was hanged upon a gibbet.

Pope Gregory thus being restored to his former state, reigned iv. years in his Papacie (although Marianus Scotus and Martinus say, that he sat but ii. years) &c. During the which time he assembled a council in Rome: where, he to stablish the Empire in his own country (by the consent and counsel of Otho) ordained vii. Princes of Germany, to be electors of the Emperor: which order, yet to this day remaineth. What be the names of these vii. electors, and what is their office, thus I find in these verses expressed.

These vii. he ordained to be electors, 3. bishops, 3. princes (to wit) the Palatine, the duke of Saxony, the Marques Brandenburgh. To whom was added also the king of Boheme to give the odd voice, if the even voices could not agree. This constitution being first begun, an 997. was after established in Germany by Otho the Emperor, the year of the Lord, 1002. And thus much by the way, or rather digression, concerning the rages and tumults of the Romish church. Now to our matter again.

King Egelred, or Elred.

KIng Edward thus being murdered as is aforesaid, the crown fell next to Egelrede his younger brother, & son to king Edgar by the foresaid Queen Alfrith, as we have declared. This Egelred had a long reign given of God, which dured the term of 38. years, but very unfortunate, and full of great miseries. And he himself (by the histories) seemeth to be a Prince, not of the greatest courage to govern a common wealth. Our English stories writing of him, thus report of his reign: That in the beginning, it was ungracious, wretched in the middle, and hateful in the latter end. Of this Egelred it is read, when Dunstane the Archbishop should christen him, as he did hold him over the Fonte, something there happened, that pleased not Dunstan: whereupon he sware, per sanctā Mariam, iste ignauus homo erit. i. By the mother of Christ he will be a Prince untoward and cowardlike, Chron. de Croulād. I find in William of Malmesbury, Lib. 2. de Regi. That this Egelred being of the age of x. years, when he heard his brother Edward to be slain, made such sorrow & weeping for him, that his mother falling therewith in a rage, took wax candles (having nothing else at hand) wherewith she scourged him so sore (well near till he swounded) that after the same, he could never abide any wax candles to burn before him. After this, about the year of our Lord, 981. (the day of his coronation being appointed by the Queen, the mother, and the nobles) Dunstan the Archb. of Cant. (who first refused so to do) with Oswald Archb. of York, were enforced to crown the king. And so they did at Ringstō. In doing whereof, the report of stories go, that the said Dunstane should say, thus prophesieng unto the king: that for so much as he came to the kingdom by the death of his brother, and through the conspiracy of the wicked conspirators and other Englishmen: they should not be without bloudsheding and sword, till there came a people of an unknown tongue, and should bring them into thralldom, neither should that trespass be cleansed without long vengeance, &c.

In the Chronicles of Crouland, I find these words, Quoniam ascendisti ad thronum tuum, per mortem fratris tui, quem occidit mater tua, propterea audi verbum Domini, hoc dicit Dominus. Nō deficiet gladius de domo tua, saeuiens in te omnibus diebus vitae tuae, & interficiens de semine tuo, & de gente tua, vsque dum regnum tuum transferatur in regnum alienum: Cuius ritum & linguam gens tua non nouit, nec expiabitur, nisi longa vindicta, & multa sāguinis effusione peccatum matris tuae, & peccatum virorum pessimorum, qui consenserunt consilio eius nequam, vt mitterent manum in Christum Domini, ad effundendum sanguinem innocentem. Chron. de Crouland.

Not long after the coronation of this king, a cloud was seen throughout the land, which appeared the one half like blood, and the other half like fire. And changed after into sundry colors and vanished at the last in the morning. Shortly after the appearance of this cloud, in the iii. year of his reign, the Danes arriving in sundry places of the land, first spoiled Southhampton, either slaying the inhabitants, or leading them captive away. Frō thence they went to the I will of Thanet, then they invaded Chester, from thence they proceeded to Cornwall and Devonshire, & so to Sussex: where, in those coasts they did much harm, and so retired to their ships again. Roger Houeden writing hereof, saith: that London, the same time (or as Fabian saith) a great part of London, was consumed with fire. About this time fell a variance between the foresaid Egelred, and the bishop of Rochester: In so much, that he made war against him, and besieged the City. And notwithstanding that Dunstan required the king, sending him admonishment to give over, for the sake of S. Andrew, yet continued he his siege, till the bishop offered him an hundred pounds of gold, which he received, and so departed. The Danes seeing the discord that then was in the realm, and specially the hatred of the subjects against the king: rose again, and did great harm in diverse places of England: In so much, that the king was glad to grant them great sums of money for peace to be had. For the assurance of which peace, Analeffe captain of the Danes, became a christen man, and so returned home to his country, & did no more harm. Besides these miseries before recited, a sore sickness of the bloody flixe, and hot fevers fell among the people, whereof many died, with a like moraine also among the beasts. Moreover, for lack of justice, many thieves, rioters and bribers were in the land, with much misery and mischief.

About the xi. year (some say the ix. year) of this kings reign, died Dunstan. After whom succeeded Ethelgarus, or as Iornalensis writeth, Stilgarus. After him Elfricus, as affirmeth Guliel. lib. 1. de pontif. But as Polydorus saith, Siricius. After him Elfricus came, but Siritius after the mind of William, Lib. 1. But Polydorus saith Aluritius, thē Elphegus, &c.

About the same time in the year of our Lord, 995. Aldunus Bishop, translated the body of S. Cuthbert from Chester (which first was in a Northern Island thē at Rochester) to Durelme or Dunoline. Wherupon the bishops sea of Duresme first began.

Not long after the death of Dunstane, the Danes again entered England, in many and sundry places of the land: In such sort, that the king was to seek, to which coast he should go first to withstand his enemies. And in conclusion, for the avoiding of more harm, he was compelled to appease them with great sums of money. But when that money was spent, they fell to new robbyng of the people, and assailing the land in diverse places, not only about the country of Northumberland, but also besieged the City of London at the last. But being frō thence repulsed by the manhood of the Londoners, they strayd to other countries adjoining, as to Essex, Kent, Sussex, and Hampshire, burning and killing where so ever they went, so that for lack of a good head or governor, many things in the land perished. For the king gave himself to the vice of lecherie, and polling of his subjects, and disinherited mē of their possessions, and caused them to redeem the same again with great sums of money, for he paid great tribute to the Danes yearly, which was called Danegelt. Which tribute so increased, that from the first tribute of x.M. pound, it was brought at last in process of v. or vi. yere, to xl.M. pound. The which yearly (during to the coming of S. Edward, and after) was levied of the subjects of this land.

To this sorrow moreover, was joined hunger & penury among the commons: in so much that everyone of thē was constrained to pluck & steal from other. So that, what for the pillage of the Danes, and what by inward thieves and bribers, this land was brought into great affliction. Albeit, the greatest cause of this affliction (as to me appeareth) is not so much to be imputed to the king, as to the dissention among the Lord's themselves, who thē did not agree one with another. But when they assembled in consultation together, either they did draw diverse ways, or if anything were agreed, upon any matter of peace between the parties, soon it was broken again: or else if any good thing were devised for the prejudice of y ^e enemy, anon the Danes were warned thereof by some of the same counsel. Of whom, the chief doers were Edrike Duke of Mercia, and Alfrike the Admiral or captain of the ships, who betrayed the kings nauy to the Danes. Wherefore the king apprehending Alfagarus son of the said Alfrike, put out his eyes, and so did he after to the two sons of Duke Edrike in like manner.

The Danes thus prevailing more and more over the english men, grew in such pride & presumption: that when they by strength, caused the husbandmen to care and sow the land, and to do all other vile labor belonging to the house, they would sit at home, holding the wife at their pleasure, with daughter and servant. And when the husband man came home, he should scantly have of his own, as his servants had, so that the Dane had all at his will & till, taring of the best, when the owner scantly had his fill of the worst. Thus the common people being of them oppressed, were in such fear and dread, that not only they were constrained to suffer them in their doings, but also glad to please them, & called everyone of them in the house where they had rule, Lord Dane. Which word after (in process of time, when the Danes were voided) was for despite of the Danes turned of the english men to a name of opprobry, that when one English man would rebuke another, he would for the more part call him Lurdaine.

And thus hitherto (through the assistance of Christ) we have brought this history to the yere of our lord, 1000. During now & continuing these great miseries upon this English natiō, the land being brought into great ruin by the grievous tribute of the Danes, and also by sustainyng the manifold villar • ies and injuries, as well by them as by other oppressions within the realm. This yere which was the year of our savior 1000. This Egelred through the counsel of certain his familiars about him, in the 21. year of his reign, began a matter which was occasion either given by the one, or taken by the other, of a new plague to ensue upon the Saxōs, who had driven out the Britain's before. That was in joining with the Normans in marriage. For the king this yere abovesaid, for the more strength (as he thought) both of him and the realm, married Emma the daughter of Richard Duke of Normandy. Which Richard was the third Duke of the Normains, and the first of that name. By reason of which marriage, king Egelred was not a little enhaunsed in his own mind: and by prosumption thereof, sent secret & straight commissions to the rulers of every town in England, that upon S. Brices day at a certain hour appointed, the Danes should be suddenly slain. And so it was performed, which turned after to more trouble.

After that tidings came into Denmark of the murder of those Danes. Anone after, Suanus king of Denmark with a great host and nauy, landed in Cornewall: where, by treason of a Normand named Hugh, which by favor of Queen Emma, was made Earl of Devonshire: The said Suanus took Exceter, & after beat down the walls. From thence proceeding further into the land, they came to Wilton and Shireborne, where they cruelly spoiled the country and slew the people. But anon Suanus hearing that the king was coming to him with the power of his land, took his ships & set about to Norfolk: where, after much wasting of that country, and spoiling the city of Norwich, and burning the town of Thetford, and destroying the country thereabout, at length Duke Uskatel met him and beat him, & slew many of the Danes. Wherefore, Swanus for that year returned to Denmark, and there made great provision, to reenter the land again the next year following. And so did, landing at Sandwich about the 25. yere of the reign of king Egelred, & there spoiled that country. And as soon as he heard of any host of englishmen coming toward him, then he took shipping again. So that when the kings army sought to meet him in one coast, then would he suddenly land in another. And when the king provided to meet with them upon the sea, either they would fain to flee, or else they would with gifts blind the Admiral of the kings nauy. And thus wearied they the englishmen, & in conclusion brought them in extreme and unspeakable misery. In so much that the King was fain to take peace with them, & gave to king Suanus 30000. pound. After which peace thus made, Suanus returned again to Denmark.

But this peace continued not long. For the year next following, king Egelred made Edricus above mentioned, Duke of Mercia, which was subtle of wit, glossing and eloquent of speech, untrusty, and false to the king and the Realm. And soon after one Turkillus (a Prince of the Danes) landed in Kent with much people, and there did such harm, that the Kentishmē were fain to make peace with great gifts, and so thence departed. But this persecution of the Danes (in one country or other in England) never ceased, nor the king did ever give to them any notable battle. For when he was disposed to give them battle, this Edricus would ever counsel him to the contrary, so that the Danes ever spoiled and robbed, and waxed rich, and the english men ever poor and bare.

After this Suanus being in Denmark, and hearing of the increase of his people in England, brake his couenaunts before made, and with a great army and nauie in most defensable wise appointed, landed in Northumberland proclaimyng himself to be king of this land. Where, after much vexation, when he had subdued the people, and caused the Earl with the rulers of the country to swear to him feaultie: he passed by the river of Trent to Ganisburgh, and to Northwatlyng street, and subduyng the people there, forced them to give him pledges: which pledges he committed with his nauy unto Canutus his son to keep, while he went further into the lande. And so with a great host came to Mercia, killing and slaying. Then he took by strength Winchester, and Oxford, & did there what him liked. That done, he came toward London, and hearing the king was there, passed by the River Thamis, and came into Kent and there besieged Canterbury, where he was resisted the space of 20. days. At length by treason of a Deacon called Almaricus (whom the Bishop had preserved from death before) wan it, and took the goods of the people and fired the City, and tythed the Monks of S. Augustine's Abbey (that is to mean, they slew ix. by cruel torment, and the tenth they kept alive as for their slaves.) So they slew there of religious men, to the number of 900. persons: of other men, women, & childrē, they slew above 8000. And finally, whē they had kept y ^e Bishop Elphegus in straight prison the space of 7. months, & because he would not condescend to give unto thē 3000. pound: After many villainies unto him done, they brought him to Greenewich, & there stoned him to death.

Kyng Egelred in the mean time, fearing the ende of this persecution, sent his wife Emma with his ii. sons Alphred and Edward, to the Duke of Normandy, with whom also he sent the bishop of Londō. The Danes proceeded still in their fury and rage: and when they had won a great part of Westsaxonie, they returned again to London. Whereof hearing the Londoners, sent unto them certain great gifts and pledges. At last the king about the 35. year of his reign, was chased unto the I will of Wight, & with a secret company, he spent there a great part of the Winter. And finally, without cattaile or comfort sailed into Normandy to his wife. Swanus being ascertayned thereof, (inflamed with pride) reared exceeding impositions upon the people. And among other he required a great sum of money of S. Edmunds lands, which the people there clanning to be free from kings tributes, denied to pay. For this Suanus entered the territory of S. Edmund, and wasted, and spoiled the country, despising the holy Martyr, & manacing also the place of his sepulture. Wherefore the men of that country fearing his tyranny, fell to prayer and fasting, so that shortly after Suanus died suddenly, crying and yelling among his knights. Some say that he was stricken with the sword of S. Edmund, whereof he died the 3. day after.

In fear whereof, Canutus his son which ruled as king after his father, granted them the freedom of all their liberty, and moreover ditched the land of the said Martyr with a deep ditche, and granted to the inhabitaunts thereof, great freedoms, quityng them from all talk or tribute. And after built a Church over the place of his sepulture, and ordained there an house of Monks, and endued them with rich possessions. And after y ^e time it was used, that kings of England when they were crouned, sent their crowns for an offering to Saint Edmūds shrine, and redeemed the same again afterwards with a condign price.

When king Egelred heard of the death of Suanus, he made provision & returned into england. Of whose sudden coming Canutus being unprovided fled to Sandwich, And there cutting of the noses and hands of the pledges, which his father left with him, sailed into Denmark: who the next yere returned again with a great nauy, and landed in the South country. Wherefore the eldest son of king Egelrede called Edmond Ironside: made provision with the aid of Edrike Duke of Mercia to meet him. But Edrike feigning himself sick came not, but deceived him. For as it was after proved, Edrike had promised his allegiance to Canutus. By reason whereof. Canutus entered y ^e country of Westsaxon, & forced the people to be sworn unto him, and to give him pledges. In this season, king Egelred being at london, was taken with great sickness, & there died: and was buried in the Northside of Paul's church behind the quire, after he had reigned vnprosperously 36. years: leaving after him his said eldest son Edmond Ironside, and Alphred, and Edward which were in Normandy, sent thither before as is above rehearsed. This Egelred although he was miserably impugned and vexed of his enemies, yet he with his counsel gave forth wholesome laws. Whereof this is one parcel containing good rules and lessons, for all Judges and Justices to learn and follow.

OMnis ludex iustus misericordiam & iudicium liberet in omnibus, vt inprimis per rectam scientiam, dicat emendationē secundum culpam, & eam tamen admensuret propter indulgentiam. Quaedam culpae reputantur à bonis iudicibus, secundū rectum emendandae Quaedam per Dei misericordiam condonādae. Iudicia debent esse sine omni haderunga, quod non parcatur diuiti alicui, vel egeno, amico, vel-inimico ius publicum recitari. Nihil autem iniustius est, quàm susceptio munerū pro iudicio subuertendo: Quia munera excaecant corda sapientum, & subuertunt verba iustorum, Dominus Jesus dixit: In quo iudicio iudicaueritis iudicabimini. Timeat omnis iudex ac diligat Deum iudicem suum, ne in die iudioij mutus fiat, & humiliatus ante oculos iudicis cuncta videntis. Qui innocentem opprimit, & dimittit noxium pro pecunia, vel amicitia, vel odio, vel quacun{que} factione, opprimetur ab omnipotent iudice. Et nullus Dominus, nulla potestas, stultos aut improbos iudices constituāt, quia stultus per ignauiam, improbus per cupiditatem vitat, quam didicit veritatem. Grauiùs enim lacerātur paupers à prauis iudicibus, quàm à cruentis hostibus. Nullus hostis acerbior, nulla pestis efficacior quàm familiaris inimicus. Potest aliquoties homo fuga, vel defensione vitare prauos inimicos. Non ita possunt iudices, quoties aduersus subditos malis desiderijs inflammantur. Saepe etiam boni iudices habent malos vicarios & ministros nephādos: quorum reatibus ipsi domini constringuntur, si non • os coerceant, & à rapacitate cohibeant. Quia dominus & minister seculorum ait: Non solùm male agents, sed omnes consentientes digni sunt aeterna morte. Saepe etiam praui iudices iudicium pe • uertunt, vel respectant & non finiunt causam, donec voluntas eorum impleatur. Et quando iudicant, non opera, sed munera considerant. Impij iudices, iuxta verbum sapientum, sicut rapaces lupi vespere nil residuant vsque mane, id est, de praesenti solum vita cogitant, de futura nihil considerant. Malorum praepositorum mos est, vt quicquid possunt, auferant: & vix necessarium parum quid relinquant sustentationi. Iracundus iudex non potest attendere rectam iudicij satisfactionem. Nam per furoris excoecationem, non perspicit rectitudinis claritatem. Iustum iudicium, vbi non persona consideratur. Scriptum est: Non attendas personam hominis in iudicio, nec pro aliquo facies, vt à vero declines, & injust iudices. Susceptio muneris est dimissio veritatis. Ex historia bibliothecae Iornal.

Of this king Egelred I find noted in the book of Rog. Houed. that he deposed and deprived from all possessions, a certain Judge or Justicer named Walgeatus, the son of one Leonet, for false judgment and other proud doings, whom notwithstanding he loved above all other.

Edmund Ironside a Saxon, and Canutus a Dane, Kings together in England.

AFter the death of Egelred, variance fell between the Englishmen for the election of their king. For the citizens of London with certain other Lord's: named Edwin the eldest son of Egelred (a young man of lusty and valiant courage) in martial aduētures, both hardy & wise, and could very well endure all pains. Wherefore he was surnamed Irenside. But the more of the Lord's, favored Canutus the son of Swanus: especially the Abbots Bishops, and men of the spiritualtye which before had sworn to his father. By means whereof, between these two martial princes were fought many great battles, first in Dorsetshyre, where Canutus was compelled to fly the field. And after that they fought another battle in Worcetershire, so sore, that none could tell, who had the better: but either for weariness or for lack of day, they departed one from the other, and on the next morrow fought again: but then Canutus was compelled to forsake the field. After this they met in Mercia, & there fought again, where Edmond (as stories say) by the treason of that false Edrick Duke of Mercia (whom he before had received to savor) had the worse. Thus many great conflicts there were between these 2. princes. But upon a season, when the hosts were ready to join, and a certain time of truce taken before battle: a knight of the party of Edmond stood up upon a high place, and said these words.

Daylye we die, and none hath the uictorye: And when the knights be dead on either part, then the Dukes compelled by need shall accord: or else they must fight alone. And this kingdom is now sufficient for 2. men, which some time sufficed. 7. But if the covetousness of Lordship in these twayne be so great, that neither can be content to take part and live by the other, nor the one under the other then let them fight alone, that will be Lord's alone. If all men fight still: at the last all men shall be slain, and none left to be under their Lordship, nor able to defend the king that shall be, against strange enemies and nations.

These words were so well allowed of both the hosts and Princes: that both were content to try the quarrel between thē two only. Then the place & time was appointed where they • oth met, in sight of both hoastes. And whē either had assayd other with sharp swords and strokes: first by the motion of Canutus (as some write) hastelye they were both agreed, and kissed each other to the comfort of both hosts. And shortly after they agreed upon particion of y ^e land: & after that, during their lines they loved as brethren. Soone after, a Son of wicked Edricus, by the mind (as appeared afterward) of his father: espied, when king Edmond was at the draught: & with a spear (some say with a long knife) thrust him into the fundamēt, whereof the said Edmond shortly after died, after that he had reigned two years. He left behind him two sons, Edmond and Edward, whom Edricke the wicked Duke, after the death of their father, took from their mother (not knowing yet of the death of Edmond her husband) & presented them to king Canutus, saluting him in these words: Ave Rex solus. Thus Canutus after the death of Edmond Irenside, was king alone of the whole realm of englād. And afterward by the advise of his counsel, he sent the foresaid sons of Edmond Irōside, to his brother Suanus king of Sueueland to be slain: who abhorring that deed, sent them to Solomon king of Hungary, where Edmond being married to the kings daughter died. Edward was married to Agatha daughter of his brother Henry the 4. Emperor.

When Canutus was stablished in the kingdom, he called a parliamentat London, where (among other things there debated) it was propounded to the bishops, Barons, and Lord's of the parliament there present, whether that in the compositiō made between Edmund and Canutus, any special remembrance was made for the children, or brethren of Edmund, for any partition of any part of the land. Wherunto the english Lord's falsely • latteryng with the foreign king, and speaking against their own minds, as also against their native country, answered and said nay. Affirming moreover with an oth (for the kings pleasure) that they to y ^e uttermost of their powers, would put of the blood of Edmund, in all that they might. By reason of which answer and promise, they thought (many of thē) to have purchased with the king great favor. But by the just retribution of God, it chanced far otherwise. For many of them, or the most part (such especially as Canutus did perceive to be sworn before time to Edmund, & his heirs: and also considering that they were native englishmen) he mistrusted and disdained ever after. In so much, that some he exiled, a great sort he beheaded, & some by God's punishment died suddenly. Among whom wicked Edricke also the traitor (although with his sugared words he continued a while in the kings favor) at length escaped not condign reward for his deceivable dealing. For (as the history of Iornalēsis recordeth) as the king was in his palace beyond Thames, this Edricke (being belike accused, or else suspected of the king before) coming unto him, began to reckon up his benefits & labors bestowed for his sake. First, in forsaking and betraying Egelred, then in slaying king Edmund his son, with many such other deeds moe, which all for his sake he had done. Well saith the king, thou hast here rightly judged thyself, and worthily thou shalt die, for slaying thy natural Prince, & my sworn brother. And so commanded him to be bound immediately hand and foot, & to be thrown into Thames. Some stories say, that when he had saluted the king with Ave rex solus, and shown him the slaying of Edmund, Canutus (promising that he would make him therefore higher then all the lords of the realm) commanded his head to be stricken off, & to be set upon London bridge, and his body to be cast in the town ditche. And thus with shame ended he his wretched life, as all they commonly do, which with like dissimulatiō seek the destruction of their Prince and of their country.

This Canutus (shortly after the death of king Edmond, by the counsel of Edricke) exiled Edmond, being brother to King Edmund, called Rex rusticorum: the king of Choor • es. But afterward, he was reconciled again to the kings favor: and lastly slain by certain of the Kings Secretaryes or Seruauntes. Also, through the counsel of the said Edricke, and of Emma his wife he sent the two Sons of Edmond Ironside (Edmond and Edward) to his brother Suanus king of Denmark, to be slain, as is above said.

In this mean time, Suanus king of Denmark, brother to Canutus, died. Wherefore that land fell to Canutus: which anon after sailed thither, and took thereof possession. And after he had set it in an order, he returned into England, and married Emma, late wife before of Egelred: and by her had a sonne called Herdeknight or Hardeknoutus. Moreover this Canutus assembled a Parliament at Oxford: where it was agreed, that Englishmen & Danes should hold the laws made by king Edgar, because they were thought so good & reasonable above any other laws.

Thus the Danes being in England, began by little & little to be Christian men. And Canutus went to Rome, & so returning again to England, governed that lande the space of 20. years, leaving after him two sons, Harold & Hardeknoutus: which Hardeknoutus was made king of Denmark in his fathers time.

Harold (called Harefoote, for his deliuernes and swiftness) son to Canutus by Elgina his first wife: began his reign over England, an. 1039. Of him is little left in memory, for he reigned but 4. years, save that he banished his stepmother Emma, & took her goods & jewels from her.

Hardeknoutus, being king of Denmark, and second son to Canutus by his last wife Emma, was next King of England. In the time of these Danish kings, there was one Godwyn an earle in England, which had been before in great favor with Canutus, for his acts done in Denmark against the Northwegians: and afterward married y ^• sister (some say the daughter) of Canutus. This Godwyn was of a cruel and subtle wit, as he declared no less by the two sons of king Egelred: For when these two aforesaid (whose names were Alfride, and Edward) came from Normādie into England, to visit their mother Emma, and brought w ^t them a great company of Normands: this Godwine (having a daughter called Godith, whom he thought to marry to Edward, & set him up to be King, to bring his purpose about) used this practice: y ^t is, to persuade king Hardeknoue, & the Lord's not to suffer those Normandes to be within the realm for ieoperdie, but rather to punish them for example. By which means he gat authority to order the matter himself: wherefore he 〈◊〉 them on Guild down, and there most wretchedly murdered, or rather Martyred the most number of the Normandes, and that innocently. For as Swanus before had tithed the Monks of Canterbury: so he • with the cruel company of english soldiors, slew ix. of the said Normands and saved the x. And yet passing the fury of Swanus (as not contented with that tyranny) he tithed again the said tithe, and slew every x. knight, and that by cruel torment, as winding their guts out of their bodies, as writeth Ranulphus. And among other, put out the eyes of the elder brother Alfridus, and sent him to an Abbey of Eli: where he being fed with bread and water, endured not long after. Of some writers it was recorded, that he was there slain with the forenamed torment, and Edward was conveyed by some other to his mother. Who fearing the treason of Godwine, sent him soon over the sea to Normady again. This cruel fact of Godwine and his men against the innocent Normandes, whether it came of himself, or of the kings setting on: seemeth to me to be the cause, why the justice of God, did shortly after revenge the quarrel of these Normands, in conquering & subduing the english nation by William Conqueror, and the Normandes which came with him. For so just and right it was, that as the Normandes coming with a natural English Prince, were murdered of English men: so afterward the English men should be slain and conquered by the Normandes, coming with a foreign King being none of their natural country.

Then it followeth in the story that this king Canute or Hardeknout: when he had reigned ii. years (being merry at Lambeth) suddenly was stricken dumb, & fell down to the ground, and within 8. days after died, without issue of his body. Who was the last that reigned in England of the blo • d of the Danes.

This foresaid Godwine, had by the daughter of Canutus his wife, but one son which was drowned. Of his seconde wife he received vi. sons, to wit, Suanus, Harold, Tostius, Wilmotus, Sirthe, or Surth, and Leofricus, with one daughter Galled Goditha, which after was married to king Edward the Confessor.

Concerning the story of this Alfred, I find it something otherwise reported in our english chronicles: that it should be after the death of Hardeknout: forasmuch as the Earls & Barons after his death, assembled and made a council, that never after, any of the Danes blood should be king of England, for the despite that they had done to english mē. For evermore before, if the English men and the Danes, had happened to mete vpō a bridge, the english men should not so hardy to move a foot, but stand still, till the Dane were passed forth. And moreover, if the English men had not bowed down their heads to do reverence unto the Danes, they should have been beaten and defiled. For the which despites and villainy, they were driven out of the land after the death of Hardeknout, for they had no Lord that might maintain them. And after this manner avoided the Danes England, that they never came again.

The Erles and Barons, by their common assent and counsel: sent unto Normandy for these two brethren, Alphred and Edward: intending to crown Alphred the elder brother, & to make him king of England. And to this the Earls and Barons made their oath: but the Earl Godwine of Westsaxe (falsely and traitorously) thought to slay these two brethren, as soon as they came into Englad, to that intent to make Harold his son king: which son he had by his wife Hardeknoutes daughter that was a Dane. And so this Godwine went privily to Southampton, to meet there with the two brethren at their landing. And thus it fell, that the messengers that went (saith mine author) into Normandy, found but only Alphred the elder brother. For Edward his younger brother was gone to Hungary, to speak with his cou • in the outlaw, which was Edward Ironsides son.

When Alfred had heard these messengers and perceived their tidings: he thanked God, and in all hast sped him to England, arriving at Southampton. There, Godwin the false traitor (having knowledge of his coming) welcommed & received him with much joy: pretending to lead him unto London, where the Barons waited for to make him king. And so they together passed forth toward London. But when they came to Guild down, the traitor commanded all his men to slay all that were in Alphredes company, which came w ^t him from Normandy. And after that to take Alphrede, & to lead him into the Isle of Eli, where they should put out both his eyes: and so they did. For they slew all the company that were there, to the number of xii. Gentlemen, which came w ^t Alfred from Normandy: and after that they took Alphrede, and in the Isle of Eli they executed their commissiō. That done, they opened his body, took out his bowels▪ set a stake into the ground▪ and fastened an end of his bowels thereunto, & with needles of •• on they pricked his tender body, thereby causing him to go about the stake, till that all his bowels were drawn out. And so died this innocent Alphred or Alfred, being the right heir of the crown: through treason of wicked Godwyne. When the Lord's of England heard thereof, and how Alphred, that should have ben their king, was put to death through the false traitor Godwyne, they were wondrous wroth: and sware between God and them, that he should die a worse death then did Edrith which betrayed his Lord Edmund Ironside: and would immediately have put him to death, but that the Traitour fled thence into Denmark: and there held him iv. years and more, and lost all his lands in England.

An other Latin story I have (bearing no name) which saith that this coming in of Alphred & the Normandes: was in the time of Harold Canutus sonne. And how Godwyne (after he pretended great amity to them) suddenly in the night came upon them at Gilford: And after he had tithed the Normandes: sent Alfred to Harold at London, who sent him to the Isle of Eli, and caused his eyes to be put out.

And thus much of Canutus: and of his sons, Harold and Hardecanutus. Besides these ii. sons Canutus had also a daughter named Gunilda: married to Henricus the Emperor. Of whom some write, that she being accused to the emperor of spousebrech, and having no champion or Knight that would fight for her (after the manner of that country) for trial of her cause: a certain little dwarf or boy, whom she brought with her out of England (stirred up of God) fought in her cause against a mighty big Germain of a monstrous greatness: which sel • e dwarf, cutting • y chance the sinews of his leg, after stroke him to the ground, and so cut of his head, and saved the life of the Queen, if it be true that Gulielmus and Fabianus reporteth.

Of this Canutus it is storied, that he following much the superstition of Achelnotus Archbishop of Cant. went on pilgrimage to Rome: and there founded an hospital for English pilgrims. He gave the Pope precious gifts, and burdened the land with an yearly tribute called the Rome sho • e: he shrined the body of Berinus, & gave great lands and ornaments to the Cathedral Church of Winchester: he built S. Benets in Northfolk, which was before an Hermitage. Also S. Edmundes bury, which king Ethelstane before ordained for a College of Priests, he turned to an Abbey of monks of S. Benets order.

Henricus Archdeacon of Huntyngton, Lib. 6. maketh mention of this Canutus, as doeth also Polidorus, Lib. 7. That he after his coming from Rome, walking upon a tune by the porte of Southhampton. (But as Polydorus saith) and Fabian affirmeth the same, that it was by Thames side at London. When his flatterers coming about him, began to exalt him up with high words, calling him a king of all kings (most mighty) who had under his subjection both the people, the land, and also the sea. Canutus reuoluing this matter in his mind (whether for pride of his heart exalted, or whether to tr • e and refell their flattering words) commanded his chair of estate to be brought to the sea side, at what time it should begin to flowe. Polydore saith, that no seat was brought, but sitting upon his garments being folded together under him: there charged and commanded the floods arising & coming toward his feet, that they should not touch neither him, nor his clothes. But the water keeping his ordinary course, came nearer and nearer: First to his feet, and so growing higher began to wash him welfauoredly. Wherewith the king abashed & partly also afeard starte back: and looking to his Lord's: Loe (saith he) ye call me such a mighty king & yet can I not command back this little water to stay at my word, but it is ready to drown me. Wherefore all earthly kings may know, that all their powers be but vain: and that none is worthy to have the name of a king, but he alone: which hath all things subject to the power & authority of his word: which is the Lord of heaven & earth: the creator above of all things: the father of our Christ and Lord: who with him forever is to be glorified: him let us worship and extol for our king forever. After this (as histories witness) he never suffered the crown to come upon his head, but went to Winchester (or as some say, to Canterbury, but both those may be true) for his going to Canterbury, was to acknowledge y ^t there was a Lord much higher, & of more power then he himself was, and therewithal to render up his crown forever. With that, Egelnothes Archbyshop of Canterbury: informed him of the image of the Crucifix before mentioned, which dissolved the matter between married Priests and life of Monks, and did many other miracles moe, being then at Winchester. Wherewith the King provoked to go to Winchester to the rood, there resigned up his regal Crown, and made the rood king over all the land.

Here is also to be noted in this Canutus, that although (as is said) he cōdescended in the beginning of his reign, upon king Edgares laws: yet after in process of time, he set forth peculiar laws of his own. Among which, diverse there be that concern as well causes Ecclesiastical, as also temporal. Whereby it may appear, that the government of spiritual matters not to depend then of the Bishop of Rome: but to appertain to the lawful authority of the temporal Prince, no less then of matters and causes temporal. As for example by these ordinances of the foresaid Canutus, may be well considered as here follow. Pecunia sepulturae iustum est vt aperta terra reddatur. Si aliquod corpus a sua parochia deferatur in aliam, pecunia sepulturae. &c. In English.

It is mete and right that in funerals, money be given for opening the earth.

If anybody, or corse, be carried from his own Parishe into another: the money of the burial shall pertain by the law to his own Parish Church.

All ordinances and ceremonies of God, let them be observed, as need in all things requireth.

Uppon the Sunday, we forbid all public • airs or markets, all Synods or conventicles, huntinges, or any such seculare actions, to be exercised, unless urgent necessity compel thereunto.

Let every Christ̄ man prepare himself thrice a yere to approach to the receiving of the Lord's body: so to eat the same as not to his judgment, but to his wholesome remedy.

If a minister of the altare do kill any man, or have entangled himself in any notorious crime, let him be deprived both from his order and dignity.

If any married woman (her husband being alive) have committed adultery & be proved with the same: to her opē shame in the world, let her have her nose and ears cut of.

Let every widow after the death of her husband: so remain sole xii. months: or if she marry, let her loose her ioynter.

And here an ende of the Danish kings. Now to the English kings again, whose right line cometh in again in Edward here following.

King Edward called the Confessor.

FOr so much as God of his mercy and providence, who is only the maker of heirs: thought it so good, after the woeful captivity of this English nation, to grant now some respite of deliverance, in taking away the Danish kings without any issue left behind them: who reigning here in England, kept the english people in miserable subjection, about the space of xxviij. years, and that from their first landing in the time of King Brightricus: wasting and vexing this land, the term of cc. • v. years: Now their tyranny here coming to an ende, the next election & right of the crown fell (as appertained) to Edward the younger son of king Egelred and Emma, a mere Englishman: who had been now long banished in Normandy, as is above declared. A man of gentle and soft spirit: more appliable to other men's coūsails, then able to trust to his own: of nature & condition so given from all war and bloodshed: that being in his banishment, he wished rather so to continue all his life long in that private estate, then by war or bloodshed to aspire to any kingdom. This Edward, after the death of Canutus the seconde, or Hardecanute, being sent for of the Lord's into Normādie to take possession of the Realm, although he something mistrusted the unconstant and fickle heads of Englishmē (yet having sufficient pledges laid for him in Normandy) came over, with a few Normands accompanied: and not long after was crowned at Winchester. an. 1043. by Edsius then Archbishop of Cant. And not long after that, he married Goditha, or Editha daughter of Earl Godwyne: whom he entreated after such sort, that he neither put her from his bed, nor yet dealt with her fleshly. Whether it 〈◊〉 for hate of her kin (as most like it was) or for love of chastity, it remaineth uncertain. But most writers agree, y ^t he continued his life without offense with women: • or the which he is highly exalted among our story writers and called holy king Edward. After he had thus taken upon him the government of the realm, he guided the same w ^t much wisdom and justice, the space of 24. years, lacking two months: from whom issued (as out of a fountain) much godliness, mercy, pity, and liberality toward the poor: gentleness and justice toward all men: and in all honest life he gave a virtuous example to his people. He discharged the Englishmen of the great tribute called Dane gelt, which before time was yearly levied to the great impoverishing of the people. He subdued the Scots and Welshmen, which in their borders began to rebel against him. In much peace he continued his reign, having no foreign enemy to assault him: Albeit, as some Chronicles do show, certain Danes and Norgwaines there were, which intended to set upon England: But as they were taking shipping, there was brought to them first one bowle, then another, of meede or methe, to drink upon a bon viage. Thus one cup coming after another: after drink came drunkenness, after drunkenness followed jangling, of jangling came strife: and strife turned unto stripes. whereby many were slain, and the other returned to their home again. And thus the merciful providence of the Lord dispatched that journey.

In the time of this Edward: Emma his mother, was accused to be familiar with Alwyn the Bishop of Winchester: upon which accusation (by counsel of Earl Godwyn) he took from her many of her jewels, and caused her to be kept somedele more straightly in y ^e Abby of Warwel, and the Bishop committed to the examination of the clergy. Polydore saith, they were both in prison, at Winchester: where she sorrowing the defame both of her self and of the Bishop, and trusting upon her conscience, desireth them of justice, offering her self ready to abide any lawful trial: yea although it were with the sharpest.

Then diverse of the Bishops made labor to the king for thē both, and had obtained, had not Robert thē Archbishop of Cant. stopped the suit. Who not well contented with their labor said unto them: My brethren how dare ye defend her which is no woman but a beast? she hath defamed her own son the king, and taken her lecherous leman the Bishop. And if it be so, that the woman will purge the priest, who shall then purge the woman that is accused to be consenting to the death of her son Alphred: and procured venom to the poysonyng of her son Edward? But whether she be guilty or giltles: if she will go barefooted for herself four steps, and for the Bishop five, continually upon ix. plough shares fire hot: then if she escape harmless, he shall be assoiled of this challenge and she also.

To this she granted, the day was appointed at which day, the king and a great part of his nobles were present, except only Robert the Archbishop. This Robert had been a monk of a house in Normandy, & an helper of the king in his exile: and so by the sending for of the king, came over and was made first Bishop of London, after Archbishop of Cant. Then was she led blindfield unto the place between two men, where the irons lay brenning hot; and passed the ix. shares unhurt.