Acts and Monuments Volume 1

* King Athelwolfus.

AThelwulfus, the son of Egbert, in his former age had entered into the order of Subdeacon, and as some other say was made Bishop of Winchester. But afterward being the only son of Egbert was made king through the dispensation (as Fabian saith) of Pope Paschalis, but that cannot be: for Paschalis then was not Bishop: so that by the computation of time, it should rather seem to be Gregory the 4. This Athelwulfe (as being himself once nuseled in that order) was always good and devout to holy Church and religious orders. In so much that he gave to them the rythe of all his goods and lands in Westsaxons, with liberty and freedom from all seruage and civil charges. Whereof, his charte instrument beareth testimony after this tenor proceeding: much like to the donation of Ethelbaldus king of Mercians, above mentioned.

* The Privileges and donations given by king Ethelwulfus to the Clergy.

Hereby may it appear, how when the Churches of England, began first to be endued with temporalties and lands: also with privileges & exemptiōs enlarged. Moreover (and that which specially is to be considered & lamented) what pernicious doctrine was this, wherewith they were led: thus to set remission of their sins, and remedy of their souls: in this donation and such other deeds of their devotion, contrary to the information of God's word, and no small derogation to the Cross of Christ?

These things thus done within the Realm, then the said Ethelwulfus the king, taking his journey to Rome, with Alfred his youngest son, committed him to the bringing up of Pope Leo the iv. where he also reedified the English school at Rome: which being founded by king Offa, or rather by Iue king of Mercians (as in the flowers of Hist. is affirmed) was lately in the time of king Egbert his father, consumed with fire. Farther and besides, th • s king gave and granted there unto Rome, of every fire house a penny to be paid through his whole land, as king Iue in his dominion had done before. Also he gave & granted yearly to be paid to Rome. 300 marks, that is to the maintaining of the light of S. Peter .C. marks: to y ^e light of S. Paul .C. marks: to the use of the Pope also another hundredth. This done, returning home through France, married their Judith the daughter of Carolus Caluus, y ^e • rēch king: whom he restored afterward, contrary to the laws of Westsaxons, to the title and throne of a Queen. For before, it was decreed among the Westsaxons (by the occasion of wicked Ethelburga, who poisoned Brigthricus her own husband) that after that, no kings wife there should have the name or place of a Queen.

And forsomuch as I have here entered into the mention of Judith, daughter of Carolus Caluus : the occasion thereof putteth me in memory, here to insert by the way a matter bone, although not in this Realm, yet not impertinent to this ecclesiastical history. And first to deduct the narration hereof from the first original. The father of this Carolus Caluus, whose name was Ludouicus, first of that name, called Pius king of France, had two wives: whereof by the first, he had iii. sons, Lothary, Pipin, and Lewys. Which iii. sons unnaturally and unkindly, cōspiring against their father, and his second wife, with her son, their youngest brother, persecuted him so, that through a certain council of Lord's spiritual and temporal, they deposed the same their natural and right godly father, dispossessing and discharging him of all rule and dominion. Moreover, caused him to renounce his temporal habit, inclosing him in the Monastery of S. Mark, for a monk or rather a prisoner. All which done, they divided his Empire and kingdom among themselves.

Thus was Ludouicus Pius, of impious sons left desolate. But the power of God, which worketh when all earthly power ceaseth, of his divine mercy so aided and recovered him out of all this tribulation to this Imperial dignity again: that it was to all his enemies confusion, and to all good men a miracle. But this by the way. By his 2. wife whose name was Judith, he had this Charles the Bald here mentioned. Which Judith was thought and so accúsed to the Pope, to be within such degree of alliance, that by the Popes law, she might not continue his wife without the popes dispensation. It so fell out in the mean time that this Ludouicus the Emperor, had promoted a young man named Frederick to be Bishop of Utricke • and to him had given sad and good exhortation, that he remembering and following the constancy of his predecessors, would maintain right and truth without all exception of any person, & punish misdoers with excommunication, as well the riche as the poor, with such like words of godly coūsails. Frederick hearing the king thus to say, sitting at dinner with him, as the manner was being newly invested, in these words answered to the Emperor again. I thank your majesty saith he, which with your so wholesome exhortation putteth me in mind of my profession. But I beseech you of your benign favor & patience, that I may freely disclose, that which hath long encumbered and pierced my conscience. To whō leave being given, thus he began. I pray you (Lord Emperor) to show me herein your mind (pointing to the fish before him) whether is it more according, to attain this fish here present, beginning first at the head or at the tail? What a tale is this, quoth the Emperor, of the tail & of the head: At the head quoth he. Then Frederike taking thereof his occasion, proceedeth: Even so let it be (Lord Emperor) saith he, as you have said. Let Christian faith and charity first begin with yourself, as with the head, admonishing you to cease frō your face, and error, that your subjects by your example be not boldned to follow your misdoing. Wherefore first forsake you, your unlawful wedlock, which you have made with Judith your near kinswoman. These words of the new Bishop, although they moved Ludouicus the Emperor not a little, yet he, with a gentle modesty, and modest silence was contented, suffering the bishop to go home in peace. But the word being uttered in such an audience, could not so be concealed but spread and brast out in much talk in the whole court, and especially among the Bishops, consultyng earnestly with themselves about the matter. Through whose counsel and labor so at length it fell, that the Emperor was constrained to leave the company of his wife, till he had purchased a license of the bishop of Rome, to retain her again, who then forgave the said bishop all that was past. But the woman hired two knights that slew him in his vestimentes, when he had ended his mass. Ranulphus, and Guliel Libro de pontificib, give forth this story in his great commendation to die a Martyr. Whereof I have not to judge, nor here to pronounce: but that rather I think him to be comended in his dying, then the women for her killing.

And for as much as mention hath been made of Ludouicus Pius, here is to be noted, that in France then was vied of Priests and Churchmen, precious and showing vestuce, and golden, and rich staring girldles, with rings and other ornaments of gold. Wherefore the said Louis purchased of the Bishop of Rome a correctiō, for all such as used such disordinate apparel, causing them to wear brown and sad colors, according to their sadness. Fab.

Of this Louis the Papists do fain, that because he converted certain of their Church goods and patrimony to y ^e wages of his soldiers, his body (say they) was carried out of his tomb by devils, and was no more seen.

And thus a little having disgressed out of our course, now let us return out of France into England again: king Ethelwulfus, who coming from Rome by the country of France, was now returned again into his own dominion, where he continued not long after.

This Ethelwulfus, had especially about him two Bishops, whose counsel he was most ruled by, Swythinus Bishop of Winchester, and Adelstanus Bishop of Syreborne. Of the which two, the one was more skillful in temporal and civil affairs touching the kings wars, and filling of his coffers, and other furniture for the king. The other (which was Swythinus ) was of a contrary sort, wholly disposed and inclined to spiritual meditation, and to minister spiritual council to y ^e king: who had ben schoolmaster to the king before. Wherein appeared one good condition of this kings nature, among his other virtues, not only in following the precepts and aduertisementes of his old schoolemaister: But also in y ^t he like a kind & thankfull pupille did so reverence his bringer up, and old scholmaister (as he called him) that he ceased not, till he made him Bishop of Winchester, by the consecration of Celnoch then Archbishop of Canterbury. But as concerning the miracles which are read in the Church of Winchester, of this Swythinus, them I leave to be read together with the Iliades of Homere, or tales of Robenhood.

This Gregory the fourth here in this present Chapter above mentioned: was the third pope which succeeded after Paschalis the first, being but. 4. years betwixt them, which Paschalis succeeded after Stephen the 4. who followed after Leo the 3. next Pope unto Hadrian above in our history mentioned, whereas we entreated of Charles the great. From the time of that Hadrian the first, unto Pope Hadrian the 3. The Emperors had some stroke in the election (at lest in the confirmation) of the Romaine Pope. Notwithstanding, diverse of those foresaid popes in the mean time began to work their practices to bring that purpose about. But yet all their devises could take no full effect, before the said Hadrian the iii. as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared. So that the Emperors all this while bare some rule in choosing the Popes, and in assembling general Councils. Wherefore by the commandment of Ludouicus the Emperor, in the time of this Gregory the iv. a general Synod was commensed at Aquisgraue, where it was decreed by the said Gregory and his assistance: first that every Church should have sufficient of his own proper lands and revenues, to find the Priests thereof: that none should need to lack or go about a begging. Itē thatnone of the Clergy of what order or degree soever he be, should use any vesture of any precious or scarelet color. Neither shall wear ringes on their fingers, unless it be when Prelates be at Mass, or give their consecrations. Item that Prelates should not keep to great ports or families, nor keep great horse, use dice, or harlots. And the Monks should not exceed measure in glotony or riot. Item that none of the Clergye being either annointed or shaven: should use either gold or silver in their shoes, slippers, or girdles, like to Heliogabalus. By this it may be conjectured, what pomp and pride in those days was crept into the Clergy. Moreover, by the said pope Gregory the 4. at the commandment of Ludouicus Emperor, the feast of all Saints was first brought into the Church.

After this Pope, came Sergius the second which first brought in the altering of the Popes names, because he was named before os porci, that is, Swines snout: which also ordained the Agnus thrice to be song at the Mass, and the host to be divided into three partes.

After him, was Pope Leo the iv. to whom this king Ethelwulfus (as in this present chapter is above specified) did commit the tuition of his son Alfred. By this Pope Leo, it came in, and was first enacted in a Counsel of his, that no Bishop should be condemned under 72. witnesses, according as ye see in the witnesses, at the condemnation of Stephen Gardener, orderly practiced.

Item contrary to the law of Gregory the iv. his predicessor: this Pope ordained the cross (all let with gold & precious stone) to be carried before him, like a Pope.

And here next now followeth & cometh in, the whore of Babylon (rightly in her true colors by the permission of God and manifestly without all tergiuersation) to appear to the whole world: and that not only alter the spiritual sense, but after the very letter, and the right form of an whore in deed. For after this Leo above mentioned, the Cardinals proceeding to their ordinary electiō (after a solemn Mass of the holy Ghost, to the perpetual shame of them & of that sea) instead of a mā Pope, elected an whore in deed to minister Sacraments, to say masses, to give orders, to constitute Deacons, Priests, and bishops, to promote Prelates, to make Abbots, to consecrate Churches and altars, to have the reign and rule of Emperors and kings: And so she did in deed, called by name John. the 8. This woman's proper name was Gilberta (a Dutch woman of Magunce) who went with an english monk out of the Abbey of Fulda in a man's apparel unto Athens, and after through her dexterity of wit and learning, was promooted to the Popedom, where the sat two years & 6. months. At last openly in the face of a general procession, fell in labor & travail of child, & so died. By reason whereof, the Cardinals yet to this day do avoid to come nere by that street where this shame was taken. By Benedictus the iii. who succeeded next in the whorish sea, was first ordained (as most writers record) the Dirge to be said for the dead. Albeit before him, Gregory the iii. had done in that matter, worthily for his part already.

After him sat Pope Nicholas the first, who enlarged the Popes decrees with many constitutions, equallyng the authority of them, with the writings of the Apostles. He ordained that no secular Prince, nor the Emperor himself, should be present at their Councils, unless in matters concerning the faith: to the end that such as they judged to be heretics, they should execute and murder. Also, that no lay men should sit in judgment upon the clergy men, or reason upon the Popes power. Item that no Christian Magistrate should have any power upon any Prelate, alleging that a Prelate is called God. Item that all Church service should be in Latin: yet notwithstanding, dispensing with the Sclauonians, and Polonians, to retain still their vulgar language. Sequences in the Mass were by him first allowed. By this Pope, Priests began to be restrained and debarred from marrying: whereof Hulderike Bishop of Ausbrough (a learned & an holy man) sending a letter unto the Pope, gravely and learnedly refuteth and reclaimeth against his vndiscret proceedings touching y ^t matter. The copy of which letter, as I thought it unworthy to be suppressed, so I judged it here worthy & meet for the better instruction of the Reader, to be inserted. The words whereof here follow out of Latin into English translated.

By this Epistle of Bishop Huldericke, above prefixed, the matter is plain (gentle Reader) to conceive, what was then the sentence of learned men, concerning the marriage of ministers, but that here by the way, the Reader is to be admoninished. that this Epistle which by error of the writer is referred to pope Nicholas y ^e first, in my mind is rather to be attributed to the name and tune of Nicolas the 2. or 3.

After this pope, Nicolas succeeded Hadrianus. 2. Johannes ix. Martinus. ii. After these came Hadrian the third and Stephē the v. By this Hadrian it was first decred, y ^t no Emperor after that time should intermeddle or have anything to do in the election of the Pope. And thus began the Emperors first to decay, and the Papacie to swell and rise aloft. And thus much concerning Romish matters for this time.

Then to return where we left, touching the story of King Ethelwolfe. About the latter ende of his reign, the Danes which before had invaded the Realm, in the time of king Egbert, as is above declared: now made there reentre again, with 33. ships arriving about Hamshyre: through the barbarous tyranny of whō, much bloodshed and murder happened here among englishmen, in Dorcet shire, about Pourtchmouth in Kent, in Eastangle, in Lindesey, at Rochester, about London, and in Wests • xe▪ where Ethelwolfe the king was overcome, besides diverse other under kings and dukes, whom the Danes daily approaching, in great multitudes in divers victories had put to flight. At length king Ethelwolfe, with his son Ethelbaldus, warring against them in Southrey, at Oclea, drave them to the sea, where they hovering a space, after a while brast in again with horrible rage and cruelty, as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared, so much as to our purpose shall serve, professing in this history, to write not of matters externe and politic, but only pertaining to the Church. The cause of this great affliction sent of God unto this realm thus I found expressed and collectlected in a certain old written story, which hath no name: the words of which writer, for the same cause as he thought to recite them, writing as he saith ( ad cautelam, futurorum ) I thought also for the same here not to be omitted, albeit in all partes of his commendation I do not fully with him accord. The words of the writer be these.

Thus far have ye the words of mine author, declaring the cause, which provoked God's anger, whereunto may be adjoined the wickedness, not only of them but of their forefathers also before them, who falsely breaking the faith and promise made with the Britanes, did crueliye murder their nobles, wickedly oppressed their commons, impiously persecuted the innocent Christians, miliciously possessed their land and habitation: chasing the inhabitaunts out of house and country, besides the violent murder of the Monks of Bangor, and diverse soul slaughters against the poor Brytaines, who sent for them to be their helpers. Wherefore, God's just recompense falling upon them from that time, never suffered them to be quiet from foreign enemies, till the coming of William the Normande &c.

Moreover, concerning the outward occasions givē of the Englishmens parts, moving the Danes first to invade the Realm, I find in certain stories two most especially assigned. The one •• justly give, & justly takē. The other not given justly, and 〈◊〉 taken. Of the which two, the first was given in Northumberland, by means of Osbryght, reigning under king of Westsaxons, in the North partes. This Osbright upon a time iourneyng by the way, turned into the house of one of his nobles called Bruer. Who having at home a wife of great beauty (he being absent abroad) the king after his dinner (allured with the excellency of her beauty) took her to a secret chamber, where he forceablye contrary to her will did rauishe her, whereupon she being greatly dismayed, and vexed in her mind, made her move to her husband returning, of this violence and injury received. Bruer consulting with his frindes, first went to the king, resigning to his hands, all such service and possessions which he did hold of him: that done took shipping and sailed into Denmark, where he had great friends: and had his bringing up before. There making his mone to Codrinus the king, desired his aide in revenging of the great vilany of Osbryght against him and his wife. Codrinus hearing this, and glad to have some just quarrel to enter that land: levied an army with all speed: & preparing all things necessary for the same, sendeth forth Inguar and Hubba two brethren, his chief Captains, with an innumerable multitude of Danes into England. who first arriving at Holdernesse, there brent up the country, & killed without mercy both men, women, and chidrē, whō they could lay hands upon. Then marching toward York, entered their battle, with the foresaid Osbryght, where he with the most part of his army was slain. And so the Danes entered the possession of the City of York. Some other say, and is by the most part of story writers recorded, that the chief cause of the coming of Inguar & Hubba with the Danes, was to revenge king Edmund reygnyng under the Westsaxons over the Eastangles in Nothfolke and Southfolk: for the murdering of a certain Dane being father to Inguar and Hubba which was falsely imputed to king Edmund. The story is thus told.

A certain noble man of the Danes of the kings stock called Lothebrocus father to Inguar and Hubba entering upon a time with his hauke into a certain schaffe or cockebote alone: by chance through tempest was driven with his hauke to the coast of Nothfolke named Rodhā, where he being found and detained was presented unto the king. The king understanding his parentage, & seeing his case: entertained him in his court accordingly. And every day more and more perceived his actiuities, and great dexterity in hunting & hawking, bare special favor unto him. In so much that the kings faukener, or master of game, bearing privy envy against him, secretly as they were hūting together in a wood, did murder him, & threw him in a bush. This Lothebroke, being murdered, within two or three days began to be missed in the kings house: of whō no tidings could be heard, but only by a dog or spaniel of his, which continuing in the wood with the corps of his master, at sundry times came and fauned upon the king: so long that at length they following the trase of the hound were brought to the place where Lothebroke lay. Wherevpō inquisition made, at length by certain circumstances of words and other evidences, it was known how & by whom he was murdered, that was by the kings huntesman name • Berike. Who thereupon being convicted, was set into the same bote of Lothebroke, alone and without any takeling to drive by seas, either to be saved by the weather or to be drowned in the deep. And as it chanced Lothebroke from Dennemarke to be driued to Norfolk, so it happened that from Norfolk he was carried into Denmark. Where the bote of Lothebroke being well known, hands were laid upon him, & inquisition made of the party. In sine in his torments, to save himself, he uttered an untruth of king Egmund, saying, that the king had put him to death in the country of Norfolk. Wherupon grudge first was conceived, thē an army appointed, & great multitude sent into England, to revenge that fact: where first they arriving in Northumberland, destroyed (as is said) those parties first. From thence sailing into Norfolk they exercised the like tyranny there, upon the inhabitaūts thereof, especially upon the innocent prince, & blessed matter of God, king Edmund. Cōcerning the farther declaration whereof, hereafter shall follow (Christ our Lord, so permitting) more to be spoken, as place and observation of time and years, shall require.

In the mean seasō, king Ethelwulphe, in this chapiter here presently touched, when he had chased y ^e foresaid Daues (as is above rehearsed from place to place, causing thē to take the Sea, he in the mean while departeth him self both from land and life: leaving behind him four sons, which reigned everyone in his order, after the discease of their father. The names of whom were Ethelbaldus, Ethelbrightus, Ethelredus, and Aluredus.

King Ethelbalde.

KIng Ethelbald the eldest son of Ethelwulfe, succeeding his father in the province of Westsaxe: and Ethelbright in the province of Kent: reigned both together, the term of v. years, one with the other. Of the which two, Ethelbald, the first le • t this infamy, behind him in stories, for marrying and lying with his stepmother, wife to his own father named Judith. After these two succeeded Æthelred, the third son, who is his time was so encumbered with the Danes, brusting in on every side: especially about York, (which City they then spoiled and brent up) that he in one year stood in ix. battles against them, w ^t the help of Alfred his brother. In the beginning of this Kings reign, the Danes landed in East England, or Norfolk & Southfolke. But (as Fabian writeth) they were compelled to forsake that country, and so toke again shipping, and sailed Northward, and landed in Northūberlande: where they were met of the Kings then there reigning, called Osbright, and Ella, which gave to them a strong light. But notwithstanding the Danes, with help of such as inhabited the country, wan the City of York, and held it a certain season as is above foretouched.

In the reign of this Æthelred, the Northumberlanders rebelling against the king, thought to recover again the former state of their kingdom out of the Westsaxons hand, by reason of which discord (as happeneth in all lands where dissention is) the strength of the English nation was thereby not a little weakened, and the Danes the more thereby prevailed.

About the latter time of the reign of this Etheldred ▪ which was about the year of our Lord. 870. certain of the foresaid Danes being thus possessed of y ^e north country: after their cruel persecution and murder done there, (as partly is touched before) took shipping frō thence, intending to sails toward the Eastangles, who by the way upon the sea, met with a flot of Danes: whereof the Captains or leaders were named Inguar & Hubba. Who joining altogether in one counsel, made all one course, & lastly landed in East England, or Norfolk, & in process of time came to Thetior • . Thereof hearing Edmund, then under king of that province: assembled an host, that gave to them battall. But Edmund and his company was forced to forsake the field, & the king with a few persons fled unto the castle of Framingham, whō the Danes pursued. But he in short while after, yielded himself to the persecution of the Danes: answering in this manner to y ^e mess̄ger, that told him in the name of Inguar Prince of the Danes: which most victoriously (saith he) was come with innumerable legions, subduing both by sea and land many nations unto him: & so now arrived in those parts, requireth him likewise to submit himself, yielding to him his hid treasures, and such other goods of his auncetors, and so to reign under him, which thing if he would not do, he should (said he) be judged unworthy both of life & reign. Edmund hearing this proud message of y ^e Pagan, consulted with certain of his fryends: and amongst other, with one of his bishops being thē his Secretary, who seeing the present danger of the king: gave him counsel to yield to the conditions. Upon this the king pausing a little with himself, at length rendered this answer: Bidding the messenger go to tell his Lord in these words. That Edmund a Christian king, for the love of temporal life, will not submit himself to Pagan Duke, unless he before would be a Christian Incontinent upon the same, the wicked & crafty Dane approaching in most hasty speed upon the King, encountered with him in battle (as some say) at Thetford: where the king being put to the worse, & pittieng the terrible slaunghter of his men: thinking with himself rather to submit his own person to danger, then his people should be slain did fly (as Fabian saith) to the Castle of Framingham: or (as my author writeth to Halesdō, now called S. Edmundesbury, where this blessed man, being on every side compassed of his cruel enemies, yielded himself to their persecution. And for that he would not reny or deny Christ and his laws, they therefore most cruelly bound him unto a tree, & caused him to be shot to death: and lastly caused his head to be smitten from his body, & cast into the thick bushes. Which head and body at the same time was by his friends taken up, and solemnly buried at the said Halesdon, otherwise now named S. Edmunds bury. Whose brother named Edwoldus (notwithstanding of right, the kingdom fell next unto him) setting a part the liking & pleasure of the world, became an Hermit at the Abbey of Cerum, in the Country of Dorset.

After the Martirdome of this blessed Edmund, when the cruel Danes had sufficiently robbed and spoiled that country: they took again their ships, and landed in Southrey, & continued their journey till they came to the town of Reading, & there wan the town with the castle where (as Cambrensis saith) within three days of their thither coming, the foresaid Inguar and Hubba Captains of the Danes, as they went in purchasing of their prays or booties: were slain at a place called Englefelde. Which Princes of the Danes thus slain, the rest of them kept whole together, in such wise that y ^e Westsaxons might take of them none advantage. But yet within few days after the Danes were holden so short, that they were forced to issue out of the castle, & to defend them in plain battle. In the which (by the industry of king Æthelred and of Allured his brother) the Danes were discomfited, & many of them slain: which discomfort made them fly again into the castle, and there kept them for a certain time. The King then committing the charge of them to Ethelwolde Duke of Baroke or Barkshire, so departed. But whē the Danes knew of the kings departure, they brake sodeinly out of their hold, and took the Duke unprovided, & slew him, and much of his people. And so adjoining thenselves with other that were scattered in the country, enbattelled them in such wise, that of them was gathered a strong host.

As the tidings hereof was brought to king Etheldred, (which put him in great heaviness) word also was brought the same time of the landing of Osrike, king of Denmark: who with assistance of the other Danes had gathered a great host, and were enbattelled vpō Ashdowne. To this battle king Æthelred with his brother Alfred (forced by great need) sped them selves to withstand the Danes. At which time, the king a little staying behind being yet at his service, Alfred which was come before, had entered already into the whole fight with the Danes: who strake together with huge violence. The king being required to make speed (he being then at service, and meditations) such was his devotion: that he would not stir out one foot, before the service was fully cōplete. In this mean while, the Danes so fearsly invaded Alfred and his mē, that they wan the hill: and the Christian men were in the valley, and in great danger to loose the whole field. Nevertheless through the grace of God, and their godly manhood, the king coming from his service, with his fresh soldiers recovered the hill of the infidels: and so discōfited the Danes that day, that in fleing away not only they lost the victory, but most part also of them their lives. In so much that their Duke or king Osride or Osege, and five of their Dukes, with much of their people were slain, and the rest chased unto Reding town.

After this, the Danes yet resembled their people, and gathered a new host, so that within xv. days, they mete at Basingstoke, and there gave battle unto the king, & had the better. Then the king again gathered his mē, which at that field were disparkled, and with fresh soldiers to them accompanied, mete the Danes within two months after at the town of Merton, where he gave to them a sharp battle: so that much people were slain as well of the Christian, as of the Danes, but in the ende, the Danes had the honor of the field, and king Æthelred there was wounded, and therefore fain to save himself.

After these ii. fields thus won by the Danes, they obtained great circuit of ground, and destroyed man & child, that would not yield to them. And Churches and temples they turned to the use of stables, & other vile occupations.

Thus the king beset with enemies on every side, seeing the land so miserably oppressed of the Danes: his knights and soldiers consumed: his own land of Westsaxons in such desolation: he being also wounded himself: But especially for that he sending his commissions into Northumberland, into Mercia, and Eastanglia, could have of them but small or little comfort (because they through wicked rebellion, were more willing to take the part of the Danes, then of their king) was sore perplexed therewithal, as the other Kings were both before him and after him, at that time. So that, as Malmesbury witnesseth, magis optarēt honestum exitium, quàm tam acerbum imperium. That is, They rather wished honestly to die, then with such trouble and sorrow to reign. And thus this King not long after deceased, when he had reigned, as Fabian saith viii. years, as Malmesbury writeth, but v. years. During which time of his reign, notwithstanding his so great troubles and vexations in martial affairs, (as is in some stories mentioned) he founded the house or college of Chanōs at Exeter, and was buried at the Abbey of Winborn or Woborn. After whose decease, for lack of issue of his body, the rule of the land fell unto his brother Alfred.

* King Alfred otherwise called Alfred.

AMong the Saxon kings hitherto in this history afore mentioned: I find few or none to be preferred (or almost to be compared) to this Alfred, or Alfred for the great and singular qualities in this king worthy of high renown and commendation. Whether we behold in him the valiant acts, and manifold travails which he continually from time to time sustained against his enemies in wars, during almost all the time of his reign, for the public preservation of his people: Or whether we consider in him, his godly and excellent virtues, joined with a public and tender care, and zealous study; for the common peace and trāquility of the weal public: appearing as well in his prudent laws by him both carefully set forth, and with the like care executed, as also by his own private exercises touching the virtuous institution of his life. Or whether we respect that in him, which with equal praise matcheth with both the other before: That is, his notable knowledge of good letters, with a fervent love and Princely desire, to set forth the same through all his Realm (before his time being both rude and barbarous) All which his heroical properties, joined together in one Prince, as it is a thing most rare, and seldom seen in Princes now a days: so I thought the same the more to be noted and examplefide in this good king. Therby either to move other rulers and Princes in these our days, to his imitation: or else to show them what hath ben in times past, in their anceters, which ought to be, and yet is not found in them. Wherefore of these three partes to discourse either part in order, first we will enter to entreat of his acts and painful travails sustained, in defense of the Realm public: against the raging tyranny of the Danes, as they be described in the Latin histories of Rog. Houeden, and Huntingdon: whom Fabian also seemeth in this part somewhat to follow. King Alfred therefore, first of all the English kings, taking his crown and unction at Rome of Pope Leo (as Malmesberiensis and Polycronicon do record) in the beginning of his reign, perceiving his Lord's & people much wasted and decayed, by the reason of the great wars of Æthelred, had against the Danes: yet as well as he could, gathered a strength of men unto him, and in the second month that he was made King, he met with the Danes beside Wylton, where he gave to them battle. But being far overmatched, through the multitude of the contrary part, was put there to the worse: although not without a great slaughter of the Pagan army. Which army then of the Danes, after that victory, by compaction made with King Alfred, to depart out of his dominion of Westsaxe: removed from Reading to London, where they abode all that winter. Where Halden their king, taking truse with Burhered, King of Mercians, the next year following voided those partes, and drew to Lyndesey: in robbing and spoiling the towns and villages as they went, and holding the common people under their seruage. From thence after to Repyngdon: where they joining with the three other Kings of the Danes (called Surdrim, Osketel, and Hamond ) grew thereby in mighty force and strength. Who then deviding their army in two partes, the one half remained with Halden in the country of Northumberland: the residue were with the other three kings, wintering and soiourning all the next year at Grantbrige, which was the fourth year of King Alfred. In the which year King Alfred his men had a conflict on the Sea, with six of the Danes ships, of which one they took, the other fled away. In this year went Rollo the Dane into Normandy, where he was Duke thirty year, and afterward was Baptized in the faith of Christ, and named Robert The foresaid army of the three Dane Kings above mentioned frō Grantebryge, returned again to Westsaxonie, and entered the Castle of warrham: where King Alfred with a sufficient power of men, was ready to assault them. But the Danes seeing his strength durst not attempt with him, but sought delays, while more aid might come. In the mean season they were constrained to entreat for truce: leaving also sufficient pledges in the Kings hand, promising moreover upon their oath, to void the country of the westsaxons. The king upon the surety let them go. But they falsely breaking their league, privily in the night brake out, taking their journey toward Exceter. In which journey, they lost vi. score of their small ships, by a tempest at Sandwych (as Henry Huntingdon in his story recordeth.) Then king Alfred followed after the horsemen of the Danes, but could not overtake them, before they came to Exceter, where he took of thē pledges and fair promises of peace, and so returned. Notwithstanding the number of the Pagāes did daily more and more increase, in so much (as one of my authors saith) that if in one day 30. thousand of them were slain, shortly after they increased double as many again. After this truce taken with King Alfred, the Danes then voided to the land of Mercia, whereof part of that kingdom they kept themselves, part they committed to one Ceolulphus : upon condition that he should be vassal to them, and at their commandment, with his people at all times.

The next yere ensuing, which was the vii. year of the reign of Alfred, the Danes; who now having all the rule of the Northpart of England, from the river of Tames, with Mercia, London, and Essex: disdained that Alfred should bear any dominion on the other side of Tames southward. Whereupon the foresaid three kings with all the force and strength they could make, marched toward Chippenham in Westsexe, with such a multitude, that the king w ^t his people was not able to resist them. In so much that the people which inhabited there, some fled over the sea, some remained with the king, diverse submitted themselves to the Danes. Thus King Alfred being ouerset w ^t multitude of enemies, and forsaken of his people, having neither land to hold, nor hope to recover that which he had lost: withdrew himself w ^t a few of his nobles about him, into a certain wood country in Somersetshire, called Ethelyng: where he had right scant to live with, but such as he and his people might purchase by hunting and fishing. This Edelyng or Ethelying or Ethelyngsey, standeth in a great Maresse or Moore, so that there is no access unto it, without ship or boat: and hath in it a great wood called Selewood, and in the middle a little plain, about of two acres of ground. In which I will is veneson. and other wild beasts, with soul and fishes, great plenty. In this wood, King Alfred at his first coming, espied a certain desert cotage of a poor Swynarde, keeping swine in the wood, named Dunwolphus: of whom the King then unknown was entertained and chearished, with such poor fare as he and his wife could make him. For the which, King Alfred afterward, set the poor Swinarde to learning, and made him Bishop of Winchester.

In the mean season, while King Alfred accompanied with a few, was thus in the desert wood, waiting the event of these miseries: certain stories record of a poor beggar, which there came and asked his alms of the King. And the night following he appeared to the King in his sleep: saying his name was Cutbert, promising (as sent frō God, unto him for his good charity) great victories against the Danes. But to let these dreaming fables pass, although they be testified by diverse authors, both Wilielmus Lib. de Reg. Polychronicon, Rog. Houeden, Iornalensis, and other mo. Notwythstanding the king in process of time, was strēgthened and comforted more, through the providence of God: respecting the miserable ruin of the Englishmen. First the brother of King Haldene the Dane before mentioned, coming in with xxiij. ships, landed about Devonshire: where by chance being resisted by a bushment of king Alfredes men (who for their safeguard there lay in garyson) were slain to the number of 1300. men, and their ensign called the Ranen was taken. Houedenus in his book of Continuationis writeth, that in the same conflict both Inguar and Hubba were slain among the other Danes. After this, King Alfred being better cheered, shown him self more at large: so that daily resorted to him, men of Wiltshyre, Somersetshyre, and Hamshyre, till that he was strongly accompanied.

Then the King put himself in a bold and dangerous venture (as writeth Wilelmus Lib. de Reg. Polychron. and Fabian which followeth them both) for he apparelling him in the habit of a Minstrel (as he was very skillful in all Saxon Poemes) with his instrument of Music, entered in the tents of the Danes, lying then at Eddendime: and in showing there his interlude and songs, espied all their sloth and ydlenes, and heard much of their counsel. And after returning to his company, declared unto them the whole manner of the Danes. Shortly upon the same, the King suddenly in the night fell upon the foresaid Danes, & distressed and slew of them a great multitude, chased them from that coast. In so much that through his strong & valiant assaults upon his enemies, out of his tower of Edelyng newly fortified: he so encōbered them, that he clearly voided the country of them, between that and Selwoodes. His subjects eftsones, hearing of these his valiant victories, and manful deeds, drew to him daily out of all coasts. Who through the help of God, and their assistānce, held the Danes so short, that he wan from them Winchester, & diverse other good towns. Briefly, at length he forced them to seek for peace: the which was concluded upon certain couenaunts. Whereof one and the principal was, that the forenamed Gutrum their King should be Christened. The other was, that such as would not be Christened, should depart and void the country.

Upon these covenants, first the said Gutrum the Danish Prince coming to Winchester, there was Christened with xx. of his greatest Dukes or Nobles. To the which Gutrum King Alfred being his Godfather at his Baptism, named him Athelstane. Who after a certain season that he had feasted the said Danes: he according to his promise before made, gave unto their King the country of Eastanglia, containing Norfolk & Suffolk, and part of Cambridshire. Moreover (as saith Polychron. ) he granted to the Danes that were Christened, the Country of Northumberland. So the residue that would not be Christened, departed the land, and sailed into France▪ where, what vexation and harm they wrought, the Chronicles of France do partly comprehend.

King Athelstane thus having the possession of these countries, had all Eastangles under his obedience. And albeit that he held the said province as in fee of the king, & promised to dwell there as his liege mā: yet that notwithstanding, he continued more like a tyrant, by the term of xi. year and died in the xii. yere. During the which space, King Alfred having some more rest and peace, repaired certain towns and strong holds afore by the Danes impaired. Also he built diverse houses of religiō, as y ^e house of Nuns at Shaftesbury. An other religious house at Ethelyng he founded. Item another in Winchester, named the new monastery. Item, he endued richly the Church of S. Cutbert in Dyrham. He sent also to India, to pay and perform his vows to S. Thomas of Inde, which he made during the time of his distress against the Danes.

About the xv. year of the reign of Alfred, the Danes returning from France to England, landed in Kent, and so came to Rochester, and besieged that City: and there lay so long, that they built a Tower of timber against the gates of the City. But by strength of the Citizens, that tower was destroyed, and the City defended t • King Alfred came and reseued them. Whereby the Danes were so distressed, and so nere trapped: that for fear, they left their horses behind them, and fled to their ships by night. But the King, when he was thereof ware: sent after them and took xvj. of their ships, & slew many of the said Danes. This done, the King returned to London, & repaired the same honorably (as saith Houedenus ) & made it habitable, which before was sore decayed and febled by the Danes.

The third year after this, which was the xix. year of the reign of king Alfred : the foresaid Athelstane the Danish king of Norfolk (which by Alfred was Christened before) deceased. Not long after this, about the xxj. year of this kings reign, the Danes again landed in four places of this land: which was, in Eastinglande: in the North: and in the West, in two places. Before the landyng of these Danes, it chanced king Elfred, hearing of the death of King Athelstane, and of other complaints of the Danes, was then in Eastengland, when these tidings c • me to him.

When King Alfred was hereof ascertained: forsomuch as some of the Danes were landed in that coast, thinking with themselves the further they went in those parties, the less resistance to have, and the more speed, as they were wont to have before: Alfride therefore sending messengers in all hast to Etheldred Duke of Mercia, to assemble to him an host, to withstand the Danes which landed in y ^e West, made forth toward his enemies there, where he was in Eastanglia, whom he pursued so sharply, that he drove them out from those parties. They then landed in kent, whether the king with his people sped him, and in like manner drave the Danes from thence, without any great fight, so far as in our authors we can see. After this, again the Danes took shipping, and sailed into Northwales, and there robbed and spoiled the Britones, & from thence returned by the sea into Eastanglia, with an hundredth ships, and there rested them, for so much the king then was gone Westward.

The fourth host of the Danes, the same year came to Chester, which at length they won, but then, the country adjoining pressed so sore upon them, and besieged them so long, keeping them selves within the City, that at the last the Danes weryed with the long siege, were compelled to eat their own horses for hunger. But by appointment, at last they gave over the town, and went about by Northwales to Northumberland, which was about the xxiij. year of king Alfred: Which Alfred in the mean while with his host, sped him thetherward. Thē the Danes, leaving their strong holds and Castles garnished with men and vitaile: took again shipping, and set their course in such wise that they landed in Sussex, & so came to the porte of Louis: and from thence toward London, and built a Tower or Castle near unto the river of Ley, xx. mile frō London. But the Londoners hearing thereof, manned out a certain number of men of arms, who w ^t the assistance of them of that country, put the Danes from that tower: and after beat it down to the ground. Soone after the king came down thither. And to prevent the dangers that might ensue, commanded the river of Luye to be divided in iii. streams: so that where a shyp might sail in times before, then a little boat might scantly row. Frō thence the Danes, leaving their ships & wives, were forced to fly that country, and took their way again toward Wales, and came to Quadruge near to the River of Seuerne. Where, upon the borders thereof, they built then a castle, there resting themselves for a time: whom the King eftsoons with his army pursued. In the mean time, the Londoners at Luye taking the Danes ships: some of them they brought to London, the rest they fired. During all these three years, from the first coming of the Danes to Luye, England was afflicted with three manner of sorrows: with the Danes, with pestilence of men, and morreine of beasts. The which troubles notwithstanding, yet the King manfully resisted the malice of his enemies, and thanked God always, what trouble soever fell to him, or unto his Realm, and sustained it with great patience & humility. These three years overpast, the next year following, which was the xxviij. of the reign of Alfred: the Danes divided their host: of whom part went to Northumberland, some to Norfolk, part sailed over to France, some other came to Westsaxe. Where they had diverse conflicts with the Englishmen, both by lande and especially upon the Sea: of whom some were slain: many by shypwracke perished, diverse were taken and hanged, and xxx. of their ships were taken.

Not long after this, king Alfred, when he had reigned xxix. years, and vi. months, changed this mortal life. And thus much (and more peradventure, then will seem to this our Ecclesiastical story appertaining) touching the painful labors and travails of this good king: which he no less valiantly atcheued, then patiently sustained, for the necessary defense of his Realm and subjects.

Now if there be any Prince, who listeth to see and follow the virtuous and godly disposition of this king: both touching the institution of his own life, & also concerning his careful government of the common weal: thus the histories of him do record. That at what time he being young, perceived himself somewhat disposed to the vice of the flesh, & thereby letted from many virtuous purposes: did not as many young Princes, and Kings sons in the world be now wont to do: that is to resolve thenselves into all kind of carnal license, and dissolute sensuality, running and following without bridle, whether soever their license given doth lead them (as therefore not without cause the common proverb reporteth of them) that Kings sons learn nothing well else, but only to ride. Meaning thereby, that Princes and Kings sons having about them flatterers, which bolster them in their faults: only their horses give to them no more, then to any other: but if they sit not fast, they will cast them. But this young king seeing in him self the inclination of his fleshly nature, minding not to give him self so much as he might take, but rather by resistence to avoid the temptation thereof: besought God that he would send to him some continual sickness, in quenching of that vice, whereby he might be more profitable to the public business of the common wealth, and more apt to serve God in his calling. Cestrens. Lib. 5. cap. 1. Fab. cap. 17.

Then at God's ordinance, he had the evil called Ficus, til he came to the age of xx. years, whereof at length he was cured (as is said in some stories) by the virgin called Modwen, an Irishwoman. After this sickness being taken away, to him fell another: which continued with him from the xx. years of his age, to xlv (according to his own petition & request made unto God) whereby, he was the more reclaimed & attempered from other more great inconveniences, and less disposed to that which he did most abhor.

Moreover to behold the bountiful goodness joined w ^t like prudence in this man: in the ordering & disposing his riches and rents, it is not unworthy to be recited. How he divided his goods in two equal partes: the one appertaining to uses secular, the other to uses spiritual or Ecclesiastical. Of the which two principal partes, the first he divided into three portions: the first to the behofe of his house and family, the second upon his workmen and builders of his new works, whereof he had great delight & cunning: the third upon strangers. Likewise the other second half, upon spiritual uses, he did thus divide in four portions: One to the releuing of the poor: An other to monasteries: The iii. portion to the schools of Oxford, for the maintaining of good letters: The iv. he sent to foreine Churches, without the Realm. This also is left in stories written to his commendation, for his great tolerance and sufferance: that when he had built the new Monastery at Winchester, and afterward his son Edward had purchased of the Bishop and the Chapter a sufficient piece of ground for certain offices to be adjoined unto the same, & had given for every foot of ground, mancam auri pleni ponderis (which was as I think a mark of gold) or more: yet Alfred therwithal was not greatly discontented to see his coffers so wasted.

Ouer and besides, how sparing and frugal he was of time (as of a thing in this earth most precious) and howe far from all vain pastimes and idleness he was: this doth well declare, which in the story of William de Reg. & other writers is told of him. That he so divided the day and night in three parts, if he were not let by wars, or other great business: that eight hours he spent in study & learning: and other eight hours he spent in prayer and alms deeds: and other eight hours he spent in his natural rest, sustenance of his body, and the needs of the realm. The which order he kept duly by the burning of waxen tapers kept in his closet by certain persons for the same purpose. Guliel.

How studious he was & careful of the commō wealth and maintenance of public tranquility: his laws most godly set forth and diuised by him may declare. Wherein especially by him was provided, for the extirping and abolishing all theft and thieves out of the Realm. Whereby, the Realm through his vigilant care, was brought into such trāquillitie or rather perfection, that in every cross or turning way, he made be set up a golden brouch at least of silver gilded, through his dominions: and none so hardy neither by day nor night to take it down: for the more credit whereof, the words of the Latin story be these: Armillas aureas iuberet suspendi, quae viantium auiditatem irritarent, dum non essent, qui ease abriperent. &c. Guliel. Lib. de Regibus Angl. And no great marvel therein, if the Realm in those days was brought in such an order, and that justice then was so well ministered, when the king him self was so vigilant in overseeing the doings of his judges and officers. Whereof thus also we read in the said author testified: Iudiciorum a suis hominibus factorum, inquisitor, perperam actorum asperrimus corrector. 1. he was (saith mine author speaking of the king) a vigilant inquisitor of the doings of his judges, and a strict punisher of their misdoinges. Iornalensis also writing upon the same, thus saith: Facta ministrorum suorum, & potissime iudicum diligenter inuestigauit, adeo vt quos ex auaritia aut imperitia errare cognosceret, ab officio remouebat, that is, he did diligently search out the doings of his officers, & especially of his judges: so that if he knew any of them to err either through covetousness, or unskillfulness: them he removed from their office.

And thus much concerning the valiant acts, and noble virtues of this worthy Prince: whereunto although there were no other ornaments adjoining besides: yet sufficient were they alone to set forth a Prince worthy excellent commendation. Now besides these other qualities & gifts of God's grace in him, above mentioned: remaineth another part of his no little praise & commendation, which is his learning and knowledge of good letters: whereof he not only was excellently expert him self, but also a worthy mainteiner of y ^e same through all his dominions: where before, no use of Grammar or other sciences was practiced in this Realm, especially about the Westparts of the land: there through the industry of this king, schools began to be erected, and studies to flourish. Although among the Britaynes in the town of Chester in Southwales long before that, in king Arthurs time, as Galfridus writeth: both Grammar, and Philosophy with other tongues was thē taught. After that some writers record, that in the time of Egbert king of Kent, this Ilande began to florishe with Philosophy. About which time some also think: that the University of Graūtechester, near to that which now is called Cambrige, began to be founded, by Bede : following this conjecture therein, for that Alcuinus (before mentioned) which after went to Rome, & from thence to France in the time of Charles the great, where he first began the University of Paris: was first traded up in the exercise of studies, at the same school of Graūtechester. Beda Lib. 111. cap. 18. writing also of Sigebert king of Eastangles, declareth how the said Sigebert returning out of France into England (according to the examples which he did there see) ordered and disposed schools of learning, through the means of Felix then Bishop: and placed in them masters and teachers, after the use and manner of the Cantuarites. And yet before these times, moreover is thought to be two schools or universities within the realm: the one Grek, at y ^e town of Greglade, which afterward was called Kyrklade: The other for Latin, which place was then called Latinelade: afterward Letthelade near to Oxford.

But howsoever it chāced that the knowledge and study of good letters being once planted in this realm, afterward went to decay: yet King Alfred deserveth no little praise, for restoring or rather increasing the same. After whose time they have euersince continued, albeit not continually through every age in like perfection. But this we may see, what it is to have a Prince learned him self, who feeling and tasting the price and value of science & knowledge, is thereby not only the more apt to rule, but also to instruct & frame his subjects, from a rude barbaritie, to a more civil congruencie of life, & to a better understanding of things: as we see in this famous Prince to happen. Cōcerning whose first education & bringing up, although it was somewhat late before he entered any letter: yet such was the apt towardness & docilitie of his nature, that being a child, he had the Saxon Poemes (such as were used then in his own tongue) by heart and memory. Who afterward with years and time grew up in such perfection of learning and knowledge, in so much, that as mine author saith, Nullus Anglorum fuerit vel intelligendo acutior, vel in interpretando elegantior. The which thing in him the more was to be marveled, for that he was xii. years of age before he knew any letter. Then his mother, careful and tender over him, having by chance a book in her hand, which he would fain have: promised to give him the same, so that he would learn it. Wherupon he for greediness of the book, eftsoons learned the letters, having to his Scholemaister Pleimundus, after bishop of Canterbury. And so daily grew more and more in knowledge, that at length, as mine author saith, Plurimam partem Romanae bibliothecae, Anglorum auribus dedit, optimam praedam peregrinarum mercium, ciuium vsibus conuertens. That is. A great part of the Latin Librarie he translated into English, converting to the uses of his Citizens, a notable pray of foreign ware & marchādise. &c. Of which books by him and through him translated, was Orosius: Pastorale Gregorij. The history of Bede: Boëtius de consolatione Philosophiae. Also a book of his own making and in his own tongue, which in the English speech he called a hādbooke, in Greke called it Enchiridion, in Latin a Manuel. Besides the history of Bede translated into the Saxons tongue▪ he also himself compiled a story in the same speech, called the story of Alfred &c. which both books in the Saxons tongue I have seen, though the language I do not understand. And as he was learned himself excellently well, so likewise did he inflame all his countrymen to the love of liberal letters, as the words of the story reporteth, Illos praemijs, hos minis hortando, neminem illiteratum, ad quamlibet curiae dignitatem aspirare permittens. That is. He exhorted and stirred his people to the study of learning, some with gifts, some by threats, suffering no man to aspire to any dignity in the Court, except he were learned. Moreover another story thus saith, speaking of his nobles: Optimates quo{que} suos ad literaturam addiscendam in tantum prouocauit, vt sibi filios suos, vel saltem si filios nō haberent, seruos suos, literis commendarent. That is. Also his nobles so much he did allure to the embracing of good letters, that they set all their sons to school: or if they had no sons, yet their servants they caused to be learned. Whereby the common proverb may be found not so common, as true. Such as is the Prince, such be the subjects. He began moreover to translate the Psalter in English, & had almost finished the same, had not death prevented him. Guliel. de Regib Angl. In the Prologue of the book entitled Pastorale Grego. thus he writeth: declaring the cause why he was so earnest and diligent in translating good books from Latin into English, showing the cause thereof, why he so did, as followeth: Quod Ecclesiae in quibus innumerae priscae bibliothecae continebantur, cum libris a Danis incensae sint: quod{que} in tota insula studium literarum ita abolitū esset vt quis{que} minus timeret capitis periculum, quam studiorum exercitia adire. Qua propter se in hoc, Anglis suis consulere &c. That is. The cause was, for that innumerable ancient Libraryes which were kept in Churches, were consumed with fire by the Danes: And that men had rather suffer peril of their life, thē to follow the exercise of studies: And therefore he thought thereby to provide before for the people of the English nation. &c.

It is told of him both in Polychron Malmesb. Ironalensis, and other stories mo, whereof I have no names: that he seeing his country (namely Westward) to be so desolate of schools and learning, partly to profit himself, partly to furnish his country & subjects with better knowledge, first sent for Grimboldus a learned Monk out of France, to come into England. Also sent for another learned man out from the partes of Wales, whose name was Asserion, whom he made Bishop of Shyreborne. Item out of Mercia, he sent for Werefrithus, bishop of Worcetor: to whō he put the Dialogues of Gregoy to be translated. But chiefly he used the Counsel of Neotus, who then was counted for an holy man, and Abbot of a certain Monastery in Cornwall. By the advisement of which Neotus, he sent for these learned men above recited: and also ordained certain schools of diverse arts, first at Oxford, and also fraunchised the same with many great liberties. Guliel. Iornalens. Fabi. cap. 171. Wherof perhaps the school, now called the new College (first then begun of this Neotus ) might take his name: which (afterward peradventure) the Bishops of Winchester after a larger manner did reed • fie, and enlarge with greater possessions.

Moreover, among other learned men which were about king Alfred : histories make mention of Johannes Scotus (a godly Divine, and a learned Philosopher) but not that Scotus, which now we call Duns. For that Johannes Scotus came after this, many years. This Johannes is described to be a sharp wit, of great eloquence, and well expert in the Greek tongue: pleasant and merry of nature and conditions, as appeareth by diverse his doings & answers. First he coming to France out of his own country of Scotland, by reason of the great tumults of war, was there worthily entertained: and for his learning had in great estimation of Carolus Caluus the French king, whom he commonly and familiarly used ever to have about him, both at table, and in chamber. Upon a time the King sitting at meat, and seeing something (belike in this John Scot ) which seemed not very courtly: cast forth a merry word asking of him, what difference there was betwixt a Scot, & a Sot. Whereunto the Scot sitting over against the King, somewhat lower, replied again suddenly, rather then advisedly (yet merely) saying: Mensa tantùm, that is, the table only: importing thereby himself to be the Scot, and so calling the king a Sot by craft. Which word howe other princes would have taken to stomach, I know not: but this Charles, for the great reverence he bare to his learning, turned it but to a laughter among his nobles, & so let it pass.

An other time, the same king being at dinner, was served with a certain dish of fish: wherein, were two great fishes, and a little one. After the king had taken thereof his repast, setteth down to Johannes Scotus the foresaid fish, to distribute unto the other ii. Clerks sitting there with him: which were two tall and mighty persons, he himself being but a little man. Johannes taketh the fish, of the which the two great, he taketh and carueth to himself: the little fish he reacheth to the other two. The king perceiving this his division thus made, reprehended the same. Then Johannes, whose manner was ever to find out some honest matter to delight the King, answered to him again, proving his division to stand just and equal. For here (saith he) be two great, and a little, pointing to the two great fishes & himself: And likewise here again is a little one and two great, pointing to the little fish, & two great persons, I pray you (saith he) what odds is there, or what distribution can be more equal? Whereat the King with his nobles, being much delighted, laughed merely.

At the request of this Charles surnamed Bawld, the French king, this Scotus translated the book of Dionysius, entitled De Hierarchia, from Greek into Latin, word for word, quo fit (as my author saith) vt vix intelligatur Latina litera, quum nobilitate magis Graeca, quam positione construitur Latina. He wrote also a Book De corpore & sanguine Domini, which was afterward condemned by the Pope In Concilio Vercellensi.

The same Johannes Scotus moreover compiled a book of his own, giving it a Greek title, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, De naturae diuisione. In which book (as saith my foresaid author) is contained the resolution of many profitable questions (but so) that he is thought to follow the Greek Church, rather then the Latin, and for the same was counted of some to be an heretic: because in that book some things there be, which in all points accord not with the Romish Religion. Wherefore the Pope, writing to the said king Charles of this Scotus, complaineth, as in his own words here followeth:

Relatū est Apstolatui nostro, quod opus Dionysij Areopagitae, quod de diuinis nominibus, & de caelestibus ordinibus, Graeco descripsit eloquio, quidam vir Johannes (genere Scotus) nuper transtulit in Latinum. Quod, iuxta morem Ecclesiae, nobis mitti, & nostro iudicio debuit approbari • praesertim quum idem Johannes (licet multae scientiae esse praedicitur) olim non sane sapere, in quibusdam frequenti rumore dicatur. &c. That is: Relation hath been made unto our Apostleship, that a certain man called Johannes a Scottish man, hath translated the book of Dionysius the Areopagite : of the names of God, and of the heavenly orders, from Greek into Latin. Which Book, according to the custom of the Church, ought first to have been approved by our judgment: namely seeing the said John (albeit he be said to be a man of great learning and science) in time past hath been noted by common rumour, to have been a man, not of upright or sound doctrine, in certain pointes. &c. For this cause the said Scotus, being constrained to remove from France, came into England, allured (as some testify) by the letters of Alfred or Alfred, of whom he was with great favor entertained. and conversant a great space about the king: til at length (whether before or after the death of the king it is uncertain) he went to Malmesbery, where he taught certain scholars a few years, by the which Scholars at last most impiously he was murdered and slain with their penkniues, and so died, as stories say, a Martyr, buried at the said monastery of Malmesbury with this Epitaph.

King Alfred having these helps of learned men about him, & no less learned also himself, past over his time not only to great utility and profit of his subjects, but also to a rare & profitable example of other Christian kings and Princes, for them to follow. This foresaid Alfred had by his wife called Ethelwitha, two sons: Edward and Ethelward, and three daughters: Elflena, Ethelgora, and Ethelguida: Quas omnes liberalibus fecit artibus erudiri. That is, Whome he set all to their books and study of liberal arts: as my story testifieth. First Edward his eldest son succeeded him in the kingdom, The second son Ethelward died before his father. Ethelgora his middle Daughter was made a Nun. The other two were married, the one in Marceland, the other to the earle of Flanders. Thus king Alfred the valiant, virtuous and learned Prince, after he had thus Christianly governed the realm the term of 29. years & 6. months, departed this life. v. Kal. Nou. and lieth buried at Winchester. An Dom. 901. Of whom this I find moreover greatly noted and commended in history, and not here to be forgotten, for the rare example thereof touching this Alfred: that wheresoever he was, or whethersoeuer he went, he bare always about him, in his bosom or pocket, a little book containing the Psalms of David, and certain other Orasons of his own collecting. Wherupon he was continually reading or praying whensoever he was otherwise vacant, having leisure thereunto. Finally what were the virtues of this famous king, this little table here under written, which is left in ancient writing, in the remembrance of his worthy and memorable life: doth sufficiently, in few lines contain.

In Regem Alfredum, & virtutum illius claram memoriam.

Moreover in the History of Henricus Huntingtonensis, these verses I find written in the commendation of the same Alfred: made (as I suppose and as by his words appeareth) by the said author, whereof I thought not to defraud the reader: the words whereof here follow.

In the story of this Alfred, a little above, mention was made of Pleimundus Scholemaster to the said Alfred, and also Bishop of Canterbury, succeeding Etheredus, there Byshoppe before him. Which Pleimundus governed that Sea, the number of xxxiiij. years. After Pleimundus succeeded Athelmus; and sat xii. years. After him came Ulfe • mus xiii. years. Then followed Odo a Dane borne, in y ^e said Sea of Caunterb. and governed y ^e same xx. years, being in great favor with King Athelstane, king Edmund, and Edwin, as in process hereafter (Christ willing) as place & order doth require, shall more at large be expressed.

As touching the course and proceedings of the Romish Bishops there: where I last entered mention of them pag. 139. I ended with Pope Stephen the fifth. After his time was much broyle, in the election of the Bishops of Rome: one contending against another: in so much that within the space of ix. years, were ix. Bishops. Of the which, first was Formosus, who succeeded next unto the forenamed Stephen 5. being made pope against the mind of certain in Rome: that would rather Sergius then deacon of the church of Rome, to have been Pope. Notwythstanding, Mars and money prevailed on Formosus part. This Formosus, of whom partly also is mentioned in other places, of this Ecclesiastical history, being before bishop of Portuake: had in time past (I know not upon what causes) offended Pope John the viii. of that name. By reason whereof for tear of the Pope, he voided away, and left his Bishopprike. And because he being sent for again by the Pope, would not return: therefore was excommunicated. At length coming into France, to make there his satisfaction unto the Pope, was degraded from a Bishop into a secular man's habit, swearing to the Pope that he would no more reenter into the City of Rome, nor claim his Bishoprike again: subscribing moreover with his own hand to continue from that time in the state of a secular person. But then, Pope Martin (the next Pope after John) released the said Formosus of his oath, and restored him again unto his Bishoprike. Whereby Formosus entered not only into Rome again, but also obtained shortly after y ^e papacy. Thus he being placed in the popedom, arose a great doubt or controversy among the Divines, of his consecration, whether it was lawful or not: some holding against him, that for so much as he was solemnly deposed, degraded, vnpriested, and also sworn not to reiterate the state Ecclesiastical: therefore he ought to be taken no otherwise, then for a seculare man. Other alleged again, that whatsoever Formosus was, yet for the dignity of that order, and for the credit of them, whom he ordered: all his consecrations ought to stand in force, especially, seeing the said Formosus was afterward received and absolved by Pope Martin, from that his perjury and degradation. &c. In the mean time (as witnesseth Sigebertus) this Formosus sendeth for King Arnulphus for aide against his adversaries. Who then marching toward Rome, was there resisted by the Romaines from entering. But in the siege (saith the author) the Romaines within so played the Lions, that a poor Hare (or such a like thing) coming toward the City: the host of Arnulphus followed after with such a main cry, that the valiant Romaines upon the walls for very fear, (where there was no hurt) cast themselves desperately over the walls: so that Arnulphus with little labor scaled the walls, and gate the City. Thus Arnulphus obtaining the City of Rome, rescueth Pope Formosus, and beheadeth his adversaries, whom the Pope, to gratify with like recompense again, blesseth and crowneth him for Emperor. Thus Formosus sitting fast about y ^e space of 4. or 5. years followed his predecessors: after whose time (as I said) within the space of ix. years were ix. Bishops as followeth. But in the mean time concerning the story of this Formosus declared by Sigebert, and many other Chroniclers: this thing would I gladly ask, and more gladly learn of some indifferent good Catholic person, which not of obstinacy, but of simple error being a papist would answer his conscience. Whether doth he think the holy order of Priesthoode, which he taketh for one of the seven Sacraments, to be Character indelebilis or not? If it be not indelebilis, that is, if it be such a thing, as may be put of: why then doeth the Popes doctrine so call and so hold the contrary, pretending it to be indelebile, unremoveable? If it be in deed, so as they teach and affirm, indelebilis character, why then did Pope John, or could Pope John, adnichilate & cuacuate one of his vii. Popeholy Sacraments: making of a Priest a non Priest, or a layman: vncharactering his own order, which is (as he saith) a Character, which in no wise may be blotted out, or removed? Again, how soever Pope John is to be judged in this matter, to do either well or not well, this would I know, if he did well in so dispriesting and discharactering Formosus, for such private offenses? If yea, how then standeth his doing with his own doctrine, which teacheth the contrary? If he did not well, how then standeth his doctrine with his doings to be true, which teacheth that the Pope with his Synod of Cardinals cannot err? Moreover if this Pope John did not err in his disordering Formosus: howe then did Martinus his successoure not err, in repealing the said doing of his predecessor? Or how did not Pope Formosus err himself, who being vnpriested by Pope John: afterward without reiterating the Character or order of Priesthoode, took upon him to be Pope, and made acts and laws in the Church? Again, if Formosus now Pope did not err, how then did Pope Stephen his successoure afterward not err: who did annihilate the consecration, and all other acts of the said Formosus, as erroneous? Or again, if we say that this Stephen with his Synod of Cardinals did right: then howe could it be, that Pope Theodore, & Pope John the tenth, which came after the foresaid Stephen, did not plainly err? Who approving the consecration of Formosus: did condemn, and burn the acts Synodale, of Stephen and his Cardinals, which before had condemned Formosus: according as in story here consequently may appear?

After Formosus had governed the Sea of Rome five years, succeeded first Boniface the vi. who continued but 25. days, then came Stephen the vi. which so enuyed the name of his predecessor Formosus: that he abrogated and dissolved his decrees: And taking up his body, after it was buried, cut two fingers of his right hand, and commanded them to be cast into Tiber, & then buried the body in a private or laymans sepulcher.

Thus Stephen after he had sat in the chair of pestilence one year: succeeded in the same chair, Pope Rhomanus, and sat iii. months: repealing the acts decreed by Stephen his predecessor, against Formosus. Next to whom came Theodorus 2. who likewise taking parte with Formosus against the foresaid Stephē, reigned but 20. days. Then sat Pope John the 10. who did fight and repugn against the Romans. And to confirm the cause of Formosus more surely, did hold a Sinode at Rauenna of 74. Bishops, w ^t the French king Endo and his Archbishops being present at the same. At the which council, were ratified all the decrees and doings of Formosus: and the contrary acts of the Synod of Stephen the vi. were burned. This Pope lived not Pope fully two years: after whom succeeded Benedictus the 4. which kept the chair three years. After whom Leo the 5. was next Pope, who with in 40. days of his papacy, was with strong hand taken & cast in prison by one Christopher his own household chaplain, whō he had long norished before in his house. Which thing (saith Platina ) could not be done without great conspiracy and great slaughter of men. Which Christofer being Pope about the space of seven months, was likewise himself hoisted from his Papal throne by Sergius, like as he had done to his master before. And thus within the space of 9. years, had been 9. Popes one after another. Then Sergius after he had thrust down Pope Christofer, and shorn him Monk into a Monastery, occupied the room 7. years. This Sergius a rude man, and unlearned, very proud and cruel: had before been put back from the Popedom by Formosus above mentioned. By reason whereof, to revenge Formosus again being now in his papacy, caused the body of Formosus, where it was buried to be taken up: and afterward set in the Papal sea (as in his pontificalibus) first disgraded him, then commanded his head to be smitten off, w ^t the other three fingers that were left (as Sigebertus writeth) which done, he made his body to be thrown into Tiber, deposing likewise all such, as by the said Formosus before had been consecrated and invested. This body of Formosus thus thrown into Tiber, was afterward (as our writers say) found & taken up by certain fishers, and so brought into s. Peters temple. At the presence whereof (as they say) certain images there standing by, bowed down themselves, and reverenced the same, with lie and all. But such deceiveable miracles of stocks and images in monkish and frierly temples, be to us no news, especially here in England: where we have been so inured with the like, & so many, that such wily practices cannot be to us invisible: though this crownshorn generation, think themselves to dance in a net. But the truth is, while they think to deceive the simple, these wily beguily most of all deceive themselves, as they will find except they repent. By this Pope Sergius, first came up to bear about candles on Candelmas day: for y ^e purifying of the blessed virgins. As though the sacred conception of Jesus the son of God, were to be purified as a thing impure, and that with candell light.

After Sergius, entered pope Anastasius, in whose time the body of Formosus forenamed, is thought to be found of fishermen in the river of Tiber, & so brought, as is said, into the temple to be saluted of the images, which thing may quickly be tainted as a lie. For how it is to be thought that the body of Formosus so long dead before, and now lying 7. years in the river: could remain whole all that while, that Fishers might take it up, & discern it to be the same? After Anasius had sat two years, followed Pope Lando, the father (as some stories think) of pope John, which John is said to be the paramour of Theodora'a famous harlot of Rome, & set up of the same harlot either against Lando, or after Lando his father to succeed in his room. There is a story writer called Liuthprandus, who writing de Imperatoribus. Lib. 2 cap. 13. maketh there mention of this Theodora, and Pope John xi. and saith moreover, that this Theodora had a daughter named Marozia: which Marozia had by pope Sergius above mentioned, a son which afterward was Pope John the 12. The same Marozia afterward it chāced to marry with Guido Marques of Tuscia: through the means of which Guido and his friends at Rome, she brought to pass that this pope John the 11. was smothered with a pillow laid to his mouth, after he had reigned 13. years. And so the foresaid John the 12. her son, to succeed next after him. But because y ^e clergy and people of Rome did not agre to his election, therefore was Pope Leo the 6. in his place set up. Thus Pope John the son of Sergius and Marozia being dejected, reigned Pope Leo 7. months. After him Pope Stephen 2 years. Who being poisoned, then was Pope John the 12. above rehearsed, the son of Sergius and Marozia, set up again in the Papacie, where he reigned near the space of 5. years. Of the wickedness of this strompet Marozia, howe she married two brethren, one after the death of the other: And howe she governed all Rome, & the whole church at that time, I let it pass. Although the latin verses wherewith the said Liuthprandus, doeth inuey against such women as marie two brethren, were neither worthy here to be recited, and perhaps might be further applied then to that Marozia of Rome, but for shortness I let them also pass.

After John. 12. followed Pope Stephen three years. Pope Leo 3. years and 4. months. Pope Stephen the eight 3. years and 4. months. Pope Martin 3. years and 6. months. After him Pope Agapetus 8. years and 6. • nethes. About whose time or a little before began first the order of monks called Ordo Cluniacensis, &c.

But now to leave of these monstrous matters of Rome, and to return again to our country of England, where we last left before.

King Edward the elder.

AFter the reign of the famous king Alfred, his son Edward succeeded, surnamed the elder. Where first is to be noted, that before the Conquest of the Normandes, there were in England 3. Edward's, first this Edward the elder. 2. Edward the martyr. 3. Edward the confessor. Whereof hereafter (by the grace of Christ) shall follow in order, as place shall give to be declared. This Edward began his reign, the year of our Lord. 901. and governed the land right valiantly and nobly 24. years. In knowledge of good letters and learning, he was not to be compared to his father▪ Otherwise, in princely renown, in civil government, and such like martial prowess, he was nothing inferior, but rather excelled him. Through whose valiant acts, first the princedome of Wales, and kingdom of Scotland, with Constantine king thereof were to him subdued. He adjoined moreover to his dominion the country of Eastanglia, that is, of Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex. All Merceland also he recovered and Northumberland out of the hands of the Danes. In all his wars he never lightly went without victory. The subjects of his provinces and dominions were so inured, and hardened in continual practice and feats of war: that when they heard of any enemies coming (never tarrying for any bidding from the king, or from his dukes) straight ways they encountered with them: both in number, and in knowledge of the order of war excelling always their adversaries. Guliel. de Regi. Ita hosts militibus contemptui, Regi risui erant. To mean, So was the coming and assaulting of their enemies to the people and common Soldiers but a trifle, to the king but a ridicle. Among other adversaries which were busy rather then wise, in assailing this king: was one called Clito Ethelwoldus a young man, king Edward's uncles son. Who first occupying the Town of W • nborne (taking thence a Nonne rb him, whom then he had married) fled oc by night to Northumberland, to adjoin himself unto the Danes, who was made chief king and captain over them. Then chased from thence, he fled over into France, but shortly returning again into England, landed in Eastengland, where the said Clyto with a company of Danes of that country gathered unto him, destroyed and pilled much of the country about Crekinford and Crikeland. And so passing over Thamis after he had spoiled the lande there to Bradeuestocke: returned again to Norfolk and Suffolk, where he meting with a bushment of Kentish men, which dragged & tarried after the main host of Edward, contrary to his commandment, enclosed them in, and slew the moste parte of them. Soone after the two hosts meeting together, between the two diches of S. Edmunds land, after a long fight, Clyto with many of the Danes were slain, and the remnaunte were constrained to seek for peace, which upon certain conditions, and under a tribute was to them granted.

In process, about the 12. year of his reign, the Danes repenting them of their covenants, and minding to break the same: assembled an host and met w ^t the king in Staffordshire at a place called Totenhall, & soon after at wodnefield: at which two places the king slew two kings, two erles, & many thousand of Danes, that occupied the country of Northumberland.

Thus the importunate rage of the Danes being asswaged, King Edward having now some leisure given from wars, to other studies: gave his mind to the building or repairing of cities, towns, and castles, that by the Danes were rased, shatred, and broken. As first of Chester, which city he double enlarged to that it was before: compassing the castle within the walls of the same, which before stood without. That done, the king built a strong castle at Herford in the edge of Wales. Also for the strengthening of the Country, he made a Castle at the mouth of the water of Auene, and another Castle at Buckingham, and the third fast thereby upon the river of Owse. Moreoouer he built or reedified the towns of Towsetor, and Wigmore, & destroyed the castle that the Danes had made at Demes • ord. Likewise upon the river of Trent against the old town of Nottingham, he built a new town on the southside, and made a bridge over the river, between the said ii. towns. Also by the river of Merce, he built a city or town, in the North end of Mercia, and named it Thilwall, and after repaired the city of Manchester, that sore was defaced with war of the Danes.

In this renewing and building of towns and Castles for the more fortifying of his Realm: his Sister Elfleda, daughter of king Alfred, & married to the Duke of Mercia (as is afore mentioned) was no small helper. Of this Elfleda it is firmly of writers affirmed that she being as is said married to Ethelrede Duke of Mercia, after she had once assayed the pains of women in traueling with her child: so much she abhorred ever after the embracing of her husband, that it seemed to her (she said) not seemly for a noble womā to use such fleshly liking, whereof so gret sorrow and travail should ensue. And yet notwithstanding the same Elfleda, for all her delicate tenderness in eschewing the natural passion, which necessity giveth to women: so hardy she was in warlike dangers, which nature giveth not to women, that fighting against the Danes, so venturous she was of stomach, that four of her next knights, which were gardeius of her body, were slain fast by her. This Elfleda among her other noble acts, whereby she deserved praise, was a great helper and stirrer up of her brother Edward : who built and newly repaired many Castels and towns, as Toniworth, beside Lichfielde, Stafforde, Warwike, Shrowesbury, Watrisbury, Eldisbury, besides Chester in the forest now destroyed. Also in the North ende of Mercia, upon the river of Merce, a castle called Rimcorne, also a bridge over Seuerne named Brimmisbury bridge.

As touching the laws and statutes of this Edward, as also of his father Alfred made before him, I omit here to record them for length of matter and wast of time: yet notwithstanding, this admonition by the way I think good to note: that in those days of these ancient Kings reigning in England, the authority then both of conferring Bishoprics, and spiritual promotions, and also of prescribing laws as well to the church men▪ as to the la • tie, and of ordering and intermeddling in matters mere spiritual, was then in the hands of kings, ruling in the land, and not only in the hand of the Pope, as appeareth by these laws of Alfred.

Si quis fornicetur cum vxore aliena, &c,

Si quis in quadragesima sanctum velum in publico vel in lecto. &c.

Vt Christiani Deum diligant & paganismo renuncient. &c.

Si quis Christianitatem mutet. &c.

Si quis ordinatus sacris furetur. &c.

Si praesbyter ad rectum terminum sanctum Chrisma. &c.

Si duo fratres, vel cognati cum vna aliqua fornicentur. &c.

By these and other such like constitutions of King Alfred, it may appear: how the governance and direction of the church in those days, depended not upon Monsieur le Pope of Rome: but upon the kings which here in their time (under the Lord) did govern the land. To this also the example of King Edward's time giveth testimony: which Edward with Pleimundus (above mentioned) Archbishop of Canterbury, and with other bishops in a sinode assembled: assigned and elected 7. Bishops in 7. Metropolitan churches of the realm. Which were, 1. Fridestane. 2. Adelstane. 3 Werstane▪ 4. Adelelme. 5. Edulfus 6 Dernegus. 7 Kenulphus. In which election the kings authority seemed then alone to be sufficient. &c.

This Edward (as in the beginning was said) reigned 24. years. Who had three wives, Egwine, Elfled, and Ethelwide. Of Egwine he had his eldest • on Adelstane, who next succeeded in the kingdom, and a daughter married after to the duke of Northumberland. Of Elflede, he received two ionnes, and vi. daughters, to wit Ethelward and Edwin. Ethelward was excellently well seen in all knowledge of learning: much resembling both in countenance and conditions his grandfather Alfred, and died soon after his father. Of his vi. daughters, two of them. 1 Elflede and Ethelhilda, were made nonnes. The other four were married. Edgina to Charles the French King, in his fathers time. Ethilda by King Ethelstane was married to Hugo, the son of Duke Robert. Edgitha and Algina, were both sent to Henricus Prince of Almaines. Of which two sisters the seconde, the said Henricus, married to his son Otho, who was the first Emperor of the Almains. The other sister which was Edgitha, the foresaid Henticus, married to a certain Duke about the border of the Alps, in Italy. Of his third wife Ethelwide, he received two sons, Edmund, and Edred : which both reigned after Adelstane. And two daughters, Egburga whom he made a Nonne, and Eadguina who was married to Ludouicus, Prince of Aquitania in France. These sons and daughters Kyng Edward thus brought up: Hys daughters he set to spinning, and to the needle. Guliel. de Reg. His sons he set to the study of learning, vt quasi Philosophi ad gubernandam remp. non iam tudes procederent : that is, to the ende, that they being as first made Philosophers, should be the more expert thereby to govern the common wealth.

King Ethelstane, or Adelstane.

EThelstane or Adelstane, after the death of Edward his father: began his reign in England, and was crowned at Kingstone. He was a prince of worthy memory, valyant and wise in all his acts, nothing inferior to his father Edward, In like worldly renown of civil governance, joined with much prosperous success, in reducing this realm under the subjection of one monarchy. For he both expelled the Danes, subdued the Scots, and quieted the Welshinē, as well in Northwales, as also in Cornwale. The first enemy against this Ethelstane, was one Elfredus : who, with a faction of seditious persons conspiring against the said Ethelstane at Winchester, continently after the death of his father, went about to put out his eyes. Notwithstanding the king escaping that danger: through the help of God, was at that time delivered. Elfrede upon the same being accused, fled to Rome: there before y ^e Pope to purge himself by his oath. Who being brought to the Church of S. Peter, and there swearing (or rather forswearing himself to be clear, which in deed was guilty thereof: suddenly upon his oath fell down, and so brought to the English house in Rome within 3. days after departed. The Pope sending word to king Ethelstane, whether he would have the said Eldred buried among Christians or not: at length through the persuasions of his friends and kinsfolks, it was concluded that he should be buried in Christian burial. This story although I find in no other writers mentioned, but only in the Chronicles of Guliel. Lib. de Regi. yet forasmuch as it heareth the witness and words of the king himself, as testified in an old deed of gift, given to the monastery of Malmesbury: I thought the same the more to be of credit. The words of the king proceed in this tenor as followeth.

In the second year of the reign of King Adelstane, for an unity and a peace to be had between the King and the Danes of Northumberlande: he married to Sythericus their king his sister, whereof mention is made before. But shortly after, within one year this Sythericus died. After whose death King Ethelstane seized that province into his own hand, putting out the son of the foresaid Sythericus called Alanus : who with his brother Godfridus fled the one into Ireland, the other to Constantine King of the Scots. And when he had thus accorded with the Danes of Northumberlande, he shortly made subject unto him Constantine King of Scots. But the said Constantine meeked himself so lowly to the King, that he restored him to his former dignity, saying, that it was more honor to make a king, then to be a king.

Not long after, the said Constantine King of Scots did break covenant with king Ethelstane. Wherefore he assembled his Knights, & made toward Scotland. Where he subduing his enemies, and bringing them again unto due subjection, returned into England with victory. Here by the way in some story writers (who forgetting the office of historicians, seme to play the Poetes) is written and recorded for a marvel, that the said Ethelstane, returning out of Scotland into England, came to York, and so into the Church of S. John of Beuerly, to redeem his knife, which before he had left there for a pledge at his going forth. In the which place he praying to God & to S. John of Beuerley, that he might leave there some remembrance whereby they that came after, might know, that the Scots by right should be sudbued to the English mē: smote with sword (they say) upon a great hard stone standing nere about the castle of Dunbar, that with the stroke thereof the stone was cut a large elne deep (with a lie no less deep also, then was the stroke in the stone.) But of this poetical or fabulous story, albeit Polychronicon, Fabian, Iornalensis, and other mo constantly accord in the same: yet in Guliel and Henricus, no mention is made at all. But peradventure he that was the inuentour first of this tale of the stone, was disposed to lie for the whetstone: Wherefore in my mind he is worthy to have it.

Of like truth & credit seemeth also to be this that followeth, about the same year and time, under the reign of King Ethelstane, being the viii. year of his reign, of one Bristanus Bishop of Winchester, who succeeded Frithstanus in the same sea, and governed that Bishoprike iv. years. This Bristanus being a devout Bishop in prayer and contemplation: used much among his solitary walks, to frequent late the churchyard, praying for the souls there, and all christen souls departed. Upon a time, the said Bristanus after his wonted manner proceeding in his devotions, when he had done, came to requiescant in pa • e. Whereunto, suddenly a great multitude of souls answering together with one voice, said Amen. Of this miracle, albeit I have not much to say (hasting to other matters) yet this question would I ask of some indifferent papist, which were not willful, but of ignorance deceived: if this multitude, which here answered Amen, were the souls of them buried in the churchyard or not? If yea, then howe were they in purgatory, what time they were heard in that place answering Amen ▪ Except we should think Purgatory to be in the churchyard at Winchester, where the souls were heard then so many answering and praying Amen. And yet this story is testified by the accord of writers of that time, Guliel. Polychron. Houedenus, Iornalensis, and other moe. Much like miracles and Prophecies also we read of Elphegus, which succeeded him: but because we haste to other things let these fables pass.

Ye heard a little before, howe king Ethelstane after the death of Sythericus King of Northumberland, seized that land or province into his own hand, & put out his son Alanus : who after flying into Scotland, married the daughter of Constantine King of Scots. By whose stirring and exhortation, he gathered a company of Danes, Scots, and other, and entered the mouth of Humber with a strong nauie of 615. ships.

Whereof King Ethelstane with his brother Edmunde having knowledge: prepared his army, and at length joining in fight with him & his people, at a place called Brimābruch or Brimford: where he fighting with them from morning to even, after a terrible slaughter on both sides (as the like hath not been seen lightly in England) had the victory. In which battle were slain five small and under kings, with Constantine king of Scots: and xii. Dukes with the more part of all the strangers which at that time they gathered to them. Here also our writers put in another miracle in this battle: howe king Ethelstanes sword miraculously fell into his sheath through the prayer of Odo, then Archbishop of Canterbury.

Concerning this battle, I find in a certain written Chronicle these verses: which because they should not be lost, I thought not unworthy here of rehearsal.

After this victory thus obtained of the Danes and Scots: King Ethelstane also subdued (or at least quieted) the North Brytaines. Whome he conventing together at Herforde (or there about) forced them to grant unto him as a yearly tribute, xx. pound of gold: three hundredth poūde of silver: and of heads of neat xxv. hundred: with hawks and dogs, to a certain number. This done, he went to Exceter, and there likewise subduing the South Brytaines about Exceter and Cornewall: repaired the walls of Exceter with sufficient strength, and so returned.

Among these victorious and noble acts of this King: One blot there is of him written and noted, wherein he is as much worthy to be reprehēded, as in the other before to be commended (that is) the innocent death and murder of his brother Edwin. The occasion thereof was this: King Edward aforenamed their father, in the time of his youth, coming by a certain village or grange, where he had been nursed and brought up of a child: thought of curtesy to go see howe his nurse did. Where he entering into the house, espied a certain young damsel beautiful and right seemly attired, Egwina by name. This Egwina before being a pore man's daughter, had a vision by night, y ^t of her body sprang such a bright light of the Moon, that the brightness thereof gave light to the Realm of England. By reason whereof, she was taken into the foresaid house, & daintely brought up instead of their own daughter: for hope of some commodity to ensue thereby, as afterward it came to pass. For King Edward (as it is declared) coming into the house, and ravished with the beauty of the maiden: begat of her the same night this Ethelstane. Wherefore the said Ethelstane being thus vasely borne of Egwina, the first wife to Edward (as is said) before he was married to her: and fearing his next brother Edwin, which was rightly borne (especially being stirred thereunto through the sinister suggestion of his Butler) did cast such displeasure to the foresaid Edwin his brother, being yet but young, that (notw ^t standing his innocent submission and purgation made against his accusers) he caused him to be set in an old rottē boat in the broad Sea (only with one Esquire w ^t him) w ^t out any tackling or other provision to the same. Where the young and tender Prince being dismayed with the rage of winds and of the floods, and now weary of his l •• e, cast himself over board into the sea, and so was drowned. Notwithstanding the Esquire shifting for himself as he could, and recovering the body of his master, brought it to Sandwich, where it was buried. Which done, the king afterward coming to the remembrance of himself, was stricken with great repentance the space of vii. years together. And at length was revenged of him that was the accuser of his brother. This accuser (as is said) was the kings cupbearer, who (as God the righteous judge of all things would have it) upon a certain solemn feast, bearing the cup unto the king, chanced in the middle of the flour to stumble with one foot, helping and recovering himself with the other, saying in these words: Thus one brother (as ye see) helpeth another. These words being thus spokē in the hearing of the king, so moved his mind, that forthwith he commanded the false accuser of his brother to be had out to execution. Whose just recompense I would wish to be a warning to all men, what it is to sow discord betwixt brother and brother.

King Ethelstane (besides his vii. years lamentation, for this act) built the two Monasteries of Midletone, and of Michelenes, for his brothers sake (or as the stories say) for his soul. Whereby it may appear, what was the cause most special in those days, of building monasteries, to wit, for releasing the sins both of them departed, and them alive, which cause howe it standeth with the grace and verity of Christ's Gospel, and of his passion, let the Christian reader try & examine with himself. This cruel fact of the king toward Edwin, caused him afterward, to be more tender and careful toward his other brethren and sisters left in his hands unmarried. Which sisters, as is partly in the Chapter before declared, he richly bestowed, in great marriages: As one to the king of Northumberland Sithericus: another he gave to Louis King of Aquitania, the third to Henricus Duke of Almaine for his son Otho : who was the first Emperor of the Germans. Whereby it is to be understand, that the Empire at this time began first to be translated from France (where it remained about C. years and half) unto Germany where it hath ever since continued.

The fourth of his sisters, being a virgins of singular benty Hugo y ^e French king required to be given unto him: sending to King Ethelstane precious and sumptuous presents, such as were not before seen in England. Among the which presents & gifts, besides the rare odors of sundry favors & fine spices: and besides the precious & costly gems, namely of Smaradges of most redolēt grene, besides also many and great coursers and palfries richly trapped, especially of one jewel (as writers make inention) which was, a certain vessel finely and subtly made of the precious stone Onichinus so radiantly wrought, y ^t in it appeared the lively corn growing, and men's images walking. &c. Ouer and besides was sent also the sword of Constantine the great, w ^t the name of the possessor written in golden letters, where in the hast of the same all beat̄ in gold, was one of the iron nails, wherewith our Savior on the cross was nailed. Of the verity whereof I am not disposed at this present much to say what I suspect, but that this in the Ecclesiastical story of Eusebius, is evident. That two of the foresaid nails of Christ, was spent on the bridle of Constantine: the 3. he cast into the Sea in a raging tempest. Wherefore, if Christ were nailed w ^t 4. nails, perhaps this nail might be one. If he were nailed but with iii. I see not how this story can stand with other stories, neither howe this fourth nail can stand with truth. Among the rest moreover, was the spear (as is reported) wherewith the side of our Savior was opened: which also the said Constantine was wont to carry in the field against his enemies: with a portion likewise of the holy cross enclosed in Cristall: Also a part of the crown of thorn in like manner enclosed. &c. Of the which Relics, part was given to Winchester, part to the Church of Malmesbury, where king Ethelstane was buried. As this King was endued and enlarged, by the gift of God (the serter up & disposer of all kings) w ^t great victories of worldly renown: having under his subjection both the Scots, and Britons, and the whole Monarchy of the land: So he devised diverse good and holesom laws for the government of the same, as well concerning the state of the orders Ecclesiastical, as also of the secular or lay people. Whereby it is to be understand, that the usurped power of the bishop of Rome, did not then extend it self so largely, nor so proudly to derogate frō the authority of kings & princes: but that everyone in his own dominion, had (under God, and not under the Pope) the doing of all matters within the same his dominion contained: whether they were causes temporal, or spiritual. As by the decrees and constitutions of this king (& also of other as well before him, as after him) may evidently be testified: as where he among other laws, thus ordeineth • ouching the bishop, in words as follow.

Episcopo iure pertinet, omnem rectitudinem promouere Dei videlicet, ac seculi. In primis, debet omnem ordinatum instruere, quid ei • it agendum iure, & quid hominibus secularibus iudicare debeant.

Debet etiam sedulo pacem & concordiam operari cum seculi iudicibus: qui rectum velle diligunt, & in compellationum allegationem edocere, ne quis alij perperam agat, in iureiurando, vel ordalio.

Nec pati debet aliquam circumuentionem iniustae mensurae, vel iniusti ponderis. Sed conuenit vt per consilium & testimoniū eius, omne legis rectum, & burgi mensura, & omne pondus sit secundum ditionem eius, institutum valde rectū: ne quis proximum suum seducat, pro quo decidat in peccatum.

Et semper debet Christianis prouidere contra omnia, quae praedicta sunt, & ideo debet se de pluribus intromittere: vt sciat quomodo grex agat, quem ad Dei manum custodire suscepit, ne diabolus cum dilaniet, nec malum aliquod superseminet. Nunquam enim erit populo been consultum, nec digne Deo conuersabitur, vbi lucrum impium & magis falsum diligitur. Ideo debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est eneruare, & quod iustum est eleuare, nec pati vt propter falsum, & pecuniae questum homines se forisfaciant erga vere sapientem Deum, cui displicet omnis iniustitia.

Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est, vt rectum diligant, & iniqua condemnent & faltem sacris ordinibus euecti iustum semper erigant, & praua deponant.

Hinc debent Episcopy cum iudicibus, iudicia dictitare & interesse, ne permittant (si possint) vt illinc aliqua prauitatū gramina pullulent. Et sacerdotibus pertinet in suo Dioecesi, vt ad rectum sedulo quemcumque muent, nec patiantur (si possint) vt Christianus aliquis alij noceat, non potens impotenti, non summus infirmo, non praelatis subditis, non Dominus hominibus suis, seruis, aut liberis. Et secundum ditionem, & per mensuram suam, conuenit per rectum, vt necessaria serui operentur super omnem scyram cui praeest.

Et rectum est vt non sit aliqua mensurabilis virga longio • quàm alia, sed per Episcopy mensuram omnes institutae sint, & exequatae per su • m dioecesin. Et omne pondus constet secundum dictionem eius, & si aliquid cōtrouersiarum intersit, discernat Episcopus.

Vniuscuius{que} Domini proprium est & necesse, vt seruis condescendat, & compatiatur, sicut indulgentius poterit: Quia Domino Deo viuenti sunt aeque chari seruus, & liber. Et omnes vno & eodem pretio redemit, & omnes sumus Deo necessario serui: Et sic iudicabit nos, sicut ante iudicauimus eos, in quos potestatem iudicij in terris habebimus. Et ideo opus est vt eis parcamus qui nobis parere debent & tunc manutenebimur in Dei omnipotentis proprio iudicio. Amen.

The said Ethelstane besides, prescribed other constitutions also, as touching tithes giving: where he saith and proclaimeth. Ego Ethelstanus Rex, consilio V • felmi Archiepiscopi mei & aliorum Episcoporum, mando praepositis omnibus in regno meo, in nomine Domini & sanctorum omnium, vt inprimis reddant de meo proprio decimas Deo, tam in viuente capitali, quàm in mortuis frugibus terrae: & Episcopy mei similiter faciant de suo proprio, & Aldermanni mei & praepositi mei, &c. That is, I Ethelstane King, charge and command all my officers through my whole Realm, to give tithes unto God of my proper good, as well in living cattle, as in the corn and fruits of the ground, and that my Bishops likewise of their proper goods, and mine Aldermen, and my officers and headmen shall do the same. Item this I will: that my Bishops & other headmen do declare the same, to such as be under their subjection, & that to be accomplished at the term of S. John the Baptist. Let us remember what Jacob said unto the Lord: Of all things that thou givest to me, I will offer tithes unto y ^e Lord. &c. Also what the Lord saith in the Gospel of S. Matthew. To him that hath, it shall be given: and he shall abound. We must also consider how terribly it is written in books, that if we will not offer our tenths, from us ix. partes shall be taken away, and only the x. part shall be left us. &c. And in the same place, after that he hath assigned y ^e Church rightes to be paid in the place, whereto they belong: it followeth thus. Facite etiam vt mihi mea propria cupiatis, quae mihi poteritis recte acquirere. Nolo vt aliquid mihi injust cóquiratis. Sed omnia vestra concedo vobis eo tenore, quo mihi mea similiter exoptetis. Cauete simul & vobis, & eis quos admonere debetis, ab ira Dei, & transgression mea.

Among his other laws & ordinances, to the mumber of xxxv. diverse things be comprehended pertaining as well to the spiritual, as also to the temporal jurisdiction.

Out of the laws of this King, first sprang up the attachement of thieves, such as stoale above xii. pence, and were above xii. years old, should not be spared.

And thus much briefly concerning the history of King Ethelstane, & things in his time done: who reigned about the space of xvj. years. And because he died without issue, therefore after him succeeded his brother Edmund, the yere of our Lord. 940. who reigned vi. years.

King Edmund.

EDmund the son of Edward the elder, by his third wife (as is declared) and brother of Ethelstane, being of the age of xx. years, entered his reign: who had by his Queen Elgina, two sons, Edwin, and Edgarus, surnamed Pacificus, which both reigned after him, as followeth. This Edmund continued his reign vi. years & a half. By him were expulsed the Danes, Scots, Normandes, and all foreine enemies out of the land. Such Cities and Towns which before were in the possession of strangers: as Lyncolne, Nottingham, Derby, Stafforde, and Leycetour, he recovered out of their hands. Thus the realm being cleared of foreine power, for a time: then the king set his study and mind in the redressing and maintaining the state of the Church: which all stood then in building of Monasteries, and furnishing of Churches, either with new possessions, or w ^t restoring the old which were taken away before. In the time of this Edmund, this I find in an old written story, borrowed of W. Cary: a citizen of London, a worthy treasurer of moste worthy Monuments of antiquity. The name of the author I cannot allege: because the book beareth no title, lacking both the beginning, and the latter end. But the words thereof faithfully recited, be these: Huius regis tempore, facta est dispersio Monachorum Eushmensis coenobij, cum substitutione Canonicorum per Althelmum, & Vlricum laicos, & Osulphum Episcopum. &c. That is: In the time of this King, there was a scattering or dispersion made of the Monks out of the Monastery of Eusham, and Canons substituted in their place: through the doing of Athelmus, & Ulricus lay men, and of Osulfus Bishop. &c.

Where, as concerning this matter between Monks and other of the clergy, first it is to be understand: that in the realm of England, heretofore before the time of Dunstane: the Bishops seas and cathedral churches were replenished with no monks, but with priests and canons (called then clerks or men of the clergy) After this beginneth to rise a difference or a sect betwixt these two parties, in straitness of life and in habit: so that they which lived after a straiter rule of holiness, were called monks, & professed chastity: that was, to live from wives, (for so was chastity then defined in those blind days) as though holy matrimony were no chastity, according as Paphnutius did well define it in the council of Nice. The other sort which were no monks but priests or men of the clergy called, lived more free from these monkish rules and observances: and were then commonly (or at least lawfully) married, and in their life and habit, came nearer to the secular sort of other Christians. By reason whereof great disdain & emulation was among them: in so much that in many Cathedral churches, where as priests were before, there monks were put in. And contrary, sometime where as Monks were intruded, there priests and canons again were placed, and monks thrust out: whereof more shall appere here after (by the grace of Christ) when we come to the life of Dunstane. In the mean time, something to satisfy the cogitation of the reader, which peradventure either is ignorant, or else would know of the first coming in of monks, into this realm and Church of England in the Saxons time: this is to be noted, according as I find in old Chronicles, namely in the latin history of Guliel. de gestis pontificum Angl. recorded, touching the same. That about this time of king Edmund or shortly after, when hardness and straitness of life, joined with superstition, was had in veneration, and counted for great holiness: Men therefore, either to win public same with men, or merits with God, gave themselves to lead a strait life: thinking thereby, the stranger their conversation was, and farther from the common trade of vulgar people, the more perfect to be toward God and mā. There was at that time (and before that) a monastery in France named Floriake, after the order and rule of Benedict: from the which Monastery did spring a great part of our english monks. Who being there professed, and afterward returning into England, did cōgregate men daily to their profession. And so, partly for strangeness of their rule: partly for outward holiness of their strait life: partly for the opinion of holiness that many had of them, were in great admiration: not only with the rude sort, but with kings and princes: who founded their houses, maintained their rules, and enlarged them with possessions. Among the which order of monks coming from Floriake, especially was one Oswaldus, first a monk of Floriake, then bishop of Wirceter and of York: a great patron and setter up of monckery. Touching the which Oswaldus, William in his book, De pontific. writing of his history, hath these words: Familiaris per id temporis Anglis consuetudo fuit, vt si qui boni afflati essent desiderio, in beatissimi Benedicti monasterio caenobialem susciperet habitū: a quo, religions huiusce manauit exordium, &c. That is, It was a common custom at that time among English men, that if any good men were well affected or minded toward religiō, they went to the Monastery of blessed S. Benedict in France, and there received the habit of a Monk: Wherupon the first origin of this religion began, &c. But of this Oswald bishop of York, and Dunstane bishop of Canterbury, and Aethelwold bishop of Winchester, howe they replenished diverse Monasteries, & Cathedral Churches with Monks: and howe they discharged married Priests and Chanans out of their houses, to plant in Monks in their celles: more shall be spoken (by the grace of Christ) hereafter. Now let us return again to the matter where we left, of king Edmund: who besides his noble victories against his enemies, and recovering the Cities above expressed into his own hands: did also subdue the province of Cumberland. And after he had put out the eyes of the two sons of Dunmail king of Cumberland, he committed the governance thereof to Malcolinus king of Scots: upon promise of his trusty service & obedience, when the king should stand in any need of him. In the time of this king, Dunstane was not yet Archbi. of Canterbury, but only Abbot of Glastenbury: of whom many fabulous narrations pass among the writers, importing more vanity then verity. Wherefore this is one of the first: what time Edgarus called Pacificus was borne, Dunstane being the same time Abbot of Glastenbury (as the monkish fables dream) heard a voice in the air of certain Angels singing after this tenor, and saying: Now peace cometh to the church of England in y ^e time of this child and of our Dunstane, &c. This I thought to recite, that the Christian reader might the better pōder with himself, the impudent and abhominable fictions of this Romish generation. Out of the same mint also have they forged, how the said Dunstane should hear the angels sing the Kyrieeleyson, used to be song at euensong in the church. Guliel de pontif. lib. 1. Which is as true as that the Harp hanging in a woman's house, played by it self the time of the Anthem, called Gaudent in coelis, &c. What would not these deceivers fain in matters something likely, which in things so absurd and so inconvenient, shame not to lie and to forge so impudently & also so manifestly? Through the motion of this Dunstane: King Edmund built and furnished the monastery of Glastenbury, & made the said Dunstane Abbot thereof.

Concerning the ende and death of this King, sundry opinions there be, Alfridus and Marianus say: that while this King Edmund endeavored himself to save his sewer from the danger of his enemies, which would have slain him at Pulcherchurch: the king in parting of the fray was wounded, and died shortly after. But Guliel. de Regibus. lib. 2. saith, that the king being at a feast at Pulcherchurch upon the day of S. Augustine, espied a fellon sitting in the hall, named Leof, whom he before for his fellony had exiled. And leaping over the table did fly upon him, & plucked the thief by the hair of the head to the ground. In which doing, the fellon with a knife wounded the king to the death, and also with the same knife wounded many other of the kings servants, and at length was all to hewn, and died forthwith.

By the laws of king Edmund (ordained and set forth, as well for the redress of church matters, as also of civil regiment) it may appear, that the state both of causes temporal & likewise spiritual, appertained then to y ^e kings right (the false pretensed vsurpatiō of the bishop of Rome notwithstanding) as by these laws is to be seen: where he by the advise of his lords and bishops, did enact & determine concerning the chastity & pure life of ecclesiastical ministers, and such as were in the orders of the Church, w ^t the penalties also for them which transgressed the same.

Item, for tithes to be paid of every Christian man, and for the church fees, and alme fees, &c.

Item, for deflowering of womē professed, which we call Nuns, &c.

Item, for every bishop to see his churches repaired, of his own proper charge, and boldly to admonish the king whether the houses of God were well maintained, &c.

Item, for flying into the church for sanctuary, &c.

Item, concerning cases and determinations spousall, or matrimonial, &c.

All which constitutions declare, what interest kings had in those days in matters as well ecclesiastical as other, within their dominion, and that not only in disposing the ordinances and rites, such as appertained to the institutiō of the church: but also in placing and setting Bishops in their sense, &c.

In the time of this Edmund, was Ulstanus Archb. of York, and Odo Archbishop of Canterbury, which Odo being a Da • e borne (as is before touched) was promoted to that sea by king Ethelstane, for that (as they say) he being first bishop of Witone, & present with king Ethelstane in the field against Analafus before mentioned, what time the said Ethelstane had lost his sword, he thorough his intercession up to heaven, did see a sword from heaven, come down into the sheath of the king. Whereof relation being made to the king by the foresaid Bishop, Ethelstane upon the same was so affected toward Odo, that not only he counted him for a Patron of his life, but also made him Primate of Canterbury after the decease of Ulfelmus. This Odo was the first from the coming of the Saxons, till his time which was Archbishop of Canterbury being no monk. For all the other before him were of the profession of Monks, of whō a great part had been Italiās unto Berctualdus. Notwithstanding this Odo, being also a stranger borne, after he was elected into the bishopric, to answer to the old custom of others before him, sailed over into France, and there at Floriake (after the usual manner above mentioned of Englishmen) received the profession and habit of monkish religion, as saith my foresaid author. And like as the said Odo first being no monk, was made Archbishop of Canterbury. So also Ulstanus the same time, being bishop of York and of Worcester, differed from diverse his predecessors before him in profession and in habit: of whom the forenamed author thus writeth in his iii. book, speaking of Ulstanus qui sanctitate discrepabat & habitu, that is, he differed in sanctimony and in habit. Whereby is to be collected, that in those days was a difference in habit & garment, not only between monks & bishops, but also between one Bishop and another. Albeit what difference it was yet, I do not find. But I return again to Odo, who by the description of his manners, might seem not to be the worst that occupied that place, were it not that our lying histories feigning false miracles upon him (as they do of other) make him in deed to seem worse then he was. As where they imagine that he should see from heaven a sword fall into the scabbard of king Ethelstane. Itē, where he should cover and defend the church of Canterbury with his prayers from rain. And also where he should turn the bread of the altar (as the writer termeth it) into lively flesh, & from flesh into bread again, to confirm the people which before doubted in the same. Where note again (good Reader) that albeit this miracle were true, as no doubt it is untrue: yet is it to be noted, y ^t in those days was a great doubt among englishmen of the popish sacrament, & that transubstantiatiō was not received into the christiā creed. The like judgment is to be givē also of that, where our English writers testifieng of the same Odo, say that he should prophesy long before of Dunstan, to be his successor in the church of Canterbury. But to let these fantasies and idle stories pass, this which we find of Odo, his own writing is certain, that the said Odo in the reign of king Edmund, had a synod commensed of the chief Prelates and mē of the clergy in his time, to whom he directed this letter here following: the copy whereof I thought to express, for the Reader to see what zealous care reigned in Archbishops then toward the Church of the Lord. The words of his epistle proceed in this tenor.

And after a few other words of like effect, wherein he doth declare the heavy burden of his office, it followeth after this manner.

This Odo continued bishop the space of 20. years. After whom Elsinus was elected and ordained by the king to succeed through favor and money: but in going to Rome for the Popes palle, in his journey thorough the Alps, he decayed and died for cold. Whereupon succeeded Dunstane▪ as in time and place (by the leave of Christ) followeth to be declared.

This Edmund gave to S. Edmund the Martyr before mentioned, the town of Bredrich • ehworth, which is now called S. Edmondesbury, with great revenues and lands appertainyng to the same. But concerning the frivolous miracles which our Monkish storywriters here • ayne of this good Edmund, by the way (or rather out of the way) I let them pass.

And thus much concerning the reign of king Edmund, who after he had reigned vi. years and half, was slain as is said at Pulchorchurch, and buried at Glastenbury of Dunstane: leaving behind him two children, Edwin & Edgar, by his wife Elgina. But because the foresaid children were yet young & under age, therefore Edrede brother to king Edmund, and uncle to the children, governed as Protector about the space of 9. years and half, til Edwin the eldest son came to age. This Edrede with great moderation, and fidelity to the young children, behaved himself during the time of his government. In his time, Dunstane was promooted through the means of Odo the Archbishop, from Abbot of Glastenbury, to be Bishop of Wirceter, and after of London. By the counsel of this Dunstane, Edrede was much ruled, and too much thereto addicted: In so much that the said Edrede is reported in stories to submit himself to much fond penance, and castigations inflicted to him of the said Dunstane. Such zealous devotion was then in princes, and more blind superstition in bishops. And here again is another miracle as fantastical as the other before, forged of Dunstane. That whē that Edrede being sick, sent for Dunstane to be his confessor by the way: Dunstane should hear a voice declaring to him before, that Edrede was already departed, at the declaring whereof Dunstans horse fell immediately dead under him, with lie and all.

* King Edwin.

EDwine the eldest son of king Edmund afore mentioned, after his uncle Edrede, began his reign about the yere of our Lord, 955. being crowned at Kingston by Odo the Archbishop of Canterbury. Of this Edwin it is reported of diverse writers, that the first day of his coronation, sitting with his Lord's, brake suddenly from them & entered a secrete chamber, to the company of a certain woman, whom he inordinately retained (being as some say another man's wife) whose husband he had before slain, as other say being of his alliance, to the great mislikyng of his Lord's, and especially of the Clergy. Dunstane was yet but Abbot of Glastenbury, who following the king into the chamber, brought him out by the hand, and accused him to Odo the Archbishop, causing him to be separate from the company of the foresaid party, by the which Odo, the king was for his fact suspended out of the Church. By reason whereof the king being with Dunstane displeased, banished him his land, & forced him for a season to flee to Flanders where he was in the monastery of S. Amandus. About the same season the Monastical order of Benedict Monks or black monks (as they were called) began to multiply and increase here in England. In so much, that where before time other priests & Canons had been placed. there monks were in their roumes set in, and the secular priests (as they then were called) or Canons put out, But king Edwin for the displeasure he bare to Dunstan, did so vex all the order of the said monks, that in Malmesbury Glastenbury, & other places mo, he thrust out the monks, and set in secular priests in their stead.

Notwithstanding it was not long, but these priests and Canons were again removed, and the said monks in their stead restored, both in the foresaid houses, and in diverse other Churches Cathedral besides, as in the next story of Kyng Edgar (Christ willing) shall at more large appear.

In five king Edwin being hated by reason of certain his demeanors, of all his subjects (especially the Northumbrians and Mercians) was by them removed from his kingly honor, and his brother Edgar in his stead received: so that the River of Thamis divided both their kingdoms. Which Edwin after he had reigned about the term of four years departed, leaving no heir of his body. Wherefore the rule of the lande fell unto Edgar his younger brother.

King Edgar.

EDgar the second son of Edmund, and brother to Edwin being of the age of xvj. years, began his reign over the realm of England, in the year of our Lord, 959. but was not crowned till 14. years after: the causes whereof here under follow (Christ willing) to be declared. In the beginning of his reign he called home Dunstane, whom king Edwin before had exiled. Then was Dunstane, which before was Abbot of Glastenbury, made bishop of Worcester, & then of London. Not long after, this Odo the Archbishop of Cant. deceaseth, after he had governed y ^e Church 24. years. After whom Brithelinus bishop of Winchester, first was elected. But because he was thought not sufficient to furnish y ^e room: Dunstane was ordained Archb. and the other sent home again to his old Church. Where note by the way, how in those days the donatiō and assignyng of ecclesiastical dignities remained in the kings hand, only they fet their palle frō Rome, as a token of the Popes confirmation. So Dunstane being by the king made Archb. took his journey to Rome for his palle of Pope John the 13. which was about the beginning of the Kings reign. Thus Dunstane obtaining his palle, shortly after his return again from Rome, entreateth King Edgar, that Oswaldus (who, as is said, was made monk at Floriake, and was nephew to Odo late bishop of Cant.) might be promooted to the bishopric of Worcester, which thing to him was granted. And not long after, through the means of the said Dunstane, Ethelwoldus (whom stories do fain to be the great patron of Monkery) first Monk of Glastenbury, thē Abbot of Abbendon, was also made Bysh. of Winchester. Of this Aethelwold, Gulielmus libro de gestis pōtificum recordeth, that what time he was a Monk in the house of Glastenbury, the Abbot had a vison of him which was this. How that there appeared to him in his sleep a certain great tree, the branches whereof extended through out all the four quarters of the Realm, which branches were all covered with many little Monks cowls, where, in the top of the tree was one great master cowl, which in spreading it self over the other cowls, enclosed all the rest, which master cowl in the tree top, mine Author in the interpretation applieth to the life of this Aethelwold. Of such prodigious fantasies, our monkish histories be full, and not only our histories of England, but also the Heathen histories of the Gentiles be stuffed with such kind of dreams of much like effect.

Of such a like dream we read of the mother of Ethelstane, how the Moon did spring out of her womb, & gave light to all England. Also of king Charles the Emperor, how he was led by a thread to see the torments of hell. Like wise of Furceus the Heremite mentioned in the third book of Bede, who saw the joys of heaven and the 4. fires that should destroy the world: the one of lying, for breaking our promise made at Baptism. The second fire was of covetous. The third of dissention. The fourth was of the fire of impiety and wrongful dealing. Item, in like sort of the dream of Dunstane, and of the same Aethelwold, to whom appeared the three bishops, Bristanus, Birinus, and Swithinus, &c. Itē, of the dream of the mother of this Aethelwold, who being great with him, did see a golden Egle flee out of her mouth, &c. Of the dream likewise, or the vision of Kyng Edgar concerning the falling of the two apples, and of the pots, one being full of water, the other empty, &c. Also of king Edward the Confessor, touching the ruin of the lande by the conquest of the Normands. We read also in the history of Astiages, how he dreamed of Cyrus. And likewise of many other dreams in the books of the monks, & of the Ethnike writers. For what cannot either the idle vanity of man's head, or the deception of the lying spirit work by man: in foreshowing such earthly euentes as happen commonly in this present world? But here is a difference to be understood between these earthly dreams, speaking of earthly things, and matters of human superstition, & between other spiritual revelations sent by God touching spiritual matters of the Church, pertaining to man's salvation. But to our purpose, by this dream, and by the event which followed after, it may appear how & by what means the multitude of Monks began first to swarm in the Churches of England (that is) in the days of this Edgar, by the means of these three Bishops, Dunstane, Aethelwold and Oswold. Albeit Dunstane was the chiefest ring leader of this race, yet Aethelwold being now Bishop of Winchester, & Oswald bishop of Worcester, were not much behind for their partes. By the instigation and counsel of these three aforesaid, king Edgar is recorded in histories to build either new out of the ground, or to re-edify monasteries decayed by the Danes, mo then xl. As the house of Eli, Glastenbury, Abington, Burgh by Stamford, Thorney, Ramsey, Wilton, Wenton, Winchtombe, Thamstock in Devonshire, with diverse other moe▪ In the setting up and building of the which, the foresaid Aethelwold was a great doer and a founder under the king. Moreover, thorough the motion of this Dunstane and his fellows, king Edgar in diverse great houses and Cathedral Churches, where Prebendaries and priests were before, displaced the priests, and set in Monks. Whereof we read in y ^e chronicle of Rog. Houeden, in words and form as followeth: Hic nam{que} Ethelwoldus Regem cuius eximius erat consiliarius, ad hoc maxim prouocauit, yt clericos à Monasterijs expelleret, & monachos sanctimoniales{que} in eis collocaret, &c. That is, Aethelwold bishop of Winchester, who was then one of the kings coūsails, did urge the K. chiefly to expel Clerks out of Monasteries, and in their rooms to bestow Monks and Nuns, &c. whereunto accordeth likewise Historia Iornalensis, containing the like effect in these words: Hoc anno Ethelwoldus Wint. & Oswaldus Wygornensis Episcopy, iussu Regis Edgari (clericis de quibusdam maioribus Ecclesijs expulsis) Monachos instituerunt, aut de eisdem clericis & alijs monachos in eisdem fecerunt. Gulielmus also writing of the time of Dunstane, maketh the matter somewhat more plain where he saith: Ita{que} clerici multarum Ecclesiarum data optione, vt aut amictum mutarent, aut locis valedicerent, melioribus habitacula vacuefacientes. Surgebant itaque in tota insula, religiosorum monasteria, cumulabātur mole pretiosi metalli sanctorum altaria, &c. Thus the secular priests being put to their choice, whether to change their habit, or to leave their roumes, departed out of their houses, giving place for other better men to come in. Then the houses & Monasterics of Religious men through all the Realm, went up apace, &c.

After the kings mind was thus persuaded and incited by these bishops to advance Monkery, then Oswaldus bishop of Worcester, & also made Archbishop of York, after the decease of Oskitellus, sui 〈◊〉 compos effect{us} (as Houeden writeth) having his sea in the cathedral Church there of S. Peter, began first with fair persuasions to assay the minds of the Canons and priests, whether they could be content to change their profession, and to be made monks, or no: which when he saw it would not take effect, he practiced this policy with thē. Nere to the said Church of S. Peter, within the churchyard he erected another Church of our Lady, which when he had replenished w ^t Monks, there he continually frequented, there he kept, there he sat, and was ever there conversant. By reason whereof, the other church was left naked and desolate, and all the people gathered there where the bishop was. The priests seeing themselves so to be left and neglected both of the Bishop and of the people, to whom nothing remained but shame and contempt, were driven of shame either to relinquish the house (such as would not enter the Monkish profession) or else to become monks, such as had nothing else to stay upon. After the like superstition (although not after the same subtlety) did Aethelwold also drive out the Canons and priests from the new Monastery in Winchester, afterward called Hida, and placed his monks. So in Oxford and in Mildune, with diverse other places moe: the secular Priests with their wives were expelled to give place to Monks. The cause whereof is thus pretended in certain story writers, whom I see also Fabian to follow, for that the priests and Clerks were thought slack and negligent in their Church service, and set in Uicares in their stead, while they lived in pleasure, and misspent the patrimony of the Church after their own lust. Then king Edgar gave to the Uicars the same land which before belonged to the Prebendaries, who also not long after shown themselves as negligent as the other. Wherefore king Edgar (as mine authors write) by the consent of Pope John, 13. voided clearly the priests, and ordained there monks. Although certain of the nobles, and some of the Prelates were therewith not well contented, as in the chapter following, may partly appear.

But for so much as we have entered into the mention of Monks & Nuns, and of their profession, which I see so greatly in our Monkish stories commended: lest perhaps the simple Reader may be deceived thereby, in hearing the name of monks in all histories of times to be such an ancient thing in Christian life (even frō the primitive church after the Apostles time) both commonly recited and well received: therefore to help the judgment of the ignorant, and to prevent all error herein, it shall not be unprofitable in following the present occasion here given (by way of a little digression) to entermedle somewhat concerning the original institution of monks, what they were in the old time, which were called Monachi, wherein the monks of the primitive time, did differ from the Monks of the middle time, and from these our Monks now of this latter age. Moreover, wherein all these three do differ from Priests (as we call them) and frō men of the clergy. Wherefore to answer to the superstitious scruple of such, which allege the old antiquity of the name and title of monks: first I grant, the name and order of Monks to be of old continuance, during near from the time of 300. years after Christ. Of whom diverse old authors do record, as Augustinus, Hieronymus, Basillus Magnus, who was also himself one of the first institutors and commenders of that superstition. Chrysostomus, Nazianzenus, Euagrius, Sozomenus, Dionysius, and diverse other. In the number of these monks (which then were divided into Her • mites or Anachorites and into Coenobites ) wexe Antonius, Paulus, Johannes, with diverse other recluses. Among the which was Jerome, Basil, Macarius, Isidorus, Pambus, Nilammon, Simeon, with infinite other, both in Palestine, Syria, Thebaide, Mesopotamia in Egypt, in Africa and Scythia. In so much that Cassianus, Lib. 2. cap. 4. de Canon. Noctur. orat. maketh mention of a certain Monastery in Thebaide, wherein were above 5000. monks, under the government of one Abbot. And here also in England mention is made before of Bangor, wherein were two thousand & two hundred Monks under one man's ruling, in the year of our Lord, 596. whereby it appeareth that Monks were then, and 2000. years before in the primitive time of the Church. But what monks these were, is to be considered. Such as either by tyranny of persecution were driven into solitary and desert places, or else such as not constrained of any, but of their own voluntary devotion (joined with some superstition among, for the love they had to spiritual contemplation, and for hatred of the wicked world) withdrew themselves from all company, either having nothing to themselves proper, or else all things common with other. And all these were then nothing else but lay men. Of which lay men there were two sundry sortes, one of the vulgare & common people, which only were partakers of the Sacraments, the other in following a Monastical kind of life, were called Monks (being nothing but lay men) leading a more severe and straighter trade of life, then the other, as may sufficiently appear by August. Lib. de moribus Ecclesiae cap. 13. Item, Lib. de operibus Monachorum. Item Epistola ad Aurelium. Also by Jerome ad Heliodorum, writing these words: Alia Monachorum est causa, alia clericorum. Clerici pascunt oues, ego pascor, &c. That is, One thing pertaineth to Monks, another thing to them of the Clergy. They of the Clergy feed their flock. I am fed, &c. Et ex Dionysio. Also the same appeareth likewise by the 4. Canon of the Council of Chalcedone, where it is provided, Ne Monachi se Ecclesiasticis negocijs immisceant. That is, That Monks should not intermeddle with matters of the Church. &c. Et Leo Epistola 62 vetat Monachos & laicos, etsi scientie nomine glorientur, admitti ad officium docendi & concionandi.

By these foresaid authors alleged, it is evident: that Monks in the former age of the church, albeit they lived a solitary life, yet they were then no other but only lay mē, differing from priests, & differing from the other monks, which succeeded them afterward in the middle age of the Church, and that in iii. pointes. First, they were tied and bound to no prescript form either of diet or apparel, or anything else, as we may see testified by the words of S. Augustine, which be these:

inuigilat omnis industria. And Sozomenus, Lib 3. cap. 16. speaking of the Monks of the same time, which in cities had several mansions frō other, saith: Alij in turba ciuitatum conuersabantur, sic seipsos gerentes, vt nullius momenti viderentur, & à multis nihil differrent, &c. 1. Some lived in cities, so behaving themselves, as seeming nothing worth, and they differed nothing from the multitude, &c. The second point wherein they were discrepant from the latter Monks: was, in that they remained no other but in the order of lay men (only being of a straighter life then the rest) and had nothing to do in matters & charges Ecclesiastical. Which was afterward broken, by Pope Boniface the 4. as followeth more (the lord willing) to be seen and said. Thirdly, the foresaid monks of that age (albeit the most part of them lived sole & single from wives) yet some of them were married: certes none of them were forbidden or restrained from marriage. Of such as were married, speaketh Athanasius in Epistola ad Dracontium, qui ait se nouisse & Monachos & Episcopos coniuges & liberorum patres, &c. That is, which saith that he knew both Monks and Bishops married men, and fathers of children, &c.

And yet the said Monks of the old time, though they were better then the other which followed them: yet all that notwithstanding, superstitiō with them and among them begā then to creep into the church, through the crafty subtlety of Sachan, and all for the ignorance of our free justification by faith in Jesus Christ. Examples do declare the vain and prodigious superstitiō of these Monastical sort of men, which examples do not lack: if 〈◊〉 rather did not lack to bring them in. But ii. or iii. shall suffice for many, which I purpose (the Lord willing) here to insert: to the intent the mind of the godly reader may the better consider and understand, how shortly after the time of Christ and his Apostles, the doctrine of Christian justification began to be forgotten, true religion turned to superstition, & the price of Christ's passion to be obscured through the vain opinion of men's merits, &c. A certain Abbot named Moses thus testifieth of himself in the Collations of Cassianus, that he so afflicted himself with much fasting and watching, that sometimes for ii. or iii. days together, not only he felt no appetite to eat, but also had no remembrance of any meat at all, and by reason thereof was driven also frō sleep. In so much, that he was caused to pray to God, but for a little refreshing of sleep to be given him some piece of the night. In the same author, mention is made of a certain old man an Hermit, who because he had conceived in himself such a purpose never to eat meat without he had some guest or stranger with him, sometime was constrained to abstain v. days together until Sunday, while he came to the Church and there brought some stranger or other home with him.

Two other examples yet more will I add out of the said Cassianus, to declare how the subtlety of Satan, thorough superstition and false color of holiness, blindeth y ^e miserable eyes of such which rather attend men's traditions, then the word of God. In the xl. chap. of the said author in his book de Gastrimargia, is told of a certain Abbot named Johannes, in the desert of Scythia, who sent ii. of his Novices with figs unto one that was sick in the wilderness 18. miles off from the Church. It chanced these two young Novices missing the way, wandered so long in the wild forest or wilderness, and could not find the Celie, that for emptiness and weariness they waxed faint & tired. And yet rather would they die then taste the figs committed to them to carry, and so did, for shortly after they were found dead, their figs lying whole by them.

An other story he also reciteth of two Monastical brethren, who making their progress, in the desert of Thebaide: purposed with thenselves, to take no sustenance, but such as the Lord should minister himself unto them. It happened, as they were wandering desolate in the desert, and faynting almost for penury, certain Mazices, a kind of people by nature fierce and cruel: notwithstanding, being suddenly altered into a new nature of humanity, came forth and of their own accord offered bread unto them. Which bread the one thankfully received, as sent of God. The other as counting it sent of man and not of God, refused it, and so for lack perished.

Hereunto might I also annex the story of Mucius, who to declare his obedience, did not stick at the commandment of his Abbot, to cast his son into the water, not knowing whether any were appointed there ready to rescue him from drouning, so far were the Monks in those days drouned in superstition. What is this, but for man's traditions and commandments, to transgress the commandment of God, which saith: Thou shalt do no murder. Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God? What man is so blind, that seeth not by these & infinite examples mo: what pernicious superstition hath begun by reason of this Monkery, almost from the beginning to creep into the Church? Wherefore I cannot marvel enough, seeing that age of the Church, had in it so many learned and famous Doctors, who not only did approve and allow these monastical sects of life: but also certain themselves were the authors and institutors of the same, yea and of men's traditions made the service of God. In number of whom may be reckoned Basilius Magnus, & Nazianzenus, who with immoderate austerity did so pluck down themselves, that when they were called to the office of Bishops, they were not able to sustain the labor thereof.

After these foresaid monks of that time above recited, followed other Monks of the middle age of the Church: who as in multitude, so also in superstition increasing, began by little and little from their desolate dens in the vast wilderness, to approach more near to great towns, where they had solemn Monasteries founded by Kings and Queens, and kings daughters, and other rich Consuls, as is partly before touched. And the causes also touched withal, for the which they were first founded, as these: pro remedio animae meae, pro remission peccatorum meorum, pro redemptione peccatorū meorum, & pro salute regnorum, qui{que} meo subiacent regimini populorum. In honorem glorlosae virginis, &c. For all these impious, and erroneous titles, and causes, we find alleged in stories, as in Malmes beriensis, Iornalensis, Henricus, and other moe. In which histories I also note, that the most part of these foresaid monasteries were erected first upon some great murder, either by war in the field, or privately committed at home: as shall well appear to them which read the books whom I have alleged. But to return to our Monks again, who (as is said) first began to creep from the cold field into warm towns and cloisters: from towns, then into cities, and at length from their close cellors and cities, unto Cathedral Churches (as here appeareth by this story of King Edgar) where not only they did abound in wealth and riches (especially these Monks of our latter time) but much more did swim in superstition, and Pharisaical hypocrisy, being yoked and tied in all their doings, to certain prescript rules and formal observances: in watching in sleeping, in eating, in rising, in praying, in walking, in talking, in looking, in tasting, in touching, in handling, in their gestures, in their vestures, every mā apparailed, not as the proper condition of other would require, nor as the season of the year did serve, but as the coacted rules & order of every sect did enforce them. The number of which sects was infinitely diverse: some after Basilius rule, went in white: some after Benets rule in black: some Cluniacēsis, first set up by Otho in the time of this king Edgar, wearing after the rule of Benets order: some after Jerome's rule leather girdled and coped above their white coat: some Gregorians copper color • : Some de valle vmbrosa, graye Monks: Some Grand • montenses, wearing a coat of mailes upon their bare bodies, with a black cloak thereupon: Some Cistercianes, who had white rochets on a black coat: Some Celestines, all in blew, both cloak, cowl, and cap: Some Charter Monks, wearing hearecloth next their bodies: Some Flagellants, going barefoot in long white linen shirtes, with an open place in the back, where they beat themselves with scourges on the bare skin every day, before the people's eyes, till the blood ran down: saying that it was revealed to them by an Angel, that in so scourging themselves, within 30. days and 12. hours, they should be made so pure from sin, as they were whē they first received baptism: some starred Monks: Some Jesuits, with a white girdle & a russet cowl. Briefly, who can reckon up the innumerable sects and disguised orders of their fraternities? Some holding of S. Benet, some of S. Jerome, Some of S. Basel, Some of S. Barnard : Some of S. Bridget : Some of S. Bruno : Some of S. Louis : as though it were not enough for Christian men to hold of Christ only: so subject were they to servile rules, that no part of Christian liberty remained among them. So drowned and sunk in superstition: that not only they had lost Christ's religion, but also almost the sense and nature of men. For where men naturally are and ought to be ruled by the descrete government of reasō, in all outward doings, wherein no one rule can serve for all men: the circumstance of time, place, person, and business being so sundry and diverse. Contrary, among these, not reason but only the knock of a bell, ruled all their doings: their rising, their sleeping, their praying, their eating, their coming in, their going out, their talking, their silence, & altogether like insensible people, either not having reason to rule themselves, or else as persons vngrateful to God, neither enjoining the benefit of reason created in them, nor yet using the grace of Christ's liberty, whereunto he redeemed them.

Thus thou seest (gentle Reader) sufficiently declared, what the monks were in y ^e primitive time of the Church, & what were the Monks of the middle age, and of these our latter days of the church. Wherunto join this with all, that where the Monks of elder time (as is said) were mere lay men and no spiritual ministers. Afterward Boniface the 4. made a decree, an. 606. that Monks might use the office of preaching, of Christening, of hearing confessions, & also of assailing them of their sins, &c. So thē monks, who in the beginning were but lay men, and no spiritual ministers, forbidden by the general Council of Chalcedon (as is above related) to intermeddle with matters ecclesiastical: afterward in process of time did so much incroch upon the office of spiritual ministers, that at length the Priests were discharged out of their Cathedral churches, & monks set in their places. Because that Monks in those days leading a straighter life, and professing chastity, had a greater countenance of holiness among the people, then the Priests, who then in the days of king Edgar had wives (at least so many as would) no law forbidding them to the contrary, till the time of Hildebrand, now called Gregory the 7. whereof more shall be said (Christ willing) in the book next following.

And thus much by the way as touching the order and profession of Monks. Now to turn in again from whence we digressed (that is) to the matter of king Edgar, who following the counsel and leading of Dunstane, and the foresaid Aethelwold Bishop of Winchester, was somewhat thereby inclined to superstition. But otherwise of his own nature, well given to all virtues and princely acts worthy of much commondation, and famous memory. So excellent was he in justice, and sharp in correctiō of vices (as well in his magistrates, as other subjects) that never before his days was less felony by robbers, nor less extortion or bribery by false officers. Such Provinces & lordships as were not yet come under the kings subjection, he united and adjoined to his dominion. And so made one perfect monarchy of the whole realm of England, with all the Ilelands and borders about the same. Such as were wicked, he kept under, he repressed thē that were rebels, the godly he maintained, he loved the modest, he was devout to God, and beloved of his subjects, whom he governed in much peace and quietness. And as he was a great seeker of peace, so God did bless him with much abundance of peace and rest from all wars: so that as the history recordeth of him, Nullas insidias domesticorum, nullum exterminium alienorum sen serit, for the which he was called Pacificus. He neither tasted of any privy treson among his subjects, nor of any invasion of foreign enemies. So studious he was of the public profit of his Realm, and fruitful in his government, that as the said story testifieth of him, Nullus fere annus in Chronicis praeterijt, quo non magnum & necessarium patriae aliquid fecerit : No year passed in all the time of his reign, wherein he did not some singular and necessary commodity for the common wealth, &c. A great mainteyner he was of Religion and learning, not forgetting herein the foresteps of Kyng Alfred his predecessor. Among his other princely virtues this chiefly is to be regarded, that where as other princes commonly in much peace and quietness, are wont to grow into a dissolute negligence of life, or obliuiō of their charge committed unto them. This king in continuance of peace (that notwithstanding) kept ever with him such a watch, & a vigilant severity joined with a seemly clemency, that I cannot here but recite the witness of our story writers, testifiyng of his diligent care over the common wealth: which was so great, Vt nullum cuiuscun{que} dignitatis homine, leges eludere impune permitteret i. That he would suffer no man of what degree of nobility so ever he were, to dally out his laws without condign punishment, &c. And followeth more in the same author. Nemo eius tempore priuatus latro, Nemo popularis praedo, nisi qui mallet in fortunas alienas grassari propriae vitae dispendio, &c. In all his time there was neither any privy picker nor open thief, but he that in stealing other men's goods, would venter and suffer (as he was sure) the loss of his own life, &c. Guliel. de Reg.

Moreover, as the studious industry of this Prince was forward in all other points, so his prudent provision did not lack in this also, in driving out the devouring & ravening Wolves, throughout all his land. Wherein he used this policy, In causing Ludwallus Prince or Kyng of Wales, to yield to him yearly by way of tribute, 300. Wolves. By means whereof, within the space of 4. years after in England and Wales, might scantly be found one Wolf alive.

This Edgar among other of his politic deeds, had in readiness 3600. ships of war, to scour the Seas in the Summer time, whereof 1200. kept the East seas, as many to defend the Westside, again, as many on the Southseas to repulse the invasion of foreign enemies. Moreover, in Winter season, the use and manner of this virtuous Kyng was this: During all the time of his life, to ride over the land in progress, searching and inquiring diligently (to use here the words of mine author.) Quomodo legum iura, & suorum statuta decretorum obseruarentur: & ne paupers à potentibus praeiudicium passi opprimerentur. That is, How his laws and statutes by him ordained were kept, & that the poor should suffer no prejudice or he oppressed any manner of ways by the mightier, &c. Briefly, as I see many things in this worthy prince to be commended, so this one thing in him I cannot but lament, to see him like a Phenix to flee alone, that of all his posterity so few there be that seek to keep him company. And although I have shown more already of this king, then I think will well be followed, yet this more is to be added to the worthiness of his other acts. That where as by the multitude of the Danes dwelling in diverse places of England much excessive drinking was used, whereupon ensued drunkenness, and many other vices, to the evil example and hurt of his subjects: he therefore to prevent that evil, ordained certain cups with pins, or nails set in them, adding thereunto a law, that what person drank past that mark at one draught, should forfeit a certain penny. Whereof one half should fall to the accuser, and the other half to the ruler of the borough or town, where the offense was done.

It is reported of this Edgar by diverse authors, that about the 13. yere of his reign, he bring at Chester, a kings (called in histories Subreguli ) to wit petykings, or vnderkings, came & did homage to him. Of whom the first was the king of Scots, called Kinadius: Macolinus of Cumberland. Mackus or Mascusinus king of Moniae, and of diverse other Islands, & all the kings of Wales, the names of whō were Dufuall, or Dunewaldus; Sifreth, Hu •• all, Jacob, Vikyll, Iuchell. All which kings after they had given their fidelity to Edgar: the next day following (for a pomp or royalty) he entered with these aforesaid kings into the river of Dee. Where he sitting in a boat took the rule of the helm, and caused these 8. kings, every person taking an ore in his hand, to row him up and down the river to and from the Church of S. John unto his palace again, in token that he was master and Lord of so many provinces: whereupō he is reported to have said in this manner: Tunc demum posse successores suos gloriari, se Reges Angliae esse, cum tanta praerogatiua honorum fruerētur. But in my mind this king had said much better, if he had rather said with S. Paul, Absit mihi gloriari, nisi in cruce Domini nostri Jesus Christi.

And thus ye have heard hitherto touching the commendation of king Edgar, such reports as the old Monkish writers thought to bestow upon him, as upon the great patron of their monkish religion, who had built so many monasteries for them, as were Sondayes in the year, (as some say) or, as Edmer reporteth, but 48.

Now on the other side, what vices in him were reigning, let us likewise consider, according as we find in the said authors described, which most write to his advancement. Wherof, the first vice is noted to be cruelty, as well upon others, as namely upon a certain Earl being of his secret counsel called Aethelwold. The story is this, Ordgarus Duke of Devonshire, had a certain daughter named Elfrida, whose beauty being highly commended to the king, he being inflamed therewith, sent this foresaid Aethelwold (whom he especially trusted) to the party, to see and to bring him word again, & if her beauty were such as was reported, willing him also to make the match between them. Aethelwold well viewing the party, and seeing her beauty nothing inferior to her fame, and thinking first to serve his own turn, told all things contrary to the king. Wherupon the king withdrawing his mind otherwise, in the ende it came to pass that Aethelwold himself did marry her.

Not long after, the king understanding further by the complaints and rumors of certain, how he was prevented and beguiled, set a fair face upon the matter before Aethelwold, and merrily jesting with him, told him how he would come and see his wife, & in deed appointed the day when he would be there. Aethelwold the husband perceiving this matter to go hardly with him, made hast to his wife, declaring to her the coming of the king, and also opening the whole order of the matter how he had done, desired her of all love, as she would save his life, to disgrace & deform her self with garments and such attire, as the king might take no delighting in her. Elfrida hearing this what did she, but contrary to the request of her husband, & promise of a wife, against the kings coming trimmed her self at the glass, & decked her in her best array. Whom when the king beheld, he was not so much enamored w ^t her, as in hatred with her husband who had so deceived him. Wherupon the king shortly after making as though he would go to hunt in the forest of Harwood, sent for Aethelwold to come to him under the pretence of hunting, & there ran him thorough and slew him. After this the bastard son of Aethelwold coming to him, the king asked him how he liked that hunting. Who answered again, that which pleaseth the king, ought not to displease him. For the death of which Aethelwold, Elfrida afterward built a Monastery of Nuns in remission of sins.

An other fault which Malmesbury noteth in him, was the coming in of strangers into this land, as Saxons, Flemmings, & Danes, whom he with great familiarity retained, to the great detriment of this land, as the forsaid story of Malmesbury recordeth, whose words be these. Vnde factum est, vt fama eius per ora omnium volitante, alienigenae, Saxons, Flandritae, ipsi etiam Dani huc frequenter annauigarent, Edgaro familiares effecti: quo rum aduentus magnū prouincialibus detrimentum peperit. Inde merito iure{que} reprehendunt eum literae, &c. That is, whereby it happened, that diverse strangers out of foreign countries▪ allured by his fame, came into the land, as Saxons, Flemmings, and Danes also, all which he retained with great familiarity. The coming of which strangers wrought great damage to the realm, and therefore is Edgar justly blamed in stories, &c. with the which reprehension all the Saxone stories also do agree.

The third vice to him objected, was his incontinent & lascivious lust in deflowering maids, as first of a Dukes daughter being a Numne, and a virgin named Wilfrida, or Wilftrude, of which Wilfride was borne Editha, a bastard daughter of Edgar. Also of another certain virgin in the town of Audeuar. who was privily conveyed into his bed by this means. The lascivious king coming to Andeuar, not far from Winchester, and thinking to have his pleasure of a certain Dukes daughter, of whose beauty he heard much speaking, commanded the maid to be brought unto him. The mother of the virgins grieved to have her daughter made a concubine, secretly by night conveyed to the kings bed instead of her daughter, another maiden of beauty and favor not uncomely: who in the morning rising to her work, and so being known of the king what she was, had granted unto her of y ^e king such liberty and freedom, that of a servant she was made mistress both to her master, and also to her mistress. Ex Mat. Paris. lib. de Regib.

An other concubine he had also besides these aforesaid, which was Egelfleda or Elfleda, called Candida y ^e white daughter of duke Ordinere (as Guliel. Malmesb. recordeth) she being also a professed Nun, of whom he begot Edward in bastardy. For the which he was enjoined by Dūstane 7. years penance. After which penance being complete, then he took to him a lawful wife (as Malmesbury saith) Elfritha, the mother of Edmund and Æthelred, or otherwise called Egelred, whereof more shall be said (the Lord willing hereafter.

Ouer and besides all these vices noted and objected to king Edgar in our monkish storywriters, I also observe another no less, or rather greater vice then the other afore recited, which was blind superstition and idolatrous mōkery brought into the church of Christ, with the wrongful expulsing of lawful married priests out of their houses. Whereupon, what inconveniences ensued after in this realm, especially in the house of the Lord, I leave it to the consideration of them which have heard of the detestable enormities of these religious votaries. The occasiō whereof, first and chiefly began in this Edgar through the instigation of Dunstane and his fellows, who after they had inueigled the king & had brought him to their purpose, they caused him to call a Council of the Clergy, where it was enacted and decreed, that the Canons of diverse Cathedral churches, Colleginars, Persons, Uicars, Priests and Deacons, with their wives and childrē, either should give over that kind of life, or else give room to Monks, &c. For execution of which decree, two principal Uisitors were appointed, Athelwold or Aethelwold, bishop of Winchester, and Oswold bishop of Worcester, as is partly before touched. Osbernus in vita Dunstani, Malmesb. De vit. pontif. Rog, Houed.

And thus much concerning the history of king Edgar and of such things as in his time happened in the church. Which Edgar after he had entered into the partes of Britannie, to subdue the rebellion of the Welchmen, and there had spoiled the country of Glamorgan, & wasted the country of Ono within x. days after, when he had reigned the space of xvj. years, died, and was buried at Glastenbury, leaving after him two bastards, to wit, Editha and Edward, and one son lawfully begot̄, named Æthelred, or otherwise by corruption called Egelred: For Edmund the elder son died before his father.

Ye heard before how king Edgar is noted in all stories to be an incontinent liver in deflowering maids and virgins. Of which virgins iii. notoriously are expressed in authors, to wit, Wlftrude or Wlfride: The second, was the dukes maid at Andeuar, nigh to Winchester: The third, was Elflede mother of Edward, for the which Elflede he was stayed and kept back from his Coronation by Dunstane Archbishop of Cant. the space of 7. years, and so the said king beginning his reign in the 16. year of his age being the year of the Lord, 959. was crowned at his age 31. An. dom. 974. as is in the Saxon Chronicle of Worcester church to be proved. For the more evident declaration of which matter concerning the coronation of the king, restrained, and the presumptuous behavior of Dunstan against the king: and his penance by the said Dunstane enjoined, ye shall hear both Osborne, Malmesb. and other authors, speak in their own words as followeth, Perpetrato ita{que} in virginem velatam peccato, &c. After that Dunstane had understanding of the kings offense perpetrated with the professed Nun, and that the same was blased amongst the people, with great ire and passion of mind he came to the king. Who seeing the Archb. coming, eftsones of gentleness arose from his regal seat towards him, to take him by the hand, and to give him place. But Dunstan refusing to take him by the hand, and with stern countenance bending his brows, spake after this effect of words (as stories import) unto the king: You that have not feared to corrupt a virgins maid handfast to Christ, presume you to touch the consecrated hands of a bishop? you have defiled the spouse of your maker, & think you by flattring service to pacify the friend of the bridegroom? No sir, his friend will not I be, which hath Christ to his enemy, &c. The king terrified with these thundering words of Dunstan, and compuncted with inward repentance of his crime perpetrated, fell down with weeping at the feet of Dunstane. Who, after he had raised him up from the ground again, began to utter to him the horriblenes of his fact, and finding the king ready to receive whatsoever satisfaction he would lay upon him, enjoined him this penance for 7. years space, as followeth: That he should wear no crown all that space, that he should fast twice in the week, he should distribute his treasure left to him of his auncesters, liberally unto the poor, he should build a Monastery of Nuns at Shaftsbury, that as he had robbed God of one virgins through his transgression, so should he restore to him many again in times to come: Moreover, he should expel Clerks of evil life (meaning such priests as had wives and children) out of churches, and place Couents of Monks in their room, &c.

It followeth then in the story of Osborne, that whē the 8. years of the kings penance were expired: Dunstan calling together all the pieres of the Realm, with Bishops, Abbots, and other ecclesiastical degrees of the Clergy, in the public sight of all the multitude, set the crown upon the kings head at Bathe, which was the 31. year of his age, and the 13. year of his reign, so that he reigned only but 3. years crowned king. All the other years besides, Dunstan belike ruled the land as he listed. Furthermore, as touching the sonne of the said Elfled, thus the story writeth: Puerum quo{que} ex peccatrice quondam progenitum, sacro fonte regeneratum lauauit, & aptato illi nomine Edwardo in filium sibi adoptauit. i. The child also, which was gotten of the harlot, he baptized in the holy fountain of regeneration, and so giving his name to be called Edward, did adopt him to be his son, &c. Ex Osberno.

By the which narration of Osberne, agreing also with the story of the Saxon book above mentioned, is convinced a double untruth or error, either negligently ouerseen or of purpose dissembled in our latter Monkish storywriters, as in Malmesbury, Math. Paris. Math. Westm. & other mo. Who to conceal the fault of king Edgar, or to bear with Dunstans fact, in setting up Edward for the maintenance of their monkish order, first do falsely affirm, that Editha the daughter of Ulfride was borne after Edward, & that for her this penance was enjoined to king Edgar, which neither is, nor can be so, as in process hereafter (the Lord willing) shall appear.

Secondly, they are deceived in this, that they affirm king Edgar to have two wives, and that Elfleda the mother of Edward was not a professed Nun in deed, but dissembled so to be, to avoid the violence of the king: where as in deed the truth of the story both giveth her to be a Nun, and her son to be base, and she her self never to be married unto the king.

Now, forasmuch as we have hitherto entered mention of Elfleda and Editha, also of Wlfrede and Dunstane, here would not be let pass to speak something of their lying miracles, falsely forged to the great seductiō of christen people by superstitious Monks, who cared not what fables and lies they brought into the church, so they might have the vantage of poor men's purses and oblations. And first here cometh in the fabulous miracles wrought at the tomb of Elfleda the kings concubine, which W. Malmesb. in these verses expresseth:

The English of which verses is needless here to be recited. Briefly, the effect is this: That both the blind, deaf, halte, and such as be mad, receive their health again, if they worship the tomb of this Elfleda, &c.

The like fainings and monstrous miracles we read also in chronicles of doting Dunstane, drowned in all superstition, if he were not also a wicked sorcerer: First, how he being yet a boy, chased away the devil, set about with a great company of dogs, and how the Angels did open the church door for him to enter. Then how the Lute or Harp hanging upon the wall, did sing or play without any finger these words: Gaudent in coelis animae sanctorum, qui Christi vestigi • sunt sequuti, & qui pro eius amore sanguinem suum suderunt: ideo cum Christo regnabunt in aeternum. Item where a certain great beam or maisterpost was ••• ed out of the place: he with making the sign of a Cross, set it in right frame again. Moreover, how the said Dunstane being tempted upon a time of the devil with the cogitation of women, caught the devil by the nose with a whore pair of tongs, and held him fast. Item, how often heavenly spirits appeared to him, and used to talk with him amiliarly. Item, how he prophesied of the birth of king Edgar, of the death of king Egelred, of the death of Editha, and of Ethelwood bishop of Winchester. Also how our Lady with her fellows appeared visibly to him, singing this song: Cantemus Domino sociae, cantemus honorem. Dulcis amor Christi personet ore pio. Agayne, how the Angels appeared to him, singing the Hymn called Kyr •• Rex splendens, &c And yet these prodigious fantasies with other mo, are written of him in Chronicles, and have been believed in Churches.

Among many other false and lying miracles, forged in this corrupt time of Monkery, the fabulous or rather filthy legēd of Editha were not to be overpassed, if for shame and honesty it might well be recited. But to cast the dyrt of these Pope holy monks in their own face, which so impudently have abused the church of Christ, and simplicity of the people with their ungracious vanities, let us see what this miracle is, & how honestly it is told. Certain years after the death of Editha, saith Will. of Malmes. which years Capgrave in his new Legend reckoneth to be thirtene, the said Editha & also S. Denys holding her by the hand, appeared to Dunstan in a vision, willing and requiring him that the body of Editha in the church of Wilton, should be taken up & shrined, to the intent it might be honored here in earth of her servants, according as it is worshipped of her spouse in heaven. Dunstan upon this, coming from Salisbury to Wilton, where Editha was interred, commanded her body to be taken up with much honor & solemnity. Who there in opening her tomb (as both Malmes. and Capgrave with shame enough record) found all the whole body of this Editha consumed to earth, save only her thombe, her belly, & the part under the belly. Wherof the said Editha expounding the meaning, declared that her thombe remained found, for the much crossing she used with the same. The other partes were incorrupted for a testimony of her abstinence, and integrity, &c. Ex Malmes. & Capgrauo. What Satan hath so envied the true sincerity of Christian faith and doctrine, so to contaminate the same with such impudent tales, such filthy vanities, & Idolatrous fantasies as this? Such Monks with their detestable houses, where Christ's people were so abominably abused and seduced to worship dead carcases of men and women, whether they deserved not to be rased, and plucked down to the ground, let all chaste Readers judge. But of these matters enough and to much.

Here followeth the Epitaphe written by Henricus Archdeacon of Huntingdon, vpō the praise and commendation of king Edgar.

Among his other laws, this king ordained that the Sunday, should be solemnised from Saturday at ix. of the clock, till Monday morning.

King Edward called the Martyr.

AFter the death of Edgar no small trouble arose amongst the Lord's and Bishops for succession of the crown: the principal cause whereof rose upon this occasion, as by the story of Simon of Durham, and Roger Houeden, is declared. Immediately after the decease of the king, Alferus Duke of Mercia, and many other nobles, which held with Egelrede or Ethelrede the only right heir and lawful son of Edgar, misliking the placing and intrudyng of Monks into churches, & the thrusting out of the seculare Priests, with their wives and children out of their ancient possessions, expelled the Abbots and Monks, and brought in again the foresaid priests with their wives. Against whom, certain other there were on the contrary part, that made resistance, as Ethelwine Duke of Eastangles, Elfwoldus his brother, and the Earl Brithnothus, saying in a council together assembled, that they would never suffer the religious Monks to be expulsed and driven out of the Realm, which held up all Religion in the land, and thereupon eftsoons levied an army, whereby to defend by force the Monasteries, such as were within the precinct of Eastanglia.

In this hurly burly amongst the Lord's about the placing of Monks and putting out of Priests, rose also the contention about the crown, who should be their king: the bishops and such lords as favored the Monks, seeking to advance such a king as they knew would inclyne to their side, so that the lords thus divided, some of them would have Edward, and some consented upon Egelred the lawful son. Then Dunstane Archb. of Cant. & Oswold Archb. of York, with other their fellowbishops, Abbots, and diverse other Lord's and Dukes assembled in a council together. In the which council Dunstan coming in with his cross in his hand, & bringing Edward before the Lord's, so persuaded them that in the ende Edward by Dunstans means was elected, consecrated, and anointed for their king.

And thus hast thou (good Reader) the very truth of this story, according to the writing of authors of most antiquity which lived nerest to that age, as Osberne and others, which Osberne living in the days of William Conqueror, wrote this story of Dunstan through the motiō of Lanfran • us, and alledgeth or rather translateth the same out of such Saxon stories as were writ̄ before his time. Besides which Osberne, we have also for witness hereof, Nic Trinet, in his English story written in French, and also Johannes Paris, in his French story written in the Latin tongue, where he plainly calleth Edward, non legitimum filium, that is, no lawful son. Whereunto add moreover the testimony of Vincentius and Antoninus,