Acts and Monuments Volume 1

The fifth interrogation.

Item, whether two brethren may mary two sisters, being far of from any part of kindred?

The answer.

This in no part of scripture is forbidden, but it may well and lawfully be done.

The sixth interrogation.

Item, to what degree of kyndred may the mat •• money of the faithful extend with their kindred, or wheth •• 〈◊〉 it lawful to marry with the stepmother and her kinsfolks?

The answer.

A certain terrene law amongst the old Romaines doth permit, that either brother or sister, or the son & daughter of two brethren may marry together. But by experyence we learn, that the issue of such marriage doth never thryue, nor come forewarde. Also y ^e holy law of God forbiddeth to reveal the turpitude of thy blood or kindred.

Wherefore necessary it is, that in the third or fourth degree the faithful may lawfully marry, for in the seconde as being unlawful, they must needs refrain. To be copled with the stepmother is utterly abhominable, for it is written in the law. Thou shalt not reveal the turpitude of thy Father. Forsomuch then as it is so written in y ^e law and they shall be two in one flesh: the son then that presumeth to reveal then the turpitude of his stepmother, which is one flesh with his Father, what doth he then but reveal the turpitude of his own father. Likewise it was forbidden and unlawful to mary with thy kinswoman, which by her first Marriage was made one flesh with thy brother. For the which cause John y ^e Baptist also lost his head, and was crowned a Martyr. Who though he died not for the confession of Christ: yet for so much as Christ saith: I am the truth, therefore in that John the Baptist was slain for the truth, it may be said his blood was shed for Christ.

The seventh interrogation.

Item, whether such as be so coupled together in filthy and unlawful matrymony ought to be separated and denied the partaking of the holy Communion.

The answer.

Because there be many of the nation of English men which being yet in their infidelity, were so joined & coupled in such execrable marriage: the same coming now to faith, are to be admonished hereafter to abstain from the like, & that they know the same to be grievous sin. That they dread the dreadful judgment of God, least for their carnal delectation, they incur the torments of eternal punishment. And yet notw ^t standing they are not to be secluded therefore from the participation of Christ's body & blood, lest we should seme to revenge those things in them which they before their baptism, through ignorance did commit. For in this time the holy Church doth correct some faults more fervently, some faults she suffereth again through mansuetude and mekenes, some wittingly and willingly she doth wink at, and dissemble: that many times the evil which she doth detest, through bearing and dissembling she may stop & bridle. All they therefore which are come to the faith, must be admonished that they commit no such offense. Which thing if they do, they are to be deprived of the Communion of the Lord's body & blood. For like as in them that fall through ignorance, their default in this case is to be tolerate: so in them again it is strongly to be ensued, which knowing they do naught, yet fear not to commit.

The eight interrogation.

Item, in this I desire to be satisfied, after what manner I should deal or do with the Bishops of France, and of Britain's.

The answer.

As touching the Bishops in France, I give you no authority or power over them. For the Bishop of Arolas, or Orliance hath by the old time of our predecessors received the Palle, whom now we ought not to deprive of his authority. Therefore when your brotherhoode shall go unto the Province of France, whatsoever ye shall have there to do with the Bishop of Orliance, so do, that he loose nothing of that which he hath found and obtained of the ancient ordinance of our foreelders. But as concerning the Bishops of Brittayn, we commit them all to your brotherhoode, that y ^e ignorant may be taught the infirm by persuasion may be confirmed, the willful by authority may be corrected.

The ninth interrogation.

Whether a woman being great with child, ought to be baptized, or after she hath children, after how long time she ought to enter into the Church. Or else that which she hath brought forth, least it should be prevented with death, after howe many days it ought to receive Baptism. Or after howe long time after her childebyrth is it lawful for her husband to resort to her? Or else if she be in her monthly course, after the disease of women, whether then she may enter into the Church, and receive the Sacrament of the holy Communion? Or else her husband after the lying with his wife, before he be washed with water, whether is it lawful for him to enter the Church, and to draw unto the mistery of the holy Communion? All which things must be declared and opened to the rude multitude of Englishmen.

The Aunswere.

The childing or bearing woman, why may she not be Baptized: seeing that the fruitfulness of the flesh is no fault before the eyes of almighty God. For our first parents in Paradise, after they had transgressed: lost their immortality by the just judgment of God which they had takē before. Then, because almighty God would not mankind utterly to perish because of his fall (although he lost now his immortality for his trespass) yet of his benign piety, left notwithstanding to him the fruit and generation of issue. Wherefore the issue and generation of man's nature, which is conserved by the gift of almighty God, how can it be debarred from the grace of holy Baptism?

As concerning the churching of women after they have travailed: where ye demand after howe many days they ought to go to the Church, this you have learned in y ^e old law, that for a man child .30. days, after a womā child .66. days be appointed her to keep in. Albeit this you must take to be understand in a mistery. For if she should y ^e hour after her travail enter into the Church to give thanks, she committed therein no sin. For why the lust and pleasure of the flesh, and not the travail and pain of the flesh is sin. In the conjunction of the flesh is pleasure, but in the travail and bringing forth of the child is pain & gronyng. As unto the mother of all it is said: In sorrow thou shalt travail. Therefore if we forbid the woman after her labor to enter the church, thē what do we else but count y ^e same the punishment given unto her, for sin? Therefore for the woman after her labor to be baptized, either that which she hath travailed forth (if present necessity of death doth so require) yea in the self same hour, either she that hath brought forth, either that which is borne in the same hour when it is borne, to be baptized we do not forbid.

Moreover, for the man to company with his wife, that he must not: before the child that is borne be wayned. But now there is a lewd and naughty custom risen in the conditiō of married folks, that mothers do contemn to nourse their own children, which they have borne, but set them to other women out to nourse: which seemeth only to come of the cause of incontinency. For while they will not contain themselves, therefore they put from them their children to nourse. &c.

As concerning the woman in her menstruous course whether she ought to enter the Church? To this I answer: she ought not to be forbid. For the superfluity of nature in her ought not to be imputed for any fault, neither is it just that she should be deprived of her access to the Church, for that which she suffereth against her will. And if the woman did well, presuming in touching the Lord's coat in the time of her bloody issue: why then may not that be granted unto all women infirmed by the fault of nature, which is commended in one person done in her infirmity? Therefore to receive the mystery of the holy communion, it is not forbidden them. Albeit if she dare not so far presume in her great infirmity, she is to be praised: but if she do receive, she is not to be judged. For it is a point of a good mind in some manner to knowledge his sins there, where is no sin: because many times that is done without fault, which cometh of fault. As when we be hungry, we care without fault, notwithstanding it cometh by the fault of our first father to us that we are hungrye, &c.

Where ye ask, if a man after the company with his wife, may resort to the Church or to the holy Communion, before he be purged with water. The law given to the old people, commanded that a man after the company with his wife, both should be purified with water, and also should tarry the Suns set before he came to the congregation. Which seemeth to be understand spiritually: for then most true it is, that the man companieth with the woman, when his mind through delectation is joined to unlawful concupiscence in his heart and cogitation. At what time, before the said fire of concupiscence shall be removed, let the person think himself unworthy the entrance to the congregation, through the viciousnes of his filthy will. But of this matter sundry nations have everyone their sundry customs: some on way & some another. The ancient manner of the Romans frō our forefathers, hath been, that in such case, first they purged themselves with water, then for a little they abstain reverently, and so resort to the Church. &c.

After many other words debated of this matter, thus he inferreth: but if any person not for voluptuousness of the flesh, but for procreation of children, do company with his wife, that man concerning either the coming to the Church, or the receiving the mysteries of the Lord's body & blood, is to be left to his own judgment: for he ought not to be forbid of us to come, which when he lieth in the fire will not burn. &c.

There is another question also to these adjoined, with his answer likewise to the same, concerning pollutions in the night, but I thought these at this present to our english ears, sufficient.

To return now to the story again, Gregory after he had sent these resolutions to the questions of Agustine, sendeth moreover, to the Church of England moe coadiutors, and helpers, as Mellitus, Iustus, Paulinus, and Ruffianus, with books and such other implemēts as he thought necessary, for the English Church. He sendeth moreover to the foresaid Agustine a palle with letters wherein he setteth an order between the two Metropolitan seats, the one to be at London the other to be at York. Notwithstanding he granteth to the said Agustine during his life to be the only chyefe Archbyshop of all the lande: and after his time, then to return to the two foresaid seats of London and York, as is in y ^e same letter contained, the tenor whereof here followeth in his own words as ensueth.

Besides this, the said Gregory sendeth also another letter to Mellitus, concerning his judgment what is to be done with the idolatrous temples and Phanes of the Englishmen newly converted, which Phanes he thinketh not best to pluck down, but to convert the use thereof, and so let them stand. And likewise of their sacrifices and killyng of Oxen, how the same ought to be ordered, and howe to be altered: disputing by the occasions thereof, of the sacrifices of the old Egyptians, permitted of God unto the Israelites the ende 〈…〉 thereof being altered. &c.

He sendeth also another letter to the foresaid Agustine, wherein he warneth him not to be proud or puffed up, for the miracles wrought of God by him, in conuertyng the people of England, but rather to fear and tremble, least so much as he were puffed up by the outward work of miracles, so much he should fall inwardly through the vain glory of his heart: and therefore wisely exhorteth him to repress the swelling glory of heart, with the remembrance of his sins rather against God, whereby he rather hath cause to lament, then to rejoice for the other. Not all the elect of God (saith he) worketh miracles, and yet have they their names written in the book of life. And therefore he should not count so much of those miracles done, but rejoice rather with the Disciples of Christ, & labor to have his name written in the book of life, where all the elect of God be contained, neither is there any ende of that rejoicing. And whatsoever miracles it hath pleased god by him to have been done, he should remember they were not done for him: but for their conversion, whose salvation god sought thereby, &c.

Item, he directed another Epistle to king Ethelbert, as is expressed at large in the Chronicle of Henry Huntyngton, Lib. 3. in the which Epistle, first he praised God, then commendeth the goodness of the king, by whom it pleased god so to work such goodness of the people. Secondly exhortteth him to persist and continue in the godly profession of Christ's faith, and to be fervent and zealous in the same: in converting the multitude, in destroying the temples and works of idolatry, in ruling and governing the people in all holiness & godly conversation, after the godly example of the Emperor Constantine the great. Lastly, comforting him with the promises of life and reward to come, with the Lord that reigneth and liveth forever: premonishyng him besides, of the terrors & distresses that shall happen (though not in his days) yet before the terrible day of God's judgment: wherefor he willeth him always to be solicitous for his soul, and suspectfull of the hour of his death, and watchful of the judgment, that he may be always prepared for the same, when that judgment shall come. In the ende he desireth him to accept such presents as gifts which he thought good to send unto him from Rome, &c.

Agustine thus receiving his palle from Gregory, as is above said, and now of a Monk being made an Archbyshop, after he had baptized a great part of Kent: he after made two Archbishops or Metropolitans, by the commandment of Gregory, as witnesseth Polychronicon, the one at London, the other at York.

Mellitus, of whō mention is made before, was sent specially of the Eastsaxons in the province of Essex, where after he was made Bishop of London, under Sigebert king of Essex: which Sigebert together with his uncle Ethelbert, first built the church and minster of saint Paul in Londō, and appointed it to Mellitus for the bishops sea, Austē (associate with this Mellitus and Iustus through the help of Ethelbert ) assembled and gathered together the Bishops & Doctors of Britain in a place, which taking the name of the said Agustine, was called Augustine's Oke. In this assembly he charged the said Bishops, y ^t they should preach w ^t him y ^e word of God to the Englishmen, & also that they should among themselves reform certain rites and usages in their church, specially for keeping of their Eastertyde: baptising after the manner of Rome, and such other like. To these the Scots and Brytons would not agree refusing to leave the custom, which they so long time had contynued, without the assent of them all which used the same. Here the stories both of Bede, Cestrensis in Polychron. Huntyngtonensis, Iornalensis, Fabianus and other moe, write of a certain miracle wrought upon a blind English man: whom when the Britons could not help, Agustine kneeling down and praying, restored the blind man to sight before them all: for a confirmation (as these authors say) of his opinion in keeping of Easter. But concerning the credit of this miracle, that I leave, to the authors of whom I had it. Then Agustine gathered another Synod, to the which came seven Bishops of Brytons, with the wisest men of that famous Abby of Bangor. But first they took counsel of a certain wise and holy man amongst them, what to do: and whether they should be obedient to Agustine or not. And he said: if he be the servant of god agree unto him. But howe shall we know that, said they? To whom he answered again: If he be meek and humble of heart, by that know that he is the servant of god. To this they said again: & how shall we know him to be humble & meek of heart? By this quoth 〈◊〉 seeing you are y ^e greater number, if he at your coming 〈◊〉 your Synod rise up, & courteously receive you, 〈…〉 him to be an humble and a meek man. But if he shall contemn and despise you (being as ye are) the greater part, despise you him again. Thus the Brytaine Bishops entering into the Counsel, Agustine after the Romish manner keeping his chair would not remove. Whereat they being not a little offended, after some heat of words, in disdain & great displeasure departed thence. To whō then Agustine spake: and said, that if they would not take peace with their brethren, they should receive war with their enemies: And if they disdained to preach with them the way of life to the English nation, they should suffer by their hands the revenge of death. Which not long after so came to pass by the means of Ethelfride king of Northumberlande: who being yet a Pagan, and stirred with a fierce fury against the Britanes came with a great army against the city of Chester: where Brocmayl the Consul of that City, a fryend and helper of the Britain's side, was ready with his force to receive him. There was at the same time at Bangor in Wales an exceeding great Monastery, wherein was such a number of Monks, as Galfridus with other authors do testify that if the whole company were divided into seven parts in every of the seven parts were contained not so few as 300. Mōkes: which all did live with the sweat of their brows, and labor of their own hands, having one for their ruler named Dinoe. Out of this Monastery came the Monks to Chester to pray for the good succes of Brocmayl, fighting for them against the Saxons. Thre days they continued in fasting and prayer. When Ethelfride the foresaid king, seeing them so intent to their prayers: demanded the cause of their coming thither in such a company. When he perceived it was to pray for their Consul, then (saith he) although they bear no weapon, yet they fight against us, & with their prayers & preachings they persecute us. Whervpon after that Brocmayl, being overcome did flee away, the king commanded his men to turn their wepons against the seely unarmed Monks: of whom he slew the same time, or rather Martired .1100. only fifty persons of that number did flee and escape away with Brocmayl: the rest were all slain. The authors that write of this lamentable murder, declare & say howe the forespeaking of Agustine, was here verified upon the Britanes: which because they would not join peace with their friends, he said should be destroyed of their enimis. Of both these parties, the reader may judge what he pleaseth: I cannot see but both together were to be blamed. And as I cannot but accuse the one, so I cannot defend the other. First Agustine in this matter can in no wise be excused, who being a monk before, & therefore a scholar & professor of humility: shown so little humility in this assembly, to seven Bishops & an Archbishop, coming at his commandment to the Council, that he thought scorn once to stir at their coming in. Much less would his Pharisaical solemnity have girded himself, & washed his brethren's feet, after their travail, as Christ our great master did to his Disciples: seeing his Lordship was so hie, or rather so heavy, or rather so proud, that could not find in his heart to give them a little moving of his body to declare a brotherly & humble heart. Again the Britaynes were much, or more to blame, who so much neglected their spiritual duty, in revenging their temporal injury: that they denied to join unto their helping labor, to turn the Idolatrous Saxons to the way of life and saluatiō. In which respect all private cases ought to give place, and to be forgotten. For the which cause, although lamentable to us, yet no great marvel in them, if the stroke of gods punishment did light upon thē: according to the words of Agustine, as is before declared. But especially the cruel king, in this fact, was most of all to blame, so furiously to flee upon them, which had neither weapō to resist him, nor yet any will to harm him. And so likewise the same or like, happened to himself afterward. For so was he also slain in the field by Christian Edwin, who succeeded him: as he had slain the Christians before, which was about the year of our Lord. 610. But to return to Agustine again, who by report of authors was departed before this cruelty was done: after he had baptized and christened x. thousand Saxons or Angles in the West river, that is called Swale, beside York on a Christianmasse day: perceiving his end to draw near, he ordained a successor named Laurentius to rule after him the Archbishops sea of Dorobernia. Where note by the way Christian Reader, that whereas Agustine baptized then in rivers: it followeth, there was then no use of fontes. Agayne, if it be true that Fabian saith, he baptized x. thousand in one day: the rite thē of Baptising at Rome was not so ceremonial, neither had so many trinkets at that time, as it hath had since, or else it could not be, that he could baptize so many in one day.

In the mean season, about this time departed Gregory Bishop of Rome: of whom it is said, that of the number of all the first Bishops before him in the primitive time, he was the basest: of all them that came after him, he was the best. About which time also died in Wales, David Archbishop first of Kayrleion, who then translated the sea from thence to Meneuia, and therefore is called David of Wales. Not long after this also, deceased the foresaid Agustine in England after he had set there xv. or xvi. years: by the which count we may note it, not to be true that Henry Huntingdon and other do witness, that Agustine was dead before that battle of Ethelfride against the Mōkes of Bāgor. For if it be true that Polycronicon testifieth of this murder, to be done about the year of our Lord. 609. and the coming of Agustine first into the Realm, to be an. 596. then Agustine enduring xvi. years could not be dead at this battle. Moreover Galfridus Monumetensis declareth, concerning the same battle, that Ethelbert the king of Kent, being (as is said) converted by Agustine to Christ's faith: after he saw the Britaynes to disdain and deny their subjection unto Agustine, neither would assist him w ^t preaching to the English nation: therefore stirred up he the foresaid Ethelfride to war against the Britaynes. But that seemeth rather suspicious then true, that he being a Christian king, either could so much prevail with a Pagan Idolater, or else would attempt so far to commit such a cruel deed. But of uncertain things I have nothing certainly to say, less to judge.

About this present time above prefixed, which is 610. I read in the story of Ranulphus Cestrensis, the writer of Polychronicon, of John the Patriarch of Alexandria who for his rare example of hospitality and bountifulness to the poor: I thought no less worthy to have place amongst good men, then I see the same now to be followed of few. This John (being before belike a hard and sparing man) as he was at his prayer upon a time (it is said) there appeared to him a comely virgins having on her head a garland of Olive leaves: which named her self mercy, saying to him and promising that if he would take her to wi • e, he should prosper well. This, whether it were true or not, or else invented for a morality, I would wish this flourishing damsel so to be married to moe then to this John, that she should not live so long a virgins now as she doth, because no man will marry her. But to return to his Patriarch, who after that day (as the story recordeth: was so merciful and so beneficial, especially to the poor and needy, that he counted them as his masters, and himself as a servant and steward unto them. This Patriarch was wont commonly twice a week to sit at his door all the day long, to take up matters, and to set unity, where was any variance: One day it happened, as he was sitting all the day before his gate, and saw no man come, lamented that all that day he had done no good: To whom his Deacon standing by, answered again, that he had more cause to rejoice, seeing he had brought the City in that order and in such peace, that there needed no reconcilement amongst them. An other time as the said John the Patriarch was at the Service and reading the Gospel in the church, the people (as their used manner is) went out of the church to talk and iangle: he perceiving that, went out likewise, and sat amongst them: whereat they marueyling to see him do so. My children said he, where the flock is, there ought the shepherd to be: wherefore either come you in, that I may also come in with you, or else if you tarry out, I will likewise tarry out together with you, &c.

As touching the acts and deeds of Gregory above mentioned, how he withstood the ambitious pryd of John, Patriarch of Constantinople, which would be the universal Priest, and only chief Bishop of all other: declaring him to be no less then the forerunner of Antichrist, that would take that name upon him: howe and with what reasons he answered again the letters of the Emperor Maurice in that behalf, sufficient relation is made thereof in the first entry and beginning of this book. This Gregory among many other things induced into the Church (the specialties whereof hereafter shall follow Christ willing more at large) first began and brought in this title among the Romaine Bishops, to be called Seruus seruorum Dei: putting them in remembrance thereby both of their humbleness, and also of their duty in the Church of Christ. Moreover as concerning his act for the sole life of Pryestes first begun, and then broken again. Also concerning the order of Gregoryes Mass boke, to be received in all churches, hereof who so lifteth to read more, shall find the same in other places hereafter, namely when we come to the time of Pope Adrian the first.

After the death of Gregory, above mentioned, first came Sabinianus, who as he was a malicious detractor of Gregory & of his works, so he continued not long, scarce the space of two years. After whom succeeded next Boniface the 3. which albeit he reigned but one year, yet in y ^e one year he did more hurt then Gregory, with so great labors, and in so many years could do good before: for that which Gregory kept out, he brought in, obtaining of Phocas the wicked Emperor for him and his successors after him, that the sea of Rome above all other churches should have the preeminence: and that the Bishop of Rome should be the universal head, through all Churches of Christ in Christedome: alleging for him this frivolous reason, that S Peter had and left to his successors in Rome the keys of byndyng and loosing, &c. And thus began first Rome to take an head above all other Churches, by the means of Boniface the 3. who as he lacked no boldness nor ambitiō to seek it, so neither lacked he an Emperor fit and meet to give such a gift. Thys Emperors name was Phocas a man of such wickedness and ambitiō most like to his own Bishop Boniface, that to aspire to the Empire, he murdered his own master and Emperor Maurice, & his children. Thus Phocas coming up to be Emperor, after this detestable vilanie done: thinking to establish his Empire with friendship and favor of his people, & especially with the bishop of Rome: quickly condescended to all his petitions, & so granted him (as it is said) to be that he would, the universal and head Bishop over all Christian Churches. But as blood commonly requireth blood again, so it came to pass on the said Phocas. For as he had cruelty slain the Lord and Emperor, Maurice, before, so he in like manner (of Heraclius the Emperor succeedyng him) had his hands and seete cut of, & so was cast into the Sea. And this wicked Phocas which gave the first supremacy to Rome, lost his own. But Rome would not so soon loose his supremacy once given, as y ^e gyner lost his life: forever since frō that day it hath holden, defended, and maintained the same still, and yet doth to this present day, by all force & policy possible. And thus much concerning Boniface, whō, by the words of Gregory, we may well call the runner before Antichryst. For as Gregory brought into their style, Seruus seruorum Dei, so this Boniface brought into their heads, first Volumus ac mandamus: Statuimus ac praecipimus. That is. We will and command, we enjoin and charge you. &c.

Mention was made a little before of Ethelbert king of Kent, and also of Ethelfride king of Northsaxone or Northumbria. This Ethelbert having under his subjection all the other Saxon kings, unto Number, after he had first received himself, and caused to be received of other, the Christian faith by the preaching of Agustine, being confirmed afterward in the same faith, among other costly deeds, with the help of Sigebert king of Essex his nephew, then reigning under him, began the foundation of Paul's Church within the City of London, & ordained it for the Bishops sea of Londō. For the Archbishops sea which before time had been at London, was by Agustine and this Ethelbert at the prayer of the Citizens of Dorobernia translated to the said City Malmesberiēsis Lib. de pontific. Wherefore such authors as say that Paul's was divided by Sigebert, say not amiss: which Sigebert was y ^e king o • Essex, • n which province standeth the City of London. This Ethelbert also founded the Church of Saint Andrew in the City of Dorubres in Kent, now called Rochester, of one Rot, distaunt from Dorobernia, 24. miles. Of this city, Iustus was bishop ordained before by Agustine. Moreover the • orenamed Ethelbert, stirred up a dweller or Citizen of London to make a Chapel or church of Saint Peter in the west end of London, then called Thorny, now the Town of Westminster, which Church or Chapel was after by Edward the confessor enlarged or new built: lastly of Henry the 3. it was newly again reedified and made as it is now a large Monasterye. &c. After these Christian and worthy acts this Ethelbert when he had reigned the course of lvj. years changed this mortal life about the year of our Lord 616. whom some stories say to be slain in a fight between him and Ethelfride king of Northsaxons.

In the mean time the foresaid Ethelfride king of Northumberland, after the cruel murder of the Monks of Bangor, escaped not long vnpaied his hire, for after he had reigned. 24. years he was slain in the field of Edwin, who succeeded in Northumberland after him.

This Edwin being the son not of Ethelfride, ) as Galfridus Monumetensis saith) but rather of Alla (as Giraldus Gambrensis 〈◊〉 to witness more truly) was first a Panim or 〈◊〉 : afterward by Paulinus was Christened and the first 〈◊〉 king in Northōberland. The occasion of which his calling or conversion, as is in sundry stories contained, was this.

Edwin being yet a Pagan, married the daughter of Ethelbert king of kent, called Edelburge a Christian womā, otherwise called Tace. But before this marriage, Edwin being yet young, Ethelfride the king, conceyuing envy against him: persecuted him so sore, that he was forced to flee to Redwaldus king of Eastangles, as in the table of the kings is expressed. The which Redwaldus what for fear, what with bribes being corrupted of Ethelfride, at length privily had intended to have betrayed Edwin. But as gods will was, Edwin having warning thereof by a secrete frynde of his, was moved to flee and to save himself being promised also of his friends to be safely conveyed away, if he would thereto agree. To whom Edwin said, whether shall I flee which have so long fleene the hands of mine enymies, through all provinces of the Realm? And if I must needs be slain I had rather that he should do it, then another unworthy person. Thus he remaining by himself alone & solitary, sitting in a great study, there appeared unto him suddenly, a certain stranger, to him unknown, and said, I know well the cause of thy thought and heaviness. What wouldest thou give him that should deliver thee out of this fear, & should reconcile king Redwald to thee again? I would give him (said Edwin ) all that ever I could make. And he said again: And what if he make thee a mightier king, then was any of thy Progenitours? He answered again as before. Moreover, (saith he) and what if he show thee a better kind and way of life, then ever was shown to any of thine aunceters before thee: wilt thou obey him & do after his counsel? yea (said Edwin ) promising most firmly, with all his heart so to do. Thē he laying his hand upon his head when (said he) this token happeneth unto thee: then remember this time of thy tribulation, & the promise which thou hast made, and the word which now I say unto thee. And with that he uanished out of his sight suddenly. After this so done as Edwin was sitting alone by him self pensive and sad: his foresaid friend, which moved him before to flee cometh to him, bidding him be of good chere, for the heart (said he) of king Redwaldus which had before intended thy destruction, was now altered through the counsel of the Queen, and is fully bent to keep his promise with you, whatsoever shall fall thereupon. To make the story short Redwaldus the King (although Fabian following Henry Huntyngton ) saith it was Edwin ) with all convenient speed assembled an host: wherewith he suddenly coming upon Ethelfride, gave battle unto him about the borders of Mercia, where Ethelfryde king of Northumberlande, also with Reyner Redwaldus son was slain in the field. By reason whereof Edwin (his enemies now being destroyed) was quietly placed in the possessiō of Northumberland. All this while yet Edwin remained in his old Paganism, albeit his Queen being (as is above declared) king Ethelbertes daughter a Christian woman, with Paulinus the bishop, ceased not to stir and persuade the king to Christian faith. But he taking counsel with his nobles and counselors upon the matter, was hard to be won. Then the Lord, who desposeth all things after his purpose, to bring all good things to pass, sent another trouble upon him, by means thereof to cal him. For by affliction God useth commonly to call them whom he will save, or by whom he will work salvation unto other. So his divine wisdom thinketh good to make them first to know themselves, before they come to know him, or to teach him to other: so it was with Paul, who was stricken down, before he was lyfted up, with Constantine Edwynus and many moe. Howe long was Joseph in prison before he bare rule? How hardly escaped this our Queen now being (Queen Elizabeth ) by whō yet notwithstanding it hath pleased god to restore this his gospel now preached amongst us? In what conflicts and agonies inwardly in his spirit was M. Luther before he came to preach the justification of Christ openly? And so be all they most commonly, which come to any lively feeling or sensible working of Christ the Lord.

But to return to Edwin again. The occasion of his trouble was this: Quicelinus with Kynegilsus his brother, Kings of Westsaxons (as above is mentioned in the table of the Saxon kings) conspiring the death of Edwin now king of Northumberland: upon envy and malice sent upon an Easter day, a swordman named Emner, priuelye to slay the said Edwin. This swordman or cutthrote came to a City beside the water of Darwent in Darbishire, there to wait his time, and lastly found the king smallye accompanied, and intended to have run the ki •• through with a sword inuenemed. But one Lilla the kings trustye servant, disgarnished of a shield or other weapon to defend his master, start between the king & the sword, and was strikē through the body and died, and the king was wounded with the same stroke. And after he wounded also the third which was a knight, & so was taken, and confessed by whom he was sent to work that treason. The other knight that was secondly wounded died, and the king lay after long sick, or he were healed.

After this, about whitsontide the king being scantlye hole of his wound, assembled his host, intending to make against the king of westsaxons: promising to Christ to be Christened, if he would give him the victory over his enemies. And in token thereof caused his daughter borne of Edelburge y ^• same Easter day when he was wounded, named Eufled to be baptized: with xii other of his family, of Paulinus. Thus Edwin proceeded to the battle against Quicelne and Kynegilsus with his son Kenwalcus and other enemies, who in the same battle being all vanquished & put to flight, Edwyn through the power of Christ returneth home victorer. But for all this victory & other things given to him of God, as he was in wealth of the world, forgot his promise made, and had little mind thereof, save only that he by the preaching of Paulinus forsook his maumentry. And for his excuse said that he might not clearly deny his old law, which his forefathers had kept so long, and sodeinly to be Christened without authority and good advise of his counsel.

About the same season Pope Boniface the 5. sent also to the said Edwin letters exhortatory, with sundry presents from Rome to him, and to Edelburge the Queen. But neither would that prevail. Then Paulinus seeing the king so hard to be converted, poured out his prayers unto God for his conversion: who the same time had revealed to him by the holy ghost, the oracle above mentioned, which was shown to the King, when he was with Redwaldus king of the Eastangles. Wherupon Paulinus coming afterward to the king, on a certain day, and laying his hand upon the kings head, asked him if he knew that tokē. The king hearing this & remembering well the token, was ready to fall down at his feet. But Paulinus not suffering that, did lift up him again, saying unto him: behold, O king, you have vanquished your enemies, you have obtained your kingdom, now perform the third, which you have promised, that is to receive the faith of Christ, and to be obedient to him. Wherupon the king conferryng with his Counsel, & his nobles, was baptized of the said Paulinus at York, with many of his other subjects with him: Insomuch that Coyfi the chief of the Prelates of his old maumentry armed him self with his other Idolatrous Bishops, and bestrode good horses, which before by their old law they might not do, nor ride but only a Mare: & so destroyed all the altars of the maumentrye, & their temple of Idols, which was at Godmundham, not far from York, and this was the xi. year of his reign,

From that time • orth, during the life of Edwin which was the term of vi. years moe, Paulinus christened, continually in the rivers of Gweny, & Swala, in both provinces of Deira, and in Bernicia, using the said rivers for his fountes, and preached in the shire of Lincesey, where he built also a Church of stone at Lincoln.

In this time was so great peace in the kingdom of Edwin after his conversion, that a womā laden with gold might have gone from the one side of the sea to the other, and no man molest hir. Moreover by the hye way sydes, through all his kingdom he caused by every well or spring to be chayned a dish, or bole of brass to take up water; for the refreshing of such as went by the way, which boles of brass there remained safe, that no man touched them, during all the life of the said Edwin. Such was then the tender care and study of Christian Princes, for the refreshing of their subjects. But that was then the Brasen world, which now is grown to iron and lead, called Aetas ferrea or rather plumbea.

This Edwin, who first brought in the faith in the North partes continuing after his Baptism. vi. years, at length was slain in battle by Cedwalla, king of the Britain's. and by wicked Penda, king of the Mercians, with his son also Offricus in the field called Hatfield.

This Paulinus was the first Archbyshop of York, and as he was of Iustus Archbyshop of Canterbury, ordained Archbyshop of the sea of York, so he again after the discease of Iustus, ordained Honorius to be Archbyshop of Canterbury.

Paulinus after the death of godly Edwin, seeing unmerciful Cedwalla or Cedwallon with his Britain's, and wicked Penda w ^t the Idolatrous merciās, to spoil the land in such sort, as they made no spare neither of age nor sex, nor Religion, was compelled to flee with Edelburg the Queen and Euflede her daughter, by water into Kent: where the said Archbishop Paulinus remained Bishop of Rochester, the space of xix. years. And so the Church of Northumberland lacked a Bishop for the space of xxx. years after. Notwithstanding he lett there one James his Deacon, a good man, who continued their baptising and preaching, in the North parts, till that peace being recovered, & the number of the faithful increasing, the church came again to his stay. Hunting. Lib. 3.

By the means of this Edwin Erpwaldus King of the Eastangles son to Redwaldus above mentioned, was reduced to Christ's faith.

After the decease of Edwin and his son Offrike, both slain in battle, reigned Ofricus and Eufridus the one in Deyra, the other in Bernicia. Osricus was the son of Elfricus which was brother to Ethelfride. Eaufridus, was the eldest son of Ethelfride (for Ethelfride had three sons to wit, Eaufridus, Oswaldus, & Osricus. These two kings of Desyra and Bernicia, Osricus, and Eaufride, being first Christened in Scotland: after being kings returned to their old idolatry, & so in the years following were slain one after the other, by the foresaid Cedwalla, and wicked Penda, as is in the table above expressed.

After whō succeeded in Northumberlaad, the seconde son of Ethelfride named Oswaldus, having rule on both the Provinces as well Deyra, as of Bernicia. Whereof when the foresaid Cedwalla, (or Cadwallo ) the Brytayne king had understanding: who before had made hauoke of the Saxons and thought to have rooted them utterly out of England: he sent king Penda w ^t a mighty host of y ^e Britain's, thinking to slay also Oswald, as he had before slain his brother Eaufride, and King Edwin before them. But Oswald when he was warned of the great strength of this Cadwal, and Penda made his prays to God, and besought him meekly of help to withstand his enemy: for the salvation of his people. Thus after Oswald had prayed for the saving of his people, the two hosts met in a field named Denesburne, some say Heuenfield, where was faught a strong battle. But smally the army and power of Penda, & Cedwall, which were far exceeding the number of Oswaldus host, was chased and most part slain by Oswaldus, after he reigned over the Britanes xxij. years leaving after him a son, whom Gaufridus called Cadwaladrus, the last king of the Britanes.

Of this Oswald, much praise and commendation is written in authors, for his fervent zeal in Christ's Religion, & merciful pity toward the poor, with other great virtues moe. As touching the miracles of S. Oswald, what it pleased the people of that time to report of him, I have not here to affirm: This I find in stories certain, that he being well and virtuously disposed to the setting forth of Christ's faith and doctrine, sent into Scorlande for a certain Bishop, there called Aidanus, which was a famous preacher. The king what time he was in Scotland banished, had learned the scotish tongue perfectly: wherefor as this Aidanus preached in his scotish tongue to the Saxons, the king himself interpreting that which he had said, disdained not to preach & expound the same to his nobles & subjects in the English tongue.

Moreover, toward the poor and needy, his pity & tenderness was such, being notwithstanding of so high & Princely calling: that upon a time being then Easter day, he sitting with the said Aidanus at meat and served after the manner of kings in silver, there cometh to him one of the seruitures bringing him word, that there was a great multitude of poor people sitting in the strete, which desired some alms of the king. He hearing this, commandeth not only the meat prepared for his own table to be carried unto them, but also taking a Silver platter which stood before him, brake it in pieces and sent it among thē: And so relieved his pore subjects, not only with y ^e meat of his table, but with his dishes also. Aidanus the Bishop seeing this and marueiling thereat, taketh him by the hand, wishing and praying in this wise. This hand, saith he, I pray God may continue and never putrefy. What the stories say more concerning this hand of Oswald, I intend not to medle farther then simple, true, and due probalitie will bear me out. In those days and partly by the means of the said Oswald Kynigilsus king of the Westsaxons was converted to Christ's faith, especially through the godly labor of Berinus which was sent by Pope Honorius to preach in England, and was then made Bishop of Dorchester. To whom Quicelinus brother of Kynigilsus after he had also received baptism of the said Berinus gave to him y ^e said City to make there his sea. And as Guydo witnesseth the said Quicelinus gave after to the Bishop of Winchester, seven miles compass of land, to build there the Bishops sea, the which was accomplished and finished Kenwalkus his son.

Of this Berinus Malmesbery, Polychronicon, with divers other writers do report, a thing strange and myraculous which if it be a fable as no doubt it is, I cannot but marvel that so many authors so constantly agre in reporting and affirming the same. The matter is this: this Berinus being sent as is said, by Honorius to preach in England promiseth him to travel to the uttermost borders thereof, and there to preach the Gospel, where the name of Christ was never heard. Thus he setting forward in his journey passeth through France, and so to the sea side, where he found a passage ready, and the wind served so fair, that he was called upon in such hast, that he had no leisure to remember himself to take all things with him, which he had to carry. At length as he was on the sea sailing and almost in the middle course of his passage, remembered himself of a certain relique left behind him for hast: which Honorius had given him at his coming out. Malmesberiensis calleth it Corporalia. Historia Iornalensis calleth it Pallulam super quam Corpus Christi consecraret, which we call a Corporas or such a like thing, and what else enclosed with in it I cannot tell. Here Berinus in great sorrow could not tell what to do, if he should have spoken to the Heathen mariners, to turn their course back again, they would have mocked him, and it had been in vain. Wherefore as y ^e stories write, he boldly steppeth into the Sea, and walkeyng on foot back again, taketh w ^t him that which was left behind, & so returneth to his company again, having not one thread of his garments wet. Of his miracle, or whether I should cal it a fable rather, let the reader judge thereof, as he thinketh, because it is not written in the Scripture we are not bound to believe it. But if it were true, it is then thought to be wrought of god not for any holiness in the man: or in the Corporas, but a special gift for the conversion of the heathen, for whose salvation God suffereth oft many wonders to be done. This Berinus being received in the ship again with a great admiration of the Maryners, being therewyth converted and Baptysed: was driven at last by the weather, to the coast of the Westsaxōs, where Kynigilsus and his brother Quicelinus above mentioned did reign. Which two kings, the same time by y ^e preaching of Berinus were converted, and made Christian men, with the people of the country, being before rude and barbarous. It happened the same time when the forsaid kings should be christened, that Oswaldus (mentioned a little before) king of Northumberland, was thē present, and the same day married Kynigilsus his daughter, and also was godfather to the king.

Thus Oswald after he had reigned ix. years in such holiness and perfectness of life, as is above specified, was slain at length in the field called Maxfield, by wicked Pēda, king of the Mercians, which Penda, at length after all his tyranny was overcome and slain by Oswy brother to Oswald, next king after Oswald of Northumberland, notwithstanding he had thryse y ^e people which Oswy had: this Penda being a Panim had iii. sons Wolferus, Weda, and Egfridus. To this seconde son Weda, Oswy had before time married his daughter, by consent of Penda his father. The which Weda by help of Oswy was made Kyng of Southmercia, the which Lordship is severed from northmercia by the river of Trent. The same Weda moreover, at what time he married the daughter of Oswy, promised to him that he would become a christen man, which thing he performed after the death of Penda his Father, but afterward within iii. years of his reign, he was by reason of his wife slain: And after him the kingdom fell to Wolferus the other brother, who being wedded to Ermenilda, daughter of Ercomber king of Kente, was shortly after Christened, so that he is accounted the first christened king of Mercia. This Wolferus conquered Kenwalcus Kyng of Kent, and gat y ^e I will of Wight, which after he gave to Sigbert King of Theastangles, upon condition he would be Christened. And thus the Eastangles, which before had expulsed Mellitus there bishop,, as is declared recovered again the Christian faith under Sigbert their King, who by the means of the foresaid Wolferus was reduced and Baptized by Finanus the Bishop.

But to return again to Oswy, from whom we have a little digressed, of whom we shown before how he succeeded after Oswald in the province of Bernicia, to whom also was joined Oswynus his cosin, over the Province of Deyra, and therewith his fellow, Oswy, reigned the space of vii. yere: this Oswyne was gentle, & liberal to his people and no •• sse devout toward God: who upon a time had given to Aidanus the bishop above mentioned, a Princely Horse with the trappers, & all that appertained thereto: because he should not so much travel on foot but some time ease himself withal. Thus Aidanus the Scottishe Bishop as he was riding upon his kingly horse, by the way meteth him a certain poor man asking and craving his charity. Aidanus having nothing else to give him: lighted down, and giveth to him his horse trapped and garnished as he was. The King understanding this, & not contented therewith, as he was entering to dinner with the said Aidanus what meant you father Bishop, (said he) to give away my horse I gave you, unto the beggar? Had not I other horses in my stable that might have served him well enough, but you must give away that which of purpose was picked out for you among the chiefest? To whom the Bishop made answer again saying or rather rebuking the king, what be these words (O king said he) that you speak? Why set you more price by an horse, which is but the sole of an horse, then you do by him which is the son of Mary, yea which is the son of God? He said but this when the king forthwith vngirding his sword frō about him (as he was then newly come in from hunting) falleth down at the feet of the Bishop, desiring him to forgive him that, and he would never after speak word to him, for any treasure he should afterward give away of his. The Bishop seeing the king so mekely affected, he then taking him up, & chering him again with words, began shortly after to weep & to be very heavy, his minister asking the cause thereof, Aidanus answered in his scottish language saying to him: I weep saith he for that this king cannot live long. This people is not worthy to have such a Prince as he is to reign among them. And so as Aidanus said, it came to pass. For not long after Oswy the king of Bernicia disdaining at him, when Oswyne either being not able or not willing to join with him in Battle, caused him traitorously to be slain. And so Oswy, with his son Egfride reigned in Northumberland alone.

In the time & also in the house, of this Oswy king of Northumberland, was a certain man named Benedict, who was the bringer up of Bede from his youth, & took him to his institution, whē he was but seven yere old, & so taught him during his life. This Benedict, or Benet, descending of a noble stock and rich kin & in good favor with Oswy: forsook service, house, and all his kindred to serve Christ, & went to Rome (where he had been in his life time v. times) and brought from thence books, into Monasteries, with other things which he thought then to serve for devotion. Thys Bennedict surnamed Bishop, was the first that brought in the art and use of glasing into this lande. For before that, glass windows were not known, either in churches, or in houses.

In the reign of the foresaid Oswye and Egfride his son, was Botulphus Abbot: which built in the East part of Lincoln an Abbey. Also Aidanus, Finianus, & Colmannus, with iii. Scottish Bishops of Northumberlande holy men, held with y ^e Britain's, against the Romish order, for the keeping of Easter day. Moreover Cutbertus Iarumannus, Cedda, and Wilfridus lived the same time, who as I judge to be Bishops of an holy conversation, so I thought it sufficient here only to name them. As touching their miracles wherefore they were made Saints in the Popes calender, seeing they are not written in the Gospel, nor in my Crede, but in certain old chronicles of that age so they are no matter of my faith: notwithstanding as touching there conversation, this I read, and also do credit, that the Clergy both of Britain & England at that time, plied nothing that was worldly, but gave thē to preching and teaching the word of our Savior, and followed the life that they preached, by giving of good ensample. And over that, as our histories accord, they were so void of covetousness, that they received no possessions or territories as was forced upon them.

About this season or not much before, under the reign of Oswy & Oswyne, kings of Northumberlande, another Synod or Council was holden against the Brytaines and the Scottish bishops, for the right, observing of Easter, at Sternehalt. At what time Agilbertus Bishop of westsaxons came to Northumberlande, to instyture Wilfride, Abbot of Rypon, where this question for Easter day began to be moved. For Colmannus then Bishop of Northumberland followed not y ^e custom of Rome, nor of the Saxons: but followed the Brytaynes, and the Scottish Bishops, his predecessors in the same sea before. Thus on the on side was Colmannus the Archbyshop of York and Hilda the Abbes of Sternhalt: which alleged for them the doings and examples of their predecessors, both godly and reverend bishops: as Aidanus, Finianus, Archbishops of that sea of York before them, and diverse moe. Who had used always to celebrate the Easter, from the xiv. day of the first month, till the xxviij. of the same. And specially for that S. John y ^• Evangelist at Ephesus, kept and observed that day, &c. On the other side was Agilbert bishop of westsaxons, James the Deacon of Paulinus above mentioned: Wilfride Abbot of Ripon: and King Alfride Oswyes son, with his Queen, holding on the same side. The full contents of which disputation here followeth, according as in the story of Beda at large is described: with their reasons and arguments, on both sydes as ensueth, &c.

The question of Easter, and of shaving, and other Ecclesiastical maters being moved, it was determined that in the Abbey which is called Streneshalch, of the which Hilda a devout woman was Abbes: a convocation should be had and this question there determined. To the which place came both the kings, the father and the son. Bishop Colman with his clergy of Scotland. Aigelbert with Agathon and Wilfride Priests, James and Roman were on their sides. Hilda the Abbes with her company was on the Scottish part. And the reverend Bishop Cedda was appointed Prolocutor for both parties in that Parliament. King Oswye begā first with an Oration: declaring that it was necessary for such as served one God, to live in one uniform order, and that such as looked for one kingdom in heaven should not differ in celebration of the heavenly sacraments, but should rather seek for the true tradition & follow the same. This said, he commanded his Bishop Colman to declare what the rite and custom was in this behalf that he used, and from whence it had the original. Then Colman obeying his princes commandment, said: the Easter, which I observe I received of my ancestors that sent me hither a Bishop. The which, all our forefathers being men of God, did celebrate in like manner, & left it should be coutēned or despised of any man, it is manifestly aparant, to be y ^e very same, which y ^e holy Evangelist S. John (a disciple especially beloved of the Lord) did customably use, in all churches and congregations, where he had authority. When Colman had spoken many things to this effect, the king commanded Aigelbert to declare his opinion in this behalf, and to show the order that he then used, from whence it came & by what authority he observed the same. Aigelbert requested the king, that his scooler Wilfride, a Priest, might speak for him: in as much as they both with the rest of h •• clergy, were of one opinion herein: and that the said Wilfride could vttey his mind better and more plainly in the English tongue then he himself could. Then Wilfride at the kings commandments, began on this sort and said: The Easter which we keep, we have seen at Rome, whereas the holy Apostles, Peter, & Paul, did live and teach, did suffer and were buried. The same also is used in Italy, and in France: the which countries we have traueled for learning, and have noted it to be celebrated of them all. In Asia also and in Aphricke, in Egypt and in Greece, and finally in all the world, the same manner of Easter is observed, that we use▪ save only by these here present with their accomplice & the Pictes & the Britanes: with the which two (& yet not altogether agreing) they condescend & strive foolishly in this order against the universal world. To whom Colman replied, saying, I marvel you will cal this order foolish, that so great an Apostle as was worthy to lie in the Lord's lap, did use, whom all y ^e world doth well know to have lived most wisely: and Wilfride answered, god forbid that I should reprove S. John of folye who kept the rites of Moses law according to the letter (the Church being yet Jewish in many pointes) and the Apostles not as yet able to abdicate all the observations of the law before ordained: as for example y ^• could not reject Images invented of the Devil, the which all men that believe on Christ ought of necessity to forsake, and detest: least they should be an offense to those Jews that were amongst the Gentiles. For this cause did S. Paul Circumcise Timothy, for this cause did he sacrifice in the temple, and did shave his head with Aquila and Priscilla, at Corinth. all which things were done to none other purpose, then to eschew the offense of the Jews. Hereupon also said James to Paul, thou seest brother howe many thousand Jews do believe & all these be zealous (notwithstanding) of the law. Yet seeing the Gospel is so manyfestly preached in the world, it is not lawful for the faithful to be Circumcised, neither to offer sacrifice o • carnal things to God. Therefore John according to the custom of the law, the xiv. day of the first month at evening, did begin the celebration of the feast of Easter, nothing respecting whether it were relebrated in the Sabbath, or in any other feriall day. But Peter when he preached at Rome, remembering that the Lord did arise from death on the first day after the Sabbath giving thereby an hope to y ^e world of the resurrection, thoughht good to institute Easter on y ^e day, & not after the use and precepts of the law (that was) the xiv. day of the first month. Even so John looking for the Moon at night if it did arise, & the next day after were Sunday, which was then called the Sabbath, then did he celebrate the Easter of the Lord in the evening like as we use to do evē at this day. But if Sunday were not the next day after the xiv, day, but fell on the xvi. day, or xvij or on any other day unto the xxi: he tarried always for it, and did begin the holy solemnity of Easter, on the evening next before y ^e sabbath. And so came it to pass that Easter, was always kept on the Sunday, and was not celebrated but from the xv. day unto the xxj. Neither doth this tradition of the Apostle break the law, but fulfilled the same. In the which it is to be noted, that Easter was instituted frō the xiv. day of the first month at evening unto the xxj. day of the same month at evening, the which manner all S. John's successors in Asia, after his death did follow, and the Catholic Church throughout the whole world. And that this is the true Easter, and only of all Christians to be observed, it was not newly decred: but confirmed by y ^e Council of Nice, as appeareh by the Ecclesiastical history. Wherupon it is manifest that you ( Colman ) do neither follow the example of S. John as ye think, nor of S. Peter whose tradition you do willingly resist, nor of y ^e church nor yet of the gospel, in the celebration of Easter. For S. John observing Easter according to the precepts of the law kept it not on the first day after the Sabbath. But you precisely keep it, only on the first day after the Sabbath. Peter did celebrate Easter from the xv. day of the moon to the xxj. day, but you keep Easter from the xiv. unto the xx, day, so that you begin Easter oftentimes the xiii. day at night: of which manner neither the law nor the Gospel maketh any mention. But the Lord in y ^e xiv. day either did eat the old passover at night, or else did celebrate the sacraments of the New Testament in the remembrance of his death and passiō. You do also utterly reject from the celebration of Easter the xxj. day, the which the law hath chiefly willed to be observed. And therefore as I said in the keeping of Easter, you neither agree with S. John, nor with Peter, nor with the law, nor yet with the Gospel. Then Colman again answered to these things, saying. Did then Anatholius a godly man and on much commended in the foresaid Ecclesiastical history, against the law & the Gospel? who writeth that the Easter was to be kept frō the xiv. day unto the xx: or shall we think that Columba our reverend father, and his successors being mē of God, who observed the Easter, after this manner, did against the holy Scripture? where as some of them were men of such godliness and virtue as was declared by their wonderful miracles. And I hereby (nothing doubting of their holiness) do endenor to fallow their life, order, & dyscipline. Then said Wilfride, it is certain that Anatholius was both a godly and a learned man, and worthy of great commendation, but what have you to do with him, seeing you observe not his order? For he following y ^e true rule in keeping his Easter, observeth the circle of xix. years. The which either you know not, or if you do, you contemn the common order observed in the universal church of Christ. And moreover the said Anatholius doth so count the xiv. day in the observation of Easter, as he confesseth the same to • e the xv day at night, a • ter the manner of the Egiptiās. and likewise noteth the xx. day to be in the feast of Easter, the xxi. in the evening: the which distinctiō that you know not, by this may appear, for that you keep the Easter on the xiii. day before the full Moon. Or otherwise I can answer you touching your father Columba, and his successors, whose order you say you follow, moved thereto by their miracles on this wise: that the Lord will answer to many that shall say in the day of judgment, that in his name they have prophesied & cast out devils, & have done many miracles. &c. that he never knew thē. But God forbid that I should say so of your fathers, because it is much better to believe well of those we know not, then ill. Wherevpō I deny not, but they were the servants of God and holy men, the which loved the Lord of a good intent, though of a rude simplicity. And I think that the order which they used in y ^e Easter, did not much hurt them, so long as they had none amongst them that could show thē the right observation of the same, for them to follow. For I think if the truth had been declared unto them, they would as well have received it in this mater as they did in others. But you and your fellows if you refuse the order of the apostolical sea, or rather of the universal Church, which is confirmed by the holy scripture, without all doubt you do sin: and though your forefathers were holy mē, * what is their fewnes being but a corner of an Ilelād, to be preferred before the universal Church of Christ dyspersed throughout the whole world? And if Columba your father (& ours also being of Christ) were mighty in miracles, is he therefore to be preferred before y ^e Prince of the holy Apostles? to whom the Lord said, thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it, & I will give thee the keys of the Kingdom of heaven?

Wilfride having thus ended his argument, the king said to Colman : Is it true that the Lord spake these things to S. Peter? And Colman answered yea. Then said the King: Can you declare anything that the Lord gave to Colum. Colman answered no. Then quoth the king do both of you agree and consent in this matter, without any controversy, and that these words were principally spoken to Peter, and that the Lord gave him the keys of the kingdom of heaven? And they both answered yea. Then concluded the king on this wise: for as much as S. Peter, is the door keeper of heaven. I will not gainsay him: but in that I am able, I will obey his orders in every point least when I come to the gates of heaven, he shut them against me.

Upon this simple & rude reason of the king, the multitude eftsoons consented: and with them also Cedda was contented to give over. Only Colmanus the Sto • , being thē Archbishop of York, in displeasure left the Realm, & departed into Scotland, carrying with him the bones of Aidanus, Bed. Lib. 3. cap. 25. And thus much concerning this matter of Easter.

After the decease of Oswy, Egfride his son was King after him in Northumberland xv. years. By this Egfride Cutbert was promoted to the Bishopric of the I will of Farne. And Wilfride which before had been Archbishop of York, was displaced through the means of Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury: and Cedda possessed that sea, Wilfride when he was put out, went to Rome & complained of him to Agathon the Bishop, and was well allowed in some things. But the king and Theodorus had there such Proctors and frindes, that he returned without speeding of his cause. Wherefore he returned into the Southsaxons and built an Abbey in Silesey, and preached unto the Southsaxons xv. years. The king of the Southsaxons at that time, Aethelwold, to whom he declared a little before, that Wolferus king of the Mercians, gave the I will of wight upon condition, that he would be Christened, and so was baptized by Berinus : the said Wolfer being his Godfather and son in law, both in on day. Wherefore Wolferus now being licensed by Ethelwod the king, preached unto his nobles & people of Southsexe, and converted thē to Christ. In y ^e tune of whose baptising the rain which before they lacked three years together, was given them plentifully: whereby their great famine slaked, and the country was made fruitful, which before was dried up with barēnes: In so much that as in some stories is said, the people penured with famine, would go▪ xl. together, upon the rocks by the seaside, and taking hands together would throw themselves down to the sea. Moreover, where they lacked before the art of fishing, the foresaid Wilfride taught them how with nets to fish,

And thus by process have we discoursed from time to time how and by what means the Idolatrous people were induced to the true faith of Christ: of whom these Southsaxons with the I will of wight was the last.

After Egfride who was slain in the strayghtes of Scotland, next succeeded Alfride his brother, and bastard son to Oswy, & reigned xviij. or xix. years in Northumberland. This Alfride restored again the foresaid Wilfride to the sea of York, whom his brother had before expelled, & put in Cedda. Notwithstanding, the same king within v. years after, expulsed the said Wilfride again and so went he to Rome. But at length by Osrike his successor was placed again, the Archbishop of York: and Cedda was ordained by Theodorus Bishop of Mercia. The which province of Mercia, y ^e said Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury by the authority of the Synod hold̄ at Hatfield, did after divide into five bishoprickes: that is, one to Chester, the second to worceter, the third to Lichfield, y ^e fourth to Cederna, in Lindesey, the fifth to Dorchester, which was after translated to Lincoln.

Neare about this time, in the year of our Lord, 666. y ^e detestable sect of Muhammad, begā to take strength & place: Although Polychronicon differing a little in years, accoūteth the beginning of this sect somewhat before: but y ^e most diligent searchers of thē which write now, refer it to this year, which well agreeth with the number of y ^e beast, signed in the Apocalypse. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , That is. 666. Of this Muhammad came the kingdom of Agarenes (whom he after named Saracenes) to whom he gave sundry laws, patched of many sects & religions together, he taught thē to pray ever to the South: And as we keep the Sunday, so they keep the friday, which they call the day of Venus. He permitted them to have as many wives as they were able to maintain: to have as many concubines as they list: to abstain from use of wyne, except upon certain solemn days in the years: to have & worship only one God omnipotent: saying that Moses & the Prophets were great men, but Christ was greater, and greatest of all the Prophets, as being borne of the virgins Mary by the power of God, without man's seed: and at last was taken up to heaven, but was not slain: but another in his likeness for him, with many other wicked blasphemies in his law contained. At length this kingdom of y ^e Saracenes began to be conquered of the Turks, & in process of time wholly subdued to them.

But now to return again to the time of our English Saxons. In this mean season Theodorus was sent from Italy into England by Vitellianus the Pope, to be Archbyshop of Canterbury, & with him diverse other monks of Italy, to set up here in England Latin service, Masses, ceremonies, letanies, with such other Romish ware, &c. This Theodorus being made Archbishop and Metropolitan of Canterbury began to play the rex, placing & dysplacing the bishops at his pleasure. As for Cedda & Wilfride Archbishops of York he thrust them both out under the pretence, that they were not lawfully consecrated, notwithstanding they were sufficiently authorised by their kings, and were placed against their willes. Wherefore Wilfride as is before touched went up to Rome, but could have no redress of his cause: yet to show what modesty this Wilfride used against his enemy, being so violently molested as he was, because the words of his complainte are expressed in W. Malmesbery, I thought here to express the same both for the commendation of the party, and also for the good example of other, in case any such be, whom good examples will move to well doing. This Wilfride therefore having such injury and violence offered unto him by the hands of Theodore : although he had just cause to do his uttermost, yet in prosecuting his complaint, how he tempered himself: what words of modesty he used, rather to defend his innocence, then to impugn his adversary, by this his suggestion offered up to the Bishop of Rome, may appear: whose words in effect were these: Quid autem acciderit, vt Theodorus sanctiss. Archiepiscopus (me superstite in seed) quam, licet indignus dispensabam: absque consensu cuiuslibet Episcopy ex sua autoritate (mea humilitate non acquiescente) ordinauit tres Episcopos: omittere magis quam vrgere, pro eiusdem viri reuerentia *cōdecet. Quem quide, pro eo quod ab hac Apostolicae sedis summitate directus est, accusare non audeo, &c. In English. Howe it chanceth that Theodorus, the most holy & reverend Archbishop (myself being alive in the sea, which I though unworthy did rule and dispose) hath of his own authority, without the consent of any bishop (neither having my simple voice agreing to the same) ordained iii. Bishops: I had rather pass over in silence, then to stir any farther therein, because of the reverence of that man, and no less thought I it my duty so to do. The which man for that he hath been dyrected by the authority of this sea Apostolical, I will not nor dare not here accuse, &c. Thus the cause of the said Wilfride, albeit it was sufficiently known in the Court of Rome, to be well allowed for just and innocent, yet it was not then redressed. In such estimation was this Theodorus then among y ^e Romaines. Upon this controversy of these two Bishops I may well here inter y ^e words of W. Malmelbury, not unworthy in my mind, to be noted, which be these in his Latin story. Vbi videri & doleri potest humana miseria, quod videlicet quantum libet, quis sanctitate polleat, non ad plenum peruicaces mores exuat, &c. That is: In the which Theodore, saith he, the weak and miserable infirmity of man, may be seen and also lamented, considering, that although a mā be never so holy, yet in the same man is something, whereby it may be perceived, that he hath not utterly put of all his stubborn conditions, &c.

In the time of this Theodorus, and by the means of him, a provincial Synod was holden at Thetford, mentioned in the story of Bede : the principal contents whereof were these.

[unspec 1] First that Easter day should be uniformly kept and observed through the whole Realm, upon one certain day videlicet prima, 14. Luna mensis primi.

[unspec 2] Secondly, that no Bishop should entermedle within the Dioces of another.

Thirdly, that monasteries consecrated unto GOD, [unspec 3] should be exempt and free from the jurisdiction of the bishops.

Fourthly that the Monks should not stray from one [unspec 4] place (that is) from one Monastery to another, without y ^e license of his Abbot: also to keep the same obedience which they promised at their first entering.

Fifthly, that no Clergyman should forsake his own [unspec 5] Bishop, and to be received in any other place, with out letters commendatory of his own Bishop.

Sixthly, that foreign Bishops & Clergimen coming [unspec 6] into the Realm, should be content only with the benefit of such hospitality, as should be offered thē: neither should entermedle any further within the precinct of any bishop, without his special permission.

[unspec 7] Seventhly, that Synods provincial should be kept within the Realm at least once a year.

[unspec 8] Eighthly, that no Bishop should prefer himself before another, but must observe the time and order of his consecration.

[unspec 9] Ninthly, that the number of Bishops should be augmented, as the number of the people increaseth.

[unspec 10] Tenthly, that no marriage should be admitted, but that which was lawful, No incest to be suffered: neither any man to put away his wise for any cause, except only for fornication, after the rule of the Gospel. And these be the principal chapters of that Synod. &c.

In the next yere following was the sixth general council kept at Constaunce, whereat, this Theodore was also present under Pope Agatho, where Marriage was permitted to Greek priests, and forbidden to the Latin. In this Council the Latin Mass was first openly said by John Portuensis the Popes Legate, before the Patriarch and Princes at Constantinople, in the temple of S. Sophy.

After the decease of Alfride king of Northumberlande (from whom he was digressed) succeeded his son Osredus, reigning xi. years. After whom reigned Kenredus 2. years. And next Osricus after him .xi. years.

In the time and reign of these 4. kings of Northumberland, king Iua reigned in westsaxe: who succeeding after Cadwalder, the last king of the Britain's, began his reign about the year of the Lord, 689. and reigned with great valiauntnes over the westsaxons, the term of xxxvij. years. Concerning whose acts and wars maintained against the Kentish saxons, and other kings: because I have not to entermedie withal, I refer the reader to other Chroniclers.

About the sixth year of the reign of this Iua or Iue, Polychronicon, & other make mentionn of one Cuthlacus, whō they call S. Cuthlake a confessor, who about the 24. of his age, renouncing the pomp of the world, professed himself a Monk in the abby of Repindon, and the third year after went to Crowlande, where he led the life of an Anker. In the which I will and place of his buriyng was built a fair Abbey, called afterward for the great resort and gentle entertainment of strangers, Crowlande the courteous: but why this Cuthlake should be saincted for his doings, I see no great cause, as neither do I think the fabulous miracles reported of him to be true: as where the vulgare people are made to believe, that he enclosed the devil in a boiling pot, and caused wicked spirits to erecte up houses, with such other fables and lying miracles, &c. Among which lying miracles also may be reckoned that, which the stories mention in the xi. year of the reign of Iua, to be done of one Brithwalde or Drithelmus : who • eing dead a long season, was restored to life again, & told many wonders of strange things that he had seen, causing thereby great alms & deeds of charity to be done of the people. And so y ^e disposing of his goods given in iii. partes went to the Abbey of Mailroos, where he continued the rest of his life.

Moreover, about the xvj. year of the said Iua Etheldred king of Mercia, after he had their reigned, 30. years, was made a Monk: and after an Abbot of Bacducy.

And about the xviij. year of the reign of Iue, died the worthy and learned bishop Aldelmus, first Abbot of Malmesbery, afterward bishop of Schirborn: of whō William Malmesbery, writeth plenteously, with great commendation, and that not vnworthelye as I suppose: especially for the notable praise of learning and virtue in him above the rest of that time (next after Bede ) as the great number of books and Epistles and Poemes by him set forth, will declare. Although concerning the miracles which the said author ascribeth to him, as first in causing an infant of ix. days old to speak at Rome, to clear pope Sergius, which was then suspected the father of the said child. Also in hanging his cauiule vpō the sun beams. Item, in making whole the altarstone of Marble, brought from Rome. Ite in drawing a length one of the timber pieces, which went to the building of the temple in Malmesbery. Item, in saving the Mariners at douer, &c. As concerning these and such other miracles, which William Malmesbery, to him attributeth, I cannot consent to him therein, but think rather the same to be Monkishe devises, forged upon their Patrons, to maintain the dignity of their Houses. And as the Author was deceived (no doubt) in believing such fables himself: so may he likewise deceive us, through the dexterity of his style, and fine handling of the matter, but that father experience hath taught the world now a days more wisdom, in not believing such practices: this Aldelmus was Byshoppe of Schyrborne, which sea after was united to y ^e sea of Winton. In which Church of Winchester the like miracles also are to be read of Bishop Adelwod, and S. Swithune, whom they have canonized likewise for a Saint.

Moreuer near about the xxv. year of Iue, by the report of Bede S. John of Beuerley, which was then Bishop of York died, and was buried at the porche of the Minster of Deirwod or Beuerley. In the which portch it is recorded in some Chronicles, that as the said John upon a time was praying, being in the portch of S. Michael in York: y ^e holy Ghost in the similitude of a Dove sat before him upon the altar, in brightness shining above the sun. This brightness being seen of other, first cometh one of his Deacons running unto the portche: who beholding the Bishop their standing in his prayers, and all the place replenished with the holy ghost, was strokē with the light thereof, having all his face burnt, as it were with hot burning fire. Notwithstanding the Bishop by and by cured the face of his Deacon again, charging him as the story saith, not to publish what he had seen during his life time. &c. which tale seemeth as true, as that we read about the same time done of S. Egwyne, in Polychron Abbot of Eusham, and Bishop of Worcester (then called Wyctes :) who upon a time when he had fettered both his feet Inyrons fast locked, for certain sins done in his youth, and had cast the key thereof in the sea: afterward a fish brought the key again into the ship, as he was saying homeward from Rome.

But to leave these Monkishe phantasies, and return into the right course again of the story. In y ^e time of this foresaid Iue, began first the right observing of the Easter day to be kept of the Pictes, and of the Britain's. In the observation of which day (as is largely set forth in Bede, and Polychron, Lib. 5. cap. 17. and 22.) three things are necessary to be observed, the full Moon of the first Moneth, that is of the month of March: Secondly, the Dominical Letter: Thirdly, the Equinoctial day, which Equinoctial was wont to be counted in the East church, and especially among the Egyptians, to be about the 17. day of Marche. So that the full Moon either upon the Equinoctial day, or after the Equinoctial day being observed the next dominicall day following that full moon, is to be taken for Easter day. Wherein is diligently to be noted two things. First the fullness of the Moon, must be perfectly full, so that it be the beginning of the third week of y ^e move which is the 14. or 15. day of the moon. Secondly, is to be noted, that the said perfect fullness of the moon beginning the third week, must happen either in the very evening of y ^e Equinoctial day, or after the Equinoctial day. For else if it happen either on the Equinoctial day before the evening, or before the Equinoctial day, then it belongeth to y ^e last month of the last year, and not to the first month of the first year, and so serveth not to be observed.

This rite and usage in keeping Easter day being received in the Latin church, began now to take place among the Pictes & Britain's, through the busy travail of Theodorus Cuthlacus, but namely of Elbert the holy Monk, as they term him: and of Colfrid Abbot of Sirwin in Northumberlande, which wrote to Narcanus, or Naitonus the King of Pictes, concerning the same: who also among other things writeth of the shaven crowns of Priests, saying: that it was as necessary for the vow of a Mōke, or degree of a Priest, to have a shaven crown for restrainte of their lusts: as for any Christian man, to bless him against spirits, when they come upon him. Bede Lib. 5. The coppy of which letter as it is in Bede, I have here annexed, not for any great reason therein contained, but only to delight y ^e Reader with some pastime, in seeing the fond ignorance of that Monkish age: the copy of the letter thus proceedeth.

When this letter was read before king Nayton with other of his learned men, and diligently translated into his proper language, he seemed to rejoice very much at the exhortation thereof, insomuch as rising up from among his noble men, he kneled on the ground and gave God thanks that he had deserved to receive so worthy a present out of England, & so caused it forthwith by public proclamation to be written out, learned, & observed throught out all the provinces of the Pictes, defacing the errors that had been used there by the space of 700. and 4. years. For all the ministers of the altar & all Monks, were shaven, on the crown. And all the people rejoiced for the new dyscipline of the most blessed Prince of the Apostles, S. Peter which they had received.

By this monkish letter above prefixed, void of all Scripture, of all probation & truth of history, thou mayest note gentle Reader: howe this vain tradition of shaven crowns hath come up, & upon how light and trifling occasion: which in very deed was none other but the dreaming phantasies of Monks of that time, falsely grounding upon the example of Peter: when by no old monument of any aūtient record they can ever prove, either Peter or Simon Magus to have been shaven. Moreover in the said leter also is to be noted, how the Scottish Clergy at that season, did wear no such Priestly crowns, as our English Churchmen then did.

But to cut of this matter of shaving, more worthy to be laughed at thē to be storied, let us now again return where as we left at king Iue, of whom W. Malmesbery, and Fabian in his chronicle do record that whē the foresaid Iue had ruled the west saxons by y ^e term of 37. years, by the importunate persuasion, and subtle policy of his wife Ethelburga, was allured to go to Rome, & there to be made a Monk. Which Ethelburga, after she had a long time labored him to leave the world, and could not bring about her purpose: upon a season when the king and she had rested them in a fair palace richly behanged, & were upon the morrow thence departed: she by her commandment caused the palace to be replenished with all kind of filth & dong, and hogs and vile beasts therein to be said, as well in the chambers as other houses of office. And in their own chamber where they did lie, there was a Sow laid with her young pigs. And when she knew that this palace was thus deformed, being a certain space out of the town, she besought the king to visit the said palace. And when she had brought him thereunto, she said to him: I pray you my Lord behold now this house, where are now the rich tappets and clothes of gold & silk, and other rich apparel, that we left here this other day? And where be the delicacies & pleasant seruitors, and costly dishes, that you and I lately were served with? Be not all these passed & gone? My Lord (saith she) in like manner shall we vanish away, as suddenly as you see these worldly things been passed. And our bodies which now be delicately kept, shall fall and turn into the filth of the earth. Wherefore have in mind my words that before time to you I have often shown & told, and busy you to purchase that palace that ever shall endure in joy without transmutation.

By mean of these words and other, the Queen turned so the kings mind, that shortly after he resigned the governance of his kingdom unto Ethelardus his nephew: & for the love of Christ took upon him the habit of a poor man. And setting apart all the pomp & pride of this wicked world, associated himself in the fellowship of poor men, and traualled to Rome with great devotion, when he had been king of Westsaxons, as before is said 37. years. After whose departing, the foresaid Ethelburga his wife, went unto Barking 7. miles from London, where in the Nunry of Barking before of Erkenwald founded, she continued & ended the rest of her life, when she had been Abbes of the place a certain time. The said Malmesbery in his story also testifieth, that this Iue was the first king that granted a penny of every fire house through his dominion to be paid unto the Court of Rome, which afterward was called Romescot, or Peter pence, & long after was paid in many places of England.

This Iue, like as for his time, he was worthy and valiant in his acts: so was he the first of the Saxon kings (that I read of) which set forth any laws to his country: the rehearsal of which laws, to the number of 80. & odd, were not unprofitable here to be inserted together with other laws of the Westsaxon kings after him, before the time of William Conqueror: in case it were not for the length & prolixity of this present volume. And thus much concerning the reign of king Iue, king of Westsaxons by the way. Now to repair again to the course of Northumberland kings something intermitted.

Next unto the foresaid Osricus, followed Celulfus, whom he had adopted, brother to Kēred above specified. This Celulfus as he was himself learned, so were in his time diverse learned mē then flourishing in England, among whō was Beda, who unto the same king Celulfus offered his story entitled Anglorum Historia, not only to be ratified by his authority, but also to be amended, as Malmesburiensis writeth by his knowledge and learning.

And for as much as I have here entered into the mention of Bede, a man of worthy and venerable memory, because of the certifiyng of the truth of that man: and for that I see all writers (as touching his life) do not agree, some saying that he was no Englishman borne: I thought so much to report of him, as I find by his own words testified of himself in the latter end of his ecclesiastical history of England, offered to the said Celulfus above mentioned the words of whom be these.

Thus much by the help of God, I Bede the servant of Christ, and Priest of the Monastery of Peter and Paul at wire, have compiled and digested concerning the Britain history. And so the same Bede proceeding further in his narration, declareth that he being borne in the territory of the said Monastery, being of the age of vii. years, was committed of his parents and friends, to the tuition and education of Benedict (of whom above relation is made) and of Celfride Abbots of the foresaid Monastery. In the which place or Monastery he continuing, from that time forth, all his life long, gave himself and all his whole study to the meditating of holy scripture. Whatsoever time or laisure he had frō his daily service in the church, that he spent either in learning, or in teaching, or writing something. About xix. years of his age, he was made Deacon, the xxx. year of his age he was made priest. From the which time to the age of 59. years, he occupied himself in interpreting the works of the ancient fathers for his own use, and the necessity of others: and in writing of treatises, which came in all to the number of 37. volumes, which he digested into 78. books.

Some say that he went to Rome either there to defend his books to be consonant to catholic doctrine either else if they should be found faulty, to amend & correct the same as he should thereto be commanded. Albeit the reporter of this his life dare not certainly affirm that ever he was at Rome: but that he was invited and called thither to come: both it is manifest in stories, and also this Epistle of Pope Sergius doth sufficiently prove, declarnig moreover in what price and estimation Bede was accepted, as well in the court of Rome, as in other places besides. The Epistle of Sergius sent to Celfride, thus proceedeth in tenor and form as followeth in Latin.

So notable and famous was the learning of this foresaid Bede, that the Church of Rome (as by this letter appeareth) both stood in need of his help, and also requireth the same, about the discussing of certain causes and controversies appertaining to learning. Moreover the whole Latin church at that time, gave him the maisterie in judgment and knowledge of the holy Scripture. In all his explanations his chiefest scope and purpose did ever drive, to instruct and inform his Reader simplely and without all curiousnes of style, in the sincere love of god, & of his neighbor. As touching the holiness and integrity of his life, it is not to be doubted: for how could it be, that he should attend to any vicious idleness, or had any laisure to the same, who in reading & digesting so many volumes, consumed all his whole cogitations in writing upon the scriptures: for so he testifieth of himself in the 3. book upon Samuel, saying in these words. If my treatises and expositions, saith he, bring with them no other utility to the Readers thereof: yet to myself they conduce not a little in this, that while all my study and cogitatiō was set upon them, in the mean while of the slippery intitements and vain cogitations of this world I had little mind. Thus in this travail of study he continued til the age of 62. years. At length drawing to his latter end, being sick vii. wekes together besides other occupiyngs of his mind, and other studies which he did not intermit: he translated also the gospel of S. John into English. At length with great comfort of spirit departed this life, pronouncyng many comfortable sayings to them that stood about him, upon the Ascension day, the same year when Nothelinus was instituted Archbishop of Canterbury. And thus much concerning the story of Bede.

This Celulfus king of Northumberland afore mentioned, after he had reigned viii. years was made a Monk in the Abbey of Farne, otherwise called Lindefar, or holy Island: where by his means license was given to the monks of that house to drink wyne or ale, which before by the institution of Aidanus above mentioned, drunk nothing but milk and water. After whom succeeded Egbert his cosin, brother to Egbert (the same time being bishop of York) which brought again thither the palle that his predecessors had forgone, since the time that Paulinus had left the sea, & fled to Rochester, as is before declared. The said Egbert also erected a noble Library in York, whose example I would other bishops now would follow.

About the beginning of the reign of this Egbert, was Cutbert Archbishop of Canterbury: who collected a great Synod of Bishops and Prelates, in the yere of our Lord, 747. in the month of September, near to the place called Clonesh • . In the which Synod assembled, these decrees were enacted.

• 1. First, that Bishops should be more diligent in seeing to their office, and in admonishing the people of their faults.
• 2. That they should live in a peaceable mind together, notwithstanding they were in place disseuered a sunder.
• 3. That every Bishop once a yere should go about all the Parishes of his Dioces.
• 4. That the said Bishops everyone in his diocese should monish their Abbots & monks to live regularly: and that Prelates should not oppress their inferiors, but love thē.
• 5. That they should teach the Monasteries which the secular men had invaded, and could not then be taken from them, to live regularly.
• 6. That none should be admitted to orders, before his life should be examined.
• 7. That in Monasteries the reading of holy Scripture should be more frequented.
• 8. That Priests should be no disposers of secular business.
• 9. That they should take no money for baptising infants.
• 10. That they should both learn and teache the Lord's Prayer and Creed in the English tongue.
• 11. That all should join together in their ministry after one uniform rite and manner.
• 12. That in a modest voice they should sing in the church.
• 13. That all holy and festinall days should be celebrate at one time together.
• 14. That the Sabbath day be reverently observed & kept.
• 15. That the vii. hours Canonical every day be observed.
• 16. That the Rogation days both the greater and lesser should not be omitted.
• 17. That the feast of S. Gregory, and S. Agustine our Patron, should be observed.
• 18. That the fast of the four times should be kept and observed.
• 19. That Monks and Nuns should go regularly appareled.
• 20. That Bishops should see, these decrees not to be neglected.
• 21. That the Churchmen should not give them selves to dronkeunesse.
• 22. That the Communion should not be neglected of the Churchmen.
• 23. Item, that the same also should be observed of the lay men, as time required.
• 24. That lay men first should be well tried, before they entered in Monkerie.
• 25. That alms be not neglected.
• 26. That Bishops should see these decrees to be notified to the people.
• 27. They disputed of the profit of Alms.
• 28. They disputed of the profit of singing Psalms.
• 29. That the Congregation should be constitute, after their ability of their goods.
• 30. That Monks should not dwell among lay men.
• 31. That public prayer should be made for kings and Princes.

These decrees and ordinances being thus among the Bishops concluded: Cutbert the Archbishop, sendeth the copy thereof to Boniface, which Boniface otherwise named Winfride an English man borne, was than the Archbishop of Mainz, and after made a Martyr, as the Popish stories term him.

This Boniface being, as is said, Archbishop of Mainz in the time of this foresaid Synod, wrote a letter to Ethelbald king of Merceland: which Ethelbald was also present in the same Synod, of whom Bede maketh mention in his history, calling him proud Ethelbald, and the greatest of the Saxon kings in his time. First this Ethelbald after the departing of Ceolulphe into his Monkerie, invaded and spoiled the country of Northumberland. Moreover he exercised mortal and horrible war a long space with Cudred, otherwise of some named Cutbert, King of Westsaxons. Furthermore he with other Saxon kings, so impugned the Britain's, that from that time they never durst provoke the Saxons anymore. At length the said Cudred refusing the intolerable exactions of proud Ethelbald, doth encounter with him in battle: Where notwithstanding the great power that Ethelbald had to him adjoined, of the Mercians, of the Eastsaxons, of the Eastangles, and of Cantuarites: yet the said Cudred through God's power, and the means of a certain valiant warrior called Edelhim a Consul, overthrew the pride of Ethelbald, after a sore and terrible conflict. Which Ethelbald notwithstanding repairing his power again the next year after, renewed battle with the foresaid Cudred. In the which battle Ethelbald after her had reigned xli. years in Mercia, was slain by one Beornered, who after reigned in that dition but a small time. For Offa nephew to the said Ethelbald expulsed the said Beornered, and succeeded king in that province of Mercia, where he reigned xxxix. years, of whom more followeth hereafter (the Lord Jesus speeding therein our purpose) to be declared as place and time shall require. In the mean season not to forget the letter before mentioned of Boniface Archbishop of Mainz, sent unto this Ethelbald : I thought the same not unworthy here to be inserted (at the least the effect thereof) not so much for the authors sake, as for that some good matter peradventure may be picked thereout, for other Princes to behold & consider.

In this Epistle here is to be seen and noted, first the corruption and great disorder of life, which always from time to time hath been found in these religious houses of Numnes, whose professed vow of coacted chastity, hath yet never been good to the Church, nor profitable to the common wealth, and least of all to themselves. Of such young & wanton widows, S. Paul in his time complaineth, 1. Tim. 5. which would take upon them the willful profession of single life, which they were not able to perform, but falling into damnable luxury deserved worthily to be reprehended. How much better had it been for these lascivious Nuns not to have refused the safe yoke of Christian matrimony, then to entangle themselves in this their superstitious vow of perpetual maid̄hood, which neither was required of them, nor they were able to keep.

Secondly, no less are they also to be reprehēded, which mainetayned these superstitious orders of unprofitable Nuns and of other religions: In the number of whom was this foresaid Boniface otherwise called Winfride, who although in this epistle doeth justly reprehend the vicious enormities both of secular, and of religious persons: yet he himself is not without the same or rather greater reprehēsion, for that he gave the occasion thereof in maintaining such superstitious orders of such lascivious Nuns and other religions, & restraining the same from lawful marriage. For so we find of him in stories that he was a great se • ter up & upholder of such blind superstition, and of all Popery. Who being admitted by Pope Gregory the second, Archbishop of Magunce, and endued 〈◊〉 full authority legantine over the Germans, brought diverse countries there, under the Popes obedience: held many great Councils, ordained Bishops, built Monasteries, canonised Saints, commanded relics to be worshipped, permitted religious fathers to carry about Nuns with them a preaching. Amongst all other he founded the great monastery of Fulda in Germany of English monks: into the which no women might enter, but only Lieba, & Tecla, two English Nuns. Item, by the authority of y ^e said Archbishop Boniface, which he received frō Pope Zechariah, Childericus king of France, was deposed from the right of his crown: and Pipinus betraier of his master was confirmed, or rather intruded in. From this Boniface proceeded that detestable doctrine which now standeth registered in the Popes decrees, Dist. 40. cap. Si Papa which in a certain Epistle of his, is this. That in case the Pope were of most filthy living, and forgetful or negligent of himself, and of the whole christianity, in such sort, that he led innumerable souls with him to hell: yet ought there no man to rebuke him in so doing. For he hath (saith he) power to judge all men, and ought of no man to be judged again.

In the time of this Archbishop, Pope Gregory the second, also Gregory the third, and Pope Zacharias, and before these also Pope Constantine the first: wrought great maisteries against the Greek Emperors, Philippicus, & Leo, and others, for the maintaining of Images to be set up in Churches. Of whom Philippicus lost both his Empire and also his eyes. Leo for the same cause likewise was excommunicate of Gregory the third. This Gregory the third (so far as I can conjecture) was he that first wrote the four books of Dialogues in Greek, falsely bearing the name of Gregory the first, which books afterward Zacharias his successor translated out of Greek into Latin. Item, the same Gregory the third; first brought into the Mass Land, the clause for relics beginning, Quorum solemnitates hodie in conspectu, &c. Item, brought into the said Canon the memorial, the offering, and sacrifice for the dead: Lyke as Zacharias brought in the Priests vesture and ornaments: & as the foresaid Constantine also was the first that gave his feet to be kissed of the Emperors. But turn again into the course of our English story.

In the time of this Egbert king of Northumberland, Sigebert or Sigbert reigned in Westsaxony: a man of so cruel tyranny to his subjects (turning the laws & customs of his forefathers after his own will and pleasure) that when he was somewhat sharply advertised by one of his nobles, an Earl called Combranus, to change his manners, and to behave him more prudently toward his people: he therefore maliciously caused him to be put to cruel death. Whereupon, the said king Sigebert continuing in his cruel conditions, by his subjects conspyring against him, was put from his kingly dignity: and brought into such desolation, that wandering alone in a wood without comfort, was there slain even by the swineheard of the said Earl, whom before he had so wrongfully murdered, as partly is above touched: whereby is to be seen, the cruel tyranny of Princes never to prosper well▪ without the just revenge both of God and man.

This Sigebert being slain, in his place succeeded Kenulphus, in the year of our Lord 748. who with the agreement of the westsaxons was one of the chief doers against Sigebert his Master. This Kenulphus kept strongly his Lordship against Offa ; and against the power of all his enemies: till at length, after that he had reigned, as Fabian saith 31. years, he resorting to a paramour which he kept at Merton, was there beset & likewise slain by the train and means of a certain kinsman of the foresaid Sigebert, named Clito or Cliton, in revengement of king Sigebertes death.

Moreover in the reign of the foresaid Egbert king of Northumberland, and in the viii. year of Kenulphus king of Westsaxons: Offa after he had slain the tyrant Beoruredus, which before had slain Ethelwald king of Mercia, and Uncle to this foresaid Offa: reigned King of that Province.

Of this Offa are told many notable deeds, which because they concern rather political affairs, and do not greatly appertain to the purpose of this ecclesiastical history, I omit here to recite. As his wars and victories against Egbert & the Northumbres, as also against Etheldred king of East Angles. Item, against Egbert king of Kent, otherwise called Wren, whom Fabian saith he took prisoner, & led him bound with him to Mercia. Malmesbury witnesseth otherwise, this to be done not by Offa, but by Kenulphus, as Christ willing hereafter shall appear. After these victories Offa had such displeasure unto the Citizens of Canterbury, that he removed the Archbishops sea, and lands of Lambrith Archbishop of Canterbury (by the agreement of Pope Adrian ) unto Lichfield. He also chased the Britain's or Welchmen into Wales, and made a famous dyke between Wales and the utter bonds of Mercia or middle England, which was called Ofditche. And built there a Church which long time a • ter was called Offekyrke. This Offa also married one of his daughters to Brightricus that was king of Westsaxons. And for that in his time was variance between him and the Frenchmen, in so much that the passage of merchants was forbidden: therefore he sent Alcuinus a learned man, unto Charles the great, then king of France, to common the means of peace: which Charles had after that, y ^e said Alcuinus in great favor and estimation, and afterward made him Abbot of Turonia in France.

About the latter time of the reign of Offa, king of Mercia: Ethelbert being then king of Eastangles (a learned and a right godly Prince) came to the Court of Offa: provoked by the counsel of his Nobles, to sue for the marriage of his daughter, well accompanied like a prince, with his men about him. Wherupon, the Queen conceiuyng a false suspicion, and fearing that which was never minded: that Ethelbert with his company under the pretence and made matter of marriage, was come to work some violence against her husband, and the kingdom of Mercia, so she persuaded with king Offa : and cettrine of her counsel that night: that the next day following, Offa caused him to be trained into his palace alone from his company, by one called Guymbertus: who took him and bound him, & there stroke of his head, which forthwith he thā presented to the king & Queen. And thus the innocent king Ethelbert was wrongfully murdered, about the year of our Lord, 793. but not without a just revenge at God's hand. For as the story recordeth, the foresaid Queen worker of this villainy, lived not iii. months after: and in her death was so tormented, that she was fain to bite and rent her tongue in pieces with her own teeth. Offa understanding at length the innocence of this king, and the heinous cruelty of his fact: gave the tēth part of his goods to holy church and to the church of Hereford, in remembrance of this Ethelbert, he bestowed great lands. Moreover, built the Abbey of S. Albons, with certain other monasteries beside. And so afterward he went up to Rome for his penance, where he gave to the Church of S. Peter a penny through every house in his dominion, which was called common̄lie Romeshot, or Peterpence, paid to the Church of S. Peter: and there at length was transformed from a king to a monk, about the year of our Lord .794. with Kenredus king of Northumberland above mentioned, although some stories deny that he was a Monk.

After Offa king of Mercia, when he had reigned xxxix. years succeeded his son Egfretus, who reigned but four months: of whom thus writeth the foresaid Alcuinus: Non arbitror quod nobilissimus iuuenis Egfretus, propter peccata sua mortuus sit: Sed quia pater suus, pro confirmatione regni eius multum sanguinem effudit, &c. That is: This noble young man died not so much for offenses of his own, as for that his father had spilled much blood, to confirm him in his kingdom.

Next to which Egfretus, succeeded Kenulphus in the said kingdom of Mercia, which Kenulphus keeping and retaining the hatred of Offa his predecessor against the Cantuarites, made war against them: where he took Egbert their king otherwise called Wren, whom he bound and led prisoner to Mercia. Notwithstanding, shortly after being mollified with princely clemency in the town of Winchcombe, where he had built the same time a church: vpō the day when he should dedicate the same in the presence of xiii. bishops, and of Cutbert, whom he had placed in y ^e same kingdom of Canterbury before, and x. Dukes, and many other great estates. Kyng Kenulphus brought the said Egbert king of Kent out of prison into the Church, where he enlarged him of imprisonment, and restored him to his place again. At the sight whereof, not only Cutbert the foresaid king rejoiced, but also all the estates and people being there present, made such an exclamation of joy and gladness, that the church, (and not only the Church, but also the streets) range withal. At which time such boūtifulnes of gifts and jewels was then bestowed, that from the highest estate to the lowest, none departed without something givē, according as to every degree was thought meet. Although Fabian referreth this story to king Offa, yet causes there be, why I assent rather to Malmesbury and to Polychronicon, which attribute the same to Kenulphus the second king of Mercia, after Offa.

A little before in speaking of certain bishops of Rome, mention was made of Pope Constantine the first, Pope Gregory the second, Pope Gregory the third, & of Pope Zacharias, which deposed Childerike, & set up Pipinus the French king, &c. Next after this Zacharias, in order followed Pope Stephen the second, to whom the foresaid Pipinus to gratitie again the sea of Rome for this their benefit shown to him, gave and contributed to the said sea of Rome, the exarchat or Princedom of Rauenna, the kingdom of the Lombardes, and many other great possessions of Italy, with all the Cities thereto adjoining unto the borders of Venice. And this donation of Pipine, no doubt if the truth were rightly tried, should be found to be the same, which hitherto falsely hath been thought to be the donatiō of Constantine. For else how could it be, that the exarchate of Rauenna could belong all this while to the Emperors of Constantinople, if Constantine before had given it and all Italy from the Empire to the sea of Rome?

To this Pipinus, as witnesseth Polychronicon, was sent first into France, the mention of the Organs out of Grecia, by Constantine Emperor of Constant. 757.

Next to this Stephen the ii. succeeded Paul the first, who following his predecessors, thundered out great excōmunications against Constantine the Emperor of Constantinople, for abrogating and plucking down Images set up in Temples. Notwithstandyng this Constantine neglecting the Popes vain curses persevered in his blessed purpose, in destroying Idolatry till the end of his life. Then came to be Pope, Constantine the second a lay man, and brother to Desiderius the king of Lombardy: for the which cause he was shortly deposed, and thrust into a monastery, having his eyes put out.

In whose stead succeeded Stephen the iii. who ordained that after that, no lay man should be Pope: condemning moreover the council of Constantinople the vii. for heretical, because in that council the worshipying of Images was reproved and condemned. Contrary to the which Council, this Pope not only maintained the filthy Idolatry of Images in Christian Temples, but also advanced their ueneration, commanding them most Ethnically to be incensed, &c. At this time Carolus Magnus called Charles the great a little before mentioned, began to reign, by whom this Pope caused Desiderius the Lombard king, to be deprived,

Then in this race of Popes, after this Stephen the iii. cometh Hadrianus the first, who likewise following the steps of his forefathers the Popes, added and attributed to the veneration of Images more then all the other had done before, writing a book for the adoration and the utility proceeding of them, commanding them to be takē for lay men's Calenders, holding moreover a Synod at Rome against Felix, and all other that spake against the setting up of such stocks and Images. And as Paul the first, before him made much of the body of Petronilla S. Peters daughter: so this Hadrian clothed the body of S. Peter all in silver, and covered the altar of S. Paul with a Palle of gold, This Pope Hadrian was he, whom we declared in the former part of this treatise, to ratify and confirm by revelation the order of S Gregory's Mass, above the order of S. Ambrose mass, for unto this time which was about the year of our Lord, 780. the Liturgy of S. Ambrose was more used in the Italian churches. The story whereof, because it is registered in Durand, Nauclerus, and Jacobus de Voragine, I thought here to insert the same, to this especial purpose, for the Reader to understand the time, when this usual Mass of the Papists began first to be universal & uniform, & generally in churches to be received. Thus it followeth in the story by the foresaid authors set forth. Jacobus de Voragine in the life of Pope Gregory the first telleth a tale concerning this matter.

In times past (saith he) when the service which Ambrose made, was more frequented and used in Churches, then was the service which Gregory had appointed, the bishop of Rome then called Adrian, gathered a Council together: in the which it was ordained, that Gregory's service should be observed and kept universally: which determination of the Council, Charles the Emperor did diligently put in executiō while he ran about by diverse Provinces, & enforced all the Clergy, partly with threatenings, and partly with punishments, to receive that order. And as touching the books of Ambrose service, he burnt them to ashes in all places, and threw into prison many priests that would not consent and agree to the matter. Blessed Eugenius the Bishop coming unto the Council, found that it was dissolved iii. days before his coming. Notwithstanding through his wisdom, he so persuaded the Lord Pope, that he called again all the Prelates that had been present at the Council, and were now departed by the space of three days. Therefore when the Council was gathered again together, in this all the fathers did consent and agree, that both the Mass books of Ambrose and Gregory should be laid upon the altar of blessed Peter the Apostle, and the church doors diligently shut, and most warily sealed up with the signets of many and diverse bishops. Again, that they should all the whole night give themselves to prayer, that the Lord might reveal, open & show unto them by some evident sign or token, which of these two services he would have used in the Temples. Thus they doing in all pointes as they had determined, in the morning opened the church doors, and found both the Myssals or Mass books open upon the altar: or rather, as some say, they found Gregory's Mass book utterly plucked asunder one piece from another, and scattered over all the church. As touching Ambrose book, they only found it open vpō the altar in the very same place where they before laid it. This miracle Pope Adrian like a wise expounder of dreams, saith, that as the leaves were torn and blown abroad all the church over, so should Gregory's book be used throughout y ^e world, whereupō they thought themselves sufficiently instructed and taught of God, that the service which Gregory had made, ought to be set abroad & used throughout the world, and that Ambrose his service should only be observed and kept in his own church of Mediolanum, where he sometime was bishop.

Thus hast thou heard (brother Reader) the full and whole narration of this mystical miracle, with the Popes exposition upon the same, which seemeth to be as true, as that which Daniel speaketh of, how the Idol Bell did eat up all the meat that was set before him all the night, Daniel, 14. Concerning the which miracle, I need not admonish thee to smell out the blind practices of these nightcrowes, to blind the world with forged inventions instead of true stories. Albeit to grant the miracle to be most true & infallible, yet as touching the exposition thereof, another man beside the Pope, percase might interpret this great miracle otherwise, as thus: That God was angry with Gregory's book, and therefore rent it in pieces, and scatered it abroad, and the other as good, lay sound untouched, and at the least so to be preferred. Notwithstanding, whatsoever is to be thought of this miracle with the exposition thereof, thus the matter fell out, that Gregory's service had only the place, and yet hath to this day in the greatest part of Europe, y ^e service of Ambrose being excluded. And thus much touching the great act of Pope Adrian, for the setting up of the Mass. By the relation whereof, yet this knowledge may come to the Reader, at least to understand, how that commonly in christen nations abroad, as yet no uniform order of any Missal or Mass book was received, as hath been hitherto discoursed.

Now from the Popes to return again to the emperors from whence we digressed, like as Pipinus the father of Charles (as hath been before sufficiently told) had given to the sea Papal all the princedome of Rauenna, with other donations and revenues, & lands in Italy: so this Carolus following his fathers devotion, did confirm the same, adding moreover thereunto, the City and dominion of Venice, Histria, the Dukedom Foroiuliense, the dukedom Spoletanum and Beneuentanum, and other possessions moe, to the patrimony of S. Peter, making him the Prince of Rome and of Italy. The Pope again to recompense his so gentle kindness, made him to be entitled most Christian king, and made him Patricium Romanum Moreover ordained him only to be taken for Emperor of Rome. For these and other causes moe, Carolus bare no little affection to the said Adrian above all other Popes: as may well appear by this letter of Carolus Magnus sent to king Offa, what time the said Offa (as is above prefixed) sent to him Alcuinus for entreaty of peace: whereunto the foresaid Carolus answereth again to the message of Offa in a letter, the contents whereof be these.

The cause why this Carolus writeth so fauorablye of Adriā partly is touched before, partly also was, for y ^e Carolomane his elder brother being dead, his wife called Bertha with her two Children came to Adrian, to have them confirmed in their fathers kingdom: whereunto the Pope to show a pleasure to Carolus would not agree: but gave the mother with her two children, & Desiderius the Lombard king with his whole kingdom, his wife and Children, into the hands of the said Carolus, who led them with him captive into France, and there kept them in servitude during their life.

Thus, Carolus Magnus being proclaimed Emperor of Rome, through the preferment of Adrian, and of Pope Leo the third which succeeded next after him, was the Empire translated from the Grecians about the year of our Lord 801. unto the Frenchmen: where it continued about 102. years till the coming of Conracus and his nephew Otho, which were Germaynes: and so hath continued after them among the Almanes unto this present time. This Charles built so many Monasteries as there be letters in the row of A.B C. he was beneficial chiefly to Churchmen also merciful to the poor, in his acts valiant and triumphaunt, skilde in all languages, he held a counsel at Frankford, where was condemned the Council of Rice and Irene, for setting up and worshipping Images, &c.

Concerning which Council of Nice, & things there concluded and enacted (because no man shall think, the detesting of Images to be any new thing now begun) thus I find it recorded in an ancient written history of Roger Houeden, called Continuationes Beda ▪ His words in Latin be these: Anno 792. Carolus Rex Francorum misit Sinodalem librum ad Britanniam, sibi à Constantinopoli directum. In quo lib. Heu, proh dolor, multa inconuenientia, & verae fidei contraria reperiuntur, maxim quod pene omnium orientalium Doctorum non minus quàm 300. vel eo amplius Episcoporum vnanimi assertione confirmatum sit, imagines adorari debere: Quod omnino Ecclesia Dei execratur. Contra quod scripsit Albinus Epistolam ex autoritate diuinarum scripturarum mirabiliter affirmatam, illam{que} cum eodem libro ex persona Episcoporum ac principum nostrorum, Regi Francorum attulit. Haec ill. That is. In the year of our Lord, 792. Charles the French King sent a book containing the acts of a certain Synod, unto Brittayne, directed unto him from Constantinople. In the which book (lamentable to behold) many things inconvenient, & clean contrary to the true faith are there to be found: especially for that by the common consent of almost all the learned bishops of the East Church, not so few as 300. it was there agreed that Images should be worshipped. Which thing the church of god hath always abhorred. Against which book Albin{us} wrote an Epistle substantially grounded out of the authority of holy Scripture. Which Epistle with the book, the said Albinus in the name and person of our Bishops and Princes, did present to the French king.

And thus much by the way of Romish matters: now to return again to the Northumberland kings where we left at Egbert. Which Egbert as is before declared, succeeded after Ceolulphus after he was made Monk. And likewise the said Egbert also following the devotion of his uncle Ceolulphus, and Kenredus before him: was likewise shorn monk after he had reigned 20. years in Northumberland, leaving his son Osulphus after him to succeed: about which time, and in the saine year when Ceolulphus deceased in his Monastery, which was the year of our Lord, 764. diverse Cities were burnt with sudden fire, as the city of Wenta, the city of London, the city of York, Dōacester, with diverse other towns besides. Roger Houeden. Lib. Contin. post Bedam, who the first year of his reign, which was the yere of our Lord, 757, being innocently slain, next to him followed Mollo, otherwise called Adelwald, who likewise being slain of Alcredus after he had reigned ii. years departed. After, Alcredus whē he had reigned 10. years, was expulied out of his kingdom by his people. Then was Ethelbert otherwise named Edelred the son of the foresaid Mollo received king of Northumberland. which Ethelbert, or Adelred in like sort after he had reigned v. years, was expulsed. After whom succeeded Alswold, who likewise when he had reigned ii. years, was unjustly slain. So likewise after him his nephew, and the son of Alcredus named Osredus reigned one year & was slain. Then the foresaid Ethelbert the son of Mollo after 12. years banishment, reigned again in Northumberland the space of four years, and was slain: the cause whereof (as I find in an old written story) was that forsaking his old wife, he married a new. Concerning the restoring of whō Alcuinus writeth in this manner: Benedictus Deus qui facit mirabilia solus. Nuper Edelredus filius Edelwaldi de carcere processit in solium, & de miseria in maiestatem, cuius regni nouitate detenti sumus ne veniremus ad vos, &c. And afterward the same Alcuinus again speaking of his death, writeth to king Offa, in these words: Sciat veneranda dilectio vestra, quod Do. Carolus amabiliter & fideliter saepe mecum locutus est de vobis, & in eo habetis fidelissimum amicum. Ideo & vestrae dilectioni digna dirigit munera, & per Episcopales sedes regni vestri, similiter & Edelredo Regi, & ad suas Episcoporum sedes direxit dona. Sed heu Proh dolor, donis datis, & Epistolis in manus missorum, superuenit tristis legatio per missos qui de Scotia per nos reuersi sunt, De infidelitate gentis, & nece Regis. Ita Carolus retracta donorum largitate in tantum iratus est contra gentem illam, vt ait, perfidam & peruersam, & homicidam dominorum suorum, peiorem eam paganis estimans, vt nisi ego intercessor essem pro ea quicquid eis boni abstrahere potuisset, & mali machinari, iam fecisset, &c.