Acts and Monuments Volume 1
Now having said the foundation for the truth and ground of this matter, let us come to examine how truly our latter writers do say, which write that Editha, and not Edward was the child for whom Dunstane enjoined to the king 7. years penance, and also how truly they report Edward to be a lawful heir, and Elflede to be a lawful wife to king Edgar.
For first touching Editha, this is confessed by the said writers themselves, that she was of good years, at what time Edgar her father was enjoined his penance. After the which seven years of his penance expyred, he lived at the most but in years and a half. Which seven years and 3. years and a half, make in all but x. years & a half. But now the said authors themselves do grant, that she was made Abbas by her father, he being then alive. And how can this then stand with her Legend, which saith that she was not less then 15. years of age? By which account it must needs fall out, that she could not be so little as v. years old, before the birth of that child for whom the king did penance.
And thus much touching Editha. Now in like manner, to consider of the time of Edward. First, this by all writers is granted, that he was slain in the 15. year of his age. Which years do well agree to that child which king Edgar begat in bastardy, & for the which he did his penance. For the more evidence whereof, let us come to the supputation of years in this sort.
First, the penance of the king, after the birth of this child, lasted 7. years. Then the king after the same lived 3. years & a half. After whose death Edward reigned other 3. years and a half, which in all make the full sum of 14. years. About the count of which age, the said Edward going on his 15. years, by their own reckoning was slain.
And thus have ye by manifest demonstration proved by the right casting of the years, after their own grant & rekoning, that Editha daughter of Wlfride in no case can be the child which was borne after Edward, & for whom the king was enjoined penance, but that Edward rather was borne after Editha, and was the child for whom the penance was enjoined, contrary to the opinion commonly received in the church, which for ignorance of y e story hath hitherto holden Edward to be an holy Martyr, and right heir unto the crown. Which error and opinion, how it first sprang and by whom, albeit it pertain not to my story to discuss, yet were it no hard matter to conjecture.
First, after that Dunstane and Oswolde, with other Bishops, Abbots, and certain Lord's & Dukes of that faction, for the maintenance of Monkery, had advanced Edward to be king against Queen Alfrith mother of Æthelred, & Alferus duke of Mercia, and certain other Nobles, which held with the contrary side of the Priests against the Monks. In process of time the monks that came after to write stories, perceiving Dunstane to be reputed in the Church of Rome for an holy Saint, and the said king Edward for an holy Martyr, and partly also to bolster up their own religion of Monkery so much as they could: to the intent therefore they would save the credit both of Dunstane and of the king, and especially bearing favor to their own religion, and partly that the reputation of the church of Rome should not be disteined by opening y e truth of this matter, either did not see, or would not confess herein what they knew, but rather thought best to blanch the story, and colourably to hide the simple truth thereof, making the people falsely believe, that Elfleda the mother of Edward was wife to king Edgar, and Edward to be lawfully borne, and also that Editha was born after Edward, & to be the child for which the king was enjoined penance. All which is false and contrary both to the order of time above declared, and also to the plain words of Malmesbury, which speaking of king Edgars last concubine, saith in plain words: Dilexit vnice, integram lecto vni deferens sidem, quoad legitimam vxorem accepit Elfthride, filiam Ordgari. That is, he had a concubine whom he loved entirely, keeping true faith of his bed to her alone, until the time he married for his lawful wife Elfride the daughter of duke Ordgare, &c. Whereby we have to understand that whatsoever concubine this was which Malmesbury speaketh off, certain it is, that Edgar lived in whoredom till time he married his lawful wife. Furthermore, and finally to conclude, beside these arguments and allegations above recited, let this also be perpended, how the said Dunstan with his complices, after the killing of king Edward, leaving the right heir of the crown (which was Æthelred) went about, as Capgrave and their own Legend confesseth, to set up Editha the other bastard to possess the crown, but that she more wise then her brother Edward, refused the same. Whereby what is to be thought of the doings of Dunstane, and what should be the cause why he preferred both Edward and Editha to the crown rather then the lawful heir, I leave to all indifferent Readers thereof to judge.
After that Dunstane and his fellows had thus set up Edward for their king, they were now where they would be, supposing all to be sure on their side, and that they had established the kingdom of Monkery forever, through the help of the young king, and the Duke of Eastangles, and certain other nobles whom they had drawn to their part. Howbeit this matter passed not so well with them, as they hoped. For shortly after the coronation of this young king. Alferus duke of Mercia, who followed much the deeds of the Queen with other great men, stoutly standing on the contrary side, drove out the Monks from the Cathedral churches, which king Edgar before had set in, and restored again the Priests (as Ranulphus saith) with their concubines: but in the history of the Librarie of Iornall, I find it plainly expressed with their wives. The words of the very author be these: Alferus princeps Merciorum, caeteri{que} plures, eiectis monachis de magnis monasterijs, quos rex Edgarus nuper instituerat, clericos cum vxoribus reduxerunt: That is, Alterus duke of Mercia, with other great men mo, drove out the Monks from the great monasteries, whom king Edgar had there set in before, & restored again the priests with their wives.
Whereby it doth evidently appear, that priests in those days were married and had their lawful wives. The like before that in king Inas time is plain, that Bishops then had wives and children, as appeareth by the words of the law then set forth, extant in the history of the said Iornalensis, which be these: Si quis filiolum alterius occidat vel patrinum, sit simile cognationi, & crescat emendatio secundum Weram eius Regi, sicut cognationi. Si de parentela sit qui occidit eum, tunc excedat emendatio patrini, sicut manbota Domini. Si Episcopy filiolus sit, sit dimidium hoc, &c. And thus much by the way for Priests wives and their children.
Now to the purpose again of our matter, which is to declare how the Duke and Nobles of England expulsed the Monks out of the Monasteries after the death of king Edgar. Whereof let us hear what the Monkish story of the Abbey of Crouland recordeth. Monachis de quibusdam Monasterijs eiectis, clerici sunt introducti, qui statim monasteriorum maneria ducibus terrae distribuebant, vt sic in suas partes obligati, eos contra monachos defensarent. Tunc de monasterio Eueshamensi, monachis expulsis, clerici fuerant introducti. Terrae{que} tyranni de terris Ecclesiae praemiati sunt, quibus Regina nouercali nequitia, stance cum clericis in regis opprobrium, fauebat. Cum monachis autem Rex, & sancti Episcopy persistebant. Sed tyranni fulti Reginae fauore & potentia, super monachos triumphabant. Multus inde tumultus in omni angulo Angliae factus est. Ex Chronico Ingulphi Abbatis de Crouland, &c. That is, The Monks being expelled out of certain Monasteries, the Clerks again were brought in, who distributed the Manors or Fermes of the said Monasteries, to the Dukes and Lord's of the land, that they being obliged to them should defend them against the Monks. And so were the monks of Euesham thrust out and the seculare Clerks placed, & the lands of the church given to the Lord's, with whom the Queen, the Kings stepmother holding the same time, took part also with the said Clerks against the king. On the contrary part stood the king & the holy bishops, taking part with the monks. Howbeit, the lords & pieres of the Realm staying upon the favor and power of the Queen, triumphed over the monks, &c.
Thus as much ado there was through all quarters of the realm, about the matter among the Lord's, so arose no less contention between the priests & monks of England. The Priests complainyng to the Kyng and Dunstane, laid for themselves that it was uncomely, uncharitable, yea and unnatural, to put out an old known dweller for a new unknown: and that God was not pleased, that to be taken from the ancient possessor which by God was given him, neither that it could be to any good man accepted, to suffer any such injury to be done, least peradventure the same thing wherein he was prejudicial to another, might after reuert & redound upon himself at length. The monks on the other side, laid for their part, y e Christ allowed neither the old dweller, nor the new commer, nor yet looked upon the person, but who so would take y e cross of penance upon him, and follow Christ in virtuous living, should be his disciple.
These & such other were the allegations of the monks. But whether a monks cowl or a wiueles life, make a sufficient title to enter into other men's possessions or no, I refer it to the judgment of the godly. The troublous cares in marriage, the necessary provision for house keeping, the virtuous bringing up of children, the daily helping of poverty and bearing of public charges, with other manifold perturbations and combraunces daily incident to the state of matrimony, might rather appear to godly wise men, to come nearer to the right cross of penance, then the easy & loytring idleness of monkery. In the end, vpō this controversy was holden a Council of Bishops, & other of y e Clergy. First, at Reading or at Winchester as Guliel. saith, where the greater part both of the nobles & commons judged the priests to have great wrong, and sought by all means possible, to bring thē again to their old possessions and dignities. Iornalensis here maketh rehearsal of an Image of the Crucifix, or a rood standing upon the frater wall, where the Council was holden. To this rood Dunstane requireth them all to pray, being belike not ignorant of some spiritual prouisiō before hand. In the midst of their prayer the rood, or else some blind monk behind him in a truēke through the wall, is reported to speak these words: Absit hoc vt fiat, absit hoc vt fiat: iudicastis been, mutaretis non been. In remembrance whereof, these verses were written under the roodes feet.
Of this Dunstanicall, or rather Satanical oracle, Henricus maketh no mention, nor Ranulphus, nor yet Houedenus, nor Fabian in their histories. Gulielmus in his book de Regibus, reporteth it but by hearsay, in these words saying: Aliae literae docent, &c. Wherefore the less it seemeth to be of credit. Albeit if it were of credible truth, yet it proveth in this matter nothing else, but Dunstan to be a Sorcerer, as Polydorus Virgilius, also himself seemeth to smell something in this matter.
Notwithstanding for all this, yet the strife ceased not. In so much that a new assembly of the Clergy and other, was appointed after at a place called the street of Calue, where the Council was kept in an upper lofte. In this Council many grievous complaints were objected (as Malmes buriensis saith) against Dunstane. But yet he kept his opinion, and would not remove from that which he began to maintain. And while they were there in great contention and argument which way should be admitted and allowed, (if it be true that in the stories is written) suddenly the ioyses of the lof • failed, & the people with the nobles fell down, so that certain were slain, & many hurt. But Dunstane (they say only, standing upon a poast of the sollar, which remained unbroken) escaped without danger. Which thing, whether it so happened to portend before the ruin of the Realm and of the nobles (as Henry Hunting. doth expound it) which after ensued by the Danes, or whether it was so wrought by Dunstanes sorcery (as was not impossible) or whether it were a thing but feigned of the monkish writers, and not true, all this I leave to the Readers, to think therein what them liketh. The stories say further, that upon this the matter ceased, and Dūstan had all his will.
These things thus done at Calue, it happened not long after the same, that king Edward, whom the writers describe to be a virtuous and a meek prince, much pitiful & beneficial to the poor, about the iv. year of his reign, came upon a season from hunting in the forest alone, without the company of his servants, to the place in the West country, where Alfeith his mother, with her son Egelred did lie. When the Queen the mother was warned of his coming by her men, anon she calleth a servant of hers, which was of her special trust, opening to him all her conceived counsel, & showing him all pointes how & what to do for the accomplishing of her wicked purpose. Which thing so done, she made towards the king, and received him with all courtesy, desiring him to tarry y e night. But he in like courtesy excused himself, and for speed desired to see his brother, and to drink, vpō his horse sitting, the which was shortly brought.
And while the cup was at his mouth, the servant of the Queen (before informed) strake him in the body with a long two edged dagger. After the which stroke the king took the horse with the spurs, and ran toward the way, where he supposed to meet with his company. But he bled so sore, that with faintnes he fell from his horse, his one foot being in the styrrup. By reason whereof, he was drawn of his horse over fields and lands, till he came to a place named Coryfgate, where he was found dead. And for that, neither the manner of his death, nor yet he himself, for the king was known, was buried vnhonourably at the town of Warham, where the body remained y e space of iii. years, and then after was taken up by Duke Al • ere above mentioned, and with pomp and honor accordingly, was removed to the Minster of Shaftsbury, and there bestowed in the place called Edwardstow. Many tales run (moe perchance then be true) concerning the finding and taking up of his body, which our most common histories ascribe to miracles and great wonders, wrought about the place where the king was buried. As first how a poor woman borne blind, received her sight by the means of S. Edward, there where he did lie. Also how a pillar of fire from heaven, descended over the place of his burial. Then how the foresaid Queen Alfrith taking her horse to go to the place, was stopped by the way, that neither her horse could be driven by any means, nor she her self on foot was able to approach near to the place where the corpse of S. Edward was. Furthermore, how the said Queen in repentance of her fact, afterward built two Nunneries, one at Amesbury by Salisbury, the other at Werewell, where she kept her self in continual repentance all the days of her life. And thus as ye have heard, was this virtuous young king Edward murdered when he had reigned almost iv. years, leaving no issue behind him, whereby the rule of the land fell to Egelredus his brother.
But here by the way is to be noted (upon the name of this Edward) that there were three Edward's before the conquest. The first, was king Edward the Senior. The second, king Edward the Martyr, which was this king. The third, was king Edward called the Confessor▪ whereof hereafter shall follow (Christ willing) to be declared.
In the order and course of the Romain Bishops; mention was made last of Agapetus the second. After whom next succeeded Pope John xiii. of whom Dunstane Archbishop of Canterbury received his palle, as in the story of King Edgar is before minded. This Pope is noted to be very wicked and infamous, replete from his first bringing up with abhominable vices: a whoremaister, an adulterer, incestuous, libidinous, a gamester, an extorcioner perjured, a fighter, a murderer, cruel, and tyrannous. Of his Cardinals, some he put out their eyes, from some he cut of their tongues, some their fingers, some their noses, &c. In a general council before the Emperor Otho, she first of that name (who was the first Emperor of the Germans) after the Empire was translated out of France to Germany by Pope Agapetus (as is above historied) these objections were articulate against him. First, that he never said his service, that in saying his Mass he did not communicate, that he ordained Deacons in a stable, that he committed incest with two of his sisters, that playing at dice, he called for the Devil to help, that for money he made boys Bishops, that he deflowered Uirgins and strangers, that of the palaice of Lateran he made a Stews, that he lay with Stephana his fathers concubine, likewise with Ramera and with Anna and her neese, that he put out the eyes of the bishop Benedict, that he caused houses to be set on fire, that he brake open houses, that he drank to the devil, that he never crossed himself, &c. For the which causes (and worthily) he was deposed by the consent of the Emperor with the Prelates, and Pope Leo was substitute in his place. But after his departing (thorough the harlots of Rome and their great promises) the said Pope John was restored again to his place, and Leo (set up by the Emperor) was deposed. At length about the tenth yere of the Popedom of this John he being found without the city with another mans wife, was so wounded of her husband, that within viii. days after he died.
After him, the Romans elected Pope Benedictus the fifth, without the consent of the Emperor. Wherupon the said Otho the Emperor being not a little displeased for displacing of Leo, whom he had before promooted, and for the choosing also of Benedict, came with his army, and said siege to Rome, and so set up Pope Leo again, the viii. of that name. Which Leo to gratify his benefactor again, crowned Otho for Emperor, and entitled him to be called Augustus. Also the power which Carolus Magnus had given before to the Clergy and people of Rome: this Leo by a synodall decree granted to the emperor and his successors: that is, touching the election of the Bishop of Rome. The Emperor again restored to the sea of Rome, all such donations and possessions, which either Constantine (as they falsely pretend) or which Carolus Magnus took from the Lombards, and gave to them.
After Pope Leo had reigned a year and iii. months, succeeded Pope John the 14. against whom (for holding with the Emperor) Petrus the head captain of the City, with two Consuls, xii. Alderine, and diverse other nobles, gathering their power together, laid hands upon him, in the Church of Lateran, and clapt the Pope in prison, 11. months. The Emperor hearing this, with all speed returned with his army again to Rome, who after execution done upon the authors and chief doers of that fact, among other 〈…〉 foresaid Petrus, to the Popes arbitrement. Whom 〈◊〉 caused first to be stripped naked, then his beard being shaven, to be hanged by the hair a whole day together, after that to be set upon an Ass (his face turned backward, and his hands bound under the asses tail) and so to be led through the City, that all men might see him: that done, to be scourged with rods, and so banished the City. Thus ye see, how the holy father followeth the injunction of the Gospel: Diligite inimicos vestros, Love your enemies, Luke. 6. &c. From this Pope proceeded first the Christening of bells, an. 971.
After him followed Pope Benedictus the sixth, who in like manner was apprehended by Cynthius a Captayne of Rome, & cast in prison, where he was strāgled, or as some say, famished to death.
Then came Pope Donus the ii. After whom Boniface the vii. was Pope: who likewise seeing the Citizens of Rome to conspire against him, was constrained to hide himself, And seeing no place there for him to tarry, took the treasure of S. Peters Church, and so privily stale to Constantinople. In whose stead the Romaines s • t up P. John the xv. Not long after: Boniface returning again from Constantinople, by his money & treasure procured a garrisō or company to take his part: By whose means the foresaid Pope John was taken, his eyes put out, and so thrown in prison, where he was as some say famished: some say he was slain by Ferrucius. Neither did Boniface reign many days after, but suddenly died: whose carcass after his death was drawn by the feet through the streets of Rome, after the most despiteful manner of the people shriking and exclayming against him. an. 976.
Next pope after him was Benedictus the vii. by y e consent of the Emperor Otho the 2. and reigned xix. years. In the time of this pope: Hugh Cappet the French king, took Charles (the right heir to the crown) by the treason of the Bishop of Laou, and when he had imprisoned him, he also committed to prison Arnoldus Archbishop of Raynes, and placed in his room Gilbartus a monk of Florsake (a Nicromanser) who was schoolemaister to D. Robert the kings son. But this pope Benedictus, calling a Council at Remis, restored the said Arnoldus again: and displaced Gilbertus: which after by the help of Otho was made Archbishop of Reuenna, and at length was Pope, as in process hereafter (Christ granting) shall be declared.
After Benedictus succeeded in the sea of Rome Pope John the xvi. & died the viii. month of his Papacy. Next to whom came John the xvii. And after him Gregory the .v. in the year of our Lord. 995. This Gregory (called before Bruno) was a Germane borne, and therefore y e more malaced of the Clergy & people of Rome. Wherupō, Crescētus with the people and Clergy, conventing against y e said Gregory: set up Pope John the xviij. Gregory upon the same, sped himself in all convenient hast to the Emperor, Otho the iii. in Germany. Who hearing the complaint of Gregory, and understanding his wrongs, set forward with his army well appointed, to Italy: gate the City, & there took both Crescentius the Consul, and John the Pope. Which John first having his eyes put out, was deprived after of his life. Crescentius the Consul was set upon a vile horse, having his nose and ears cut off, and so was led through the City, his face being turned to the horsetayle, & afterward having his members cut off, was hanged upon a gibbet.
Pope Gregory thus being restored to his former state, reigned iv. years in his Papacie (although Marianus Scotus and Martinus say, that he sat but ii. years) &c. During the which time he assembled a council in Rome: where, he to stablish the Empire in his own country (by the consent and counsel of Otho) ordained vii. Princes of Germany, to be electors of the Emperor: which order, yet to this day remaineth. What be the names of these vii. electors, and what is their office, thus I find in these verses expressed.
These vii. he ordained to be electors, 3. bishops, 3. princes (to wit) the Palatine, the duke of Saxony, the Marques Brandenburgh. To whom was added also the king of Boheme to give the odd voice, if the even voices could not agree. This constitution being first begun, an 997. was after established in Germany by Otho the Emperor, the year of the Lord, 1002. And thus much by the way, or rather digression, concerning the rages and tumults of the Romish church. Now to our matter again.
King Egelred, or Elred.
KIng Edward thus being murdered as is aforesaid, the crown fell next to Egelrede his younger brother, & son to king Edgar by the foresaid Queen Alfrith, as we have declared. This Egelred had a long reign given of God, which dured the term of 38. years, but very unfortunate, and full of great miseries. And he himself (by the histories) seemeth to be a Prince, not of the greatest courage to govern a common wealth. Our English stories writing of him, thus report of his reign: That in the beginning, it was ungracious, wretched in the middle, and hateful in the latter end. Of this Egelred it is read, when Dunstane the Archbishop should christen him, as he did hold him over the Fonte, something there happened, that pleased not Dunstan: whereupon he sware, per sanctā Mariam, iste ignauus homo erit. i. By the mother of Christ he will be a Prince untoward and cowardlike, Chron. de Croulād. I find in William of Malmesbury, Lib. 2. de Regi. That this Egelred being of the age of x. years, when he heard his brother Edward to be slain, made such sorrow & weeping for him, that his mother falling therewith in a rage, took wax candles (having nothing else at hand) wherewith she scourged him so sore (well near till he swounded) that after the same, he could never abide any wax candles to burn before him. After this, about the year of our Lord, 981. (the day of his coronation being appointed by the Queen, the mother, and the nobles) Dunstan the Archb. of Cant. (who first refused so to do) with Oswald Archb. of York, were enforced to crown the king. And so they did at Ringstō. In doing whereof, the report of stories go, that the said Dunstane should say, thus prophesieng unto the king: that for so much as he came to the kingdom by the death of his brother, and through the conspiracy of the wicked conspirators and other Englishmen: they should not be without bloudsheding and sword, till there came a people of an unknown tongue, and should bring them into thralldom, neither should that trespass be cleansed without long vengeance, &c.
In the Chronicles of Crouland, I find these words, Quoniam ascendisti ad thronum tuum, per mortem fratris tui, quem occidit mater tua, propterea audi verbum Domini, hoc dicit Dominus. Nō deficiet gladius de domo tua, saeuiens in te omnibus diebus vitae tuae, & interficiens de semine tuo, & de gente tua, vsque dum regnum tuum transferatur in regnum alienum: Cuius ritum & linguam gens tua non nouit, nec expiabitur, nisi longa vindicta, & multa sāguinis effusione peccatum matris tuae, & peccatum virorum pessimorum, qui consenserunt consilio eius nequam, vt mitterent manum in Christum Domini, ad effundendum sanguinem innocentem. Chron. de Crouland.
Not long after the coronation of this king, a cloud was seen throughout the land, which appeared the one half like blood, and the other half like fire. And changed after into sundry colors and vanished at the last in the morning. Shortly after the appearance of this cloud, in the iii. year of his reign, the Danes arriving in sundry places of the land, first spoiled Southhampton, either slaying the inhabitants, or leading them captive away. Frō thence they went to the I will of Thanet, then they invaded Chester, from thence they proceeded to Cornwall and Devonshire, & so to Sussex: where, in those coasts they did much harm, and so retired to their ships again. Roger Houeden writing hereof, saith: that London, the same time (or as Fabian saith) a great part of London, was consumed with fire. About this time fell a variance between the foresaid Egelred, and the bishop of Rochester: In so much, that he made war against him, and besieged the City. And notwithstanding that Dunstan required the king, sending him admonishment to give over, for the sake of S. Andrew, yet continued he his siege, till the bishop offered him an hundred pounds of gold, which he received, and so departed. The Danes seeing the discord that then was in the realm, and specially the hatred of the subjects against the king: rose again, and did great harm in diverse places of England: In so much, that the king was glad to grant them great sums of money for peace to be had. For the assurance of which peace, Analeffe captain of the Danes, became a christen man, and so returned home to his country, & did no more harm. Besides these miseries before recited, a sore sickness of the bloody flixe, and hot fevers fell among the people, whereof many died, with a like moraine also among the beasts. Moreover, for lack of justice, many thieves, rioters and bribers were in the land, with much misery and mischief.
About the xi. year (some say the ix. year) of this kings reign, died Dunstan. After whom succeeded Ethelgarus, or as Iornalensis writeth, Stilgarus. After him Elfricus, as affirmeth Guliel. lib. 1. de pontif. But as Polydorus saith, Siricius. After him Elfricus came, but Siritius after the mind of William, Lib. 1. But Polydorus saith Aluritius, thē Elphegus, &c.
About the same time in the year of our Lord, 995. Aldunus Bishop, translated the body of S. Cuthbert from Chester (which first was in a Northern Island thē at Rochester) to Durelme or Dunoline. Wherupon the bishops sea of Duresme first began.
Not long after the death of Dunstane, the Danes again entered England, in many and sundry places of the land: In such sort, that the king was to seek, to which coast he should go first to withstand his enemies. And in conclusion, for the avoiding of more harm, he was compelled to appease them with great sums of money. But when that money was spent, they fell to new robbyng of the people, and assailing the land in diverse places, not only about the country of Northumberland, but also besieged the City of London at the last. But being frō thence repulsed by the manhood of the Londoners, they strayd to other countries adjoining, as to Essex, Kent, Sussex, and Hampshire, burning and killing where so ever they went, so that for lack of a good head or governor, many things in the land perished. For the king gave himself to the vice of lecherie, and polling of his subjects, and disinherited mē of their possessions, and caused them to redeem the same again with great sums of money, for he paid great tribute to the Danes yearly, which was called Danegelt. Which tribute so increased, that from the first tribute of x.M. pound, it was brought at last in process of v. or vi. yere, to xl.M. pound. The which yearly (during to the coming of S. Edward, and after) was levied of the subjects of this land.
To this sorrow moreover, was joined hunger & penury among the commons: in so much that everyone of thē was constrained to pluck & steal from other. So that, what for the pillage of the Danes, and what by inward thieves and bribers, this land was brought into great affliction. Albeit, the greatest cause of this affliction (as to me appeareth) is not so much to be imputed to the king, as to the dissention among the Lord's themselves, who thē did not agree one with another. But when they assembled in consultation together, either they did draw diverse ways, or if anything were agreed, upon any matter of peace between the parties, soon it was broken again: or else if any good thing were devised for the prejudice of y e enemy, anon the Danes were warned thereof by some of the same counsel. Of whom, the chief doers were Edrike Duke of Mercia, and Alfrike the Admiral or captain of the ships, who betrayed the kings nauy to the Danes. Wherefore the king apprehending Alfagarus son of the said Alfrike, put out his eyes, and so did he after to the two sons of Duke Edrike in like manner.
The Danes thus prevailing more and more over the english men, grew in such pride & presumption: that when they by strength, caused the husbandmen to care and sow the land, and to do all other vile labor belonging to the house, they would sit at home, holding the wife at their pleasure, with daughter and servant. And when the husband man came home, he should scantly have of his own, as his servants had, so that the Dane had all at his will & till, taring of the best, when the owner scantly had his fill of the worst. Thus the common people being of them oppressed, were in such fear and dread, that not only they were constrained to suffer them in their doings, but also glad to please them, & called everyone of them in the house where they had rule, Lord Dane. Which word after (in process of time, when the Danes were voided) was for despite of the Danes turned of the english men to a name of opprobry, that when one English man would rebuke another, he would for the more part call him Lurdaine.
And thus hitherto (through the assistance of Christ) we have brought this history to the yere of our lord, 1000. During now & continuing these great miseries upon this English natiō, the land being brought into great ruin by the grievous tribute of the Danes, and also by sustainyng the manifold villar • ies and injuries, as well by them as by other oppressions within the realm. This yere which was the year of our savior 1000. This Egelred through the counsel of certain his familiars about him, in the 21. year of his reign, began a matter which was occasion either given by the one, or taken by the other, of a new plague to ensue upon the Saxōs, who had driven out the Britain's before. That was in joining with the Normans in marriage. For the king this yere abovesaid, for the more strength (as he thought) both of him and the realm, married Emma the daughter of Richard Duke of Normandy. Which Richard was the third Duke of the Normains, and the first of that name. By reason of which marriage, king Egelred was not a little enhaunsed in his own mind: and by prosumption thereof, sent secret & straight commissions to the rulers of every town in England, that upon S. Brices day at a certain hour appointed, the Danes should be suddenly slain. And so it was performed, which turned after to more trouble.
After that tidings came into Denmark of the murder of those Danes. Anone after, Suanus king of Denmark with a great host and nauy, landed in Cornewall: where, by treason of a Normand named Hugh, which by favor of Queen Emma, was made Earl of Devonshire: The said Suanus took Exceter, & after beat down the walls. From thence proceeding further into the land, they came to Wilton and Shireborne, where they cruelly spoiled the country and slew the people. But anon Suanus hearing that the king was coming to him with the power of his land, took his ships & set about to Norfolk: where, after much wasting of that country, and spoiling the city of Norwich, and burning the town of Thetford, and destroying the country thereabout, at length Duke Uskatel met him and beat him, & slew many of the Danes. Wherefore, Swanus for that year returned to Denmark, and there made great provision, to reenter the land again the next year following. And so did, landing at Sandwich about the 25. yere of the reign of king Egelred, & there spoiled that country. And as soon as he heard of any host of englishmen coming toward him, then he took shipping again. So that when the kings army sought to meet him in one coast, then would he suddenly land in another. And when the king provided to meet with them upon the sea, either they would fain to flee, or else they would with gifts blind the Admiral of the kings nauy. And thus wearied they the englishmen, & in conclusion brought them in extreme and unspeakable misery. In so much that the King was fain to take peace with them, & gave to king Suanus 30000. pound. After which peace thus made, Suanus returned again to Denmark.
But this peace continued not long. For the year next following, king Egelred made Edricus above mentioned, Duke of Mercia, which was subtle of wit, glossing and eloquent of speech, untrusty, and false to the king and the Realm. And soon after one Turkillus (a Prince of the Danes) landed in Kent with much people, and there did such harm, that the Kentishmē were fain to make peace with great gifts, and so thence departed. But this persecution of the Danes (in one country or other in England) never ceased, nor the king did ever give to them any notable battle. For when he was disposed to give them battle, this Edricus would ever counsel him to the contrary, so that the Danes ever spoiled and robbed, and waxed rich, and the english men ever poor and bare.
After this Suanus being in Denmark, and hearing of the increase of his people in England, brake his couenaunts before made, and with a great army and nauie in most defensable wise appointed, landed in Northumberland proclaimyng himself to be king of this land. Where, after much vexation, when he had subdued the people, and caused the Earl with the rulers of the country to swear to him feaultie: he passed by the river of Trent to Ganisburgh, and to Northwatlyng street, and subduyng the people there, forced them to give him pledges: which pledges he committed with his nauy unto Canutus his son to keep, while he went further into the lande. And so with a great host came to Mercia, killing and slaying. Then he took by strength Winchester, and Oxford, & did there what him liked. That done, he came toward London, and hearing the king was there, passed by the River Thamis, and came into Kent and there besieged Canterbury, where he was resisted the space of 20. days. At length by treason of a Deacon called Almaricus (whom the Bishop had preserved from death before) wan it, and took the goods of the people and fired the City, and tythed the Monks of S. Augustine's Abbey (that is to mean, they slew ix. by cruel torment, and the tenth they kept alive as for their slaves.) So they slew there of religious men, to the number of 900. persons: of other men, women, & childrē, they slew above 8000. And finally, whē they had kept y e Bishop Elphegus in straight prison the space of 7. months, & because he would not condescend to give unto thē 3000. pound: After many villainies unto him done, they brought him to Greenewich, & there stoned him to death.
Kyng Egelred in the mean time, fearing the ende of this persecution, sent his wife Emma with his ii. sons Alphred and Edward, to the Duke of Normandy, with whom also he sent the bishop of Londō. The Danes proceeded still in their fury and rage: and when they had won a great part of Westsaxonie, they returned again to London. Whereof hearing the Londoners, sent unto them certain great gifts and pledges. At last the king about the 35. year of his reign, was chased unto the I will of Wight, & with a secret company, he spent there a great part of the Winter. And finally, without cattaile or comfort sailed into Normandy to his wife. Swanus being ascertayned thereof, (inflamed with pride) reared exceeding impositions upon the people. And among other he required a great sum of money of S. Edmunds lands, which the people there clanning to be free from kings tributes, denied to pay. For this Suanus entered the territory of S. Edmund, and wasted, and spoiled the country, despising the holy Martyr, & manacing also the place of his sepulture. Wherefore the men of that country fearing his tyranny, fell to prayer and fasting, so that shortly after Suanus died suddenly, crying and yelling among his knights. Some say that he was stricken with the sword of S. Edmund, whereof he died the 3. day after.
In fear whereof, Canutus his son which ruled as king after his father, granted them the freedom of all their liberty, and moreover ditched the land of the said Martyr with a deep ditche, and granted to the inhabitaunts thereof, great freedoms, quityng them from all talk or tribute. And after built a Church over the place of his sepulture, and ordained there an house of Monks, and endued them with rich possessions. And after y e time it was used, that kings of England when they were crouned, sent their crowns for an offering to Saint Edmūds shrine, and redeemed the same again afterwards with a condign price.
When king Egelred heard of the death of Suanus, he made provision & returned into england. Of whose sudden coming Canutus being unprovided fled to Sandwich, And there cutting of the noses and hands of the pledges, which his father left with him, sailed into Denmark: who the next yere returned again with a great nauy, and landed in the South country. Wherefore the eldest son of king Egelrede called Edmond Ironside: made provision with the aid of Edrike Duke of Mercia to meet him. But Edrike feigning himself sick came not, but deceived him. For as it was after proved, Edrike had promised his allegiance to Canutus. By reason whereof. Canutus entered y e country of Westsaxon, & forced the people to be sworn unto him, and to give him pledges. In this season, king Egelred being at london, was taken with great sickness, & there died: and was buried in the Northside of Paul's church behind the quire, after he had reigned vnprosperously 36. years: leaving after him his said eldest son Edmond Ironside, and Alphred, and Edward which were in Normandy, sent thither before as is above rehearsed. This Egelred although he was miserably impugned and vexed of his enemies, yet he with his counsel gave forth wholesome laws. Whereof this is one parcel containing good rules and lessons, for all Judges and Justices to learn and follow.
OMnis ludex iustus misericordiam & iudicium liberet in omnibus, vt inprimis per rectam scientiam, dicat emendationē secundum culpam, & eam tamen admensuret propter indulgentiam. Quaedam culpae reputantur à bonis iudicibus, secundū rectum emendandae Quaedam per Dei misericordiam condonādae. Iudicia debent esse sine omni haderunga, quod non parcatur diuiti alicui, vel egeno, amico, vel-inimico ius publicum recitari. Nihil autem iniustius est, quàm susceptio munerū pro iudicio subuertendo: Quia munera excaecant corda sapientum, & subuertunt verba iustorum, Dominus Jesus dixit: In quo iudicio iudicaueritis iudicabimini. Timeat omnis iudex ac diligat Deum iudicem suum, ne in die iudioij mutus fiat, & humiliatus ante oculos iudicis cuncta videntis. Qui innocentem opprimit, & dimittit noxium pro pecunia, vel amicitia, vel odio, vel quacun{que} factione, opprimetur ab omnipotent iudice. Et nullus Dominus, nulla potestas, stultos aut improbos iudices constituāt, quia stultus per ignauiam, improbus per cupiditatem vitat, quam didicit veritatem. Grauiùs enim lacerātur paupers à prauis iudicibus, quàm à cruentis hostibus. Nullus hostis acerbior, nulla pestis efficacior quàm familiaris inimicus. Potest aliquoties homo fuga, vel defensione vitare prauos inimicos. Non ita possunt iudices, quoties aduersus subditos malis desiderijs inflammantur. Saepe etiam boni iudices habent malos vicarios & ministros nephādos: quorum reatibus ipsi domini constringuntur, si non • os coerceant, & à rapacitate cohibeant. Quia dominus & minister seculorum ait: Non solùm male agents, sed omnes consentientes digni sunt aeterna morte. Saepe etiam praui iudices iudicium pe • uertunt, vel respectant & non finiunt causam, donec voluntas eorum impleatur. Et quando iudicant, non opera, sed munera considerant. Impij iudices, iuxta verbum sapientum, sicut rapaces lupi vespere nil residuant vsque mane, id est, de praesenti solum vita cogitant, de futura nihil considerant. Malorum praepositorum mos est, vt quicquid possunt, auferant: & vix necessarium parum quid relinquant sustentationi. Iracundus iudex non potest attendere rectam iudicij satisfactionem. Nam per furoris excoecationem, non perspicit rectitudinis claritatem. Iustum iudicium, vbi non persona consideratur. Scriptum est: Non attendas personam hominis in iudicio, nec pro aliquo facies, vt à vero declines, & injust iudices. Susceptio muneris est dimissio veritatis. Ex historia bibliothecae Iornal.
Of this king Egelred I find noted in the book of Rog. Houed. that he deposed and deprived from all possessions, a certain Judge or Justicer named Walgeatus, the son of one Leonet, for false judgment and other proud doings, whom notwithstanding he loved above all other.
Edmund Ironside a Saxon, and Canutus a Dane, Kings together in England.
AFter the death of Egelred, variance fell between the Englishmen for the election of their king. For the citizens of London with certain other Lord's: named Edwin the eldest son of Egelred (a young man of lusty and valiant courage) in martial aduētures, both hardy & wise, and could very well endure all pains. Wherefore he was surnamed Irenside. But the more of the Lord's, favored Canutus the son of Swanus: especially the Abbots Bishops, and men of the spiritualtye which before had sworn to his father. By means whereof, between these two martial princes were fought many great battles, first in Dorsetshyre, where Canutus was compelled to fly the field. And after that they fought another battle in Worcetershire, so sore, that none could tell, who had the better: but either for weariness or for lack of day, they departed one from the other, and on the next morrow fought again: but then Canutus was compelled to forsake the field. After this they met in Mercia, & there fought again, where Edmond (as stories say) by the treason of that false Edrick Duke of Mercia (whom he before had received to savor) had the worse. Thus many great conflicts there were between these 2. princes. But upon a season, when the hosts were ready to join, and a certain time of truce taken before battle: a knight of the party of Edmond stood up upon a high place, and said these words.
Daylye we die, and none hath the uictorye: And when the knights be dead on either part, then the Dukes compelled by need shall accord: or else they must fight alone. And this kingdom is now sufficient for 2. men, which some time sufficed. 7. But if the covetousness of Lordship in these twayne be so great, that neither can be content to take part and live by the other, nor the one under the other then let them fight alone, that will be Lord's alone. If all men fight still: at the last all men shall be slain, and none left to be under their Lordship, nor able to defend the king that shall be, against strange enemies and nations.
These words were so well allowed of both the hosts and Princes: that both were content to try the quarrel between thē two only. Then the place & time was appointed where they • oth met, in sight of both hoastes. And whē either had assayd other with sharp swords and strokes: first by the motion of Canutus (as some write) hastelye they were both agreed, and kissed each other to the comfort of both hosts. And shortly after they agreed upon particion of y e land: & after that, during their lines they loved as brethren. Soone after, a Son of wicked Edricus, by the mind (as appeared afterward) of his father: espied, when king Edmond was at the draught: & with a spear (some say with a long knife) thrust him into the fundamēt, whereof the said Edmond shortly after died, after that he had reigned two years. He left behind him two sons, Edmond and Edward, whom Edricke the wicked Duke, after the death of their father, took from their mother (not knowing yet of the death of Edmond her husband) & presented them to king Canutus, saluting him in these words: Ave Rex solus. Thus Canutus after the death of Edmond Irenside, was king alone of the whole realm of englād. And afterward by the advise of his counsel, he sent the foresaid sons of Edmond Irōside, to his brother Suanus king of Sueueland to be slain: who abhorring that deed, sent them to Solomon king of Hungary, where Edmond being married to the kings daughter died. Edward was married to Agatha daughter of his brother Henry the 4. Emperor.
When Canutus was stablished in the kingdom, he called a parliamentat London, where (among other things there debated) it was propounded to the bishops, Barons, and Lord's of the parliament there present, whether that in the compositiō made between Edmund and Canutus, any special remembrance was made for the children, or brethren of Edmund, for any partition of any part of the land. Wherunto the english Lord's falsely • latteryng with the foreign king, and speaking against their own minds, as also against their native country, answered and said nay. Affirming moreover with an oth (for the kings pleasure) that they to y e uttermost of their powers, would put of the blood of Edmund, in all that they might. By reason of which answer and promise, they thought (many of thē) to have purchased with the king great favor. But by the just retribution of God, it chanced far otherwise. For many of them, or the most part (such especially as Canutus did perceive to be sworn before time to Edmund, & his heirs: and also considering that they were native englishmen) he mistrusted and disdained ever after. In so much, that some he exiled, a great sort he beheaded, & some by God's punishment died suddenly. Among whom wicked Edricke also the traitor (although with his sugared words he continued a while in the kings favor) at length escaped not condign reward for his deceivable dealing. For (as the history of Iornalēsis recordeth) as the king was in his palace beyond Thames, this Edricke (being belike accused, or else suspected of the king before) coming unto him, began to reckon up his benefits & labors bestowed for his sake. First, in forsaking and betraying Egelred, then in slaying king Edmund his son, with many such other deeds moe, which all for his sake he had done. Well saith the king, thou hast here rightly judged thyself, and worthily thou shalt die, for slaying thy natural Prince, & my sworn brother. And so commanded him to be bound immediately hand and foot, & to be thrown into Thames. Some stories say, that when he had saluted the king with Ave rex solus, and shown him the slaying of Edmund, Canutus (promising that he would make him therefore higher then all the lords of the realm) commanded his head to be stricken off, & to be set upon London bridge, and his body to be cast in the town ditche. And thus with shame ended he his wretched life, as all they commonly do, which with like dissimulatiō seek the destruction of their Prince and of their country.
This Canutus (shortly after the death of king Edmond, by the counsel of Edricke) exiled Edmond, being brother to King Edmund, called Rex rusticorum: the king of Choor • es. But afterward, he was reconciled again to the kings favor: and lastly slain by certain of the Kings Secretaryes or Seruauntes. Also, through the counsel of the said Edricke, and of Emma his wife he sent the two Sons of Edmond Ironside (Edmond and Edward) to his brother Suanus king of Denmark, to be slain, as is above said.
In this mean time, Suanus king of Denmark, brother to Canutus, died. Wherefore that land fell to Canutus: which anon after sailed thither, and took thereof possession. And after he had set it in an order, he returned into England, and married Emma, late wife before of Egelred: and by her had a sonne called Herdeknight or Hardeknoutus. Moreover this Canutus assembled a Parliament at Oxford: where it was agreed, that Englishmen & Danes should hold the laws made by king Edgar, because they were thought so good & reasonable above any other laws.
Thus the Danes being in England, began by little & little to be Christian men. And Canutus went to Rome, & so returning again to England, governed that lande the space of 20. years, leaving after him two sons, Harold & Hardeknoutus: which Hardeknoutus was made king of Denmark in his fathers time.
Harold (called Harefoote, for his deliuernes and swiftness) son to Canutus by Elgina his first wife: began his reign over England, an. 1039. Of him is little left in memory, for he reigned but 4. years, save that he banished his stepmother Emma, & took her goods & jewels from her.
Hardeknoutus, being king of Denmark, and second son to Canutus by his last wife Emma, was next King of England. In the time of these Danish kings, there was one Godwyn an earle in England, which had been before in great favor with Canutus, for his acts done in Denmark against the Northwegians: and afterward married y • sister (some say the daughter) of Canutus. This Godwyn was of a cruel and subtle wit, as he declared no less by the two sons of king Egelred: For when these two aforesaid (whose names were Alfride, and Edward) came from Normādie into England, to visit their mother Emma, and brought w t them a great company of Normands: this Godwine (having a daughter called Godith, whom he thought to marry to Edward, & set him up to be King, to bring his purpose about) used this practice: y t is, to persuade king Hardeknoue, & the Lord's not to suffer those Normandes to be within the realm for ieoperdie, but rather to punish them for example. By which means he gat authority to order the matter himself: wherefore he 〈◊〉 them on Guild down, and there most wretchedly murdered, or rather Martyred the most number of the Normandes, and that innocently. For as Swanus before had tithed the Monks of Canterbury: so he • with the cruel company of english soldiors, slew ix. of the said Normands and saved the x. And yet passing the fury of Swanus (as not contented with that tyranny) he tithed again the said tithe, and slew every x. knight, and that by cruel torment, as winding their guts out of their bodies, as writeth Ranulphus. And among other, put out the eyes of the elder brother Alfridus, and sent him to an Abbey of Eli: where he being fed with bread and water, endured not long after. Of some writers it was recorded, that he was there slain with the forenamed torment, and Edward was conveyed by some other to his mother. Who fearing the treason of Godwine, sent him soon over the sea to Normady again. This cruel fact of Godwine and his men against the innocent Normandes, whether it came of himself, or of the kings setting on: seemeth to me to be the cause, why the justice of God, did shortly after revenge the quarrel of these Normands, in conquering & subduing the english nation by William Conqueror, and the Normandes which came with him. For so just and right it was, that as the Normandes coming with a natural English Prince, were murdered of English men: so afterward the English men should be slain and conquered by the Normandes, coming with a foreign King being none of their natural country.
Then it followeth in the story that this king Canute or Hardeknout: when he had reigned ii. years (being merry at Lambeth) suddenly was stricken dumb, & fell down to the ground, and within 8. days after died, without issue of his body. Who was the last that reigned in England of the blo • d of the Danes.
This foresaid Godwine, had by the daughter of Canutus his wife, but one son which was drowned. Of his seconde wife he received vi. sons, to wit, Suanus, Harold, Tostius, Wilmotus, Sirthe, or Surth, and Leofricus, with one daughter Galled Goditha, which after was married to king Edward the Confessor.
Concerning the story of this Alfred, I find it something otherwise reported in our english chronicles: that it should be after the death of Hardeknout: forasmuch as the Earls & Barons after his death, assembled and made a council, that never after, any of the Danes blood should be king of England, for the despite that they had done to english mē. For evermore before, if the English men and the Danes, had happened to mete vpō a bridge, the english men should not so hardy to move a foot, but stand still, till the Dane were passed forth. And moreover, if the English men had not bowed down their heads to do reverence unto the Danes, they should have been beaten and defiled. For the which despites and villainy, they were driven out of the land after the death of Hardeknout, for they had no Lord that might maintain them. And after this manner avoided the Danes England, that they never came again.
The Erles and Barons, by their common assent and counsel: sent unto Normandy for these two brethren, Alphred and Edward: intending to crown Alphred the elder brother, & to make him king of England. And to this the Earls and Barons made their oath: but the Earl Godwine of Westsaxe (falsely and traitorously) thought to slay these two brethren, as soon as they came into Englad, to that intent to make Harold his son king: which son he had by his wife Hardeknoutes daughter that was a Dane. And so this Godwine went privily to Southampton, to meet there with the two brethren at their landing. And thus it fell, that the messengers that went (saith mine author) into Normandy, found but only Alphred the elder brother. For Edward his younger brother was gone to Hungary, to speak with his cou • in the outlaw, which was Edward Ironsides son.
When Alfred had heard these messengers and perceived their tidings: he thanked God, and in all hast sped him to England, arriving at Southampton. There, Godwin the false traitor (having knowledge of his coming) welcommed & received him with much joy: pretending to lead him unto London, where the Barons waited for to make him king. And so they together passed forth toward London. But when they came to Guild down, the traitor commanded all his men to slay all that were in Alphredes company, which came w t him from Normandy. And after that to take Alphrede, & to lead him into the Isle of Eli, where they should put out both his eyes: and so they did. For they slew all the company that were there, to the number of xii. Gentlemen, which came w t Alfred from Normandy: and after that they took Alphrede, and in the Isle of Eli they executed their commissiō. That done, they opened his body, took out his bowels▪ set a stake into the ground▪ and fastened an end of his bowels thereunto, & with needles of •• on they pricked his tender body, thereby causing him to go about the stake, till that all his bowels were drawn out. And so died this innocent Alphred or Alfred, being the right heir of the crown: through treason of wicked Godwyne. When the Lord's of England heard thereof, and how Alphred, that should have ben their king, was put to death through the false traitor Godwyne, they were wondrous wroth: and sware between God and them, that he should die a worse death then did Edrith which betrayed his Lord Edmund Ironside: and would immediately have put him to death, but that the Traitour fled thence into Denmark: and there held him iv. years and more, and lost all his lands in England.
An other Latin story I have (bearing no name) which saith that this coming in of Alphred & the Normandes: was in the time of Harold Canutus sonne. And how Godwyne (after he pretended great amity to them) suddenly in the night came upon them at Gilford: And after he had tithed the Normandes: sent Alfred to Harold at London, who sent him to the Isle of Eli, and caused his eyes to be put out.
And thus much of Canutus: and of his sons, Harold and Hardecanutus. Besides these ii. sons Canutus had also a daughter named Gunilda: married to Henricus the Emperor. Of whom some write, that she being accused to the emperor of spousebrech, and having no champion or Knight that would fight for her (after the manner of that country) for trial of her cause: a certain little dwarf or boy, whom she brought with her out of England (stirred up of God) fought in her cause against a mighty big Germain of a monstrous greatness: which sel • e dwarf, cutting • y chance the sinews of his leg, after stroke him to the ground, and so cut of his head, and saved the life of the Queen, if it be true that Gulielmus and Fabianus reporteth.
Of this Canutus it is storied, that he following much the superstition of Achelnotus Archbishop of Cant. went on pilgrimage to Rome: and there founded an hospital for English pilgrims. He gave the Pope precious gifts, and burdened the land with an yearly tribute called the Rome sho • e: he shrined the body of Berinus, & gave great lands and ornaments to the Cathedral Church of Winchester: he built S. Benets in Northfolk, which was before an Hermitage. Also S. Edmundes bury, which king Ethelstane before ordained for a College of Priests, he turned to an Abbey of monks of S. Benets order.
Henricus Archdeacon of Huntyngton, Lib. 6. maketh mention of this Canutus, as doeth also Polidorus, Lib. 7. That he after his coming from Rome, walking upon a tune by the porte of Southhampton. (But as Polydorus saith) and Fabian affirmeth the same, that it was by Thames side at London. When his flatterers coming about him, began to exalt him up with high words, calling him a king of all kings (most mighty) who had under his subjection both the people, the land, and also the sea. Canutus reuoluing this matter in his mind (whether for pride of his heart exalted, or whether to tr • e and refell their flattering words) commanded his chair of estate to be brought to the sea side, at what time it should begin to flowe. Polydore saith, that no seat was brought, but sitting upon his garments being folded together under him: there charged and commanded the floods arising & coming toward his feet, that they should not touch neither him, nor his clothes. But the water keeping his ordinary course, came nearer and nearer: First to his feet, and so growing higher began to wash him welfauoredly. Wherewith the king abashed & partly also afeard starte back: and looking to his Lord's: Loe (saith he) ye call me such a mighty king & yet can I not command back this little water to stay at my word, but it is ready to drown me. Wherefore all earthly kings may know, that all their powers be but vain: and that none is worthy to have the name of a king, but he alone: which hath all things subject to the power & authority of his word: which is the Lord of heaven & earth: the creator above of all things: the father of our Christ and Lord: who with him forever is to be glorified: him let us worship and extol for our king forever. After this (as histories witness) he never suffered the crown to come upon his head, but went to Winchester (or as some say, to Canterbury, but both those may be true) for his going to Canterbury, was to acknowledge y t there was a Lord much higher, & of more power then he himself was, and therewithal to render up his crown forever. With that, Egelnothes Archbyshop of Canterbury: informed him of the image of the Crucifix before mentioned, which dissolved the matter between married Priests and life of Monks, and did many other miracles moe, being then at Winchester. Wherewith the King provoked to go to Winchester to the rood, there resigned up his regal Crown, and made the rood king over all the land.
Here is also to be noted in this Canutus, that although (as is said) he cōdescended in the beginning of his reign, upon king Edgares laws: yet after in process of time, he set forth peculiar laws of his own. Among which, diverse there be that concern as well causes Ecclesiastical, as also temporal. Whereby it may appear, that the government of spiritual matters not to depend then of the Bishop of Rome: but to appertain to the lawful authority of the temporal Prince, no less then of matters and causes temporal. As for example by these ordinances of the foresaid Canutus, may be well considered as here follow. Pecunia sepulturae iustum est vt aperta terra reddatur. Si aliquod corpus a sua parochia deferatur in aliam, pecunia sepulturae. &c. In English.
It is mete and right that in funerals, money be given for opening the earth.
If anybody, or corse, be carried from his own Parishe into another: the money of the burial shall pertain by the law to his own Parish Church.
All ordinances and ceremonies of God, let them be observed, as need in all things requireth.
Uppon the Sunday, we forbid all public • airs or markets, all Synods or conventicles, huntinges, or any such seculare actions, to be exercised, unless urgent necessity compel thereunto.
Let every Christ̄ man prepare himself thrice a yere to approach to the receiving of the Lord's body: so to eat the same as not to his judgment, but to his wholesome remedy.
If a minister of the altare do kill any man, or have entangled himself in any notorious crime, let him be deprived both from his order and dignity.
If any married woman (her husband being alive) have committed adultery & be proved with the same: to her opē shame in the world, let her have her nose and ears cut of.
Let every widow after the death of her husband: so remain sole xii. months: or if she marry, let her loose her ioynter.
And here an ende of the Danish kings. Now to the English kings again, whose right line cometh in again in Edward here following.
King Edward called the Confessor.
FOr so much as God of his mercy and providence, who is only the maker of heirs: thought it so good, after the woeful captivity of this English nation, to grant now some respite of deliverance, in taking away the Danish kings without any issue left behind them: who reigning here in England, kept the english people in miserable subjection, about the space of xxviij. years, and that from their first landing in the time of King Brightricus: wasting and vexing this land, the term of cc. • v. years: Now their tyranny here coming to an ende, the next election & right of the crown fell (as appertained) to Edward the younger son of king Egelred and Emma, a mere Englishman: who had been now long banished in Normandy, as is above declared. A man of gentle and soft spirit: more appliable to other men's coūsails, then able to trust to his own: of nature & condition so given from all war and bloodshed: that being in his banishment, he wished rather so to continue all his life long in that private estate, then by war or bloodshed to aspire to any kingdom. This Edward, after the death of Canutus the seconde, or Hardecanute, being sent for of the Lord's into Normādie to take possession of the Realm, although he something mistrusted the unconstant and fickle heads of Englishmē (yet having sufficient pledges laid for him in Normandy) came over, with a few Normands accompanied: and not long after was crowned at Winchester. an. 1043. by Edsius then Archbishop of Cant. And not long after that, he married Goditha, or Editha daughter of Earl Godwyne: whom he entreated after such sort, that he neither put her from his bed, nor yet dealt with her fleshly. Whether it 〈◊〉 for hate of her kin (as most like it was) or for love of chastity, it remaineth uncertain. But most writers agree, y t he continued his life without offense with women: • or the which he is highly exalted among our story writers and called holy king Edward. After he had thus taken upon him the government of the realm, he guided the same w t much wisdom and justice, the space of 24. years, lacking two months: from whom issued (as out of a fountain) much godliness, mercy, pity, and liberality toward the poor: gentleness and justice toward all men: and in all honest life he gave a virtuous example to his people. He discharged the Englishmen of the great tribute called Dane gelt, which before time was yearly levied to the great impoverishing of the people. He subdued the Scots and Welshmen, which in their borders began to rebel against him. In much peace he continued his reign, having no foreign enemy to assault him: Albeit, as some Chronicles do show, certain Danes and Norgwaines there were, which intended to set upon England: But as they were taking shipping, there was brought to them first one bowle, then another, of meede or methe, to drink upon a bon viage. Thus one cup coming after another: after drink came drunkenness, after drunkenness followed jangling, of jangling came strife: and strife turned unto stripes. whereby many were slain, and the other returned to their home again. And thus the merciful providence of the Lord dispatched that journey.
In the time of this Edward: Emma his mother, was accused to be familiar with Alwyn the Bishop of Winchester: upon which accusation (by counsel of Earl Godwyn) he took from her many of her jewels, and caused her to be kept somedele more straightly in y e Abby of Warwel, and the Bishop committed to the examination of the clergy. Polydore saith, they were both in prison, at Winchester: where she sorrowing the defame both of her self and of the Bishop, and trusting upon her conscience, desireth them of justice, offering her self ready to abide any lawful trial: yea although it were with the sharpest.
Then diverse of the Bishops made labor to the king for thē both, and had obtained, had not Robert thē Archbishop of Cant. stopped the suit. Who not well contented with their labor said unto them: My brethren how dare ye defend her which is no woman but a beast? she hath defamed her own son the king, and taken her lecherous leman the Bishop. And if it be so, that the woman will purge the priest, who shall then purge the woman that is accused to be consenting to the death of her son Alphred: and procured venom to the poysonyng of her son Edward? But whether she be guilty or giltles: if she will go barefooted for herself four steps, and for the Bishop five, continually upon ix. plough shares fire hot: then if she escape harmless, he shall be assoiled of this challenge and she also.
To this she granted, the day was appointed at which day, the king and a great part of his nobles were present, except only Robert the Archbishop. This Robert had been a monk of a house in Normandy, & an helper of the king in his exile: and so by the sending for of the king, came over and was made first Bishop of London, after Archbishop of Cant. Then was she led blindfield unto the place between two men, where the irons lay brenning hot; and passed the ix. shares unhurt. At last said she, good Lord when shall I come to the place of my purgation, whē they then opened her eyes, and she saw that she was past the pain, she kneeled down giving God thanks.
Then the king repented (saith the story) and restored unto her, that he had before taken from her, and asked her forgiveness. But the Archbyshop fled into Normandy.
Neare about this time, about the x. yere of his reign • fell passing great snow, from the beginning of January, to the 17, day of Marche. After which ensued a great mortality of men, morrian of cattle, & by lightning the corn was wonderfully blasted and wasted.
Not long after this: a certain Earl of Bologne, who had married king Edward's sister, came into England: through the occasion of whom: when execution should be done upon the citizens of Dover, for a fray between them, and the Earls men: variance happened between Kyng Edward and Earl Godwyne. Who perceiving that he could not wstand the kings malice, (although he gathered a great company to work therein what he could) fled into Flanders, & was outlawed with his 5. sons. King Edward repudiated his wife, the daughter of the said Godwine: but the second yere after, by mediators he was reconciled to the king again, and called from banishment: And for his good a bearing, he gave for pledges his two sonnes, Byornon, and Tostius, which were sent to the Duke of Normandy there to be kept.
During the time of the outlawry of Godwyn: William Bastard Duke of Normandy, came with a goodly company into England to see king Edward, & was honorably received. To whom the king made great cheare, & at his return enriched him with great gifts and pleasures. And there (as some write) made promise to him, that if he died without issue, the said William should succeed him in the kingdom of England.
In this kings reign lived Marianus Scotus the story writer. As concerning the end of erle Godwin, y e cruel murderer of Alphred, and of the Normandes: although diverse histories diversely do vary: Yet in this the most part do agree, that as he sat at the table with king Edward at Winsor, it happened one of the cupbearers one of erl Godwins sons to stumble and recover again, so that he did shed none of the drink: whereat Godwin laughed, & said, howe the one brother had sustained the other. With which words the King calling to mind his brothers death that was slain by Godwine: beheld the erle (saying) so should my brother Alphred have helped̄ me, had not Godwin ben. Godwine then fearing the kings displeasure to be newly kindled, after many words in excusing himself, said: So mought I safely swallow this morsel of bread as I am giltles of the deed. But as soon as he had received the bread, forthwith he was choked. Then the king commanded him to be drawn from the table, & so was conveyed by Harolde his son to Winchester, and there buried.
About the 13. yere of this kings reign, the said King Edward sent Aldred bishop of Worcester to the Emperor Henricus the 4. praying him, that he would send to y e king of Hungary, that his cosin Edward son of Edmund Ironside, might come to England: for so much as he intended to make him King after him, which was called Edward outlawe. The which request was fulfilled, so that he came into England with his wife Agatha, and with his children, to wit, Edgar Adeling, Margarete, and Christina. But the year after his return into the realm, this Edward deceased at London, and was buried at westminster: or as Iornalensis saith, at Paul's church in London. After whose decease, the King then received Edgar Adeling his son, as his own child: thinking to make him his heir. But fearing partly the unconstant mutability of the Englishmen, partly the pride and malice of Harold the son of Godwine, & of other (perceiving thereby, that he could not bring that his purpose so well to pass) directed solemn Ambassadors unto Williā Duke of Normandy, his kinsman: admitting & assigning him to be his lawful heir, next to succeed after him to the crown.
After the death of Godwin, Harolde his son waxed so in the kings favor: that he ruled the moste and greatest causes of the realm, and was liefetenant of the kings army: Who with his brother Toston or Tostius (sent by the king against the Welchmen) subdued their rebellion. But afterward, such envy grew between these ii. brethren, for that Tostius saw his brother Harold so greatly advanced in the kings favor, that at Herford, the said Tostius slew all his brothers men. Whom when he had cut in pieces, he poudered their quarters and mangled parts, in barrels of salt, vinegre, wine, and other liquors. That done, he made a power against his brother Harold (being king) with the aide of certain Danes and Norgaines, and fought a battle with him in the North, as after shall follow (God willing) to be seen. So ungracious were these wicked children of Earl Godwin: that if they had seen any fair mansion or manner place, they would slay the owner thereof, withal his kinrede, and enter the possession thereof themselves.
At length it came in the mind of this Harolde to sails over the sea (as Polydore saith) into Normandy to see his brother Wilnotus, as also his cosin Hacus, whom y e king had sent thither to be kept for pledges, as ye heard before. Polydore saith these pledges were Tosto & Byornon, but that cannot be, for Tostius was then in England. But as Henricus Archdeacon of Huntingdon saith, his journey was into Flāders, as seemeth more like. For it is not to be thought, that Harold who was a doer in y e cruel murder of Alphred, and of the Normanes: would venter into Normandy, & therefore more like it is, that his sailing was into Flaunders. But as the story proceedeth, he being in the course of his sailing, was weather driven by tempest into the province of Pountith, where he was taken as a prisoner, and sent to Duke William of Normandy. To whom he was made to swear, that he in time following should marry his daughter: and that after the death of King Edward, he should keep the land of England to his behoove, according to the will & mind of Edward (after some writers) and so to live in great honor & dignity next unto him in the realm. This promise faithfully made to the Duke, Harold returneth into England (with his cosin Hacus the son of his brother Suanus being delivered unto him.) But Wilnotus brother of Harold, the duke keepeth still for performance of the couenāts. Thus Herold I say, returning home, showeth y e king all that he had done in the foresaid matters. Wherewith the King was well contented. Whereby it may be gathered, that king Edward was right well willing, that Duke William should reign after him, and also seemeth not unlike, but that he had given him his promise thereunto before.
Among all that were true and trusty to king Edward of the english nobility, none had like commendatiō as had Leofricus erle of Mercia and of Chester. This Leofricus purchased many great liberties for the town of Couētry, and made it free of all manner things, except only of horse. Which freedom there was obtained by means of his wife Godina, by riding (as the fame goeth) after a strange manner through the town. This Leofricus with his wife Godina, built also the abbey of Coventry, & endued the same with great lands and riches.
You heard a little before, of the coming over of Edward called the outlaw, son of king Edmund Ironsid: whom king Edward had purposed to have made king after him. But soon after his coming over, he deceased at London. This Edward had by his wife Agatha, a son & a daughter called Edgar Adelyng, & Margaret. Which Margaret being married afterward to the king of Scots, was the mother of Matild or Maude Queen of England and of David king of Scots. &c.
This virtuous & blessed king Edward, after he had reigned 23. years, and 7. months, died and was buried in the monastery of Westminster, which he had greatly augmented & repaired, but afterward was more enlarged after this form which it hath now, by Henry the third, sonne of king John.
They that write the history of this King, here make mention of a dream or revelation that should be shown to him in time of his sickness: how, that because the peers & bishops of the realm were servants not of God, but of the devil: God would give this realm to the hand of others. And the king desired utterance to be given him, that he might declare the same to the people, whereby they might repent. It was answered again, that neither would they so do, or yet if they did, it should be given to another people. But because it is a dream, I let it pass.
Divers laws were before in diverse countries of this realm used, as the law first of Dunuallo Molinucius, w t the laws of Mercia called Mercenelega: then the laws of Westsaxone kings, as of Iue, Offa, Alfred, &c. which was called Westsaxenelaga. The third were the laws of Canutus & of Danes called Danelaga. Of all these laws which before were diversely in certain particular countries used and received: this Edward compiled one universal & commō law for all people through the whole realm, which were called R. Edward's laws: which laws being gathered out of the best and chiefest of the other laws, were so just, so equal, an so serving the public profit & weal of all es • ates: that mine authors say: the people long after did rebel against their heads and rulers, to have the same laws again (being taken from them) and yet could not obtain them.
Furthermore, I read and find in Math. Paris. that when Will. Conqueror at his coming in, did swear to use & practice the same good laws of Edward, for the common laws of this realm: afterward (being established in his kingdom) he forswore himself, & placed his own laws in their room, much worse and obscurer then the other were. &c.
Notwithstanding among the said laws of Edward, and in the first chapter and beginning thereof, this I find among the ancient records of the Guildhal in London. The office of a King, with such other appurtenaunces as belong to the realm of Britain: set forth and described in the latin style, which I thought here not unmeet to be expressed in the English tongue, for them that understand no Latin. The tenor and meaning whereof thus followeth.
De iure & appendijs regni Britannia, & quod sit officium Regis.
The king because he is the vicar of the highest king, is appointed for this purpose: to rule the earthly kingdom, and the lords people, and above all things, to reverence his holy church: to govern it, and to defend it from injuries: to pluck away wicked doers, and utterly to destroy them. Which unless he do, the name of a king agreeth not unto him, but he loseth the name of a King, as witnesseth Pope John: to the which Pope, Pipinus & Carolus his son (being not yet kings but princes under the French King being not very wise) did write, demanding this question, whither the kings of France ought so to continue having but only the name of a king. Unto whom Pope John answereth again, that it was convenient to cal thē kings which vigilālie do defend and govern the church of God and his people, following the saying of King David the Psalmograph. He shall not dwell in my house which worketh pride. &c. Moreover, the king by right & by his office, ought to defend & conserve fully & wholly in all ampleness w t out diminution, all the lands, honors, dignities, rights, and liberties of the crown of his kingdom. And further to reduce into their pristine state, all such things as have been dispersed, wasted and lost, which appertain to his kingdom. Also the whole and universal lande with all Ilelands about the same unto Norway and Denmark, be appertaining to the crown of his kingdom, and be of the appurtenances and dignity of the King: making one monarchy and one kingdom, which sometime was called the kingdom of Britain's, and now the kingdom of England: such bonds and limites as is abovesaid, be appointed and limited to the name of this kingdom.
Moreover, in the foresaid laws of this king Edward, it followeth in the same book where the foresaid Edward describing the office of a King, addeth in these words. A king saith he, ought above all things to fear God: to love and to observe his commandments: and cause them to be observed through his whole kingdom. He ought also to keep, chearish, maintain, & govern the holy church w t in his kingdom, with all integrity and liberty, according to the constitutions of his auncetors and predecessors: and to defend the same against all enemies, so that God above all things be honored, & ever be before his eyes. He ought also to set up good laws and customs, such as be wholesome and approved: such as be otherwise, to repeal them, and thrust them out of his kingdom. Item, he ought to do judgment and justice in his kingdom, by the counsel of the nobles of his realm. All these things ought a King in his own person to do, taking his oath upon y e Evangelist, and the blessed relics of saints, swearing in the presence of the whole state of his realm (as well of the temporality as of the spiritualty) before he be crowned of the Archbishops & Bishops. Three servants the king ought to have under him as vassals: fleshly lust, avarice, and greedy desire. Whom if he keep under as his servants and slaves, he shall reign well and honorably in his kingdom. Al things are to be done with good advisement and premeditation: and that properly belongeth to a king. For hasty rashness bringeth all things to ruin, according to the saying of the Gospel: Every kingdom divided in it self, shall be desolate. &c.
After the duty and office of Princes thus described, consequently followeth the institution of subjects, declared in many good & necessary ordinances, very requisite and convenient for public government. Of the which laws William Conqueror was compelled, thorough the clamor of the people to take some: but the most parte he omitted, contrary to his own oth at his coronation, inserting and placing the moste of his own laws in his language: to serve his purpose: and which as yet to this present day in the same Normande language do remain. Now (the Lord willing) let us proceed in the story, as in order followeth.
* King Harold.
HArolde the seconde son of Earl Godwine, and last king of the Saxons: notwithstanding that diverse of the nobles went with Edgar Adeling, the next heir after Edmund Ironside: yet he through force and might contemning the young age of Edgar, and forgetting also his promise made to duke William, toke upon him to be king of England, An. 1066. When Harolde Harefager, son of Canutus, king of Norway & Dēmark, heard of the death of king Edward, he came into England with 300. ships or mo: who, then joining w t Tostius, brother to the said Harold king of England, entered into the North partes, & claimed the land after the death of Edward. But y e Lord's of the country arose and gave them battle, notwithstanding the Danes had y e victory. And therefore Harold king of England prepared toward them in all hast, & gave them another strong battle, and there had the victory, where also Harold the Dane was slain, by the hand of Harold king of England. And Tostius was also slain in the battle. After this victory, Harold waxed proud & covetous: and would not devide the prays to his Knightes that had deserved it, but kept it to himself whereby he lost the favor of many of his knights and people.
In this mean time William Duke of Normādy, sent Ambassades to Harolde king of England, admonishing him of the couenauntes that were agreed between them: which was, to have kept the land to his use after the death of Edward. But because that the daughter of Duke William (that was promised to Harolde) was dead: Harolde thought him thereby discharged, and said, that such a nice foolish promise ought not to be holden (concerning an others land) without the consent of the Lord's of the same: and especially for that he was thereunto, for need or for dread compelled.
Upon these answers received, Duke William, in the while that the messengers went and came: gathered his knights, and prepared his name, and had the assent of the Lord's of his lande to aide and assist him in his journey. And over that sending unto Rome to pope Alexander, concerning his title & viage into england: the pope confirmeth him in the same, and sent unto him a banner, willing him to hear it in the ship, wherein himself should sails. Thus Duke William, being purueied of all things concerning his journey: sped him to the sea side, and took shipping at the haven off. Ualery: where he tarried a long time, or he might have a convenient wind. For the which his soldiers murmured (saying) it was a woodnesse, & a thing displeasing God, to desire to have an others man's kingdom by strength, and namely whē God was against it in sending contrary wind. &c. At the last the wind shortly after came about, and they took shipping with a great company, and landed at Hastings in Sussex.
For three causes Duke William entered this lande, to subdue Harold. One was, for that it was to him given by king Edward his nephew. The second was to take wreke, for the cruel murder of his nephewe Alfred, King Edward's brother, and of the Normands, which deed he ascribed chiefly to Harolde. The third was, to revenge the wrong done to Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, which was exiled by the means & labor of Harold, in the time of king Edward.
Thus, while Harold was in the North: Duke William made so great speed that he came to London before the King: out of which he was holden, till he had made good surety, that he & his people should pass through the City without tarrying: which promise he well observing, passed the bridge, and went over unto Sussex. From whence he sent a Monk unto Harold, & proffered to him three manner of ways. 1. Either to render to him the possession of the land, and so to take it again of him under tribute, reigning under him. 2. or else to abide and stand to the Popes arbitrement betwixt them both: or thirdly to defend his quarrel in his own person against the Duke, and they two only to try the matter by dinte of sword, without any other bloudsheding.
But Harold refused all these offers, saying: it should be tried by dinte of swords, & not by one sword. And so gathered his people, & joined battle with the Normands, in the place where afterward was built the Abbey of Battle in Sussex. In the beginning of which fight the englishmen kept them in good array, like to vanquishe the Normandes. Wherefore Duke William caused his men to give back, as though they fled: whereby the englishmē followed fast and brake their array. Then the Normanes fiercely giving a charge upon them, in conclusion obtained the victory, through the just providence of God. Where king Harolde, who before had murdered Alfred the true heir of the Crown, with his company of Normandes so cruelly: was now wounded of the Normandes, in the left eye with an arrow, and thereof incontinent died: although Gerardus saith, he fled away to Chester, and lived after that a Monk in the monastery of S. James. Whyche is not like, but rather that he was there slain, after that he had reigned nine months, and was buried at Waltham (which proveth that he died not at Chester) and so was he the last that reigned in England of the blood of Saxons: the which continued (to reckon from Hengistus his first reign in Kent) by the space of 591. years. And if it be reckoned from the years of the Westsaxons, then it endured the space of 565. years.
This William Duke, and king Edward, were by the fathers side, cousin germaines removed. For Richard the first of that name, which was the third duke of Normandy after Rollo: was father to Duke Richard the second of that name, & brother to Emma mother to king Edward. Which Duke Richard the seconde, was father to Duke Robert, this Duke Williams father.
Albeit in this matter, other some may gather otherwise and better, perchance, yet if I may say what I think, verily I suppose, that there is no consanguinity so much here the cause, why God of his unknown judgments suffered the Normandes here to prevail: as was rather the cruel murder of Alfred, & of the innocent Normands, wrought by the cruel despite of Harold and the englishmen, as is before declared. The which merciless murder, God here justly in this conquest recompensed.
Now remaineth also to these foreign affairs of kings & Princes, to add something likewise concerning the continuation of the Archbishops of Canterbury, beginning there where we last left: that is with Elphegus, whom we declared a little before to be stoned by the Danes at Grenewich. After which Elphegus next succeeded Liningus, after him Egelnothus also above mentioned. Then Robertus a Normand, a great doer (as is declared) about king Edward, and a faithful counsailer unto him: but he abode not long. After whom, Stigandus invaded the sea (as they report) by simony: being both Archbishop of Cāt. Bishop of Winchester, and also Abbot in another place. Wherein he continued a great space, gathering and heaping goods together, till at length Duke William clapt him in prison, and there kept him: placing in his room, Lancfrācus a Lombard borne, of whom more shall follow (Christ willing) hereafter to be declared.
Although the Church of Christ, and state of religion first founded and grounded by Christ and his Apostles, did not continually altogether remain in his primative perfection, wherein it was first instituted: But in process of time, began from better to worse, to decrease & decline into much superstition & inconvenience: partly through the coming in of Muhammad, partly through y e increase of wealth and riches, partly through the decrease of knowledge & diligence in such as should be the guides of Christ's flock: yet the infection & corruption of that time (though it were great) did not so abound in such excessive measure, as afterward in the other latter times now following, about the thousand years expired after Christ: whereof we have to entreat, Christ so permitting. About the which time and year came Sylvester the seconde of that name, who next succeeded after Gregory the v. before mentioned. pag. 159. and occupied the sea of Rome about the yere of our Lord 1000. lacking one or two.
This Sylvester was a Sorcerer, which after the sort of them, that work by familiars (as they cal them) and by cōiuration▪ cōpacted with the devil, to be made pope. And so he was (through the operation of Satan) according to his request, Which thing some histories say, he did greatly repent before his death. But for a more ample declaration hereof, I will bring in the words of Johannes Stella, a Uenetian, translated from Latin into English, concerning the said Sylvester: to the intent that our inchaunters and sorcerers now a days (whereof there be to many in England) may the better through his example be admonished. The words of Stella be these, agreeing also with the narration of Benno, Platina and many other. Sylvester the second of that name, being Pope, and a Frenchman, called Gibertus: sat in his Papacie iv. years, one month and viii. days. He entered into his Papacie, through wicked & unlawful means: who from his youth being a monk, and leaving his monastery, gave himself wholly to the devil, to obtain that which he required. And first coming to Hispalis a City in Spain, there applied his book and profited there in so much, y t he was made Doctor, having amongst his auditors, Otho the Emperors son, and Robert the French King, Lotharius Archbyshop of Senon, with diverse other moe. By whose advancement he was promoted, first Bishop of Rheme, afterward Bishop of Rauenna, and at last through the operation of Satan, was exalted to the Papacy of Rome; upon this condition, that after his death, he should give himself to the devil, by whose procuremēt, he came to that promotion. Upō a certain time he demanded an answer of the devil, how long he should enjoy his Popedom, to whom he answered again: until thou say Mass in Jerusalem thou shalt live. At length the iv. year of his Popedom, saying Mass at Lent time, in the temple of the holy cross being called then Jerusalem, there he knew the time was come, when he should die. Wherupon being stroke with repentance, confessed his fault openly before the people: desiring all men to cut his body all in pieces (being so seduced by deceits of the devil) & so being hewn in pieces, they would lay it upon a cart, and bury it there, where soever the horses would carry it of their accord. And so the saying is to be, that by the providence of God (whereby the wicked may learn yet hope of remission w t God, so that they will repent them in their life) the horses of their own accord staid at the church of Lateran, and there he was buried: whereas commonly by the rattling of his bones within the tomb, is portended the death of Popes as the common report goeth. Thus much out of Johannes Stella, concerning Sylvester. By whō our sorcerers and enchanters, or magicians may learn to beware of the deceitful operation of Satan: who, at the ende deceiveth and frustateth all them, that have to do with him: as the ende of all such doth declare commonly, which use the like art or trade. The Lord and God of all mercy, through the spirit of Jesus our redeemer, dissolve y e works of Satan, and preserve the hearts of our nobles, and of all other Englishmen from such infection. Amen.
After Sylvester succeeded Johannes .xix. by whom was brought in (as Volateran saith) the feast of all souls, an. 1004. through the means and instigation of one Odilo Abbot of Cluniake, to be celebrate; next after the feast of all Saints. This Monk Odilo, thinking that Purgatory (as he heard) should be in the mount Aetna: dreamed vpō a time in the country of Sicily, that he by his Masses had delivered diverse souls from thence: saying moreover, that he did hear the voices and lamētations of devils crying out, for that the souls were taken frō them by the Masses & Dirges funeral. Ex Bakenthorpo. in prolo. 4. Lib. Sentent. And not long after him came John the xx. and Sergius the iv. After whom succeeded Benedictus the viii. then John the 21. who being promoted by art magike of Theoyhilact his nephew, Gratianus, Brazutus and other Sorcerers brought in first the fast of the evē of John the Baptist and S. Laurēce. After him followed pope Benedictus the 9. likewise aspiring to his Papacy, by like magike, practicing inchauntmentes and coniuration in woods, after horrible manner. Who resisting the Emperor Henricus 3. son to Conradus, and placing in his room. Petrus the king of Hungary with this verse. Petra dedit Romam Petro, tibi Papa coronam: Afterward for fear of Henricus prevailing in battle; he was fain to sell his seat to his successoure Gratianus, called Gregorius vi. for 1500. pounds. At which time were 3. Popes together in Rome, reigning & raging one against another. Benedictus ix. Sylvester 3. & Gregorius vi. For the which cause Henricus surnamed Niger; the Emperor, coming to Rome: displaced these 3. monsters at one time, placing for them, Clemens 2. and thereupon inacting, that there should no bishop of Rome henceforth be chosen, but by the consent and confirmation of the Emperor. Which constitution though it was both agreeable & also necessary for public trāquilitie of that city, yet the Cardinals would not suffer it long to stand, but did impugn it afterward by subtle practice and open violence, as in process (the Lord permitting) shall appear, in the time of Henricus the 4. and 5. In the time of this Clement, the Romans made an oath to the Emperor, concerning the election of the Bishops, themselves to entermeddle no farther therein, but as the assent of the Emperor should go with all. Howbeit the Emperor departing thence into Germany again, by and by they forgote their oath, and within 9. months after poisoned the Bishop. Which fact some impute to Stephen his successor, called Damasus 2. Some impute it to Brazutus, who (as histories record) within 13. years poisoned 6. popes, that is, Clemens 2. Damasus. 2. Leo. 9. Uictor. 2. Stephanus 9. Nicolaus the 2.
Thus Clement being poisoned, after him succeeded Damasus 2. neither by consent of the people, nor of the emperor elected: but by force and invasion, who a • so within 23. days being poisoned. An. 1049. much contention and striving began in Rome about the Papal seat. Wherupon the Romans, through the counsel of the Cardinals, sent to the foresaid Emperor, desiring to give them a bishop, and so he did, whose name was Bruno an Almain, and bishop of Colle • , afterward called Leo 9. This Bruno being a simple man and easy to be led with evil counsel, coming from the Emperor towards Rome in his pontifical apparel like a Pope: meeteth him by the way the Abbot of Cluniake, and Hildebrand a monk. Who seeing him so in his pontificalibus, begā to rate him, laying to his charge, that he would so take his authority of the Emperor, and not rather of the Clergy of Rome & the people thereof, as other his predecessors were wont to do: and so counseled him, to lay down that apparel, and to enter in w t his own habit, till he had his election by them. Bruno following their counsel, and confessing his fault before the Clergy of Rome, obtained their favor, and so was nominate Leo 9. whereby Hildebrand was made a Cardinal, & put in high room. Under this Pope Leo were two Councils, one kept at Uercellis, where the doctrine of Berengarius against the real substance in the Sacrament was first condemned, although Berengarius yet recanted not, which nevertheless was done after in the Council of Lateran • , under Nicolas 2. An. M.lx. The other was kept at Moguntia, where amongst many other decrees was enacted, priests to be excluded and debarred utterly from marriage▪ Item, that no lay men might give benefice, or bishopric, or any spiritual promotion. &c.
This Leo, being at Wormes w t the Emperor upon Christmas day, did excommunicate the subdeacon because in reading the Epistle, he did it not in the Roman tune, he being there present. The Archbishop moved therewith, departed from the altare (being then at Mass) saying, he would not proceed no farther in his service, unless his subdeacon were restored. Wherupon the Pope commanded him to be released, & so they went forward in their service.
After the death of Leo, whom Brazutus poisoned the first yere of his popedom. Theophilactus did strive to be Pope: but Hildebrand to defeat him, went to the emperor, (partly also being sent by y e Romans for fear of the Emperors displeasure) who assigned another bishop, a German, called Uictor 2. This Uictor having a Council at Florence, deposed diverse Bishops and Priests, for simony and fornicatiō. For simony, in that they took of secular men their dignities for money: for fornication, in that contrary to their Canon, they were married. &c. The 2. year of his papacy and little more, this Pope also followed his predecessors being poisoned by the foresaid Brazutus, through the procurement of Hildebrand and his master.
Here now began the Church and Clergy of Rome, to wring out of the emperors hand the election of the pope: electing Stephen the 9. for pope, contrary to their oth and to the Emperors assignment. Here was the Church of Milan first brought to obedience of the Romish Church, by this Stephanus the 9. bishop of Rome. Who also shamed not to accuse the Emperor Henry (of whom mention is made before) of heresy: for minishing the authority of the Roman sea. So this was their heresy at that time, not to maintain the ambitious proceedings of the Romish prelate. And simony they called this, to take & enjoy any spiritual living at a secular man's hand. Wherefore Stephen hearing this simony to reign in diverse places, namely in the Churches of Burgundy and Italy, sent forth the Cardinal Hildebrand to reform the matter: who was no less earnest in that kind of commission to help the matter forward.
In the mean time Stephanus y e pope, tasting of Brazutus cup fell sick. Hildebrand hearing that, applieth home w t all post speed. So being returned to Rome, assembleth all the companies and orders of the Clergy together, making thē to swear: that they should admit none to be Bishop, but which should be appointed by the public consent of them altogether. This being done, Hildebrand taketh his journey to Florence (belike to fetch the bishop of Florence) to stal him bishop: the clergy swearing to him, that no bishop should be ordained before his return again. But the people of Rome not suffering the election to stand so long, after the death of Stephan: elected one of their own city, called Benedictus the 10. Hildebrand hearing of this, was not a little offended: wherefore returning to Rome with one Gerhardus bishop of Florence, caused y e clergy to proceed to a new election, saying: that Benedictus was not lawfully called but came in by force & bribing. But y e clergy not daring to attempt any new election at Rome, went to Sene, and there elected this Garhardus bishop of Florence, whom Hildebrand brought with him. So were 2. popes in Rome together: But Garhardus named Nicolaus 2. holding a council at Sutrium, through the help of Duke Godfride and Guibert, and other bishops about Italy, caused the other Pope to be deposed. Benedictus understanding them to be set against him through y e means of Hildebrand, vnpoped himself, and went to Uelitras, living there more quietly thē he should have done at Rome.
Here is to be touched by the way, the error of the gloss upon the 23. dist. which falsely alledgeth out of the Chronicles, y t Benedictus 10. which succeeded Stephen, was deposed: after whō came Johannes bishop of Sabine for money, & he again deposed. Benedictus was then restored, and after displaced again, and then Johannes Archdeacon ad portam latinam, was made Pope, and he again deposed by the Emperor, and all this w t in one yere. Which history neither is found in any Chronicle, nor agreeth upon any Benedictus, save only that Benedictus 9. was deposed, & then reigned 3. popes together, Benedictus 9. Sylvester 3. & Gregorius 6. which before was called Johannes ad portam latinam, whom the Emperor deposed (all three together.) But that Benedict neither was the 10. neither did he succeed pope Stephen, as the gloss recordeth. Nicolas thus being set up without the mind both of the emperor, & of the people of Rome, after his fellow Pope was driven away: brake up the Synod of Sutrium, & came to Rome, where he assembled another council, called concilium Lateranum. In which council first was promulgate the terrible sentence of excommunication mentioned in the decrees, & beginneth: In nomine Domini nostri. &c. The effect whereof is this. First, that he after a subtle practice (as far and as plainly as he durst speak) vndermindeth the Emperors jurisdiction, and transferreth to a few Cardinals, and certain Catholic persons, the full authority of choosing the Pope. Secondly, against all such as do creep into the seat of Peter, by money or favor w t out the full consent of the Cardinals: he thūdreth with terrible blasts of excommunication, accursing them and their children with devils, as wicked persons to the anger of almighty god, giving also authority and power to Cardinals, with the Clergy and laity, to depose all such persons, and cal a council general, wheresoever they will against them.
Item, in the said Council of Lateran, under Pope Nicholas the seconde, Berengarius Andegauensis, an Archdeacon was driven to the recantation of his doctrine, denying the real substance of Christ's holy body and blood to be in the Sacrament, otherwise then sacramentally and in mystery.
In the same council also was hatched & invented, the new found devise and term of Transubstantiation.
It were to long here to declare the confederation betwixt this Nicholas, and Robertus Guiscardus: whom this pope (contrary to all right and good law, displacing the right heir) made Duke of Apulia, Calabria, Sicilia, and captain general of S. Peters lands: that through his force of arms and violence, he might the better subdue all such as should rebel to his obedience, and so did. Now let all men judge & understand (which be godly wise) howe this standeth w t the doctrine of Christ, the example of Peter, or the spirit of a christen bishop, by ourward arms & violence to conquer christen men & countries, under the obedience of a bishops sea. Thus Pope Nicolas the 2. well answering to his Greek name: by might and force continued 3. years and a half. But at length he met with Brazutus cup, and so turned up his heels.
At the beginning of this Nicolas, or somewhat before, about the yere of our Lord 1057. Henricus the 4. after the decease of Henry the 3. was made Emperor being but a child, & reigned 50. years: but not without great molestatiō and much disquietness, and all through the ungracious wickedness of Hildebrand, as hereafter (the Lord so permitting) shall be declared.
Here, by the way cometh to be noted, an example, whereby all Princes may learn and understand, how the pope is to be handled, whosoever looketh to have any goodness at his hand. If a man stand in fear of his curse, he shall be made his slave, but if he be despised of you, ye shall have him as you list. For the Popes curse may well be assimiled to Domicianus thunder: If a man give ear to the noise and crack, it seemeth a terrible thing: but if ye consider the causes and effect thereof, it is a most vain ridicle.
In the reign of this Nicolas, An. 1060. Aldredus Bishop of Worcester, after y e decease of Kinsius his predecessor should be made Archbishop of York, who coming to Rome with Tostius erle of Northumberland, for his palle (as the manner was) could not obtain it, but was deprived of all his dignity (for some default, I cannot tell what) in his answer. And furthermore, after his reversion home, was spoiled also of all that he brought w t him. Whereupon he returning again to Rome with Tostius the foresaid Earl, there made his complaint, but could not be heard: til Tostius, a man of stout courage, taking y e matter in hand, told the Pope to his face, that his curse was not to be feared in far countre • s, which his own neighbors, yea & most vile vacabonds derided and despised at home. Wherefore he required the Pope, either to restore Aldredus again to his goods lost, or else it should be known, that they were lost through his means and subtlery. And furthermore, it would come to pass, that y e king of England hearing this, would debar him of s. Peters tribute, taking it for a great shame to him & his realm, if Aldredus should come from Rome both deprived of dignity, & spoiled also of his goods. &c. In fine, the Pope thus persuaded by the argument of his purse, was content to send home Aldredus with his palle, according to his request.
After the death of Nicholas, the Lombardes being oppressed before by pope Nicholas, and brought under fear, were the more desirous, and thought it good to have a Bishop of their company: and so elected the bishop of Parniē called Cadolus, to be Pope: sending to the emperor and desiring his favor and supportation therein. For the election of the Pope (said they) most properly apperteined unto him.
The emperor well pleased and content, giveth his good leave and voice w t all. Hildebrandus, no less a wicked Necromancer, then a stout mainteiner of popish liberties against good emperors, hearing this: setteth up by a contrary faction, another bishop, Anselmus, after called Alexander the 2. Cadolus thus elected by the emperor & the Cardinals, setteth forward to Rome with a sufficient army & strength of mē. Alexander also no les prepared, there receiveth him with another army, where they had a great conflict, & many slain on both sides. But Cadolus as he had the better cause, so had he the worse fortune: who being repelled, yet repaired himself and came again with a greater power. Albeit, he prevailed not. The Emperor seeing this hurly burly: to take up the matter, sent thither his embassador Otho, Archbishop of Colen: who coming to Rome, beginneth sharply to chide the pope for taking so vpō him without the leave or knowledge of the emperor, declaring how y e election of that sea ought chiefly to appertain to the right of the emperor, as it hath done for y e most part in the time of his predecessors tofore. But Hildebrand all set on wickedness and ambition, and also puffed up not a little, with his late victories: not suffering the embassador to tell to the end, interrupted him in the middle of his tale, affirming, y t if they should stand to law and custom, the liberty of that election should rather belong to the clergy, then to the Emperor. To make short, Otho the embassador bearing (belike) more with the Clergy, then with the emperor, was content to be persuaded: only required this in the emperors name, a council to be had, to decide the matter: whereat the emperor should be present himself. And so he was: In the which council being kept at Mantua, Alexander was declared pope, the other had his pardon granted. In this council amongst many other considerations, was concluded concerning priests to have no wives: such as have cōcubines to say no mass: priests children not to be secluded from holy orders: no benefices to be bought for money. Alleluya to be suspended in time of Lent out of the church. &c. This also was decreed (which made most for Hildebrandus purpose) that no spiritual man, whatsoever he be, should enter in any Church, by a secular person, & that the Pope should be elected only by the Cardinals, &c. Benno Cardinalis writeth thus of Alexander, that after he perceived the frauds of Hildebrand, and of other the Emperors enemies: and understanding that he was set up and inthronised, but only for a purpose: being at his Mass, as he was preaching to the people, told them, he would not sit in y e place, unless he had the license of the Emperor. Which when Hildebrandus heard, he was stricken in such a fury, that scarcely he could keep his hands of him, while Mass was done. After the Mass being finished, by force of soldiers & strength of men he had him into a chamber, and there all to be pomild Pope Alexander with his fistes, rating and rebuking him for that he would seek for favor of the Emperor. Thus Alexander being kept up in custody, and being stinted to a certain allowance, as about v. groates a day. Hildebrand encroacheth all the whole revenues of the Church to him self, procuring thereby much treasure. At length Alexander under the miserable endurance of Hildebrand, died at euentide after 11. years & half▪ of his popedom. And thus much of Romish matters.
These things thus discoursed concerning the matters of Rome (now returning again to our own country story) the order thereof would require to enter again into the reign of William Conqueror, the next king following in England. But as a certain oration of K. Edgarus, which should have been placed before, chanced in the mean time to come to my hands, not unworthy to be read: I thought by the way in the ende of this book, to insert the same (although out of order) yet better I judge it out of order, then out of the book.
The oration of king Edgar to the Clergy.
BEcause God hath shown his great mercy to work with us: it is meet (most reverend Fathers) that with worthy works we should answer his innumerable benefits. For we possess not the land by our own sword, and our own arm hath not saved us: but his right hand and his holy arm, because he hath been delighted in us. Therefore it is meet that we should submit both our selves and our souls to him that hath subjected all these things under our government: and that we ought stoutly to labor, that they whom he hath made subject to us, might be subject to his laws. It belongs to me to rule the lay people with the law of equity, to do just judgment between man and his neighbor, to punish Church robbers, to hold under rebels to deliver the helpless from the hand of the stronger, the needye also and the poor from them that rob them. It belongs also to my care to provide necessary things to the ministers of the Churches, to the flocks of the Monks, to the company of virgins, and to provide for their peace and quiet. The examining of all whose manners belongeth unto us: whether they live chastely, if they behave themselves honestly toward them that be without, whether they be diligent at God's service, if they be earnest to teache the people if they be sober in eating and drinking, if they keep measure in apparel, and if they be discreet in judgment. If ye had regarded these things with a trial of them (O reverend fathers, by your leaves I speak) such horrible and abhominable things of the Clerks, should not have come unto our ears. I omit to speak how their crown is not broad, nor their rounding convenient, the wantonness in your life, your pride in your gesture, the filthiness in your words, do declare the evil of the inward man.
Furthermore what negligence is in God's service, when scarce they will be present at the holy vigils? And when they come to mass, they seem rather to be gathered to play and laugh, then to sing. I will tell that, that good men be sory for, and the evil laugh at. I will speak with sorrow (if so be I may express it) how they be riotous in banquetings, in chambering drunkenness, and vnshamefastnes: that now clerks houses may be thought to be a stews of harlots, and a convent of players. There be dice, there is dancing, and singing, there is watching to midnight, with crying and shouting. Thus the goods of kings, the alms of princes, yea (and that more is) the price of that precious blood is not esteemed. Have our fathers thē spent their treasures for this purpose▪ Hath the kings cofers decayed by taking away many revenues, for this cause? Hath the kings liberality given lands and possessions to Christ's Churches for this intent, that Clerks harlots should be decked with the same? that riotous feasts might be dressed? that houndes and hawks and such other toys might be gotten? The soldiers cry out of these things, the people grudge minstrels sing and dance, and yet ye regard it not, ye spare it, ye dissemble it. Where is the sword of Leuy, and the zeal of Simeon, which killed the Shechemites, and the Circumcised, which bare the figure of them that defile Christ's Church, with filthy deeds, because they abused Iacobes daughter as a harlot? Where is Moses spirit which spared not his own kinsfolk that worshipped the head of the Calf?
Where is Phinies the priests dagger, which pacified God's anger by his holy zeal, when he killed him that played the harlote with the Madianite? Where is Peters spirit, by whose power covetousness is destroyed, & simonical heresy is condemned? Be earnest ye Priests, be earnest, to follow the ways of the Lord, & the righteousness of our God. It is time to do against them that have broken the law of God. I have Constantine's sword, and ye have Peters sword in your hands, let us join right hands, let us couple sword to sword, that the lepers may be cast out of the temples, that the holy place of the Lord may be purged, and the sons of Leuie may minister in the temple, who said to his father and mother I know you not, and to his brothers I know not you. Go to diligently I pray you, least we repent to have done that, that we have done, & to have given that, that we give. If we shall see that to be spent not in God's service, but on the riotousnes of wicked men, through vile and corrupt liberty of life for lack of chastisement: let the relics of holy saints which they despise, and the holy altars, before which they play the mad men, move you. Let the great devotion of our ancetours move you, whose alms the madness of the Clerks doeth abuse. My great graundfather (as ye know) gave the tenth parte of all his lands to Churches and Abbeys. My great great graundfather Alfredus of holy memory, thought it not meet to spare his Treasures, his goods, no costs, nor rentes, that he might enriche the Church. My grandfather the elder, Edward, your fatherhoode is not ignorant, howe great things he gave to the Churches It becometh you to remember with what gifts my father & his brothers did enrich Christ's altars. O father of fathers Dunstane, behold I pray thee the eyes of my father looking on thee, from that bright place of heaven. Hearken his complaining words, sounding in thine ears thus pitifully lamenting. O father Dunstane, thou, thou I say, givest me counsel to build Abbaies and Churches, thou wast my helper and fellow worker in all things. I chose thee as a shepherd and bishop of my soul, and a keeper of my manners. Whē did I not obey thee? what treasures did I prefer in respect of thy counsels? What possessions did I not despise, if thou bad me? If thou thought meet to give anything to the poor, I was ready. If thou thought meet to give anything to Churches, I deferred not. If thou complained that Monks or Clerks wanted anything, I supplied. Thou saidest that alms lasted forever, and that there was none more fruitful then that which was given to Abbeis or Churches. For with that, both God's servants are sustained, and that which remaineth is given to the poor. O worthy alms. O worthy price of the soul. Oh wholesome remedy for our sins, which now doeth stink in the sweet furs of priests lemmans, wherewith they adorn their ears & decke their fingers, apparelling their delicate bodies with silk and purple. O father, is this the fruit of mine alms, is this the effect of my desire, and of thy promise? What wilt thou answer to this complaint of my fathers? I know, I know, when thou didst see a thief, thou runnest not with him, neither hast thou put thy portion with adulterers. Thou hast rebuked, thou hast exhorted, thou hast blamed them, but words have been despised. Now we must come to stripes of correction, thou hast here with thee the worshipful father Edward bishop of Winchester. Thou hast the reverend Prelate Oswold bishop of Worcester, I commit this business to you, that both by Bishoply correction, and the kings authority the filthy lives may be cast out of the Churches, and they that live orderly may be brought in. &c.
In this Oration of K. Edgar above prefixed, 3. things are chiefly to be noted & considered, to them y t have judgments to mark and understand, to wit: The religious zeal and devotion of kings, both in giving to the church, & also in correcting the manners of churchmen. 2. Secondly, the dissolute behavior and wantonness of the clergy, then abusing the great donatiōs and patrimonies of princes bestowed upon them. 3. Thirdly, the blind ignorance and superstition of that time in both states, as well Ecclesiastical as temporal, in esteeming Christ's religion chiefly to consist in giving to Churches, and in maintaining of Monkery, falsely being persuaded that remission of their sins, & remedy of their souls therein did lie in building monasteries, erecting churches and cloisters, and in placing monks in the same, and such other alms deeds, and works of devotion. Wherein appeareth how ignorant that time was of the true doctrine of Christ's faith, and of free grace of the Gospel, which promiseth life, remedy, and justification, not by any devout merits of ours, nor by any works either of the law of God, or of the inventions of man, but only and freely by our faith upon Christ Jesus the son of God, in whom only consisteth all the promises of God. Amen.
Now remaineth as in the former book before, so in this likewise, to prosecute the order & race of Archbishops of Canterbury, as we have done the race of kings, beginning with Etheredus, who succeeded next after Celnocke, the seuententh Archbishop of that Sea mentioned, where we last left before, Pag. 131.
King Egbertus.
IN the reign of Brigthricus a little before mentioned, about the yere of grace 7 • 5. there was in his dominion a noble personage, of some called Egbert, of some Ethelbert, of some Athelbright, who being feared of the same Brigthricus, because he was of a kingly blood, & nere unto the crown, was by the force & conspiracy of the forenamed Brigthricus, chased & pursued out of the land of Britam into France, where he endured till the death of the said Brigthricus. After the hearing whereof, Egbert sped him eftsoons out of France, unto his country of Westsaxe, where he in such wise behaved himself, that he obtained the regiment and governance of the abovesaid kingdom.
Bernulphus king of Mercia above mentioned, with other kings, had this Egbert in such decisiō, that they made of him diverse scoffing gestes, and scorning rimes, at which he sustained for a time. But when he was more established in his kingdom, & had proved the minds of his subjects and especially God working withal: he afterward assembled his knights, and gave to the said Bernulphus, a battle in a place called Elindē, in the province of hāton. And notwithanding in that fight was great odds of number, as 6. or 8. against one, yet Egbert (through the might of the Lord which giveth victory as pleaseth him) had the better and wan the field: Which done he ceased that Lordship into his hand. And that also done, he made war upon the Kentish saxons, and at length in likewise, of them obtained the victory. And as it is in Polychronicon testified, he also subdued Northumberland, and caused the kings of these three kingdoms to live under him as tributaries or joined them to his kingdom. Ex Flor. Hist. This Egbert, also wan from the Britons or Welshinē, the town of Chester, which they had kept possession of, till that day. After these & other victories, he peaceably enjoying the land, called a Council of his Lord's at Winchester, where by their aduises he was crowned king & chief Lord over this land. which before that day was called Britain: but thē he sent out into all coasts of the land his commandments and cōmissions, charging straightly y t from that day forward the Saxons should be called Angles, and the land Anglia.
About the 30. year of the reign of Egbert, the heathenish people of the Danes, which a little before had made horrible destruction in Northumberland, & especially in y e I will of Lindesarue, where they spoiled the Churches, and murdered the ministers, with men, women, and children, after a cruel manner, entered now the second time with a great host into this land, and spoiled the I will of Shepy in Kent, or nere to Kent, where Egbert hearing thereof, assembled his people and met with them at Carrum. But in that conflict sped not so well as he was wont in times before, but with his knights was compelled to forsake the field. Notwithstanding in the next battle, the said Egbert with a small power overthrew a great multitude of them, and so drove them back. The next year following, the said Danes presuming upon their victory before, made their return again into the land Westward, where joining with the Britain's, by the help and power of them, they assailed the lands of Egbert, & did much harm in many places of his dominion, and else where, so that after this day, they were continually abiding in one place of the realm of england or other▪ till the time of Hardeknutus, last king of the Danes blood, so that many of them were married to English women, and many that now be, or in times past were called Englishmen, are descended of them. And albeit that they were many and sundry times driven out of the land, & chased from one country to another, yet that notwithstanding, they ever gathered new strengths and power, that they abode still within the land.
And thus (as by the stories appeareth) this troublesome land of Britain, now called England, hath been hitherto by v. sundry outward nations plagued. First, by the Romans, then by the Scots & Pictes, 3. by the Saxons, 4. by the Danes, of whose outrageous cruelty & hostility, our English histories do most exclayme & complain: fifthly by the Normanes, which I pray God be the last.
Thē it followeth in the story, that the time of this persecution of the foresaid Pagans and Danes continuing, king Egbert when he had ruled the Westsaxons, and over the more part of England, by the term of xxxvij. years, died, and was buried at Winchester, leaving to his son Ethelwolfe his kingdom, which first was Byshoppe of Winchester (as Houeden recordeth) and after upon necessity made king, leaving withal and pronouncing this saying to his son: Foelicem fore, si regnum, quod multa rexerat industria, ill consueta genti illi non interrumperet ignauia.
* King Athelwolfus.
AThelwulfus, the son of Egbert, in his former age had entered into the order of Subdeacon, and as some other say was made Bishop of Winchester. But afterward being the only son of Egbert was made king through the dispensation (as Fabian saith) of Pope Paschalis, but that cannot be: for Paschalis then was not Bishop: so that by the computation of time, it should rather seem to be Gregory the 4. This Athelwulfe (as being himself once nuseled in that order) was always good and devout to holy Church and religious orders. In so much that he gave to them the rythe of all his goods and lands in Westsaxons, with liberty and freedom from all seruage and civil charges. Whereof, his charte instrument beareth testimony after this tenor proceeding: much like to the donation of Ethelbaldus king of Mercians, above mentioned.
* The Privileges and donations given by king Ethelwulfus to the Clergy.
REgnante Domino nostro imperpetuum. Dum in nostris temporibus per bellorum incendia, & direptiones opum nostrarum, nec non & vastantium crudelissimas depredationes hostiū, barbarum, paganarum{que} gentium, multiplices tribulationes ad affligendum vsque ad internecionem, tempora cernimus incumbere periculosa. Quamobrem, ego Ethelwulfus Rex occidentalium Saxonum, cum consilio Episcoporum & principum meorum, consilium salubre, & uniform remedium affirmaui: vt aliquam portionem terrarum haereditariam, Deo & sanctae Mariae, & omnibus sanctis iure perpetuo possidendam concedam, scilicet partem terrae meae, vt sit tuta & immunis ab omnibus secularibus seruicijs, nec non regalibus tributis maioribus & minoribus sieve taxationibus, quod nos dicimus Wittereden: sit{que} libera omnium rerum, pro remission animarum & peccatorum nostrorum, ad Deo soli deseruiendum, sine expeditione, & pontis constructione, & arcis munitione: vt eo diligentiùs pro nobis ad Deum preces sine cessatione fundant, quo eorum seruitutem in aliqua parte leuigamus, &c.
Hereby may it appear, how when the Churches of England, began first to be endued with temporalties and lands: also with privileges & exemptiōs enlarged. Moreover (and that which specially is to be considered & lamented) what pernicious doctrine was this, wherewith they were led: thus to set remission of their sins, and remedy of their souls: in this donation and such other deeds of their devotion, contrary to the information of God's word, and no small derogation to the Cross of Christ?
These things thus done within the Realm, then the said Ethelwulfus the king, taking his journey to Rome, with Alfred his youngest son, committed him to the bringing up of Pope Leo the iv. where he also reedified the English school at Rome: which being founded by king Offa, or rather by Iue king of Mercians (as in the flowers of Hist. is affirmed) was lately in the time of king Egbert his father, consumed with fire. Farther and besides, th • s king gave and granted there unto Rome, of every fire house a penny to be paid through his whole land, as king Iue in his dominion had done before. Also he gave & granted yearly to be paid to Rome. 300 marks, that is to the maintaining of the light of S. Peter .C. marks: to y e light of S. Paul .C. marks: to the use of the Pope also another hundredth. This done, returning home through France, married their Judith the daughter of Carolus Caluus, y e • rēch king: whom he restored afterward, contrary to the laws of Westsaxons, to the title and throne of a Queen. For before, it was decreed among the Westsaxons (by the occasion of wicked Ethelburga, who poisoned Brigthricus her own husband) that after that, no kings wife there should have the name or place of a Queen.
And forsomuch as I have here entered into the mention of Judith, daughter of Carolus Caluus : the occasion thereof putteth me in memory, here to insert by the way a matter bone, although not in this Realm, yet not impertinent to this ecclesiastical history. And first to deduct the narration hereof from the first original. The father of this Carolus Caluus, whose name was Ludouicus, first of that name, called Pius king of France, had two wives: whereof by the first, he had iii. sons, Lothary, Pipin, and Lewys. Which iii. sons unnaturally and unkindly, cōspiring against their father, and his second wife, with her son, their youngest brother, persecuted him so, that through a certain council of Lord's spiritual and temporal, they deposed the same their natural and right godly father, dispossessing and discharging him of all rule and dominion. Moreover, caused him to renounce his temporal habit, inclosing him in the Monastery of S. Mark, for a monk or rather a prisoner. All which done, they divided his Empire and kingdom among themselves.
Thus was Ludouicus Pius, of impious sons left desolate. But the power of God, which worketh when all earthly power ceaseth, of his divine mercy so aided and recovered him out of all this tribulation to this Imperial dignity again: that it was to all his enemies confusion, and to all good men a miracle. But this by the way. By his 2. wife whose name was Judith, he had this Charles the Bald here mentioned. Which Judith was thought and so accúsed to the Pope, to be within such degree of alliance, that by the Popes law, she might not continue his wife without the popes dispensation. It so fell out in the mean time that this Ludouicus the Emperor, had promoted a young man named Frederick to be Bishop of Utricke • and to him had given sad and good exhortation, that he remembering and following the constancy of his predecessors, would maintain right and truth without all exception of any person, & punish misdoers with excommunication, as well the riche as the poor, with such like words of godly coūsails. Frederick hearing the king thus to say, sitting at dinner with him, as the manner was being newly invested, in these words answered to the Emperor again. I thank your majesty saith he, which with your so wholesome exhortation putteth me in mind of my profession. But I beseech you of your benign favor & patience, that I may freely disclose, that which hath long encumbered and pierced my conscience. To whō leave being given, thus he began. I pray you (Lord Emperor) to show me herein your mind (pointing to the fish before him) whether is it more according, to attain this fish here present, beginning first at the head or at the tail? What a tale is this, quoth the Emperor, of the tail & of the head: At the head quoth he. Then Frederike taking thereof his occasion, proceedeth: Even so let it be (Lord Emperor) saith he, as you have said. Let Christian faith and charity first begin with yourself, as with the head, admonishing you to cease frō your face, and error, that your subjects by your example be not boldned to follow your misdoing. Wherefore first forsake you, your unlawful wedlock, which you have made with Judith your near kinswoman. These words of the new Bishop, although they moved Ludouicus the Emperor not a little, yet he, with a gentle modesty, and modest silence was contented, suffering the bishop to go home in peace. But the word being uttered in such an audience, could not so be concealed but spread and brast out in much talk in the whole court, and especially among the Bishops, consultyng earnestly with themselves about the matter. Through whose counsel and labor so at length it fell, that the Emperor was constrained to leave the company of his wife, till he had purchased a license of the bishop of Rome, to retain her again, who then forgave the said bishop all that was past. But the woman hired two knights that slew him in his vestimentes, when he had ended his mass. Ranulphus, and Guliel Libro de pontificib, give forth this story in his great commendation to die a Martyr. Whereof I have not to judge, nor here to pronounce: but that rather I think him to be comended in his dying, then the women for her killing.
And for as much as mention hath been made of Ludouicus Pius, here is to be noted, that in France then was vied of Priests and Churchmen, precious and showing vestuce, and golden, and rich staring girldles, with rings and other ornaments of gold. Wherefore the said Louis purchased of the Bishop of Rome a correctiō, for all such as used such disordinate apparel, causing them to wear brown and sad colors, according to their sadness. Fab.
Of this Louis the Papists do fain, that because he converted certain of their Church goods and patrimony to y e wages of his soldiers, his body (say they) was carried out of his tomb by devils, and was no more seen.
And thus a little having disgressed out of our course, now let us return out of France into England again: king Ethelwulfus, who coming from Rome by the country of France, was now returned again into his own dominion, where he continued not long after.
This Ethelwulfus, had especially about him two Bishops, whose counsel he was most ruled by, Swythinus Bishop of Winchester, and Adelstanus Bishop of Syreborne. Of the which two, the one was more skillful in temporal and civil affairs touching the kings wars, and filling of his coffers, and other furniture for the king. The other (which was Swythinus ) was of a contrary sort, wholly disposed and inclined to spiritual meditation, and to minister spiritual council to y e king: who had ben schoolmaster to the king before. Wherein appeared one good condition of this kings nature, among his other virtues, not only in following the precepts and aduertisementes of his old schoolemaister: But also in y t he like a kind & thankfull pupille did so reverence his bringer up, and old scholmaister (as he called him) that he ceased not, till he made him Bishop of Winchester, by the consecration of Celnoch then Archbishop of Canterbury. But as concerning the miracles which are read in the Church of Winchester, of this Swythinus, them I leave to be read together with the Iliades of Homere, or tales of Robenhood.
This Gregory the fourth here in this present Chapter above mentioned: was the third pope which succeeded after Paschalis the first, being but. 4. years betwixt them, which Paschalis succeeded after Stephen the 4. who followed after Leo the 3. next Pope unto Hadrian above in our history mentioned, whereas we entreated of Charles the great. From the time of that Hadrian the first, unto Pope Hadrian the 3. The Emperors had some stroke in the election (at lest in the confirmation) of the Romaine Pope. Notwithstanding, diverse of those foresaid popes in the mean time began to work their practices to bring that purpose about. But yet all their devises could take no full effect, before the said Hadrian the iii. as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared. So that the Emperors all this while bare some rule in choosing the Popes, and in assembling general Councils. Wherefore by the commandment of Ludouicus the Emperor, in the time of this Gregory the iv. a general Synod was commensed at Aquisgraue, where it was decreed by the said Gregory and his assistance: first that every Church should have sufficient of his own proper lands and revenues, to find the Priests thereof: that none should need to lack or go about a begging. Itē thatnone of the Clergy of what order or degree soever he be, should use any vesture of any precious or scarelet color. Neither shall wear ringes on their fingers, unless it be when Prelates be at Mass, or give their consecrations. Item that Prelates should not keep to great ports or families, nor keep great horse, use dice, or harlots. And the Monks should not exceed measure in glotony or riot. Item that none of the Clergye being either annointed or shaven: should use either gold or silver in their shoes, slippers, or girdles, like to Heliogabalus. By this it may be conjectured, what pomp and pride in those days was crept into the Clergy. Moreover, by the said pope Gregory the 4. at the commandment of Ludouicus Emperor, the feast of all Saints was first brought into the Church.
After this Pope, came Sergius the second which first brought in the altering of the Popes names, because he was named before os porci, that is, Swines snout: which also ordained the Agnus thrice to be song at the Mass, and the host to be divided into three partes.
After him, was Pope Leo the iv. to whom this king Ethelwulfus (as in this present chapter is above specified) did commit the tuition of his son Alfred. By this Pope Leo, it came in, and was first enacted in a Counsel of his, that no Bishop should be condemned under 72. witnesses, according as ye see in the witnesses, at the condemnation of Stephen Gardener, orderly practiced.
Item contrary to the law of Gregory the iv. his predicessor: this Pope ordained the cross (all let with gold & precious stone) to be carried before him, like a Pope.
And here next now followeth & cometh in, the whore of Babylon (rightly in her true colors by the permission of God and manifestly without all tergiuersation) to appear to the whole world: and that not only alter the spiritual sense, but after the very letter, and the right form of an whore in deed. For after this Leo above mentioned, the Cardinals proceeding to their ordinary electiō (after a solemn Mass of the holy Ghost, to the perpetual shame of them & of that sea) instead of a mā Pope, elected an whore in deed to minister Sacraments, to say masses, to give orders, to constitute Deacons, Priests, and bishops, to promote Prelates, to make Abbots, to consecrate Churches and altars, to have the reign and rule of Emperors and kings: And so she did in deed, called by name John. the 8. This woman's proper name was Gilberta (a Dutch woman of Magunce) who went with an english monk out of the Abbey of Fulda in a man's apparel unto Athens, and after through her dexterity of wit and learning, was promooted to the Popedom, where the sat two years & 6. months. At last openly in the face of a general procession, fell in labor & travail of child, & so died. By reason whereof, the Cardinals yet to this day do avoid to come nere by that street where this shame was taken. By Benedictus the iii. who succeeded next in the whorish sea, was first ordained (as most writers record) the Dirge to be said for the dead. Albeit before him, Gregory the iii. had done in that matter, worthily for his part already.
After him sat Pope Nicholas the first, who enlarged the Popes decrees with many constitutions, equallyng the authority of them, with the writings of the Apostles. He ordained that no secular Prince, nor the Emperor himself, should be present at their Councils, unless in matters concerning the faith: to the end that such as they judged to be heretics, they should execute and murder. Also, that no lay men should sit in judgment upon the clergy men, or reason upon the Popes power. Item that no Christian Magistrate should have any power upon any Prelate, alleging that a Prelate is called God. Item that all Church service should be in Latin: yet notwithstanding, dispensing with the Sclauonians, and Polonians, to retain still their vulgar language. Sequences in the Mass were by him first allowed. By this Pope, Priests began to be restrained and debarred from marrying: whereof Hulderike Bishop of Ausbrough (a learned & an holy man) sending a letter unto the Pope, gravely and learnedly refuteth and reclaimeth against his vndiscret proceedings touching y t matter. The copy of which letter, as I thought it unworthy to be suppressed, so I judged it here worthy & meet for the better instruction of the Reader, to be inserted. The words whereof here follow out of Latin into English translated.
A learned Epistle of Hulderike bishop of Ausbrough, sent to Pope Nicholas the first, proving by probations substantial, that Priests ought not to be restrained from Marriage.
Nicolao Domino & patri, peruigili sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae prouisori, Huldericus solo nomine Episcopus, amorem vt filius, timorem vt seruus. Cum tha (O pater & Domine) decreta super clericorum continentian, &c.
The same in English.
Hulderike bishop only by name, unto the reverend father Nicholas the vigilant prouisor of the holy church of Rome: with due commendation sendeth love as a son, and fear as a servant. Understanding reverend father your decrees which you sent to me concerning the single life of the Clergy, to be far discrepant from all discretiō, I was troubled partly with fear, partly with heaviness. With fear, (for that, as it is said) the sentence of the pastor, whether it be just or unjust, is to be feared.
For I was afraid for the weak hearers of the Scripture (which scarcely obey the just sentence of their Pastor) much more despissing this unjust decreement, through the onerous and importable transgression of their Pastor, should show themselves disobedient. With heaviness I was troubled, and with compassion for that I doubted how the members of the body should do (their head being so greatly out of frame) For what can be more grievous or more to be lamented, touching the state of the church then for you, being the Bishop of the principal seat, to whom appertaineth the regiment of the whole church, to swerve never so little, out of the right way Certes, in this you have not a little erred, in that you have gone about to contstrain your Clergy to singleness of life, through your imperious tyranny: whom rather ye ought to stir up to the continency of marriage. For is not this to be counted a violence and tyranny to the judgment of all wise men: when a man is compelled by your decrees to do that which is against the institution of the Gospel, and the proceeding of the holy Ghost? Seyng then there be so many holy examples both of the old and New Testament, teaching us (as you know) due information: I desire your patience not to think it grievous for me to bring a few here out of many.
First in the old law, the Lord permitteth marriage unto the Priests, which afterward in the new law, we do not read to be restrained, but in the Gospel thus he saith: There be some Eunuchs which have gelded themselves for the kingdom of heaven, but all men do not take this word, he that can take it, let him take it. Wherefore the Apostle saith, concerning virgins I have no commandment of the Lord, but only I give counsel. Which counsel also all men do not take, as in the commandment of the Lord before, but many there be, false dissemblers and flatterers, going about to please men and not God, whom we see under a false pretence of continency, to fall into horrible wickedness: Some to lie with their fathers wives, some to be Sodomites, and not to abhor to play the beasts with brute beasts. And therefore, least through the infection of this wicked pestilence, the state of the Church should too much go to ruin: therefore he said, because of fornication, let every man have his own wife. Touching which saying, our false hypocrites falsely do lie, & fain: as though only it pertained to the laity, and not to them. And yet they themselves seeming to be set in the most holy order, are not afraid to abuse other men's wives, and as we see with (weeping eyes) all they do outrage in the foresaid wickedness.
These men have not rightly understanded the Scripture, whose breasts while they suck so hard (instead of milk) they suck out blood. For the saying of the Apostle: let every man have his own wife: doth except none in very deed, but him only which hath the gift of continency, prefixing with himself to keep and to continue his virgins in the Lord. Wherefore (O reverend father) it shall be your part to cause & oversee, that whosoever, either with hand or mouth, hath made a vow of continency, and afterward would forsake, either should be compelled to keep his vow, or else by lawful authority should be deposed from his order.
And to bring this to pass, ye shall not only have me, but also all other of my order, to be helpers unto you. But that you may understand, that such which know not what a vow doth mean, are not to be violently compelled thereunto: hear what the Apostle saith unto Timothy. A Bishop (saith he) must be irreprehensible, the husband of one wife. Which sentence, least ye should turn and apply only to the Church, mark what he inferreth after: he that knoweth not (saith he) to rule his own household and family, how should he rule the Church of God? And likewise the Deacons (saith he) let them be the husbands of one wife, which have knowledge to govern their own house and children. And this wife, how she is wont to be blest of the Priest, you understand sufficiently: I suppose, by the decrees of holy Sylvester the Pope.
To these and such other holy sentences of the Scripture, agreeth also, he that is the writer of the rule of the Clergy, writing after this manner. A Clarke must be chaste and continent, or else let him be coupled in the bands of Matrimony, having one wife. Whereby it is to be gathered, that the Bishop and Deacon, are noted infamous and reprehensible, if they be divided in mo women then one: otherwise, if they do forsake one under the pretence of Religion, both they together, as well the Bishop as the Deacon be here condemned by the Canonical sentence, which saith: Let no Bishop or Priest forsake his own wife, under the color and pretence of Religion. If he do forsake her, let him be excommunicate. And if he so continue, let him be disgraded. Saint Augustine also, a man of discrete holiness, saith in these words: There is no offense so great or grievous, but it is to avoid a greater evil.
Furthermore, we read in the second book of the Tripartite history: That when the Council of Nice, going about to establish the same decree, would enact that Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, after their consecration, either should abstain utterly from their own wives, or else should be deposed. Then Paphnutius (one of those holy Martyrs, whom the Emperor Maximus had put out the right eye, & hockt their left legs) rising up amongst the, withstood their purposed decreement: confessing Marriage to be honorable, and calling the bed of matrimony to be chastity, and so persuaded the Council from making that law, declaring thereby what occasion might come to themselves & their wives of fornication. And thus much did Paphnutius (being unmarried himself) declare unto thē. And the whole Council commending his sentence, gave place thereto, & left the matter freely without compulsion, to the will of every man, to do therein as he thought.
Notwithstanding there be some, which take S. Gregory for their defense in this matter, whose temerity I laugh at, & ignorance I lament, for they know not, being ignorauntly deceived, how dangerously the decree of this heresy was (being made of S. Gregory) who afterward well revoked the same, with condign fruit of repentance.
For upon a certain day as he sent unto his fishpond to have fish, and did see more then six thousand infants heads brought unto him, which were taken out of the same pond or mote: did greatly repent in himself the decree made before, touching the single life of Priests, which he confessed to be the cause of that so lamentable a murder. And so purging the same with condign fruit of repentance, altered again the things which he had decreed before, commending that counsel of the Apostle, which saith: It is better to marry then to • urne. Adding moreover of himself thereunto, and saying: It is better to marry, then to give occasion of death.
Peradventure if these men had read with me this, which so happened: I think they would not be so rash in their doing and judging, fearing at least the Lord's commandment: Do not judge, that ye be not judged. And S Paul saith: Who art thou that judgest another man's servant? Either he standeth or falleth to his own master, but he shall stand, for the Lord is mighty and able to make him stand. Therefore let your holiness cease to compel and enforce those, whom only ye ought to admonish: least through your own private commandment (which God forbid) you be found contrary, as well to the old Testament, as to the new. For as S. Augustine saith to Donatus: this is only that we do fear in your justice, lest (not for the consideration of Christian lenity, but for the grievousness and greatness of transgressions committed) you be thought to use violence in executing punishment of that which only we do desire you (by Christ) not to do. For transgressions are so to be punished, that the life of the transgressors may repent. Also another saying of Augustine we would you to remember, which is this: Nil nocends fiat cupiditate, omnia consulendi charitate, & nihil fiat imman • ter, nihil inhumaniter. That is: Let nothing be done through the greediness of hurting, but all things through the charity of profiting: Neither let anything be done cruelly, nothing vngently. Item of the same Augustine it is written. In the fear and name of Christ I exhort you, which of you soever have not the goods of this world be not greedy to have them. Such as have them, presume not to much upon them. For I say, to have them is no damnation, but if ye presume upon them, that is damnation, if for the having of thē ye shall seem great in your own fight, or if ye do forget the common condition of man through the excellency of anything you have. Use therefore therein due discretion, tempered with moderation, the which cup of discretion is drawn out of that fountain of the Apostolic preaching which saith: Art thou loose frō thy wife? Do not seek for thy wife. Art thou bound to thy wife? Seke not to be loosed from her? Where also it followeth, Such as have wives, let them be as though they had them not, and they that use the world, let them be as not using it.
Item concerning the widow he saith: Let her marry to whō she will, only in the Lord. To marry in the Lord, is nothing else but to attempt nothing in cōtracting of matrimony, which the Lord doth forbid, Jeremiah also saith: Trust not in the words of lies, saying, The temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord. The which saying of Jeremiah, Jerome expounding, saith thus: this may agree also, & be applied unto such virgins, which brag & vaunt their virginity with an impudent face, pretending chastity, when they have another thing in their conscience, and know not how the Apostle defineth the virgin, that she should be holy in body, and also in spirit. For what availeth the chastity of the body, if the mind inwardly be deflowered? Or if it have not the other virtues, which the prophetical Sermon doth describe? The which virtues, for as much as we see partly to be in you, and because we are not ignorant, that this discretiō (although neglected in this part, yet in the other actions of your life to be kept honestly of you) do not despair, but you despair, but you will also soon amend the little lack which is behind. And therefore with as much gravity as we can, we cease not to call vpō you, to correct and amend this your negligence. For although according to our common calling, a bishop is greater then a Priest, yet Agustine being less then Jerome (notwithstanding the good correctiō proceeding frō the lesser to the greater) was not to be refused or disdained, especially when he which is corrected, is found to strive against the truth to please mē. For as S. Agustine faith, writing to Boniface: the disputations of all mē, be they never so Catholic or approved persons: ought not to be had instead of the Canonical Scriptures. So that we may disprove or refuse (saving the honor & reverence which is due unto thē) anything that is in their writings: if anything there be found, contrary to truth: and what can be found more contrary to the truth then this? When as the truth him self speaking of continency, not of one only, but of all men together, (the number only excepted of them which have professed continencye) saith: He that can take, let him take: the which saying, these men (moved, I cannot tell by what occasion) do turn and say: he that cannot take, let him be accursed. And what can be more foolish amongst men, then when any Byshoppe or Archdeacon, run themselves headlong into all kind of lust, to adultery and incest, and also Sodomitry: yet shame not to say, that the chaste marriage of Priests do stink before them. And as void of all compassion of true righteousness, do not desire or admonish their Clerks, as their fellow servants to abstain, but command them and enforce them as servants, violently to abstain: Unto the which imperious commandment of theirs or counsel (whether you will call it) they add also this foolish and filthy suggestion, saying: that it is more honest, privily to have to do with many women, then apertly in the sight and consciences of many men, to be bound to one wife. The which truly they would not say, if they were either of him, or in him, which saith, woe to you Pharisees which do all things before men. And by the Psalmist: because they please men, they are confounded: for the Lord hath despised them. These be the men, who rather ought to persuade us, that we should shame to sin privily in the sight of him, to whē all things be open, thē to seem in the sight of men for to be clean. These men therefore, although through their sinful wickedness, deserve no counsel of godliness to be given thē: yet we not forgetting our humanity, cease not to give them counsel by the authority of God's word, which seeketh all men's salvation, desiring thē by the bowels of charity, & saying with the words of Scripture: Cast out thou hypocrite first the beam out of thine own eye, and then thou shalt see to cast out the mote of the eye of thy brother.
Moreover, this also we desire them to attend, what the Lord saith of the aduouterous woman: which of you that is without sin let him cast the first stone against her. As though he would say, if Moses bid you, I also bid you. But yet I require you that be the competent ministers and executors of the law: Take heed what ye add thereunto, take heed also I pray you, what you are yourselves: for if (as the Scripture saith) thou shalt well consider thyself, thou wilt never defame or detract another.
Moreover it is signified to us also, that some there be of them, which (when they ought like good shepherds to give their lives for the Lord's flock) yet are puffed up, with such pride: that without all reason they presume to rent and tear the Lord's flock, with whippings and beatings, whose unreasonable dooynges Saint Gregory bewailing,, thus saith: Quid fiat de ouibus quando pastores lupi fiunt? That is, what shall become of the sheep when the pastors themselves be Wolves? But who is overcome but he which exerciseth cruelty,? Or who shall judge the persecutor, but he which gave patiently his back to stripes? And this is the fruit which cometh to the Church by such persecutors, also which cometh to the clergy, by such despiteful handling of their Bishops or rather Infidels. For why may ye not call them Infidels, of whom Saint Paul thus speaketh and writeth to Tymothie? that in the latter days there shall certain depart from the faith, give heed to spirits of error and doctrine of devils, of them that speak false through hypocrisy, and having their consciences marked with an hot iron, forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats. &c. And this is if it be well marked, the whole handful of the darnel and cockell growing amongst the corn: this is the couente of all madness, that whiles they of the Clergye, be compelled to relinquish the company of their own lawful wives: they become afterward fornicators and adulterers with other women, and wicked ministers of other sinful filthiness. These be they which bring into the Church of God this heresy (as blind guides leading the blind) that it might be fulfilled which the Psalm speaketh of: as foreseeing the errors of such men, & accursing thē after this manner, let their eyes be blinded that they see not, & bow down always their back. For as much then (O Apostolical Sir) as no man which knoweth you, is ignorant, that if you, through the light of your discretion had understanded and seen, what poisoned pestilence, might have come into the Church thorough the sentence of this your decree: they would never have consēted to the suggestions of certain wicked persons. Wherefore we counsel you by the fidelity of our due subjection, that with all diligence, you would put away so great slander from the Church of God: and through your discret discipline, you will remove this Pharisaical doctrine from the flock of God: so that this only Sunanite of the Lord's (using no more adulterous husbands) do not separate the holy people, and the kingly Priesthoode from her spouse which is Christ▪ through an irrecoverable diuorsement: seeing that no man without Chastity (not only in the virgins state, but also in the state of matrimony) shall see our Lord, who with the father and the holy ghost, liveth and reigneth forever, Amen.
By this Epistle of Bishop Huldericke, above prefixed, the matter is plain (gentle Reader) to conceive, what was then the sentence of learned men, concerning the marriage of ministers, but that here by the way, the Reader is to be admoninished. that this Epistle which by error of the writer is referred to pope Nicholas y e first, in my mind is rather to be attributed to the name and tune of Nicolas the 2. or 3.
After this pope, Nicolas succeeded Hadrianus. 2. Johannes ix. Martinus. ii. After these came Hadrian the third and Stephē the v. By this Hadrian it was first decred, y t no Emperor after that time should intermeddle or have anything to do in the election of the Pope. And thus began the Emperors first to decay, and the Papacie to swell and rise aloft. And thus much concerning Romish matters for this time.
Then to return where we left, touching the story of King Ethelwolfe. About the latter ende of his reign, the Danes which before had invaded the Realm, in the time of king Egbert, as is above declared: now made there reentre again, with 33. ships arriving about Hamshyre: through the barbarous tyranny of whō, much bloodshed and murder happened here among englishmen, in Dorcet shire, about Pourtchmouth in Kent, in Eastangle, in Lindesey, at Rochester, about London, and in Wests • xe▪ where Ethelwolfe the king was overcome, besides diverse other under kings and dukes, whom the Danes daily approaching, in great multitudes in divers victories had put to flight. At length king Ethelwolfe, with his son Ethelbaldus, warring against them in Southrey, at Oclea, drave them to the sea, where they hovering a space, after a while brast in again with horrible rage and cruelty, as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared, so much as to our purpose shall serve, professing in this history, to write not of matters externe and politic, but only pertaining to the Church. The cause of this great affliction sent of God unto this realm thus I found expressed and collectlected in a certain old written story, which hath no name: the words of which writer, for the same cause as he thought to recite them, writing as he saith ( ad cautelam, futurorum ) I thought also for the same here not to be omitted, albeit in all partes of his commendation I do not fully with him accord. The words of the writer be these.
In Anglorum quidem Ecclesia primitiua, religio clarissime, respēduit: ita vt Reges & Reginae et Principes ac Duces, Consules, & Barones &c.
In English thus.
In the primitive Church saith he of the Englishmen, Relygiō did most clearly shine, in so much that kings Queens, Princes and Dukes, Consuls, Barons, and Rulers of Churches, incensed with the desire of the kingdom of heaven, laboring and stryuing among themselves to enter into Monkery, into voluntarye exile and solitary life, forsook all and followed the Lord. Where in process of time, all virtue so much decayed among them, that in fraud and treachery none seemed like unto them: Neither was to them anything odious or hateful but piety and justice Neither anything in price or honor, but civil war and shedding of innocent blood. Wherefore almighty God sent upon them pagane and cruel nations, like swarms of Bees, which neither spared women, nor children, as Danes, Norwagians, Goths, Sueuians, Vandals, and Fresians. Who from the beginning of the reign of king Ethelwolfe till the coming of the Normandes, by the space near of 230. years, destroyed their sinful land from the one side of the sea, to the other, from man also to beast. For why? they invading England oft times, of every side, went not about to subdue and possess it, but only to spoil and destroy it. And if it had chanced them at any time to be overcome of Englishmen, it auailed nothing, when as other nauies still with greater power in other places were ready upon a sudden and unawares to approach upon them, &c. Historia Cariana.
Thus far have ye the words of mine author, declaring the cause, which provoked God's anger, whereunto may be adjoined the wickedness, not only of them but of their forefathers also before them, who falsely breaking the faith and promise made with the Britanes, did crueliye murder their nobles, wickedly oppressed their commons, impiously persecuted the innocent Christians, miliciously possessed their land and habitation: chasing the inhabitaunts out of house and country, besides the violent murder of the Monks of Bangor, and diverse soul slaughters against the poor Brytaines, who sent for them to be their helpers. Wherefore, God's just recompense falling upon them from that time, never suffered them to be quiet from foreign enemies, till the coming of William the Normande &c.
Moreover, concerning the outward occasions givē of the Englishmens parts, moving the Danes first to invade the Realm, I find in certain stories two most especially assigned. The one •• justly give, & justly takē. The other not given justly, and 〈◊〉 taken. Of the which two, the first was given in Northumberland, by means of Osbryght, reigning under king of Westsaxons, in the North partes. This Osbright upon a time iourneyng by the way, turned into the house of one of his nobles called Bruer. Who having at home a wife of great beauty (he being absent abroad) the king after his dinner (allured with the excellency of her beauty) took her to a secret chamber, where he forceablye contrary to her will did rauishe her, whereupon she being greatly dismayed, and vexed in her mind, made her move to her husband returning, of this violence and injury received. Bruer consulting with his frindes, first went to the king, resigning to his hands, all such service and possessions which he did hold of him: that done took shipping and sailed into Denmark, where he had great friends: and had his bringing up before. There making his mone to Codrinus the king, desired his aide in revenging of the great vilany of Osbryght against him and his wife. Codrinus hearing this, and glad to have some just quarrel to enter that land: levied an army with all speed: & preparing all things necessary for the same, sendeth forth Inguar and Hubba two brethren, his chief Captains, with an innumerable multitude of Danes into England. who first arriving at Holdernesse, there brent up the country, & killed without mercy both men, women, and chidrē, whō they could lay hands upon. Then marching toward York, entered their battle, with the foresaid Osbryght, where he with the most part of his army was slain. And so the Danes entered the possession of the City of York. Some other say, and is by the most part of story writers recorded, that the chief cause of the coming of Inguar & Hubba with the Danes, was to revenge king Edmund reygnyng under the Westsaxons over the Eastangles in Nothfolke and Southfolk: for the murdering of a certain Dane being father to Inguar and Hubba which was falsely imputed to king Edmund. The story is thus told.
A certain noble man of the Danes of the kings stock called Lothebrocus father to Inguar and Hubba entering upon a time with his hauke into a certain schaffe or cockebote alone: by chance through tempest was driven with his hauke to the coast of Nothfolke named Rodhā, where he being found and detained was presented unto the king. The king understanding his parentage, & seeing his case: entertained him in his court accordingly. And every day more and more perceived his actiuities, and great dexterity in hunting & hawking, bare special favor unto him. In so much that the kings faukener, or master of game, bearing privy envy against him, secretly as they were hūting together in a wood, did murder him, & threw him in a bush. This Lothebroke, being murdered, within two or three days began to be missed in the kings house: of whō no tidings could be heard, but only by a dog or spaniel of his, which continuing in the wood with the corps of his master, at sundry times came and fauned upon the king: so long that at length they following the trase of the hound were brought to the place where Lothebroke lay. Wherevpō inquisition made, at length by certain circumstances of words and other evidences, it was known how & by whom he was murdered, that was by the kings huntesman name • Berike. Who thereupon being convicted, was set into the same bote of Lothebroke, alone and without any takeling to drive by seas, either to be saved by the weather or to be drowned in the deep. And as it chanced Lothebroke from Dennemarke to be driued to Norfolk, so it happened that from Norfolk he was carried into Denmark. Where the bote of Lothebroke being well known, hands were laid upon him, & inquisition made of the party. In sine in his torments, to save himself, he uttered an untruth of king Egmund, saying, that the king had put him to death in the country of Norfolk. Wherupon grudge first was conceived, thē an army appointed, & great multitude sent into England, to revenge that fact: where first they arriving in Northumberland, destroyed (as is said) those parties first. From thence sailing into Norfolk they exercised the like tyranny there, upon the inhabitaūts thereof, especially upon the innocent prince, & blessed matter of God, king Edmund. Cōcerning the farther declaration whereof, hereafter shall follow (Christ our Lord, so permitting) more to be spoken, as place and observation of time and years, shall require.
In the mean seasō, king Ethelwulphe, in this chapiter here presently touched, when he had chased y e foresaid Daues (as is above rehearsed from place to place, causing thē to take the Sea, he in the mean while departeth him self both from land and life: leaving behind him four sons, which reigned everyone in his order, after the discease of their father. The names of whom were Ethelbaldus, Ethelbrightus, Ethelredus, and Aluredus.
* The Privileges and donations given by king Ethelwulfus to the Clergy.
REgnante Domino nostro imperpetuum. Dum in nostris temporibus per bellorum incendia, & direptiones opum nostrarum, nec non & vastantium crudelissimas depredationes hostiū, barbarum, paganarum{que} gentium, multiplices tribulationes ad affligendum vsque ad internecionem, tempora cernimus incumbere periculosa. Quamobrem, ego Ethelwulfus Rex occidentalium Saxonum, cum consilio Episcoporum & principum meorum, consilium salubre, & uniform remedium affirmaui: vt aliquam portionem terrarum haereditariam, Deo & sanctae Mariae, & omnibus sanctis iure perpetuo possidendam concedam, scilicet partem terrae meae, vt sit tuta & immunis ab omnibus secularibus seruicijs, nec non regalibus tributis maioribus & minoribus sieve taxationibus, quod nos dicimus Wittereden: sit{que} libera omnium rerum, pro remission animarum & peccatorum nostrorum, ad Deo soli deseruiendum, sine expeditione, & pontis constructione, & arcis munitione: vt eo diligentiùs pro nobis ad Deum preces sine cessatione fundant, quo eorum seruitutem in aliqua parte leuigamus, &c.
Hereby may it appear, how when the Churches of England, began first to be endued with temporalties and lands: also with privileges & exemptiōs enlarged. Moreover (and that which specially is to be considered & lamented) what pernicious doctrine was this, wherewith they were led: thus to set remission of their sins, and remedy of their souls: in this donation and such other deeds of their devotion, contrary to the information of God's word, and no small derogation to the Cross of Christ?
These things thus done within the Realm, then the said Ethelwulfus the king, taking his journey to Rome, with Alfred his youngest son, committed him to the bringing up of Pope Leo the iv. where he also reedified the English school at Rome: which being founded by king Offa, or rather by Iue king of Mercians (as in the flowers of Hist. is affirmed) was lately in the time of king Egbert his father, consumed with fire. Farther and besides, th • s king gave and granted there unto Rome, of every fire house a penny to be paid through his whole land, as king Iue in his dominion had done before. Also he gave & granted yearly to be paid to Rome. 300 marks, that is to the maintaining of the light of S. Peter .C. marks: to y e light of S. Paul .C. marks: to the use of the Pope also another hundredth. This done, returning home through France, married their Judith the daughter of Carolus Caluus, y e • rēch king: whom he restored afterward, contrary to the laws of Westsaxons, to the title and throne of a Queen. For before, it was decreed among the Westsaxons (by the occasion of wicked Ethelburga, who poisoned Brigthricus her own husband) that after that, no kings wife there should have the name or place of a Queen.
And forsomuch as I have here entered into the mention of Judith, daughter of Carolus Caluus : the occasion thereof putteth me in memory, here to insert by the way a matter bone, although not in this Realm, yet not impertinent to this ecclesiastical history. And first to deduct the narration hereof from the first original. The father of this Carolus Caluus, whose name was Ludouicus, first of that name, called Pius king of France, had two wives: whereof by the first, he had iii. sons, Lothary, Pipin, and Lewys. Which iii. sons unnaturally and unkindly, cōspiring against their father, and his second wife, with her son, their youngest brother, persecuted him so, that through a certain council of Lord's spiritual and temporal, they deposed the same their natural and right godly father, dispossessing and discharging him of all rule and dominion. Moreover, caused him to renounce his temporal habit, inclosing him in the Monastery of S. Mark, for a monk or rather a prisoner. All which done, they divided his Empire and kingdom among themselves.
Thus was Ludouicus Pius, of impious sons left desolate. But the power of God, which worketh when all earthly power ceaseth, of his divine mercy so aided and recovered him out of all this tribulation to this Imperial dignity again: that it was to all his enemies confusion, and to all good men a miracle. But this by the way. By his 2. wife whose name was Judith, he had this Charles the Bald here mentioned. Which Judith was thought and so accúsed to the Pope, to be within such degree of alliance, that by the Popes law, she might not continue his wife without the popes dispensation. It so fell out in the mean time that this Ludouicus the Emperor, had promoted a young man named Frederick to be Bishop of Utricke • and to him had given sad and good exhortation, that he remembering and following the constancy of his predecessors, would maintain right and truth without all exception of any person, & punish misdoers with excommunication, as well the riche as the poor, with such like words of godly coūsails. Frederick hearing the king thus to say, sitting at dinner with him, as the manner was being newly invested, in these words answered to the Emperor again. I thank your majesty saith he, which with your so wholesome exhortation putteth me in mind of my profession. But I beseech you of your benign favor & patience, that I may freely disclose, that which hath long encumbered and pierced my conscience. To whō leave being given, thus he began. I pray you (Lord Emperor) to show me herein your mind (pointing to the fish before him) whether is it more according, to attain this fish here present, beginning first at the head or at the tail? What a tale is this, quoth the Emperor, of the tail & of the head: At the head quoth he. Then Frederike taking thereof his occasion, proceedeth: Even so let it be (Lord Emperor) saith he, as you have said. Let Christian faith and charity first begin with yourself, as with the head, admonishing you to cease frō your face, and error, that your subjects by your example be not boldned to follow your misdoing. Wherefore first forsake you, your unlawful wedlock, which you have made with Judith your near kinswoman. These words of the new Bishop, although they moved Ludouicus the Emperor not a little, yet he, with a gentle modesty, and modest silence was contented, suffering the bishop to go home in peace. But the word being uttered in such an audience, could not so be concealed but spread and brast out in much talk in the whole court, and especially among the Bishops, consultyng earnestly with themselves about the matter. Through whose counsel and labor so at length it fell, that the Emperor was constrained to leave the company of his wife, till he had purchased a license of the bishop of Rome, to retain her again, who then forgave the said bishop all that was past. But the woman hired two knights that slew him in his vestimentes, when he had ended his mass. Ranulphus, and Guliel Libro de pontificib, give forth this story in his great commendation to die a Martyr. Whereof I have not to judge, nor here to pronounce: but that rather I think him to be comended in his dying, then the women for her killing.
And for as much as mention hath been made of Ludouicus Pius, here is to be noted, that in France then was vied of Priests and Churchmen, precious and showing vestuce, and golden, and rich staring girldles, with rings and other ornaments of gold. Wherefore the said Louis purchased of the Bishop of Rome a correctiō, for all such as used such disordinate apparel, causing them to wear brown and sad colors, according to their sadness. Fab.
Of this Louis the Papists do fain, that because he converted certain of their Church goods and patrimony to y e wages of his soldiers, his body (say they) was carried out of his tomb by devils, and was no more seen.
And thus a little having disgressed out of our course, now let us return out of France into England again: king Ethelwulfus, who coming from Rome by the country of France, was now returned again into his own dominion, where he continued not long after.
This Ethelwulfus, had especially about him two Bishops, whose counsel he was most ruled by, Swythinus Bishop of Winchester, and Adelstanus Bishop of Syreborne. Of the which two, the one was more skillful in temporal and civil affairs touching the kings wars, and filling of his coffers, and other furniture for the king. The other (which was Swythinus ) was of a contrary sort, wholly disposed and inclined to spiritual meditation, and to minister spiritual council to y e king: who had ben schoolmaster to the king before. Wherein appeared one good condition of this kings nature, among his other virtues, not only in following the precepts and aduertisementes of his old schoolemaister: But also in y t he like a kind & thankfull pupille did so reverence his bringer up, and old scholmaister (as he called him) that he ceased not, till he made him Bishop of Winchester, by the consecration of Celnoch then Archbishop of Canterbury. But as concerning the miracles which are read in the Church of Winchester, of this Swythinus, them I leave to be read together with the Iliades of Homere, or tales of Robenhood.
This Gregory the fourth here in this present Chapter above mentioned: was the third pope which succeeded after Paschalis the first, being but. 4. years betwixt them, which Paschalis succeeded after Stephen the 4. who followed after Leo the 3. next Pope unto Hadrian above in our history mentioned, whereas we entreated of Charles the great. From the time of that Hadrian the first, unto Pope Hadrian the 3. The Emperors had some stroke in the election (at lest in the confirmation) of the Romaine Pope. Notwithstanding, diverse of those foresaid popes in the mean time began to work their practices to bring that purpose about. But yet all their devises could take no full effect, before the said Hadrian the iii. as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared. So that the Emperors all this while bare some rule in choosing the Popes, and in assembling general Councils. Wherefore by the commandment of Ludouicus the Emperor, in the time of this Gregory the iv. a general Synod was commensed at Aquisgraue, where it was decreed by the said Gregory and his assistance: first that every Church should have sufficient of his own proper lands and revenues, to find the Priests thereof: that none should need to lack or go about a begging. Itē thatnone of the Clergy of what order or degree soever he be, should use any vesture of any precious or scarelet color. Neither shall wear ringes on their fingers, unless it be when Prelates be at Mass, or give their consecrations. Item that Prelates should not keep to great ports or families, nor keep great horse, use dice, or harlots. And the Monks should not exceed measure in glotony or riot. Item that none of the Clergye being either annointed or shaven: should use either gold or silver in their shoes, slippers, or girdles, like to Heliogabalus. By this it may be conjectured, what pomp and pride in those days was crept into the Clergy. Moreover, by the said pope Gregory the 4. at the commandment of Ludouicus Emperor, the feast of all Saints was first brought into the Church.
After this Pope, came Sergius the second which first brought in the altering of the Popes names, because he was named before os porci, that is, Swines snout: which also ordained the Agnus thrice to be song at the Mass, and the host to be divided into three partes.
After him, was Pope Leo the iv. to whom this king Ethelwulfus (as in this present chapter is above specified) did commit the tuition of his son Alfred. By this Pope Leo, it came in, and was first enacted in a Counsel of his, that no Bishop should be condemned under 72. witnesses, according as ye see in the witnesses, at the condemnation of Stephen Gardener, orderly practiced.
Item contrary to the law of Gregory the iv. his predicessor: this Pope ordained the cross (all let with gold & precious stone) to be carried before him, like a Pope.
And here next now followeth & cometh in, the whore of Babylon (rightly in her true colors by the permission of God and manifestly without all tergiuersation) to appear to the whole world: and that not only alter the spiritual sense, but after the very letter, and the right form of an whore in deed. For after this Leo above mentioned, the Cardinals proceeding to their ordinary electiō (after a solemn Mass of the holy Ghost, to the perpetual shame of them & of that sea) instead of a mā Pope, elected an whore in deed to minister Sacraments, to say masses, to give orders, to constitute Deacons, Priests, and bishops, to promote Prelates, to make Abbots, to consecrate Churches and altars, to have the reign and rule of Emperors and kings: And so she did in deed, called by name John. the 8. This woman's proper name was Gilberta (a Dutch woman of Magunce) who went with an english monk out of the Abbey of Fulda in a man's apparel unto Athens, and after through her dexterity of wit and learning, was promooted to the Popedom, where the sat two years & 6. months. At last openly in the face of a general procession, fell in labor & travail of child, & so died. By reason whereof, the Cardinals yet to this day do avoid to come nere by that street where this shame was taken. By Benedictus the iii. who succeeded next in the whorish sea, was first ordained (as most writers record) the Dirge to be said for the dead. Albeit before him, Gregory the iii. had done in that matter, worthily for his part already.
After him sat Pope Nicholas the first, who enlarged the Popes decrees with many constitutions, equallyng the authority of them, with the writings of the Apostles. He ordained that no secular Prince, nor the Emperor himself, should be present at their Councils, unless in matters concerning the faith: to the end that such as they judged to be heretics, they should execute and murder. Also, that no lay men should sit in judgment upon the clergy men, or reason upon the Popes power. Item that no Christian Magistrate should have any power upon any Prelate, alleging that a Prelate is called God. Item that all Church service should be in Latin: yet notwithstanding, dispensing with the Sclauonians, and Polonians, to retain still their vulgar language. Sequences in the Mass were by him first allowed. By this Pope, Priests began to be restrained and debarred from marrying: whereof Hulderike Bishop of Ausbrough (a learned & an holy man) sending a letter unto the Pope, gravely and learnedly refuteth and reclaimeth against his vndiscret proceedings touching y t matter. The copy of which letter, as I thought it unworthy to be suppressed, so I judged it here worthy & meet for the better instruction of the Reader, to be inserted. The words whereof here follow out of Latin into English translated.
A learned Epistle of Hulderike bishop of Ausbrough, sent to Pope Nicholas the first, proving by probations substantial, that Priests ought not to be restrained from Marriage.
Nicolao Domino & patri, peruigili sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae prouisori, Huldericus solo nomine Episcopus, amorem vt filius, timorem vt seruus. Cum tha (O pater & Domine) decreta super clericorum continentian, &c.
The same in English.
Hulderike bishop only by name, unto the reverend father Nicholas the vigilant prouisor of the holy church of Rome: with due commendation sendeth love as a son, and fear as a servant. Understanding reverend father your decrees which you sent to me concerning the single life of the Clergy, to be far discrepant from all discretiō, I was troubled partly with fear, partly with heaviness. With fear, (for that, as it is said) the sentence of the pastor, whether it be just or unjust, is to be feared.
For I was afraid for the weak hearers of the Scripture (which scarcely obey the just sentence of their Pastor) much more despissing this unjust decreement, through the onerous and importable transgression of their Pastor, should show themselves disobedient. With heaviness I was troubled, and with compassion for that I doubted how the members of the body should do (their head being so greatly out of frame) For what can be more grievous or more to be lamented, touching the state of the church then for you, being the Bishop of the principal seat, to whom appertaineth the regiment of the whole church, to swerve never so little, out of the right way Certes, in this you have not a little erred, in that you have gone about to contstrain your Clergy to singleness of life, through your imperious tyranny: whom rather ye ought to stir up to the continency of marriage. For is not this to be counted a violence and tyranny to the judgment of all wise men: when a man is compelled by your decrees to do that which is against the institution of the Gospel, and the proceeding of the holy Ghost? Seyng then there be so many holy examples both of the old and New Testament, teaching us (as you know) due information: I desire your patience not to think it grievous for me to bring a few here out of many.
First in the old law, the Lord permitteth marriage unto the Priests, which afterward in the new law, we do not read to be restrained, but in the Gospel thus he saith: There be some Eunuchs which have gelded themselves for the kingdom of heaven, but all men do not take this word, he that can take it, let him take it. Wherefore the Apostle saith, concerning virgins I have no commandment of the Lord, but only I give counsel. Which counsel also all men do not take, as in the commandment of the Lord before, but many there be, false dissemblers and flatterers, going about to please men and not God, whom we see under a false pretence of continency, to fall into horrible wickedness: Some to lie with their fathers wives, some to be Sodomites, and not to abhor to play the beasts with brute beasts. And therefore, least through the infection of this wicked pestilence, the state of the Church should too much go to ruin: therefore he said, because of fornication, let every man have his own wife. Touching which saying, our false hypocrites falsely do lie, & fain: as though only it pertained to the laity, and not to them. And yet they themselves seeming to be set in the most holy order, are not afraid to abuse other men's wives, and as we see with (weeping eyes) all they do outrage in the foresaid wickedness.
These men have not rightly understanded the Scripture, whose breasts while they suck so hard (instead of milk) they suck out blood. For the saying of the Apostle: let every man have his own wife: doth except none in very deed, but him only which hath the gift of continency, prefixing with himself to keep and to continue his virgins in the Lord. Wherefore (O reverend father) it shall be your part to cause & oversee, that whosoever, either with hand or mouth, hath made a vow of continency, and afterward would forsake, either should be compelled to keep his vow, or else by lawful authority should be deposed from his order.
And to bring this to pass, ye shall not only have me, but also all other of my order, to be helpers unto you. But that you may understand, that such which know not what a vow doth mean, are not to be violently compelled thereunto: hear what the Apostle saith unto Timothy. A Bishop (saith he) must be irreprehensible, the husband of one wife. Which sentence, least ye should turn and apply only to the Church, mark what he inferreth after: he that knoweth not (saith he) to rule his own household and family, how should he rule the Church of God? And likewise the Deacons (saith he) let them be the husbands of one wife, which have knowledge to govern their own house and children. And this wife, how she is wont to be blest of the Priest, you understand sufficiently: I suppose, by the decrees of holy Sylvester the Pope.
To these and such other holy sentences of the Scripture, agreeth also, he that is the writer of the rule of the Clergy, writing after this manner. A Clarke must be chaste and continent, or else let him be coupled in the bands of Matrimony, having one wife. Whereby it is to be gathered, that the Bishop and Deacon, are noted infamous and reprehensible, if they be divided in mo women then one: otherwise, if they do forsake one under the pretence of Religion, both they together, as well the Bishop as the Deacon be here condemned by the Canonical sentence, which saith: Let no Bishop or Priest forsake his own wife, under the color and pretence of Religion. If he do forsake her, let him be excommunicate. And if he so continue, let him be disgraded. Saint Augustine also, a man of discrete holiness, saith in these words: There is no offense so great or grievous, but it is to avoid a greater evil.
Furthermore, we read in the second book of the Tripartite history: That when the Council of Nice, going about to establish the same decree, would enact that Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, after their consecration, either should abstain utterly from their own wives, or else should be deposed. Then Paphnutius (one of those holy Martyrs, whom the Emperor Maximus had put out the right eye, & hockt their left legs) rising up amongst the, withstood their purposed decreement: confessing Marriage to be honorable, and calling the bed of matrimony to be chastity, and so persuaded the Council from making that law, declaring thereby what occasion might come to themselves & their wives of fornication. And thus much did Paphnutius (being unmarried himself) declare unto thē. And the whole Council commending his sentence, gave place thereto, & left the matter freely without compulsion, to the will of every man, to do therein as he thought.
Notwithstanding there be some, which take S. Gregory for their defense in this matter, whose temerity I laugh at, & ignorance I lament, for they know not, being ignorauntly deceived, how dangerously the decree of this heresy was (being made of S. Gregory) who afterward well revoked the same, with condign fruit of repentance.
For upon a certain day as he sent unto his fishpond to have fish, and did see more then six thousand infants heads brought unto him, which were taken out of the same pond or mote: did greatly repent in himself the decree made before, touching the single life of Priests, which he confessed to be the cause of that so lamentable a murder. And so purging the same with condign fruit of repentance, altered again the things which he had decreed before, commending that counsel of the Apostle, which saith: It is better to marry then to • urne. Adding moreover of himself thereunto, and saying: It is better to marry, then to give occasion of death.
Peradventure if these men had read with me this, which so happened: I think they would not be so rash in their doing and judging, fearing at least the Lord's commandment: Do not judge, that ye be not judged. And S Paul saith: Who art thou that judgest another man's servant? Either he standeth or falleth to his own master, but he shall stand, for the Lord is mighty and able to make him stand. Therefore let your holiness cease to compel and enforce those, whom only ye ought to admonish: least through your own private commandment (which God forbid) you be found contrary, as well to the old Testament, as to the new. For as S. Augustine saith to Donatus: this is only that we do fear in your justice, lest (not for the consideration of Christian lenity, but for the grievousness and greatness of transgressions committed) you be thought to use violence in executing punishment of that which only we do desire you (by Christ) not to do. For transgressions are so to be punished, that the life of the transgressors may repent. Also another saying of Augustine we would you to remember, which is this: Nil nocends fiat cupiditate, omnia consulendi charitate, & nihil fiat imman • ter, nihil inhumaniter. That is: Let nothing be done through the greediness of hurting, but all things through the charity of profiting: Neither let anything be done cruelly, nothing vngently. Item of the same Augustine it is written. In the fear and name of Christ I exhort you, which of you soever have not the goods of this world be not greedy to have them. Such as have them, presume not to much upon them. For I say, to have them is no damnation, but if ye presume upon them, that is damnation, if for the having of thē ye shall seem great in your own fight, or if ye do forget the common condition of man through the excellency of anything you have. Use therefore therein due discretion, tempered with moderation, the which cup of discretion is drawn out of that fountain of the Apostolic preaching which saith: Art thou loose frō thy wife? Do not seek for thy wife. Art thou bound to thy wife? Seke not to be loosed from her? Where also it followeth, Such as have wives, let them be as though they had them not, and they that use the world, let them be as not using it.
Item concerning the widow he saith: Let her marry to whō she will, only in the Lord. To marry in the Lord, is nothing else but to attempt nothing in cōtracting of matrimony, which the Lord doth forbid, Jeremiah also saith: Trust not in the words of lies, saying, The temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord. The which saying of Jeremiah, Jerome expounding, saith thus: this may agree also, & be applied unto such virgins, which brag & vaunt their virginity with an impudent face, pretending chastity, when they have another thing in their conscience, and know not how the Apostle defineth the virgin, that she should be holy in body, and also in spirit. For what availeth the chastity of the body, if the mind inwardly be deflowered? Or if it have not the other virtues, which the prophetical Sermon doth describe? The which virtues, for as much as we see partly to be in you, and because we are not ignorant, that this discretiō (although neglected in this part, yet in the other actions of your life to be kept honestly of you) do not despair, but you despair, but you will also soon amend the little lack which is behind. And therefore with as much gravity as we can, we cease not to call vpō you, to correct and amend this your negligence. For although according to our common calling, a bishop is greater then a Priest, yet Agustine being less then Jerome (notwithstanding the good correctiō proceeding frō the lesser to the greater) was not to be refused or disdained, especially when he which is corrected, is found to strive against the truth to please mē. For as S. Agustine faith, writing to Boniface: the disputations of all mē, be they never so Catholic or approved persons: ought not to be had instead of the Canonical Scriptures. So that we may disprove or refuse (saving the honor & reverence which is due unto thē) anything that is in their writings: if anything there be found, contrary to truth: and what can be found more contrary to the truth then this? When as the truth him self speaking of continency, not of one only, but of all men together, (the number only excepted of them which have professed continencye) saith: He that can take, let him take: the which saying, these men (moved, I cannot tell by what occasion) do turn and say: he that cannot take, let him be accursed. And what can be more foolish amongst men, then when any Byshoppe or Archdeacon, run themselves headlong into all kind of lust, to adultery and incest, and also Sodomitry: yet shame not to say, that the chaste marriage of Priests do stink before them. And as void of all compassion of true righteousness, do not desire or admonish their Clerks, as their fellow servants to abstain, but command them and enforce them as servants, violently to abstain: Unto the which imperious commandment of theirs or counsel (whether you will call it) they add also this foolish and filthy suggestion, saying: that it is more honest, privily to have to do with many women, then apertly in the sight and consciences of many men, to be bound to one wife. The which truly they would not say, if they were either of him, or in him, which saith, woe to you Pharisees which do all things before men. And by the Psalmist: because they please men, they are confounded: for the Lord hath despised them. These be the men, who rather ought to persuade us, that we should shame to sin privily in the sight of him, to whē all things be open, thē to seem in the sight of men for to be clean. These men therefore, although through their sinful wickedness, deserve no counsel of godliness to be given thē: yet we not forgetting our humanity, cease not to give them counsel by the authority of God's word, which seeketh all men's salvation, desiring thē by the bowels of charity, & saying with the words of Scripture: Cast out thou hypocrite first the beam out of thine own eye, and then thou shalt see to cast out the mote of the eye of thy brother.
Moreover, this also we desire them to attend, what the Lord saith of the aduouterous woman: which of you that is without sin let him cast the first stone against her. As though he would say, if Moses bid you, I also bid you. But yet I require you that be the competent ministers and executors of the law: Take heed what ye add thereunto, take heed also I pray you, what you are yourselves: for if (as the Scripture saith) thou shalt well consider thyself, thou wilt never defame or detract another.
Moreover it is signified to us also, that some there be of them, which (when they ought like good shepherds to give their lives for the Lord's flock) yet are puffed up, with such pride: that without all reason they presume to rent and tear the Lord's flock, with whippings and beatings, whose unreasonable dooynges Saint Gregory bewailing,, thus saith: Quid fiat de ouibus quando pastores lupi fiunt? That is, what shall become of the sheep when the pastors themselves be Wolves? But who is overcome but he which exerciseth cruelty,? Or who shall judge the persecutor, but he which gave patiently his back to stripes? And this is the fruit which cometh to the Church by such persecutors, also which cometh to the clergy, by such despiteful handling of their Bishops or rather Infidels. For why may ye not call them Infidels, of whom Saint Paul thus speaketh and writeth to Tymothie? that in the latter days there shall certain depart from the faith, give heed to spirits of error and doctrine of devils, of them that speak false through hypocrisy, and having their consciences marked with an hot iron, forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats. &c. And this is if it be well marked, the whole handful of the darnel and cockell growing amongst the corn: this is the couente of all madness, that whiles they of the Clergye, be compelled to relinquish the company of their own lawful wives: they become afterward fornicators and adulterers with other women, and wicked ministers of other sinful filthiness. These be they which bring into the Church of God this heresy (as blind guides leading the blind) that it might be fulfilled which the Psalm speaketh of: as foreseeing the errors of such men, & accursing thē after this manner, let their eyes be blinded that they see not, & bow down always their back. For as much then (O Apostolical Sir) as no man which knoweth you, is ignorant, that if you, through the light of your discretion had understanded and seen, what poisoned pestilence, might have come into the Church thorough the sentence of this your decree: they would never have consēted to the suggestions of certain wicked persons. Wherefore we counsel you by the fidelity of our due subjection, that with all diligence, you would put away so great slander from the Church of God: and through your discret discipline, you will remove this Pharisaical doctrine from the flock of God: so that this only Sunanite of the Lord's (using no more adulterous husbands) do not separate the holy people, and the kingly Priesthoode from her spouse which is Christ▪ through an irrecoverable diuorsement: seeing that no man without Chastity (not only in the virgins state, but also in the state of matrimony) shall see our Lord, who with the father and the holy ghost, liveth and reigneth forever, Amen.
By this Epistle of Bishop Huldericke, above prefixed, the matter is plain (gentle Reader) to conceive, what was then the sentence of learned men, concerning the marriage of ministers, but that here by the way, the Reader is to be admoninished. that this Epistle which by error of the writer is referred to pope Nicholas y e first, in my mind is rather to be attributed to the name and tune of Nicolas the 2. or 3.
After this pope, Nicolas succeeded Hadrianus. 2. Johannes ix. Martinus. ii. After these came Hadrian the third and Stephē the v. By this Hadrian it was first decred, y t no Emperor after that time should intermeddle or have anything to do in the election of the Pope. And thus began the Emperors first to decay, and the Papacie to swell and rise aloft. And thus much concerning Romish matters for this time.
Then to return where we left, touching the story of King Ethelwolfe. About the latter ende of his reign, the Danes which before had invaded the Realm, in the time of king Egbert, as is above declared: now made there reentre again, with 33. ships arriving about Hamshyre: through the barbarous tyranny of whō, much bloodshed and murder happened here among englishmen, in Dorcet shire, about Pourtchmouth in Kent, in Eastangle, in Lindesey, at Rochester, about London, and in Wests • xe▪ where Ethelwolfe the king was overcome, besides diverse other under kings and dukes, whom the Danes daily approaching, in great multitudes in divers victories had put to flight. At length king Ethelwolfe, with his son Ethelbaldus, warring against them in Southrey, at Oclea, drave them to the sea, where they hovering a space, after a while brast in again with horrible rage and cruelty, as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared, so much as to our purpose shall serve, professing in this history, to write not of matters externe and politic, but only pertaining to the Church. The cause of this great affliction sent of God unto this realm thus I found expressed and collectlected in a certain old written story, which hath no name: the words of which writer, for the same cause as he thought to recite them, writing as he saith ( ad cautelam, futurorum ) I thought also for the same here not to be omitted, albeit in all partes of his commendation I do not fully with him accord. The words of the writer be these.
In Anglorum quidem Ecclesia primitiua, religio clarissime, respēduit: ita vt Reges & Reginae et Principes ac Duces, Consules, & Barones &c.
In English thus.
In the primitive Church saith he of the Englishmen, Relygiō did most clearly shine, in so much that kings Queens, Princes and Dukes, Consuls, Barons, and Rulers of Churches, incensed with the desire of the kingdom of heaven, laboring and stryuing among themselves to enter into Monkery, into voluntarye exile and solitary life, forsook all and followed the Lord. Where in process of time, all virtue so much decayed among them, that in fraud and treachery none seemed like unto them: Neither was to them anything odious or hateful but piety and justice Neither anything in price or honor, but civil war and shedding of innocent blood. Wherefore almighty God sent upon them pagane and cruel nations, like swarms of Bees, which neither spared women, nor children, as Danes, Norwagians, Goths, Sueuians, Vandals, and Fresians. Who from the beginning of the reign of king Ethelwolfe till the coming of the Normandes, by the space near of 230. years, destroyed their sinful land from the one side of the sea, to the other, from man also to beast. For why? they invading England oft times, of every side, went not about to subdue and possess it, but only to spoil and destroy it. And if it had chanced them at any time to be overcome of Englishmen, it auailed nothing, when as other nauies still with greater power in other places were ready upon a sudden and unawares to approach upon them, &c. Historia Cariana.
Thus far have ye the words of mine author, declaring the cause, which provoked God's anger, whereunto may be adjoined the wickedness, not only of them but of their forefathers also before them, who falsely breaking the faith and promise made with the Britanes, did crueliye murder their nobles, wickedly oppressed their commons, impiously persecuted the innocent Christians, miliciously possessed their land and habitation: chasing the inhabitaunts out of house and country, besides the violent murder of the Monks of Bangor, and diverse soul slaughters against the poor Brytaines, who sent for them to be their helpers. Wherefore, God's just recompense falling upon them from that time, never suffered them to be quiet from foreign enemies, till the coming of William the Normande &c.
Moreover, concerning the outward occasions givē of the Englishmens parts, moving the Danes first to invade the Realm, I find in certain stories two most especially assigned. The one •• justly give, & justly takē. The other not given justly, and 〈◊〉 taken. Of the which two, the first was given in Northumberland, by means of Osbryght, reigning under king of Westsaxons, in the North partes. This Osbright upon a time iourneyng by the way, turned into the house of one of his nobles called Bruer. Who having at home a wife of great beauty (he being absent abroad) the king after his dinner (allured with the excellency of her beauty) took her to a secret chamber, where he forceablye contrary to her will did rauishe her, whereupon she being greatly dismayed, and vexed in her mind, made her move to her husband returning, of this violence and injury received. Bruer consulting with his frindes, first went to the king, resigning to his hands, all such service and possessions which he did hold of him: that done took shipping and sailed into Denmark, where he had great friends: and had his bringing up before. There making his mone to Codrinus the king, desired his aide in revenging of the great vilany of Osbryght against him and his wife. Codrinus hearing this, and glad to have some just quarrel to enter that land: levied an army with all speed: & preparing all things necessary for the same, sendeth forth Inguar and Hubba two brethren, his chief Captains, with an innumerable multitude of Danes into England. who first arriving at Holdernesse, there brent up the country, & killed without mercy both men, women, and chidrē, whō they could lay hands upon. Then marching toward York, entered their battle, with the foresaid Osbryght, where he with the most part of his army was slain. And so the Danes entered the possession of the City of York. Some other say, and is by the most part of story writers recorded, that the chief cause of the coming of Inguar & Hubba with the Danes, was to revenge king Edmund reygnyng under the Westsaxons over the Eastangles in Nothfolke and Southfolk: for the murdering of a certain Dane being father to Inguar and Hubba which was falsely imputed to king Edmund. The story is thus told.
A certain noble man of the Danes of the kings stock called Lothebrocus father to Inguar and Hubba entering upon a time with his hauke into a certain schaffe or cockebote alone: by chance through tempest was driven with his hauke to the coast of Nothfolke named Rodhā, where he being found and detained was presented unto the king. The king understanding his parentage, & seeing his case: entertained him in his court accordingly. And every day more and more perceived his actiuities, and great dexterity in hunting & hawking, bare special favor unto him. In so much that the kings faukener, or master of game, bearing privy envy against him, secretly as they were hūting together in a wood, did murder him, & threw him in a bush. This Lothebroke, being murdered, within two or three days began to be missed in the kings house: of whō no tidings could be heard, but only by a dog or spaniel of his, which continuing in the wood with the corps of his master, at sundry times came and fauned upon the king: so long that at length they following the trase of the hound were brought to the place where Lothebroke lay. Wherevpō inquisition made, at length by certain circumstances of words and other evidences, it was known how & by whom he was murdered, that was by the kings huntesman name • Berike. Who thereupon being convicted, was set into the same bote of Lothebroke, alone and without any takeling to drive by seas, either to be saved by the weather or to be drowned in the deep. And as it chanced Lothebroke from Dennemarke to be driued to Norfolk, so it happened that from Norfolk he was carried into Denmark. Where the bote of Lothebroke being well known, hands were laid upon him, & inquisition made of the party. In sine in his torments, to save himself, he uttered an untruth of king Egmund, saying, that the king had put him to death in the country of Norfolk. Wherupon grudge first was conceived, thē an army appointed, & great multitude sent into England, to revenge that fact: where first they arriving in Northumberland, destroyed (as is said) those parties first. From thence sailing into Norfolk they exercised the like tyranny there, upon the inhabitaūts thereof, especially upon the innocent prince, & blessed matter of God, king Edmund. Cōcerning the farther declaration whereof, hereafter shall follow (Christ our Lord, so permitting) more to be spoken, as place and observation of time and years, shall require.
In the mean seasō, king Ethelwulphe, in this chapiter here presently touched, when he had chased y e foresaid Daues (as is above rehearsed from place to place, causing thē to take the Sea, he in the mean while departeth him self both from land and life: leaving behind him four sons, which reigned everyone in his order, after the discease of their father. The names of whom were Ethelbaldus, Ethelbrightus, Ethelredus, and Aluredus.
* King Alfred otherwise called Alfred.
AMong the Saxon kings hitherto in this history afore mentioned: I find few or none to be preferred (or almost to be compared) to this Alfred, or Alfred for the great and singular qualities in this king worthy of high renown and commendation. Whether we behold in him the valiant acts, and manifold travails which he continually from time to time sustained against his enemies in wars, during almost all the time of his reign, for the public preservation of his people: Or whether we consider in him, his godly and excellent virtues, joined with a public and tender care, and zealous study; for the common peace and trāquility of the weal public: appearing as well in his prudent laws by him both carefully set forth, and with the like care executed, as also by his own private exercises touching the virtuous institution of his life. Or whether we respect that in him, which with equal praise matcheth with both the other before: That is, his notable knowledge of good letters, with a fervent love and Princely desire, to set forth the same through all his Realm (before his time being both rude and barbarous) All which his heroical properties, joined together in one Prince, as it is a thing most rare, and seldom seen in Princes now a days: so I thought the same the more to be noted and examplefide in this good king. Therby either to move other rulers and Princes in these our days, to his imitation: or else to show them what hath ben in times past, in their anceters, which ought to be, and yet is not found in them. Wherefore of these three partes to discourse either part in order, first we will enter to entreat of his acts and painful travails sustained, in defense of the Realm public: against the raging tyranny of the Danes, as they be described in the Latin histories of Rog. Houeden, and Huntingdon: whom Fabian also seemeth in this part somewhat to follow. King Alfred therefore, first of all the English kings, taking his crown and unction at Rome of Pope Leo (as Malmesberiensis and Polycronicon do record) in the beginning of his reign, perceiving his Lord's & people much wasted and decayed, by the reason of the great wars of Æthelred, had against the Danes: yet as well as he could, gathered a strength of men unto him, and in the second month that he was made King, he met with the Danes beside Wylton, where he gave to them battle. But being far overmatched, through the multitude of the contrary part, was put there to the worse: although not without a great slaughter of the Pagan army. Which army then of the Danes, after that victory, by compaction made with King Alfred, to depart out of his dominion of Westsaxe: removed from Reading to London, where they abode all that winter. Where Halden their king, taking truse with Burhered, King of Mercians, the next year following voided those partes, and drew to Lyndesey: in robbing and spoiling the towns and villages as they went, and holding the common people under their seruage. From thence after to Repyngdon: where they joining with the three other Kings of the Danes (called Surdrim, Osketel, and Hamond ) grew thereby in mighty force and strength. Who then deviding their army in two partes, the one half remained with Halden in the country of Northumberland: the residue were with the other three kings, wintering and soiourning all the next year at Grantbrige, which was the fourth year of King Alfred. In the which year King Alfred his men had a conflict on the Sea, with six of the Danes ships, of which one they took, the other fled away. In this year went Rollo the Dane into Normandy, where he was Duke thirty year, and afterward was Baptized in the faith of Christ, and named Robert The foresaid army of the three Dane Kings above mentioned frō Grantebryge, returned again to Westsaxonie, and entered the Castle of warrham: where King Alfred with a sufficient power of men, was ready to assault them. But the Danes seeing his strength durst not attempt with him, but sought delays, while more aid might come. In the mean season they were constrained to entreat for truce: leaving also sufficient pledges in the Kings hand, promising moreover upon their oath, to void the country of the westsaxons. The king upon the surety let them go. But they falsely breaking their league, privily in the night brake out, taking their journey toward Exceter. In which journey, they lost vi. score of their small ships, by a tempest at Sandwych (as Henry Huntingdon in his story recordeth.) Then king Alfred followed after the horsemen of the Danes, but could not overtake them, before they came to Exceter, where he took of thē pledges and fair promises of peace, and so returned. Notwithstanding the number of the Pagāes did daily more and more increase, in so much (as one of my authors saith) that if in one day 30. thousand of them were slain, shortly after they increased double as many again. After this truce taken with King Alfred, the Danes then voided to the land of Mercia, whereof part of that kingdom they kept themselves, part they committed to one Ceolulphus : upon condition that he should be vassal to them, and at their commandment, with his people at all times.
The next yere ensuing, which was the vii. year of the reign of Alfred, the Danes; who now having all the rule of the Northpart of England, from the river of Tames, with Mercia, London, and Essex: disdained that Alfred should bear any dominion on the other side of Tames southward. Whereupon the foresaid three kings with all the force and strength they could make, marched toward Chippenham in Westsexe, with such a multitude, that the king w t his people was not able to resist them. In so much that the people which inhabited there, some fled over the sea, some remained with the king, diverse submitted themselves to the Danes. Thus King Alfred being ouerset w t multitude of enemies, and forsaken of his people, having neither land to hold, nor hope to recover that which he had lost: withdrew himself w t a few of his nobles about him, into a certain wood country in Somersetshire, called Ethelyng: where he had right scant to live with, but such as he and his people might purchase by hunting and fishing. This Edelyng or Ethelying or Ethelyngsey, standeth in a great Maresse or Moore, so that there is no access unto it, without ship or boat: and hath in it a great wood called Selewood, and in the middle a little plain, about of two acres of ground. In which I will is veneson. and other wild beasts, with soul and fishes, great plenty. In this wood, King Alfred at his first coming, espied a certain desert cotage of a poor Swynarde, keeping swine in the wood, named Dunwolphus: of whom the King then unknown was entertained and chearished, with such poor fare as he and his wife could make him. For the which, King Alfred afterward, set the poor Swinarde to learning, and made him Bishop of Winchester.
In the mean season, while King Alfred accompanied with a few, was thus in the desert wood, waiting the event of these miseries: certain stories record of a poor beggar, which there came and asked his alms of the King. And the night following he appeared to the King in his sleep: saying his name was Cutbert, promising (as sent frō God, unto him for his good charity) great victories against the Danes. But to let these dreaming fables pass, although they be testified by diverse authors, both Wilielmus Lib. de Reg. Polychronicon, Rog. Houeden, Iornalensis, and other mo. Notwythstanding the king in process of time, was strēgthened and comforted more, through the providence of God: respecting the miserable ruin of the Englishmen. First the brother of King Haldene the Dane before mentioned, coming in with xxiij. ships, landed about Devonshire: where by chance being resisted by a bushment of king Alfredes men (who for their safeguard there lay in garyson) were slain to the number of 1300. men, and their ensign called the Ranen was taken. Houedenus in his book of Continuationis writeth, that in the same conflict both Inguar and Hubba were slain among the other Danes. After this, King Alfred being better cheered, shown him self more at large: so that daily resorted to him, men of Wiltshyre, Somersetshyre, and Hamshyre, till that he was strongly accompanied.
Then the King put himself in a bold and dangerous venture (as writeth Wilelmus Lib. de Reg. Polychron. and Fabian which followeth them both) for he apparelling him in the habit of a Minstrel (as he was very skillful in all Saxon Poemes) with his instrument of Music, entered in the tents of the Danes, lying then at Eddendime: and in showing there his interlude and songs, espied all their sloth and ydlenes, and heard much of their counsel. And after returning to his company, declared unto them the whole manner of the Danes. Shortly upon the same, the King suddenly in the night fell upon the foresaid Danes, & distressed and slew of them a great multitude, chased them from that coast. In so much that through his strong & valiant assaults upon his enemies, out of his tower of Edelyng newly fortified: he so encōbered them, that he clearly voided the country of them, between that and Selwoodes. His subjects eftsones, hearing of these his valiant victories, and manful deeds, drew to him daily out of all coasts. Who through the help of God, and their assistānce, held the Danes so short, that he wan from them Winchester, & diverse other good towns. Briefly, at length he forced them to seek for peace: the which was concluded upon certain couenaunts. Whereof one and the principal was, that the forenamed Gutrum their King should be Christened. The other was, that such as would not be Christened, should depart and void the country.