Acts and Monuments Volume 1

which all tend to the same scope, that no Prelate or bishop ought to come to his answer (or ad litem cōtestatam, as the words of their writing do term it) before they be orderly & fully restored again to their possessions. Who moreover in y ^e said their epistles still harp upon this key of y ^e scripture: Tu es Petrus, & super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam, Declaring more over that this privilege of judging all mē and to be judge of no man, but only to be left to y ^e judgment of the Lord: was given to this foresaid holy sea of Rome, from time of the Apostles, & chiefly left w ^t Peter the holy key keeper: so that although the election of the Apostles was equal, yet this was chiefly granted to Saint Peter; to have preheminenes above the rest. Concluding in the ende hereby. Quod semper maiores causae, sicut sunt episcoporum, & potiorum curae negotiorum, ad vnam beati principis Apostolorum Petri sedem confluerent: That is: that always all greater causes, as be the matters of Bishops, and such other cares of weighty importance, should be brought to the sea of S. Peter, the blessed prince of the Apostles. &c. These be the words of Miltiades and Eusebius, whereby it may partly be smelled of him that hath any nose, what was the meaning of thē which forged these writings and letters, upon these ancient holy martyrs.

This I cannot but marvel at, in the third Epistle of Eusebius the bishop of Rome, that where as Marcellius his late predecessor before, in his own time and remembrance did fall so horribly, and was condemned for the same justly to be expulsed the City by the counsel of 300. Bishops: yet notwithstanding the foresaid Eusebius in his third epistle alleging y ^e place of Tu es Petrus, bringeth in for a proof of the same and saith: Quia in seed Apostolica extra maculam semper est Catholica seruata religio. &c. That is, for in the Apostolical sea, always the Catholic Religion hath been preserved without any spot or blemish.

But howsoever the forgers of these decretal Epistles have forgottē themselves, most certain it is that these holy bishops, upon whom they were and are ascribed: lived perfect good men, and died blessed martyrs. Of whom this Miltiades was the last among all the Bishops of Rome here in the west Church of Europe, that ever was in danger of persecution to be Martired, yet to this present day.

And thus have ye heard the stories and names of such blessed Saints, which suffered in the time of persecution, from the xix. year of Dioclesian, to the vii. and last year of Maxentius with the deaths also & plagues described upon these tormentors, and cruel tiraunts, which were the captains of the same persecutiō. And here cometh in (blessed be Christ) the ende of these persecutions here in these West Churches of Europe, so far as the dominion of blessed Constantine did chiefly extend.

Yet notwithstanding in Asia all persecution as yet ceased not for the space of four years, as above is mentioned by the means of wicked Licinius. Under whom diverse there were holy and constant martyrs, that suffered grievous torments: as Hermylus a Deacon, and Stratonicus a keeper of the prison, which both, after their punishments sustained, were strangled in the flood Ister. Metasth. Also Theodorus y ^e Captain, who being sent for of Licinius, because he would not come, and because he brake his God's in pieces, and gave them to the pore, therefore was fastened to the cross, and after being pearsed with sharp pricks or bodkins, in the secret parts of his body, was at last beheaded. Add to this also Milles, who first being a Soldier, afterward was made bishop of a certain City in Persia, where he seeing himself could do no good to convert them, after many tribulations and great afflictions among thē, cursed the City and departed. Which city shortly after by Sapores king of Persia was destroyed.

In the same country of Persia, about this time suffered under Sapores the king (as recordeth Simeon Metasthenes ) diverse valiant & constant martyrs, as Acindymus, Pegasius, Anempodistus, Epidephorus, also Simeon Archbishop of Seleucia, with Ctesiphon another bishop in Persia, with other ministers & religious men of that region, to y ^e number of 128. Of this Simeon and Ctesiphon thus writeth Zozomenus lib. 2. That the idolatrous Magicians in Persia, taking counsel together against y ^e Christians, accused Simeon & Ctesiphō, to Sapores y ^e king, for y ^t they were grateful & accepted unto y ^e Roman Emperor & bewrayed to him, such things as were done in y ^e land of Persia. Whereupon Sapores being moved, toke great displeasure against y ^e Christians, oppressing them with taxes & tributes unto their utter impoverishing, killing also their Priests with the sword: After that calleth for Simeon the Archbyshop, who there before the king declared himself a worthy & a valiant captain, of Christ's church. For when Sapores had commanded him to be led to suffer torments, he neither shronk for any fear, nor shown any great humble suit of submission for any pardon: whereat the king partly marueiling, partly offended, asked why he did not knele down, as he was wont before to do. Simeon to this answered, for that saith he, before this time I was not brought unto you in bonds to betray the true God, as I am now, so long I refused not to accomplish that which the order & custom of the Realm of me required: but now it is not lawful for me so to do, for now I come to stand in defense of our Religion and true doctrine. When Simeon thus had answered, the king persisting in his purpose, offereth unto him y ^e choice, either to worship with him after his manner (promising to him many great gifts, if he would so do) or if he would not, threateneth to him and to all the other Christians within his land, destruction. But Simeon neither allured with his promises, nor terrified with his threatenings, continued constant in his doctrine professed, so that neither he could be induced to Idolatrous worship, nor yet to betray the truth of his religion. For the which cause he was committed into hands, and there commanded to be kept to the kings pleasure further known.

It befell in the way as he was going to y ^e prison, there was sitting at the kings gate a certain Eunuche, an old Tutor or schoolmaster of y ^e kings, named Vsthazares, who had been once a Christian, and afterward falling from his profession, fell with the Heathen multitude to their Idolatry. This Vsthazares sitting at the door of the kings palace, and seeing Simeon passing by led to the prison, rose up and reverenced the Bishop. Simeon again with sharp words (as the time would suffer) rebuked him & in great anger cried out against him: which being once a Christian, would so cowardly revolt from his profession, & return again to the Heathenish Idolatry. At the hearing of these words the Eunuch forthwith brasting out in tears, laying away his courtly apparel, which was sumptuous & costly & putting upon him a black and mourning weed, sitteth before the court gates weeping and bewailing, thus saying with himself: woe is me, with what hope, with what face, shall I look hereafter for my God, which have denied my god: whē as this Simeon my familiar acquaintance, thus passing by me, so much disdaineth me, that he refuseth with one gentle word to salute me?

These things being brought to the • ares of the King (as such tale cariers never lack in Princes courts) procured against him no little indignation. whereupon Sapores the king sending for him, first with gentle words & courtly promises began to speak him fair, asking him what cause he had so to mourn, & whether there was anything in his house, which was denied him, or which he had not at his own will and asking. Whereunto Vsthazares answering again said: That there was nothing in that earthly house, which was to him lacking, or wherūto his desire stod. Yea would god (said he) O king any other grief or calamity in all the world, whatsoever it were, had happened unto me, rather thē this for y ^e which I do most justly mourn and sorrow. For this sorroweth me that I am this day alive, who should rather have died long since, & that I see this son, which against my heart and mind, for your pleasure dissēblingly I appeared to worship, for which cause doublewise I am worthy of death. First, for y ^t I have denied Christ. Secondly, because I did dissemble with you. And incontinent upon these words, swearing by him that made both heaven & earth, affirmed most certainly, that although he had played y ^e fool before, he would never be so mad again, as in steed of the creator and maker of all things, to worship the creatures which he had made and created. Sapores the king being astonied at the so sudden alteration of this man, and doubting with him self, whether to be angry with those inchaunters, or with him, whether to entreat him with gentleness, or with rygour, at length in this mood commanded the said Vsthazares his old ancient servant, and first Tutor & brynger up of his youth, to be had away, and to be beheaded: as he was going to the place of execution, he desired of the executioners, a little to stay, while he might send a message unto the king, which was this (sent in by certain of the kings most trusty Eunuchs) desiring him that for all the old and faithful service he had done to his Father, & to him, he would now requite him w ^t this one office again, to cause to be cried openly by a public crier in these words following: that Vsthazares was beheaded not for any treachery or crime committed against the king or the Realm, but only for that he was a Christyan, and would not at the Kings pleasure deny his God. And so according to his request it was performed and granted. For this cause did Vsthazares so much desire the cause of his death to be published: because that as his shrynking back from Christ, was a great occasion to many Christians to do the like: so now the same hearing y ^t Vsthazares died for no other cause but only for y ^e religion of Christ, should learn likewise by his example to be feruente and constant in that which they profess. And thus this blessed Eunuch did consummate his Martyrdom. Of the which his Martyrdom, Simeon hearing being in prison was very joyful, and gave god thanks. Who in the next day following, being brought forth before the Kyng, and constantly refusyng to condescende to the Kynges request, to worship visible creatures, was likewise by the commandment of the Kyng beheaded, with a great number mo, whithe the same day also did suffer, to the number as is said of an hundredth and more. All which were put to death before Simeon, he standing by, and exhorting them, with comfortable words: admonishing them to stand fyrme and steadfast in the Lord, Preachyng and teaching them concerning death, resurrection, and true pietye, and proved by the Scryptures y ^t to be true which he had said. Declaryng moreover that to be true life in deed, so to die: and that to be death in deed, to deny or to betray God for fear of punishment. And added further, that there was no man alive, but needs once must die. For so much as to all men is appointed necessarelye, here to have an ende. But those things which after this life follow hereafter, to be eternal, which neither shall come to all men after one sort. But as the condition and trade of life in divers men doth dyffer, and is not in all men like: so the time shall come, when all men in a moment shall render and receive according to their dooynges in this present life immortal rewards: such as have here done well, of life and glory, such as have done contrary, of perpetual punishment: As touching therefore our well doing, here is no doubt but of all other our holy actions and virtuous deeds, there is no hyer or greater deed, then if a man here loose his life, for his Lord God. Wyth these words of comfortable exhortation, the holy Martyrs being prepared, willingly yielded up their lives to death. After whom at last followed Simeon, with two other Priests or Mynisters of his Church, Abedecalaas, and Ananias, which also with him were partakers of the same Martyrdom. At the suffering of those above mentioned, it happened that Pusices one of the Kynges officers, and overseer of his Artificers, was there present: who seeing Ananias being an aged old Father, somewhat to shake and tremble at the sight of them that suffered: O Father (said he) a little moment shut thine eyes, and be strong, and shortly thou shalt see the sight of God. Upon these words thus spoken, Pusices immediately was apprehended & brought to the King. Who there confessing himself constantly to be a Chrystian, and for that he was very bold and hardy before the king in the cause of Christ's faith, was extremely and most cruelly handled in the execution of his Martyrdom. For in the upper part of his neck they made a hole to thrust in their hand, and plucked out his tongue out of his mouth, and so he was put to death. At y ^e which time also the daughter of Pusices, a godly virgins, by the malicious accusation of the wicked, was apprehended & put to death.

The next year following, upon the same day, when the Christians did celebrate the remembrance of y ^e Lord's passion, which we call good Frydaye before Easter (as witnesseth the said Zozomenus. ) Sapores the king directed out a cruel and sharp Edict throughout all his land, condemning to death all them, whosoever confessed themselves to be Christians. By reason whereof an innumeble multitude of Christians, through the wicked procuring of the malignant Magicians suffered the same time by the sword, both in City and in Town: some being sought for, some offering themselves willingly, least they should seem by their silence to deny Christ. Thus all the Christians that could be found, without pity were slain and diverse also of the kings own court and household. Amonge whom was also Azades an Eunuche, and whom the Kyng did entirely love and favor. Which Asades after that the King understood to be put to death, being greatly moved with the sorrow thereof commanded after that, no Christians to be slain, but them only which were the Doctors and teachers of Chrystian Religion.

In the same time it happened that the Queen fell into a certain disease: upon the occasion whereof the cruel Jews with the wicked Magicians, falsely and malicyously accused Trabula, the sister of Simeon, the Martyr, a godly Virgin, with another sister also of hers: that they had wrought pryuie charms to hurt the Queen, for the revenging of the death of Simeon. This accusation being received and believed: innocent Trabula, with the other were condemned, and with a saw cut in sunder by the middle. Whose quarters were then hanged upon stakes: the Queen going between them, thinking thereby to be delivered of her sickness. This Trabula, was a maid of a right comelye beauty, and very amiable, to whom one of the Magicians cast great love, much desiring and laboring by gifts and rewards sent into the prison to wynne her to his pleasure: promising that if she would apply to his request she should be delivered and set at lybertye. But she utterly refusing to consent unto him, or rather rebukyng him for his incontinent attempt did choose rather to die, then to betray either the Religion of her mind or the virginity of her body. Zozom.

Now forsomuch as the king had commanded that no Christians should be put to death, but only such as were the teachers and leaders of the flock: the Magicians and Archmagitians, left no diligence untried, to set forward the matter. Whereby great affliction and persecutions was among the Bishops and teachers of the Church, which in all places, went to slaunghter, especially in the country of Diabenor, for that part of Persia above all other was most Christian. Where Acepsimas y ^e Bishop with a great number of his flock and clergy, were apprehended and taken: upon the apprehension of whō the Magicians to satisfy y ^e kings commandment, dismissed all the rest, only depriving them of their living and goods. Only Acepsimas the bishop they retained, with whom one Jacobus a Minister or priest of his church was also joined: not of any compulsion, but only as himself so desired and obtained of those Magicians, y ^t he might follow him, & be coupled in y ^e same bonds to serve the aged bishop, and to relieve (so much as he might) his calamities, and heal his wounds. For he had been sore scourged before of the Magians, after they had apprehended him, and brought him to worship the sun, which thing because he would not do, they cast him into prison again, where this Jacobus was waiting vpō him. At the same time likewise Athalis a Priest or Minister, also Azadanes and Abdiesus Deacons were imprysoned, and miserably scourged for the testimony of the Lord Jesus. After this the Archimagus espying his time, complaineth to the king of them, having authority and commission given him (unless they would worship the sun) to punish them as he pleased. This commandment received of the king, the master Magus doth declare to thē in prison. But they answered again plainly, that they would never be either betraiers of Christ, or worshippers of the sun. whereupon without mercy they were put to bitter torments. Where Acepsimas strongly persisting in the confession of christ, endureth to death. The other being no less rent & wounded with scourges, yet continued marvelously alive. And because they would in no case turn from their constant sentence, were turned again into prison. Of whom Athalas in the time of his whipping was so drawn & racked with pulling, that both his arms being loosed out of the joints, hanged down from his body: which he so carried about without use of any hand to feed himself, but as he was fed of other.

Miserable and almost innumerable were the slaughters under the reign of this Sapores, of Bishops, Ministers, Deacons, religious men holy virgins, and other ecclesiastical persons such as did then cleave to the doctrine of Christ and suffered for the same. The names of the bishops besides the other multitude taken in that persecution, is recited in Sozom. lib. 2. and in Niceph. lib. 8 cap. 37. in this order following, Barbasymes, Paulus, Gaddiabes, Sabinus, Mareas, Mocius, Johannes, Hormisdas, Papas, Jacobus, Romas, Maares, Agas, Bochres, Abdas, Abiesus, Johannes, Abramius, Agdelas, Sabores, Isaac, Dausas Bicor. also with Maureanda his fellow bishop, and the rest of his Churches under him, to the number of 250. persons, which were the same time apprehended of the Persians. &c. Briefly to comprehend the whole multitude of them that suffered in that persecution, the manner of their apprehension, the cruelnes of their torments, how and where they suffered, & in what places it is not possible for any history to discharg. Neither are y ^e Persians them selves (as Zozomenus recordeth) able to recyte them. In sum, the multitude and number of thē whom they are able to recite by name, cometh to the sum of xvj. thousand men and women.

The rumor and noise of this so miserable affliction of the Christians in the kingdom of Persia, coming to the ears of Constantine the Emperor, put him in great heaviness, studing and reuoluing with himself, howe to help the matter, which in deed was very hard for him to do. It so befell the same time, that certain Ambassadors were then at Rome from Sapores king of Persia, to whom Constantine did easily grant, and consent, satisfying all their requests, and demands, thinking thereby to obtain the more friendship at the kings hands, that at his request, he would be good to the Christians to whom he writeth his Epistle in their behalf, and sendeth the same by his messengers beginning thus:

Diuinam fidem seruans veritatis lucem sortior. Veritatis luce ductus diuinam fidem cognosco. Per ea igitur, quibus illa res agēdas confirmat, sanctissimam religionem cognitam redd • , & hunc m • cultum doctorem cognitionis sancti dei habere confiteor. &c. Eusebius. de vita. Constantine. lib. 4. The contents whereof, briefly do tend to this effect. Declaring unto him how he should stand much beholden to him, if at his request he would show some quiet and rest to the Christians. In whose religion there was nothing which he could justly blame. For so much as in their sacrifices they use to kill nothing, nor to shed no blood, but only to offer up unbloody sacrifices, to make their prayers unto God, who delighteth not in blood shedding, but only in the soul that loveth virtue, and followeth such doctrine and knowledge, which is agreeing to true piety. And therefore such men as do lead him and learn so to believe, and to worship God, are more to be commended. Moreover he assureth him to find God more merciful to him, if he would embrace the godly pietye and truth of the Christians. And for example thereof, bringeth in the stories of Galienus and Valerianus, who so long as they were favorers of the Christians did prosper and flourish. But as soon as they moved any persecution against them, it happened to them, as it did to all other Emperors before them, that all went backward with them, as especially might appere by Valerianus, who after he had raged so cruelly against the Christians, was eftsoons overcome of the Persians, the revenging hand of God falling upon him, where he led ever after a miserable life, in wretched captivity. Farther also for the more euidece of the same, inferreth the examples of those Emperors and tyrants in his time, whom he vanquished & subdued only by his faith in Christ, for the which faith, God was his helper, and gave him the victory in many battles, and triumph over great tyraunts, whereby he hath also enlarged the dominiō of the Roman monarchy from the west Ocean, to the uttermost parts well near of all the East. To the doing and working whereof, he neither called to him the help of any charmer, or divination of southsayer, nor used the killing of any sacrifice: but only the following of the cross, and prayer made to almighty God, without any other bloody sacrifice, was the armor wherewith he overcame, &c. And in the end of the Epistle addeth these words What joy (saith he) what gladness would it be to my heart, to hear the state also of the Persians to flourish, as I wish it to do, by embracing this sort of men, the Christians I mean? so that both you with them, and they with you in long prosperite may enjoy much felicity together as your harts would desire, & in so doing no doubt ye shall. For so shall you have God, which is the author and creator of all this universal world, to be merciful and gracious to you. These men therefore I commend unto you upon your kingly honor, And upon your clemency and piety, wherewith you are endued, I commit them unto you, desiring you to embrace & receive them according to your humanity and benignity, agreing and convenient to your estate: who in so doing shall now both procure to yourself grace through your faith, and also shall declare to me a great pleasure and benefit worthy of thanks.

This Epistle wrote Constantine to king Sapores Such care had this godly Prince for them that believed in Christ not only in his own Monarchy, but also in all places of the world: neither is it to be doubted but this intercessiō of the Emperor did something mitigate the heat of the Persians persecution. Although thereof we read no certain thing in our histories.

Of other troubles and persecutions we read of, which happened afterward in the said country of Persia, under Isdigerdes the king, but these followed long after about the time of the Emperor Theodosius. At which time suffered Andas their bishop, and Hormisda a great noble man's sonne, and of great reputation among the Persians: whom whē the king understood to be a Christian, and to deny to turn from his religion, condemned him to keep his Elephants naked. In process of time the king looking out, and seeing him all swarted and tanned in the sun, commanded him to have a shirt put on, & to be brought before him. Whome then the king asked, if he would deny Christ. Hormisda hearing this, tare of his shirt from his body, and cast it frō him saying: If ye think that I will deny my faith to Christ for a shirt, have here your gift againce &c. And so was upon that expelled the country. Theodor. lib. 5.

An other there was that same time, named Suenes, which had under him an hundredth servants. The king taking displeasure with him, for that he would not alter from his religion and godly truth, asked who was the worst of all his servants. And him the king made ruler of all y ^e rest, and coupling him with his masters wife, brought also Suenes under his subjection, thinking thereby to subdue also the faith of Suenes, but it was built upon a sure foundation.

Of Benjamin the Deacon thus writeth the said Theoret, in his fifth book, that after two years of his imprisonment, at the request of the Romaine Legate he was delivered, who afterward contrary to the kings commandment he preached and taught the Gospel of Christ, was most miserable excarnificate, having xx. sharp pricks of reeds thrust under his nails, but when he did laugh at y ^t , then in his priuye yarde had a sharp reed thrust in with horrible pain. After that a certain long stalk ragged and thorny being thrust into his body by the nether part, was forced into him with the horriblenes of the pain, whereof the valiant and invincible soldier of the Lord gave over his life. Theodor. ibid. And thus much concerning the martyrs and persecutions among the Persians, although these persecutions belong not of this time, which came (as it is said) long after the days of Constantine, about the year of our Lord. 425.

Likewise under Julianus the wicked Apostate, certain there were which constanly suffered Martyrdom by the Heathen Idolaters, as Emilyanus, who was burned in Thracia, and Domitius, which was slain in his cave. Theodorus also for singing of a Psalm at the removing of the body of Babylas (whereof mention is made of before pag 60.) being apprehended, was so examined with exquisite torments, and so cruelly excruciate from morning almost to noon, that hardly he scaped with life. Who being asked afterward of his friends, howe he could abide so sharp torments, said that at the first beginning he felt some pain but afterward there stood by him a young man, who as he was sweating, wiped of his sweat, and refreshed him w ^t cold water, oft times: wherewith he was so delited, that when he was let down from the engine, it grieved him, more then before. Ruff. lib. 5. cap 36. Theodor. lib. 3. cap. 11. Zozom. lib. 5. cap. 10.

Artemius also the captain of the Egyptian soldiers the same time lost his head for his religiō indeed: although other causes were pretended against him. Theo. Niceph. lib. 10. cap. 11.

Add to these moreover, Eusebius and Nestabus two brethren, with Nestor also, which for their christianity were dragged through the streets, and murdered of the idolatrous people of Gaza. Sozo. Lib. eod. cap. 11.

But especially the cruelty of the Arethusians, a people of Syria, exceeded against the Christian virgins, whom they set out naked before the multitude to be scorned, after that being shaven, they covered them with swil and draff wont to be given to their hogs, & so caused their bowels and flesh to be devoured of the hungry swine. This rage & fury of the wicked Arethusians, Zozomenus supposeth to come of this, because that Constantine before had broken them from their country manner, of setting forth and exposing their virgins, filthely to whom soever lusted, and destroyed the temple of Venus in Heliopolis, restraining the people there from their filthiness and vile whoredom. Sozom. Lib. 5 cap. 10.

Of the lamentable story or rather Tragedy of Marcus Arethusius, their Bishop, thus writeth the said Sozomenus, and also Theodoretus in his third book, in these words as follow.

This Tragedye (saith he) of Marcus Arethusius, doth require the eloquence and worthiness of Aeschilus, and Sophocles, which may, as the matter deserveth, set forth, and beautify his great afflictions. This man at the commandment of Constantine, pulled down a certain temple dedicated to Idols, and in the stead thereof built up a church where the Christians might congregate. The Arthusians remembering the little good will that Julianus bare unto him accused him as a traitor and enemy to him. At the first, according as the scripture teacheth he prepared him self to flee. But when he perceived that there were certain of his kinsmen or frynds apprehended in his steed, returning again of his own accord he offered himself to those that thirsted for his blood. whom when they had gotten as men neither pytiyng his old age & worn years, nor abashed at his virtuous conversation, being a man so adourned both with doctrine & manners, first strypt him naked, & pitifully beat him, then within a while after, they cast him into a foul filthy sink, & from thence being brought, they caused boys to thrust him in with sharpened sticks, made for the nonce to provoke his pain the more. Lastly, they put him into a basket, and being anointed with honey, & broth, they hung him abroad in the heat of the sun as meat for wasps and flies to feed upon. And all this extremity they shown unto him, for that they would enforce him to do one of these things (y ^t is either to build up-again y ^e temple, which he had destroyed, or else to give so much money as should pay for the building of y ^e same: but even as he purposed with him self to suffer & abide their grievous torments, so refused he to do that they demanded of him. At the length they taking him to be but a poor man, and not able to pay such a sum of money, promised to forgive him the one half, so that he would be contented to pay the other half. But he hanging in the basket wounded pitifully with the sharpened sticks of boies & children, and all to be bitten with wasps & flies, did not only conceal his pain & grief, but also derided those wicked ones and called them, base, low, and terrene people, and he himself to be exalted and set on high. At length they demanding of him but a small some of money, he answered thus, it is a great wickedness to confer one half penye in case of impiety, as if a man should bestow the whole. Thus they being not able to prevail against him, let him down. And leaving him went their way, so that every man might learn at his mouth the example of true piety and faithfulness.

Although the tractation of these foresaid stories & persecutions of Persia, above premised, do stray somewhat out of the order & course of time and place, as which came neither in the time of Constantine, nor be pertinent to the monarchy of Rome: yet because in this present history we are in hand with the holy martyrs and Saints of Christ, for as much as these also gave such a faithful testimony of the Lord Jesus with their blood, I thought therefore not to pass them over with some testimony in this our Catalogue of holy Martyrs. And here an end of these persecutions of the primitive church.

It may peradventure be marveled of some, reading the history of these so terrible persecutions above specified, why God the almighty director of all things, would suffer his own people and faithful servants, believing in his own and only begotien son Jesus, so cruelly to be handled, so wrongfully to be vexed, so extreemly to be tormented and put to death, & that the space of so many years together, as in these foresaid persecutions may appear. To the which admiration I have nothing to answer, but to say with the words of Jerome: Non debemus super hac rerum iniquitate, perturbare videntes, &c. We ought not to be moved with this iniquity of things, to see the wicked to prevail against the godly: for so much as in the beginning of the world we see Abel the just to be killed of wicked Cain. And afterward Jacob being thrust out, Esau to reign in his fathers house. In like case the Egyptians with brick and tyle, afflicted the sons of Israel. Yea and the Lord himself, was he not crucified of the Jews, Barabbas the thief being let go? Time would not suffice me, to recite, & reckon up how the godly in this world go to wrack, the wicked flourishing and prevailing. Hiero. Briefly, howsoever the cause hereof proceedeth, whetherfor our sins here in this life, or how else, soever, yet this is to us, & may be to all men a sufficient stay, that we are sure these afflictions and persecutions of God his people in this world, not to come by any chance, or blind fortune, but by the prouydent appointment, and forewarning of God. For so in the old law by the affliction of the children of Israel, he hath prefigured these persecutions of his Christians. So by the words of Christ's own mouth in the Gospel, he did forwarne his church of these troubles to come. Again neither did he suffer these so great afflictions to fall upon his servants, before that he had premonished them sufficiently by special Revelation in the Apocalypse of John his servant, in the which Apocalypse he declared unto his church before, not only what troubles were coming at hand toward them, where, and by whom, they should come, but also in plain number, if the words of the prophecy be well understood assygneth the true time, howe longe the said persecutions should continue, and when they should cease. For as there is no doubt, but by the beast with seven heads, bearing the whore of Babylon, drunken with the blood of Saints, is signified the City of Rome: So in my judgment, the power of making forty two months (in the thirteen of the Apocalypse) is to be expounded, taking every Moneth for a Sabbath of years, that is, reckonyng for seven years a month: so that forty and two such Sabbots of years, being gathered together make up the years just, between the time of Christ's death, to the last year of the persecution of Maxentius, when Constantine fyghting under the banner of Christ, overcame him, and made an ende of all persecution, within the Monarchye of Rome. The number of which years, by plain computation come to 294. to the which 294. years, if ye add the other six years, under the persecution of Licinius in Asia, then it fylleth up full the three hundredth years. And so long continued the persecution of Christ's people, under the heathen tirants and Emperors of the Monarchy of Rome, according to the number of the fortye two months which the beast had power to make, specified in the thirteenth of the Apocalypse. For the better explication whereof, because the matter, being of no small importance greatly appertaineth to the public utility of the Church, & least any should misdoubt me herein to follow any private interpretation of mine own, I thought good to communicate to the Reader, that, as hath been imparted to me, in opening these mis • ycall numbers in the foresaid book of Revelation contained, by occasion as followeth.

As I was in hand with these histories, and therein considered the exceeding rage of these persecutions, the intolerable torments of the blessed Saints, so cruelly racked, rent, torn, and plucked in pieces, with all kind of tortures pains and punishments that could be devised, more bitter then any death it self, I could not without great sorrow & passiō of mind, behold their sorrowful afflictions, or write of their bloody passions. Wherein much like it happened to me, as did to T. Liuius, who writing of the wars of Carthage, was so moved in the writing thereof: Ac si in parte aliqua laboris ac periculi ipse pariter fuisset. Further I proceeded in the story, & the hoater the persecutions grew, the more my grief with them, & for thē increased, not only pitiyng their woeful case, but also almost reasoning with God, thus thinking like a fool with myself, why God of his goodness would suffer his children and servants, so vehemently to be cruciated and afflicted. If mortal things were governed by heavenly providence (as must needs be granted) why did y ^e wicked so rage & flourish, & the godly so to go to wrack? If sins deserved punishment, yet neither were they sinners alone, & why was their death above all other so sharp and bitter? At least why would the Lord suffer the vehemency of these so horrible persecutions to endure so long time against his poor Church, showing to thē no certain determined end of their tribulations, whereby they knowing the appointed determinatiō of almighty God, with more consolatiō might endure out the same. As the Israelites in the captivity of Babylon had 70. years limited unto them. And under Pharaoh they were promised a deliverance out. Also under the Syrian tyrants. 62. Weekes were abriged unto them. Only in these persecutions, I could find no end determined, nor limitation set for their deliverance. Wherevpō much marueiling w ^t myself, I searched the book of Reuelatiō, to see whether anything there might be found. Where although I well perceived, the beast there described to signify the Empire of Rome, which had power to overcome the Saints: yet concerning the time & continuance of these persecutions under the beast, I found nothing to satisfy my doubt. For albeit I read there of. 42. months, of a time, times and half a time, of 1260. days, yet all this by computation coming but to 3. years & a half, came nothing near the long continuance of these persecutions, which lasted. 300. years. Thus being vexed and turmoiled in spirit, about the reckoning, of these numbers and years, it so happened upon a Sunday in the morning lying in my bed, & musing about these nūbers, suddenly it was answered to my mind, as with a majesty, thus inwardly saying within me: thou fool count these months by Sabbots, as the Weekes of Daniel are counted by Sabbots. The Lord I take to witness thus it was. Wherupon thus being admonished, I began to reckon the 42. months by Sabbats, first of months, that would not serve, thē by Sabbots of years wherein I began to feel some probable understanding. Yet not satisfied herewith, to have the matter more sure, eftsoons repaired to certain Merchaūts, of mine acquaintance. Of whom one is departed a true faithful servant of the Lord, the other two be yet alive, and witness hereof. To whom the number of these foresaid 42. months, being propounded and examined by Sabbots of years, the whole sum was found to surmount to 294. years, containing the full and just time of these foresaid persecutions neither more nor less.

Now this one clasp being opened, the other numbers that follow, are plain and manifest to the intelligent reader to be understood. For where mention is made of three years and a half: of one time, two times, & half a time, also of 1260. days, all these come to one reckoning, & signify 42. months, by which months, as is said, is signified the whole time of these primitive persecutions, as here in order may appear.

The mystical numbers in the Apocalypse opened.

FIrst, where mention is made, Apocal. chap. 11. that the two Prophets shall prophesy 1260. days. And also that the woman fleing into the desert shall there be fed. 1260. days: who knoweth not, that. 1260. days make three years & a half: that is, months

42

Secondly, where we read, chap. 11. the bodies of the two foresaid Prophets shall lie in the streets of the great city unburied, the space of iii. days & a half, and after the said iii. days & a half they shall revive again, &c. let the hours of these iii. days and a half (which be 42.) be reckoned every day for a Sabbath of years, or else every day for a month, and they come to months

42

Thirdly, where as in the same book is expressed that the woman had ii. wings given her to fly unto the desert for a time, times, and half a time, give for one time, one yere, or one day: for ii. times ii. years, or ii. days: for half a time, half a yere, or half a day. And so it is manifest, that those three years & a half, mounteth to months

42

Fourthly, account these 42. months aforesaid (which the beast had power to make. Apoc. 11.) by Sabbots of years, that is, vii years for a month: or every month for seven years, & it amounteth to the sum of years

294

And so have ye the just years, days, times, & months of these foresaid persecutions under the beast, neither shorter nor longer, reckoning from the death of John the Baptist under Herod the Romain king to the ende of Maxentius, and of Licinius, ii. last great persecutors, the one in the West the other in the East, who were both vanquished by godly Constantine. And so peace was given to the Church, albeit not in such ample wise, but that diverse tumults and troubles afterward ensued, but they lasted not long: & the chief brunt, to speak of these Romain persecutions, which the holy ghost especially considered above all other, in this his Reuelatiō thus ended, in the time of this Constantine. Then was the great Dragon the devil, to wit, the fierce rage & power of his malicious persecuting, tied short for a thousand years after this, so that he could not prevail in any such sort, but that the power and glory of the gospel by little and little increasing and spreading with great joy and liberty, so prevailed that at length it got the upper hand, & replenished the whole earth, rightly verifiyng therein, the water of Ezekiel, which issuing out of the right side of the altar, the farther it ran, the deeper it grew, till at length it replenished the whole Ocean Sea, & healed all the fishes therein. No otherwise the course of the Gospel proceeding of small & hard beginnings kept still his stream, the more it was stopped, the swifter it ran: by blood it seeded, by death it quickened: by cutting it multiplied, through violence it sprong, till at last out of thralldom and oppressiō it brast forth into perfect liberty, & flourished in all prosperity, had it so been, that the Christians wisely & moderately could have used this rest & liberty, & not abused the same, forgetting their former estate to their own pride, pomp & worldly ease, as it came afterward to pass, whereof more is to be seen & said (the Lord willing) in place & time convenient.

And thus much touching the prophetical numbers in the Apocalypse. Wherein is to be noted and magnified the eternal wisdom, and hie providence of almighty God, so disposing and governing his church, that no adversity or perturbation happeneth at any time unto it, which his provident wisdom doth not foresee before & preordain, neither doth he preordain or determine anything, which he doth not most truly perform, both foreseing the beginning of such persecutions, and limiting the end thereof how long to continue and when to cease. In much like sort we read in the books of Genesis, how the stock of Israel, was. 400. years in the lande of Egypt. During the space of which 400. years, after the death of Joseph, (who beareth a plain figure of Christ) they were hardly entreated and cruelly afflicted of the Egyptians, about the space of. 300. years, reckoning from after the death of Joseph, to their deliverance out of the bondage of Egypt, semblably as these Christians, after Christ's time suffered the like bondage under the Roman tyrants.

Thus much by the way I thought to insinuate, least any should •• se, or take any offense in himself, to see or read of the Church, so long & so many years to be under so miserable & extreme afflictions. Wherein neither chance nor fortune, nor dispositiō of man, hath had any place: but only the forecounsaile & determination of the Lord so governed and desposed the same. Who not only did suffer thē to fall, and foresee those persecutions before they fell: but also appointed the times and years how long they should last & when to have an ende. As by the foresaid. 42. months in the 13. and 11. chap. of S. John's Apocalypse have been declared. Which months containing. 294. years, if they be rightly gathered, make the full time between the first year of the persecution of Christ under the Jews & Herod, till the last year of persecution under Licinius, which was from the nativity of Christ, an. 324. from the first persecution of Christ, an. 294. as is aforesaid. After the which year, according to the preordinate counsel of God, when his severity had been sufficiently declared upon his own house, it pleased him to show mercy again, & to bind up Satan the old serpent, according to the xx. chap. of the Revelation for the space of a thousand years, that is, frō this time of Licinius, to the time of John Wycliffe, and John Hus. During all which time, albeit certain conflicts and tumults have been among Christian bishops themselves in the church, yet no universal murdering persecutiō was stirring, before the preaching of John Wycliffe, of Hus, and such other, as in the further process of this history (Christ willing and aiding us) shall more appear hereafter.

Thus having at large discoursed these horrible persecutions past, and heavy afflictions of Christian Martyrs, now by the grace of God, coming out of this red sea of bloody persecution, leaving Pharaoh and his host behind: let us sing gloriously to the worthy name of our god, who through the blood of the lamb, after long & tedious afflictions at length, hath visited his people with comfort, hath tide up Satan short, hath sent his meek Moses (gentle Constantine I mean) by whom it hath so pleased the Lord to work deliverance to his captive people, to see his servants at liberty, to turn their morning into joy, to magnify the church of his son, to destroy the Idols of all the world, to grant life and liberty (and would God also not so much riches) unto them which before were the abiectes of all the world: and all by the means of godly Constantine, the meek and most Christian Emperor of whose divine victories against so many tyraunts and Emperors persecutors of Christ's people, and lastly against Licinius, an. 324. of whose other noble acts & prowesses of whose blessed virtues and his happy birth and progeny, part we have comprehended before, part now remaineth (Christ willing) to be declared.

This Constantine was the son of Constantius the Emperor, a good and virtuous child, of a good and virtuous father, borne in Britain, as saith Eutropius whose Moother was named Helena, daughter, in deed of King Coilus, although Ambrosius in his funeral Oration of the death of Theodosius, saith was an Inhoulders daughter. He was a most bountiful and gracious Prince, having a desire to nourish learning and good arts, and did oftentimes use to read, write, and study himself. He had marvelous good success & prosperous achieving of all things he took in hand, which then was (and truly) supposed to proceed of this, for that he was so great a favorer of the Christian faith. Which faith when he had once embraced, he did ever after most devoutly and religiously reverence: and commanded by especial commission and proclamations, that every man should profess the same Religion throughout all y ^e Romaine Monarchy. The worshipping of Idols, whereunto he was addict, by the allurement of Fausta his wife: in so much that he did sacrifice unto them: after the discomfite of Maxentius in battle, he utterly abjured. But Baptism he deferred even unto his old age, because he had determined a iourneye into Persia, and thought in Jordan to have been baptized. Eusebius. lib. 4. de vita Constantini.

As touching his natural disposition and wit, he was very eloquent, a good philosopher, & in disputation sharp and ingenious. He was accustomed to say, that an Emperor ought to refuse no labor, for the utility of the common weal: yea, & that to adventure the mangling of his body for the remedy thereof, but if otherways it may be holpen to cherish the same. This Aurelius, Victor, Pomponius, Letus, & Ignatius write of him. And Aelius Lampridus saith writing upon the life of Heliogabalus, that Constantine was wont to say, that an Empire was given by the determinate purpose of God, that he to whom it was given should so employ his diligence, as he might be thought worthy of the same at the hands of the gyuer. Which same saiing also Augustine noteth in his 3. book against Cresconius. epist. 49. and 50.

He first entered into the Empire, by the mercifulnes of God minding after long waves of doleful persecution to restore unto his church peace and tranquility, an. 311. as Eusebius accounteth in his Chronicle. His reign continued, as Eutropius affirmeth, 30. years, Letus saith 32. years lacking, 2. months. Great peace and tranquility enjoyed the Church under the reign of this good Emperor, which took great pain and travel for the preservation thereof. First, yea and that before he had subdued Licinius, he set forth many edictes for the restitution of the goods of the church, for the revoking of the Christians out of exile, for taking away the dissension of the Doctors out of the Church, for the setting of them free from public charges, and such like, even as the copies of his constitutions here under declare, which Eusebius in his 10. book, and 5. chapter, repeateth in this wise.

Such was the goodness of this Emperor Constantine, or rather such was the providence of almighty God toward his Church, in stirring him up: that all his care and study of mind was set upon nothing else, but only howe to benefit & enlarge the commodities of the same. Neither was it to him enough to deliver the Church and people of God, from outward vexation of foreign tyrants and persecutors. No les beneficial was his godly care also in quieting the inward dissensions and disturbance within the Church among the Christian bishops themselves, according as we read of Moses the deliverer of y ^e Israelites, in agreing the brethren together, when he saw them at variance. Exod. 2. No less also did his vigilant study extend in erecting, restoring, & enriching the Churches of God in all Cities, and in providing for the ministers of the same. And therefore writing to Anilinus his chief captain, declareth his will & mind to him in letters, concerning the goods which did appertain to the Churches of the Christians: that he should procure vigilantly for the same: that all such goods, houses, and gardens, belonging before to the right of Churches, should again be restored in all speedy wise: and that he therein might be certified with speed. &c.

Moreover, he writing to the said Anilinus in another letter, signifieth unto him in this effect: that for so much as the contempt of God his reverent religion, is & hath been ever the greatest decay to the name & people of Rome, as contrary the maintaining and reverencing the same, hath ever brought prosperity to all common weals: Therefore he in consideration thereof, hath taken that order, & giveth to him in charge, that through y ^e province, where he hath to do, which was in Africa where Cecilianus was Bishop, he should there see & provide, that all such ministers and Clerks, whose vocation was to serve in the Church, should be freed and exempted from all public duties and burdens: whereby they being so priuileged, and all impediments removed, which should hinder their divine ministration: thereby the common utility of the people might the better flourish, &c.

Furthermore, the said Constantine in another letter writing to Miltiades, Bishop of Rome, and to Marcus, declareth in his letters to them, howe Cecilianus Bishop of Carthage, hath ben accused unto him by diverse of his colleages and fellow bishops. Wherefore his will is, that the said Cecilianus, with x. bishops his accusers, with x. other his defendants should repair up to him at Rome, where in the present assistance of the foresaid Miltiades, Rheticus, Maternus, Marinus, and of other their fellow Colleages, the cause of Cecilianus might be hard, and rightly examined, so that all schism and division might be cut of from among them: wherein the fervent desire of Constantine to peace and unity, may well appear.

Upon the like cause and argument also, he writeth to Chrestus Bishop of Syracusa, so desirous to nourish peace and concord in the church, that he offereth to him with his under Ministers and three servants, his free caryage to come up to him unto the Council of other bishops, for the agreeing of certain matters belonging to the Church.

He writeth also another letter to the forenamed Cecilianus Bishop of Carthage.

To the provinces likewise of Palestine & those partes about, he directeth his Edict in the behalf of the Christians: for the releasing of such as were in captivity: and for the restoring again of them, which had sustained any loss in the former persecution before, & for the refreshing of such as heretofore had been oppressed with any ignominy, or molestation, for their confession sake: declaring in the said Edict, howe that his whole body, life and soul, and whatsoever is in him, he oweth to God, and to the service of him, &c.

Moreover another leter he writeth to Eusebius, for the edifying of new Christian Churches, & restoring of them which had been wasted before by foreign enemies. And after he had collected the Synod of Nice, for the study of peace and unity of the Church, he writeth upon the same to Alexander and Arius. In which his letters he most lamentably uttered the great grief of his hear • , to see and hear of their contention and division: whereby the peace and common harmony of the Church was broken, the Synod provoked & resisted, the holy people of the Lord divided into partes and tumults, contrary to the office of good and circumspect men, whose duty were rather to nourish concord and to seek tranquility. And though in some small points and light trifles they did disagree from other: yet as the example of Philosophers might teache them, who although in some part of a sentence or piece of a question, some might dissent from other: yet in the unity of their profession, they did all join as fellows together. In like case were it their duty in such fruitless questions (or rather pieces of questions) to keep them in the conceptions of their minds, in silence unto themselves, and not to bring them forth into public Synods, to break therefore from the communion of the reverent Council. Declaring moreover in the said Epistle, the first origin and occasion of this their contentious dissention to rise upon vain & trifling terms, vile causes, and light questions, and pieces rather of questions: about such matters as neither are to be moved, nor to be answered unto, being moved, more curious to be searched, and perilous to be expressed, then necessary to be inquired, magisque puerilibus ineptijs, quam sacerdotum ac cordatorum virorum prudentiae conuenientia, as he there doth term them. Wherefore by all manner means he doth labor them, doth entreat them, and persuade them, not only with reasons, but also with tears and sighing sobbes, that they would restore again peace unto the Church, and quietness to the rest of his life (which otherwise would not be sweet unto him) and that they would return again to the communion of the reverent Council. Who in so doing should open his way and purposed journey into the East partes, which otherwise hearing of their discord and dissention, would be sorry to see with his eyes, that which grieveth him now to hear with his ears: with much more in the same Epistle contained, but this is the effect of the whole. Euseb. de vita Constant. Lib. 2. Thus much I thought summarely to comprehend, whereby the divine disposition and singular gentle nature of this meek & religious Constantine might more notoriously appear to all Princes: for them to learn by his example, what zeal and care they ought to bear toward the Church of Christ, & how gently to govern, and how to be beneficial to the same.

Many other Edicts & Epistles written to other places and parties, be expressed at large in the seconde book of Euseb De vita Constantini: wherein the zealous care and Princely beneficence of this noble Emperor toward the Church of Christ may appear. Wherof in a brief recapitulation such specialities we have collected as here followeth, and is to be seen in Zozo. Lib. 1. Cap. 8.9.

First he commanded all them to be set free, who soever for the confession of Christ, had been condemned to banishment, or to the mines of metal, or to any public or private labor to them inflicted. Such as were put to any infamy or open shame among the multitude, he willed them to be discharged from all such blemish of ignominy. Soldiers which before were deprived either of their place, or put out of their wages: were put to their liberty, either to serve again in their place, or quietly to live at home. Whatsoever honor, place, or dignity had been taken away frō any man, should be restored to them again. The goods and possessions of them that had suffered death for Christ, howsoever they were alienated, should return to their heirs, or next of kin: or for lack of them should be given to the Church. He commanded moreover that only Christians should bear office. The other he charged and restrained, that neither they should sacrifice, nor exercise anymore diuinations and ceremonies of the Gentiles, nor set up any Images, nor to keep any feasts of the heathen Idolaters. He corrected moreover and abolished all such unlawful manners and dishonest usages in Cities, as might be hurtful any ways to the Church, as the custom that the Egyptians had in the flowing of Nile, at what time the people used to run together like brute beasts, both men & women, and with all kind of filthiness and Sodomitry to pollute their Cities, in celebrating the increase of that river. This abomination Constantine extinguished, causing that wicked order called Androgynae, to be killed. By reason whereof the River afterward (through the benefit of God) yielded more increase in his flowing, to the greater fertility of the ground, then it did before.

Among the Romans was an old law, that such as were barren having no fruit of children, should be amerced of half their goods. Also, that such as being above the years of xxv. unmarried, should not be numbered in the same privileges with them that were married, neither should be heirs to them, to whom notwithstanding they were next in kind. These laws because they seemed unreasonable, to punish the defect of nature, or gift of virginity, by mans law, he abrogated and took away. An other order was among the Romans, that they which made their willes being sick, had certain prescribed and conceived words appointed to thē to use, which unless they followed, their willes stood in none effect. This law also Constantine repealed, permitting to every man in making his testament to use what words, or what witnesses he would. Likewise among the Romaines he restrained and took away the cruel and bloody spectacles & sights, where men were wont with swords one to kill another. Of the barbarous and filthy fashion of the Arethusians in Phoenicia, I have mentioned before, pag. 104. where they used to expose and set forth their virgins to open fornication, before they should be married, which custom also Constantine removed away. Where no Churches were, there he commanded new to be made: where any were decayed, he commanded them to be repaired: where any were to little, he caused them to be enlarged, giving to the same great gifts and revenues: not only of such tributes and taxes coming to him from certain sundry Cities, which he transferred unto the Churches, but also out of his own treasures. When any Bishops required any Council to be had, he satisfied their petitions: And what in their Councils and Synods they established, being godly & honest, he was ready to confirm the same.

The armor of his soldiers, which were newly come from Gentilitie, he garnished with the arms of the cross, whereby they might learn the sooner to forget their old superstitious idolatry. Moreover like a worthy Emperor he prescribed a certain form of prayer in stead of a Catechism for every man to have, & to learn how to pray and to invocate God. The which form of prayer is recited in the fourth book of Eusebius De vita Constantini, in words as followeth.

In English.

We knowledge thee only to be our God, we confess thee only to be our king, we invocate and call upon thee our only helper, by thee we obtain our victories, by thee we vāquish and subdue our enemies, to thee we attribute whatsoever present commodities we enjoy, & by thee we hope for good things to come, unto thee we direct all our suit & petitions: most humbly beseeching thee to conserve Constantine our Emperor, and his noble childrē in long life to continue, and to give them victory over all their enemies, through Christ our Lord. Amen.

In his own palace, he set up an house peculiar for prayer and doctrine, using also to pray and sing with his people. Also in his wars he went not without his tabernacle appointed for the same. The Sunday he commanded to be kept holy of all men, and free from all iudiciarie causes, from markets, martes, fairs, & all other manual labors, only husbandry excepted: especially charging that no Images or Monuments of Idolatry should be set up.

Men of the Clergy and of the ministry in all places he endued with special privileges and immunities, so that if any were brought before the civil Magistrate, and listed to appeal to the sentence of his Bishop, it should be lawful for him so to do: and that the sentence of the Bishop should stand in as great force as if the Magistrate or the Emperor himself had pronounced it.

But here is to be observed & noted by the way, that y ^e Clerks & ministers thē newly creeping out of persecutiō, were in those days, neither in mumber so great nor in order of life, of y ^e like dispositiō to these in our days now living.

No less care and provision the said Constantine also had to the maintenance of schools pertaining to y ^e Church and to the nourishing of good arts and liberal sciences, especially of Divinity: not only with stipends and subsidies furnishing them, but also with large priuilegies and exemptiōs defending y ^e same, as by the words of his own law is to be seen: and read as followeth: Medicos, Gramaticos, & alios professores literarum & doctores legum, cum vxoribus & liberis. &c. In English: Physicians, Gramarians, and all other prefessors of liberal arts, and Doctors of the law, with their wives and childrē, and all other their possessions, which they have in Cities: we command to be freed from all civil charges and functions, neither to receive foreign strangers in provinces, nor to be burdened with any public administration, nor to be cited up to civil judgment, nor to be drawn out, or oppressed with any injury. And if any man shall vex them, he shall incur such punishment, as the Judge at his discretion shall awarde him. Their stipendes moreover and solaries, we command truly to be paid them, whereby they may more freely instruct other in arts and sciences. &c.

Ouer and besides this, so far did his godly zeal and princely care and provision extend to the Church of Christ, that he commanded and provided books and volumes of the Scripture, diligently and plainly to be written and copied out, to remain in bublique Churches to the use of posterity, Whereupon writing to Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia in a special letter (recorded in the 4. book of Eusebius, De vita Constant. ) he willeth him with all diligence to procure 50. volumes of parchment well bound and cōpacted: wherein he should cause to be written out of the scripture in a fair legeable hand, such things as he thought necessary and profitable for the instruction of the Church. And alloweth him for that business two bublique Ministers. Also writeth concerning the same, to the general of his army, to support and further him with such necessaries, as thereunto should appertain. &c.

In vewing, perusing, and writing this story, and in considering the Christian zeal of this Emperor, I wish that either this our Printing and plenty of books had been in his days: or that this so heroycal heart toward Christ's Religion, as was in this so excellent Monarche, might something appear in inferior Princes reigning in these our Printing days. &c.

The liberal hand of this Emperor, borne to do all men good, was no less also open and ready toward the needy poverty of such, which either by loss of parents, or other occasions were not able to help them selves: to whom he commanded and provided dew subuention both of corn and raiment to be ministered out of his own coffers, to the necessary relief of the poor men, women, children, orphans, and widows, Euseb. de vita Constant. Lib 4.

Finally, among all the other monuments of his singular clemency and munificence, this is not to be pretermitted: that through all the Empire of Rome and provinces belonging to the same, not only he diminished such taxes, revenues, and impostes, as publicly were coming to him, but also clearly remitted and released to the contributers, the fourth part of the same.

This present place would require something to be said of the donation of Constantine whereupon as upon their chiefest anchor hold, the Bishops of Rome do ground their supreme dominion and right, over all the political government of the West partes, & the spiritual government of all the other Seas and partes of the world. Which donation to be falsely feigned and forged, and not to proceed from Constantine, many arguments might here be inferred, if laisure from other matters would suffer me.

1. First, for that no ancient history, nor yet Doctor maketh any mention thereof.

2. Nauclerus reporteth it to be affirmed in the history of Isidorus: but in the old copies of Isidorus no such thing is to be found.

3. Gracianus the compiler of the decrees, reciteth that decree, [unspec 3] not upon any ancient authority, but only under the title of Palea.

[unspec 4] 4. Gelasius is said to give some testimony thereof, in Dist. 15. Sancta Romana, but that clause of the said distinction touching that matter, in the old ancient books is not extant.

[unspec 5] 5 Otho Phrisingensis, who was about the time of Gracian, after he hath declared the opinion of the favorers of the Papacie: affirming this donation to be given of Constantine, to Sylvester the Pope: induceth consequently, the opinion of them that favor the Empire, affirming the contrary.

[unspec 6] 6. How doth this agree, that Constantine did yield up to Sylvester all the political dominion over the West, when as the said Constantine at his death, deviding the Empire to his three sons, gave the West part of the Empire to one, the East part to the second, the middle part to the third?

[unspec 7] 7. How is it like that Theodosius after them, being a just and a religious Prince, would or could have occupied the City of Rome, if it had not been his right, but had belonged to the pope, & so did many other Emperors after him?

[unspec 8] 8. The phrase of this decree being conferred w ^t the phrase and style of Constantine, in his other Edicts and letters above specified doth nothing agree.

[unspec 9] 9. Seeing the papists themselves confess that the decree of this donation was writ̄ in Greek, how agreeth that with truth: when as both it was written not to the Gretians, but to the Romans, and also Constantine himself for lack of the Greek tongue, was fain to use the Latin tongue in the Council of Nice?

[unspec 10] 10. The contents of this donation (who soever was the forger thereof) doeth bewray it self. For if it be true which there is confessed, that he was Baptized at Rome of Sylvester, & the iv. day after his baptism this patrimony was given (which was before his battle against Maximinus or Licinius, An. 317. as Niceph. recordeth) howe then accordeth this with that which followeth in the donation, for him to have jurisdiction given over the other iv. principal seas of Antioch, Alexandria, Constantinople and Jerusalem? when as the City of Constantinople was not yet begun, before the death of Maximinus or Licinius, and was not finished, before the xxviij. yere of the reign of Constantine, an. 339. or if it be true, as Jerome counteth, it was finished the xxiij. yere of his reign, which was the yere of our Lord 334. long after this donation by their own account.

[unspec 11] 11. Furthermore, where in the said constitution is said that Constantine was baptized at Rome of Sylvester, & thereby was purged of Leprosy: the fable thereof agreeth not with the truth of history: for so much as Eusebius, lib. 4. De vita Constantini, Hieronymus in Chron. Ruffin. lib. 1. cap. 11. Socrates, lib. 1. cap. 39. Theodor. lib. 1. cap. 31. Sozomenus, lib 2. cap. 34. do altogether consent that he was Baptized not at Rome, but at Nicomedia: and that moreover, as by their testimony doth appear, not of Sylvester but of Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, not before his battle against Maximinus, or Licinius, but in the xxxj. year of his reign, a little before his death.

[unspec 12] 12. Again, where as Constantine in this donation appointed him to have the principality over the other iv. Patriarchal Seas: that maketh Constantine contrary to himself. Who in the Council of Nice afterward agreed with other bishops, that all the iv. patriarchal seas should have equal jurisdiction, everyone over his own territory and precinct.

[unspec 13] 13. In sum, briefly to conclude: who so desireth more abundantly to be satisfied touching this matter, let him read the books of Marsilius Patauinus, entitled: defensor pacis, An 1324. of Laurētius Valla, An. 1440. of Antoninus archbishop of Florence, who in his history, plainly denieth the tenor of this donation to be found in the old books of the decrees. Of Cusanus Cardinalis. Lib. 3. Cap. 2. writing to the Council of Basil, Anno 1460. Of Aeneas Sylvius in Dialogo, of Hier. Paulus Cattalanus, An. 1496. of Raphael Volateranus, An. 1500. of Lutherus, An. 1537. &c. all which by many and evident probations, dispute and prove this donation taken out of a book De gestis Syluestri, and translated (as they fain) by one Bartholomeus Picernus, out of Greke into Latin: not to proceed from Constantine, but to be a thing untruly pretensed, or rather a fable imagined, or else to be the deed of Pipinus or Charles, or some such other, if it were ever the deed of any.

And thus hast thou (beloved Reader) briefly collected the narration of the noble acts and heavenly virtues of this most famous Emperor Constantine the great: a singular spectacle for all Christian Princes to behold and imitate, and worthy of perpetual memory in all congregations of Christian Saints. Whose fervent zeal & piety in general, to all congregations, and to all the servants of Christ was notable: but especially the affection and reverence of his heart toward them was admirable, which had suffered any thing for the confession of Christ, in the persecutions before, them had he principally in price and veneration, in so much that he embraced and kissed their wounds and stripes, and their eyes, being put out. And if any such Bishops or any other Ministers brought to him any complaints one against another, (as many times they did) he would take their bills of complaint, and burn them before their faces: so studious and zealous was his mind to have them agree, whose discord was to him more grief, then it was to themselves. All the virtuous acts and memorable doings of this divine & renowned Emperor to comprehend or commit to history: it were the matter alone of a great volume: wherefor contented with these above premised, because nothing of him can be said enough, I cease to discourse of him any further.

One thing yet remaineth not to be omited, wherein (as by the way of a note) I thought good to admonish the learned Reader, such as love to be conversant in reading of ancient authors: that in the Ecclesiastical history of Eusebius, where in the latter ende of the book, is added a certain Oration, Ad cōuentum Sanctorum, under the name of Eusebius Pamphilus, here is to be understand, that the said Oration is wrongly entitled upon the name of Eusebius, which in very truth is the Oration of Constantine himself. For the probation whereof, beside the style and matter therein contained, and tractation heroycall) lively declaring the religious vain of Constantine ) I allege the very testimony of Eusebius himself in his fourth book De vita Constantini, where he in express words not only declareth that Constantine wrote such an Oration entitled Ad Conuentum Sanctorum, but also promiseth in the end of his book, to annex the same: declaring moreover what difficulty the interpretors had, to translate the same from the Romaine speech, to their Grecian tongue. Eusebius de vita Constantini. Lib. 4 pag. 211.

And here an end of these lamentable & doleful persecutions of the primitive Church, during the space of the 300. years frō the passion of our Savior Christ, til the coming of this Constantine, by whom, as by the elect instrument of God, it hath so pleased his almighty majesty, by his determinat purpose to give rest after long trouble to his church, according to that S. Cyprian declareth before, pag. 68. to be revealed of God unto his Church: that after darkness and stormy tempest should come peaceable calm, & stable quietness to his church, meaning this time of Constantine now present. At which time it so pleased the almighty, that the murdering malice of Satan should at length be restrained, and he him self to be tied up for a thousand years, through his great mercy in Christ, to whom therefore • e thanks and praise now and forever. AMEN.