Acts and Monuments Volume 1

The entering and reigning of the Saxons.

THis was the coming in first of the Angles or Saxons into this realm, being yet unchristened and infidels: which was about the year of our Lord, as William Malmesbury testifieth .CCCC.lxix. the Captains of whō were Hengistus and Horsus. Although the said Hengist and Saxons at their first coming, for all their subtle working and cruel attempt, had no quiet settling in Britain, but were driven out diverse times by the valiantness of Aurelius Ambrosius, and his brother Vter above mentioned, who reigned after that among the Britaynes: yet notw ^t standing they were not so driven out, but that they returned again, and at length possessed all, driving the Britaynes (such as remained) into Cambria, which we call now Wales. Hengistus, as some Chronicles record, reigned. 43. years, and died in Kent. Galfridus in suo Britannico saith: that he was taken in war by Aurelius Ambrosius, and beheaded at Coningesburgh, after he had reigned xxxix. year.

After the death of Hengist, his son Osca, reigned xxiiij. years leaving his son Octa, to whose reign with his son Ymenricus, histories do attribute liij. years, who also were slain at length by Vter Pendragon, Polichroni. Lib. 5. cap. 4.

The Saxons after they were settled in the possession of England, distributed the Realm among themselves, first in seven partes: every part to have his king, that is: The first to be the king of Kent. The second to be king of Sussex and Southerye, holding his Palace at Cicester. The third king was of Westsexe. The fourth king of Essex. The fifth king was of the Eastangles, that is, of Cambridgeshire, Norfolk, and Southfolke. The vi. king of Merceland, or Mercia, and in his kingdom were contained the Countesses of Lincoln, Leycester, Huntyngdon, Northampton, Orford, Darby, Warwike. &c. The vii. king had all the countries beyond Humber, and was called king of Northumberland.

Of these seven kingdoms, although they continued not long, but at length joined all in one, coming all into the possession & subjection of the Westsaxons: yet for the space they continued (which was w ^t continual trouble & wars among themselves) this is the race and order of them, as in this Table particularly followeth to be seen.

A Table describing the seven kingdoms of the Saxons, reigning here in England.

IN the time of Vortiger above mentioned, began the reign of the Saxons in this land, the which coming out of 3. sortes of the German people (to wit) the Saxons, the Intes and Angles, replenished the land, of them called now Anglia. Of whom first Hengistus reigned in Kent, which country of Kent he had obtained by Rowen his daughter, of king Vortiger, which was about the year of our Lord as some do count, 476. or as I find in the computation of our English Tables, 456. in some, 463. After Hengist, came in Octha, with Eosa, or Ysse his kinsman: who afterward succeeded the said Hengist in Kent. Not long after came in another company of the Saxons, with Elle their Captain, which planted themselves in Southsexe. And after them again another garrison of the Saxons with Cerdice their Captain, which did occupy the West part of the land, called by them Westsaxon. And so likewise the other multitude of the Saxōs after them, which as yet being unchristened and Infidels, divided the whole land among themselves into vii. kingdoms, as in this Table followeth.

In the reign of this Baldred the kingdom of Kent was translated to Egbertus, otherwise called Egbrict, king of the Westsaxōs, who subduing the foresaid Baldred, an. 832. gave the said kingdom to Athelstan his younger son. After whose decease it came to Ethelwolfe the elder son of Egbrict, and so was united to the Westsaxons, who then began to be the Monarch of the whole land. This kingdom began nere about the year of our Lord, 456. and continued 342. years, and had xv. kings.

This kingdom endured y ^e shortest season of all other, and soonest passed into other kingdoms, in the days as some write of Iue king of Westsaxe, and so endured not above an hundred & twelve years under seven or at most xi. kings, beginning first in the year of the Lord, 47 • and about the 30. year of the first coming of the Saxons.

This Egebert subdued all the other seven kingdoms, and first began the Monarchy of all the Saxons, which after by Alfred was perfected, as hereafter followeth (the lord willing) to be declared. This kingdom of the Westsaxons began the yere of grace, 522. & as it subdued all the other, so it did the longest continue, til about the coming of William Conqueror, which is about the time of 554. years.

After this Ethelbert, the kingdom of Northumberland ceased the space of xxv. years, till Egbertus King of the Westsaxons subdued also them, as he did the other Saxons to his dominion. After the which Egbert king of the Westsaxons succeeded in Northumberland his son.

Kings of Westsaxons, reigning in Northumberland.
• Ethelwolfus.
• Ethelbertus.
• Ethelbaldus.
• Ethelredus.

In the time of this Ethelredus there were two under Kings in Northumberland Ella, and Osbright, whom the Danes overcame and reigned in their place, whose names were these.

Danes.
• Exbertus.
• Richsi.
• Egebert.
• Gurthed.
• Guthrid.

After the reign of these foresaid Danes, the kingdom of Northumberland came into the hands of the Westsaxons, in the time of Athelstane and his brother Edmundus. It began first. An. 547. and so endured. 409. years. It contained Yorkeshyre, Notinghamshyre, Darbishyre, the Byshopricke of Dyrham, Copeland and other.

This Withlacus in the beginning of his reign was vanquished by Egfrid king of Westsaxe, to whom he became tributary with his successors here following.

Some writers say that these kings were subdued by the Danes.
• Berthulfus. 12
• Buthredus. 20
• Celustus. 1
• Elfredus. 1

After this Elfride the kingdom of the Mercians was translated unto the Westsaxons, in the latter time of king Alfred, or in the beginning of Edwardus Senior, and so was adjoined to the Westsaxons, beginning. An. 561. It endured the space of 250. years, til about the latter end of Aluredus, by whom it was joined to the kingdom of Westsaxons. This kingdom stretched out to Huntingtonshire, Hertfordshire, Glocestershire, Worcester, Warwick, Lichfield, Coventry, Chester, Darbishire, Staffordshire, Shrosebury, Oxford, Buckingham Dorceter, Lincoln, Lecester. &c.

Thys Swithredus was subdued unto Egbert King of Westsaxons, Albeit London remained under the Mercias to the time that they also were subdued to the Westsaxons. This kingdom began. An. 561. and so continued till the time of Egbertus. Some stories say it continued to the time of Edward son of Aluredus, about the coming of the Danes, and contained under it the Lordship of Midlesex and London. The Metropolitan sea of this province of Essex was London, where the famous Church of S. Paul was built by Ethelbert king of Kent, and Sigebert king of Essex, whō Ethelbert had lately before turned to Christ's faith: whereof the first bishop was Mellitus, the ii. bishop was Ceddus, y ^e third came in by Simony, whose name was Wine. Malmesb. de vitis Pont. After him was Erkenwaldus, of whom writeth Bede, that he being diseased in his legs that he could neither go nor ride, yet would be carried about in a litter to preach in his Dioces. &c. Although W. Malmesb. writing of the Bishops of London in his book De vitis Ponti. saith that Maurice first the kings Chauncelor, then Bishop there, did first begin this so large and famous building of the Church of S. Paul in London: Which work after him Richardus his successor did prosecute, bestowing all the rents of his Bishopric upon the same, and yet was scarcely seen: yet herein may be answered peradventure, that the Church built before by King Ethelbert, and king Sigebert, might be overthrown by the Danes, and afterward was reedified by these Bishops above mentioned.

After this sinful murder of Ethelbert, the kingdom of Eastangles during the time of certain years, was in great trouble and desolation, under diverse kings and tyrants, sometime the king of Westsaxe, sometimes of Kent, or of Mercia, having dominion over them, till the coming of S. Edmund, which was the last King there ruling under the Westsaxons.

• S. Edmund, Martyred. 16.

After the death of S. Edmund, being slain of the Infidel Danes, the kingdom remained with the Danes .50. years, till at length Edward King of the Westsaxons, expulsed the Danes, and joined it to his kingdom. It began about the yere of our Lord .561. and continued near about 377. years. Fabian numbereth but 12. kings, but in other I find moe.

The Metropolitan sea of this province of Eastangles, which was first at a town called Dunmoke or, or Dūwich (which in time past hath been a famous & populous town w ^t a major & 4. bailiffs, & also diverse Parish Churches, & hospitals, whereunto great privileges by diverse kings have been granted, which town is now fallen into ruin and decay, and more then half consumed by the eating in of the Sea, as also greatly impoverished by loss of the Haven, which heretofore hath flourished with diverse tall ships belonging to the same (the inhabitants thereof being not able of them selves to repair it without the help of other good people,) where the first bishop was Felix, a Burgundian, who sat there 14. years. After this, unto the time of Egbert King of Westsaxe, this province was ever ruled by two Bishops, whereof the one had his sea at Dunmoke, now called Dunwich. The other at Demaham, where 12. sat, one after another. From thence it was translated to Thetford, where sat three Bishops. At last by Byshoppe Herbert it was removed to Norwich, where he erected a Monastery of Monks.

And thus standeth the order and race of the Saxon kings, reigning together with the Britain's in this Realm. Now followeth the description of the Britain kings, reigning with the Saxons in like manner.

Although the miserable Britain's thus were beriued of their land, by the cruel subtlety of the Saxons, yet were they not so drivē out or expulsed, but that a certain kingdom remained among them, in some part of the land, namely about Cornewall, and the partes of Cambria, which is divided in two partes, Southwales, called Demetia, and Northwales called Venedocia. The said Britain's moreover through the valiant acts of their kings, sometimes reigned also in other countries, displacing the Saxons, & recovering again their own: sometimes more, sometimes less, till the time of Carecius, when as the Britain's being deposed by Godmundus, (whose help they themselves sent for out of Ireland, against Carecius their wicked King) utterly lost their land and kingdom: being thence driven utterly into Wales and Cornewale, the yere of our Lord 570. What the order of these kings was, what were their acts, their names, and times when they reigned: in this brief table under written is expressed. Wherein first is to be premonished that Constantine secundus had three childrē, to wit, Constance, which was made a Monk in Winchester, and after made a king: the seconde was Aurelius Ambrosius: the third was Vter Pendragon. This being premised, we will now enter the description of our Table, beginning with Vortigernus.

A Table declaring the Kings of Britain, which reigned together with the Saxons, after their coming into this land.Kings of Britain which here reigned in the time of the Saxons.
• Vortigernus.
• Vortimerius.
• Vortigernus, again.
• Aurelius Ambrosius.
• Vter Pendragon.
• Arthurus.
• Constantine 3.
• Aurelius.
• Conanus.
• Vortiperius.
• Malgo.
• Carecius.

Here is to be understand that these Britain kings above mentioned, did not so reign here in this land, frō the time of Vortigerne, that they had the full possession and government over all the whole realm: but only over parcels or partes, such as by force of arms, they could either hold or win from the Saxons: which coming in daily and growing upon thē, did so replenish the land w ^t multitudes of them, that y ^e Britain's at length were neither able to hold y ^t which they had, nor to recover that which they lost: Leauing exaple to all ages & countries, what it is, first to let in foreign nations into their dominion, but especially what it is for Princes to join in marriage with infidels: as this Vortiger did w ^t Hengistus daughter, which was the mother of all this mischief: giving to the Saxons not only strength, but also occasion and courage to attempt that which they did. Neither was this vncōsidered before of the Britain Lord's and Nobility: who worthily being through ^t offended, justly deposed their king, & inthroned Vortimerus his son in his room. By the which Vortimer being a punāt prince, the Saxons were then repulsed and driven again into Germany, where they stayed a while till the death of Vortimer whom Rowen daughter of Hengistus caused traitorously to be poisoned. Then Vortiger being again restored to his kingdom, through the entreaty of Rowen his wife, sent into Germany again for Engist, who eftsoons making his return, came in with a name of 300. ships well appointed. The Nobles of Britain hearing this, prepared them selves to the contrary side in all forceable wise to put them of. But Engist through Rowen his daughter so labored the king: excusing himself, and saying that he brought not the multitude, to work any violence either against him or against his country, but only thinking that Vortimer had yet been alive, whom he minded to impugn for the kings sake, and to take his part. And now for so much as he heareth of y ^e death of Vortimer his enemy, he therefore committeth both himself & his people to his disposition, to appoint how few or how many of thē he would to remain within his land: the rest should return. And if it so pleased the King, to appoint day & place, where they might meet and talk together of the matter, both he and his would stand to such order as the king with his counsel should appoint. With these fair words the king and his nobles (well contented) did assign to them both day & place, which was in the town of Ambry: where he meant to talk with them, adding this condition w ^t all, that eche part should come without any manner of weapon. Engist showing him self well agreed thereto, gave privy intelligence to his side, that eche man should carry w ^t him secretly in his hose a long knife, w ^t their watch word also given unto them whē they should draw their knives: wherewith every Saxon should (and so did) kill the Britain, with whō he talked, as is above declared. The Britain Lord's being slain, the Saxons took Vortigerne the King, and bound him: for whose ransom they required to be delivered to them the City of London, York, Lincoln, Winchester, w ^t other the most strongest holds within the lande which being to them granted, they begin to make spoil & havoc of the Britain nation, destroying the Citizens, plucking down Churches, killing up the Priests, burning the Books of the holy Scripture, leaving nothing undone that tyranny could work, which was about the year of our Lord. 462. The King seeing this miserable slaughter of the people fled into Wales.

This while Aurelius Ambrosius, & Vter Pendragon brethren to king Constance above mentioned, whō Vortigerne wickedly caused to be killed, were in little Britain. To whom the Britaynes sent word, desiring their aid in helping their country. Aurelius understanding the woeful state of the Realm, speedeth him over to satisfy their desire, and to rescue (what in him was) their necessity. Who at his first coming eftsoons being crowned for their king seeketh out wicked Vortigerne, the cause of all this trouble and murder of king Constās his brother. And finding him in Wales in a strong tower, wherein he had immured him self, setteth him and his castle on fire. That done he moved his power against the Saxons, w ^t whom, and with Elle Captain of the Southsaxons (who then was newly come over) he had diverse conflicts.

Our English old Chronicles make record that Horsus the brother of Engist was slain before in the time of Vortimer. The same also do record, that this Engist was taken prisoner in the field, fighting against Aurelius Ambrosius ▪ who then cōsulting with his Nobles and Barons, what was to be done with him: the Bishop of Gloucester, called Eldadus, standing up, gave this counsel, saying: that 〈◊〉 all men would deliver him, yet he with his own hands would cut him in pieces, alleging the example of Samuel against Agag King of the Ameleches, taken by King Saul in the field: whom the said Samuel caused to be cut in pieces. Even so (saith he) do you to this Agag here: that as he hath made many a woman widow, and without childrē: so his mother may be made this day of him likewise. And so was Engist taken out of the City by Eldo Consul or Major of Gloucester, and there was beheaded: if truth or credit be to be given to these our old Britain stories: whereof I have nothing certainly to pronounce, but that I may suspect the truth thereof, which was about the year of our Lord. 490. Henr. Hunting. Galfr. cum alijs.

A certain ancient written history I have in Latin, compiled in the .xiv. year of king Richard the seconde, and by him caused to be writ̄ as the title declareth: which because it beareth no name of the author: I cal it by the name of him of whom I borrowed this book, with many other likewise without name, Historia Cariana. This history recordeth that Hengistus died in Kent the xxxii. year of his reign: which if it be true, then is it false that he was taken at Cunynburgh, and slain in the North. Thys Aurelius Ambrosius before mentioned, is thought of Polidorus Vergilius citing the authority of Bede, to descend of the stock of the Romaines: which as it is not impossible to be true: so this is certain by the full accord of all our old written stories, that both the said Aurelius, and his brother Vter Pendragon being the sons of Constantine, brother to Andoenus king of little Britain, were nursed and brought up in England, in their tender age, and instructed by Gultelinus Archbyshop of London, and after the murder of Constance their elder brother, were conveyed from hence to little Britain: whereby it is manifest that they were borne in this land, and though their father were a Romaine as Polydorus pretēdeath, yet like it is that they were Britain's borne, and had a Britain to their mother.

After the death of Aurelius, who (as the story saith) was poisoned by the crafty means of Pascentius, son of Vortigernus (suborning one, under the weed of a Monk to play the Phisicion, and so to poison him) next succeeded his brother Vter, surnamed Pendragon, about the year of our Lord. 497. who fighting against Octa and Cosa, took them and brought them to London there to be kept. But they breaking out of prison returned into Germany for more aid. In this mean time daily recourse was of Saxons, with great companies coming out of Saxony: with whom the Britain's had diverse & sundry conflicts, sometimes winning, sometimes loosing. Not long after Octa & Cosa, renewing their power in Germany, in all most speedy hast did return again, and join with the other Saxons against the Britain's. Here began the state of miserable Britain daily more and more to decay, while the idolatrous Saxons prevailed in number and strength against the Christian Britain's: oppressing the people, throwing down Churches and Monasteries, murdering the Prelates, sparing neither age nor person, but wasting christianity almost through the whole realm. To these miseries it fell moreover that Vter their king was sick & could not come out. Notw ^t standing being grieved with the lamentable destructiō of his people, caused his bed to be brought into the campe, where God gave him victory: Octa & Cosa there being slain. After this victory in short space Vter died of poison (as is said) put into a fountain of water, whereof the king was wont to drink, about the year of our Lord. 516. Hor. Hist.

About which time and year, came in Stuph and Wigarius two nephews of Certhice king of Westsaxons, with their companies so violently upon the Britain's, that they of the West part of the realm, were not able to resist them. Then the merciful providence of almighty God, raised up for them King Arthure, the son of Vter: who was then crowned after him and victoriously reigned. To this Arthure the old Britain histories do ascribe xii. great victories against the Heathen Saxons: whose notorious & famous conquests, mentioned in the Britain stories, I leave them as I find them: referring them to the credit of their authors in whom they are found. Notwithstanding as I do not think contrary, but God by the foresaid Arthure, gave to the Britain's some stay and quietness during his life, and certain of his successors: so touching certain of great victories & conquests, not only over this land, but also over all Europe, I judge them more fabulous, then y ^t any credit should be given unto them, more worthy to be joined with the Iliades of Homere, then to have place in any Ecclesiastical history. After Arthure next King of the Britain's, was Constantine the third. After him Aurel • us Conanus. Then Vortiporius, after whom followed Malgo, noted in stories to be a Sodomite. And after him the last King of the Britain's, was Carecius, all given to Civil war, execrable to God & man. Who being chased out by the Britain's thenselves, the land fell to the possession of the Saxons: about the yere of our Lord. 568. by whom all the Clergy and the Christiā ministers of the Britain's, were then utterly driven out: In so much that Theonus Archbishop of London, & Thadeoseus Archbishop of York, seeing their Churches all wasted, and Parishes dispersed, with their carriages and monuments: left their seas in Britain, and fled into Cambria, which we now call Wales. Touching which matter, and touching also the cause of this desolation & ruin of the Britain's kingdom, the first fountain & origin thereof partly before is declared, where was shown in the time of Cōstantinus Magnus and Maximinian, pag. 108. howe these noble Princes with other moe, achieuing their venturous affairs in other countries, took w ^t them great multitudes & armies out of Britain: through the occasion whereof, the land was greatly impaired and deprived of his most chief and principal nobles, being carried away to serve in foreign wars. Whyche was no small cause, why the realm of Britain (being so wasted) was the less able to help it self against their enemies. Although this was not the chief occasion, but other causes there were greater, wherefor God by his just judgment, suffered this plague and overthrow to fall upon that people, as here out of an old author, and partly out of Gildas, as I have found it, so I thought to annex it in his own words, first in Latin, then afterward Englishing the same, for the more credit of that which shall be alleged, in tenor as followeth.

Nobiliores totius regni praedictos duces sequ • ti fuerunt & ignobiles remanebāt, qui cum vicem nobilium obtinere coepissent, extulerunt se vltra quod dignitas expetebat. Et ob affluenciā diuitiarum superbi coeperunt, tali & tantae fornicationi indulgere, qualis nec inter gentes audita est. Et, vt Gildas historicus testator, non solùm hoc vitium sed omnia quae humanae naturae accidere solent, & praecipue quod totius boni euertit statū, odium veritatis, amor mendacij, susceptio mali pro bono, veneratio nequitiae pro benignitate: exceptatio Sathanae pro angelo lucis: vngebantur reges, non propter dominium, sed qui caeteris crudeliores essent. Si quis vero eorum mitior, & veritati aliquatenus propior videretur, in hunc quasi Britanniae subuersorem omnia odia, tela{que} torquebantur. Omnia quae Deo placebant & displicebant aequali lance inter eos pendebantur. Et non solùm hoc seculares viri, sed & ipse grex domini, eius{que} pastores sine discretione faciebant. Non igitur admirandum est degeneres tales patriam illam amittere quam praedicto modo maculabant.

In English thus: The nobles of this realm following the Princes and Captains above named: by the reason thereof the vulgare and rascal sort remained behind at home. Who when they had gotten the roumes and places of the nobles, they advanced them selves above that their dignity required. And through their aboundāce of riches, they surprised with pride, began to fall into such & so great fornication, as was never heard of even among the Gentiles. And as Gildas the Hystoriographer witnesseth, not into vice only, but also into all manner of wickedness, whereto man's nature is inclined: and especially into that which is the overthrow of all good estates, the hatred of the truth, love of lies, embracing of evil instead of goodness, regarding of mischief instead of virtue, receiving of the devil instead of an Angel of light. They annointed kings not such as could well rule a common wealth, but those which exceeded all other in cruelty. And if any might be perceived to be somewhat more humble or meek, or to be more inclined to favor the truth then the residue, him did everyone hate and backbite as the ouerthrower and destroyer of Brittayne. All things whether they pleased or displeased God, they regarded alike. And not secular men only did this. but also the congregation of the Lord and their Bishops and teachers without any difference at all. Therefore it is not to be marveled, that such people so degenerating and going out of kind should lose that country, which they had after this manner defiled.

And thus much hitherto concerning the history of the Britain's, till, by the grace of Christ, the order of time shall bring us hereafter to the treatise of Cedwalla and Calwalladrus. Now remaineth, in returning again to the matter of the Saxons, to discourse particularly, that which before in the table above we have sommarely comprehended.

In this order and rase of the Saxon kings, above specified which had thus thrust out the Britones, & now divided their land in seven kingdoms: as there were many noughty and wicked kings (whose pernicious examples, being all set on war and bloodshed, are greatly to be detested and eschued of all true godly Princes) so some there were again (although but few) very sincere & good. But none almost from the first to the last, which was not either slain in war, or murdered in peace, or else constrained to make him self a monk. Such was the rage then and tyranny of that time. Whether we should impute it to the corruption of man's nature, or to the just judgment of God's hand, so disposing the matter, that as they had violently & falsely dispossessed the Britons of their right: so they most miserably were not only vexed of the Danes, and conquered at last by the Normās: but also more cruelly devoured them selves, one warring still against another, till they were neither able to help themselves, nor yet to resist others. Of thē which are noted for good among these Saxon kings, the first and principal is Ethelbertus, or Ethelbrict the first king of Kent above specified, who by the means of Agustine, and partly through his wife, named Berda, first received and preferred the Christian faith, in all this land of the English Saxons, whereof more followeth hereafter to be said (the Lord so permitting) as place and opportunity shall require. The next place I give to Oswaldus of Northumberland, who not only did his endeavor in furthering the faith of Christ amongst his people: but also being king, disdained not himself to stand up and interpret to his nobles & subjects the preaching of Aidanus, preaching Christ to them in his Scottish language. In the same commendation also, like as in the same line, cometh his uncle Edwin, king of Northumberland, a good Prince, and the first receiver of Christ's faith in that land, by the means of his wife, and Paulinus Bishop. Add to these also Sigebert, first Christened king of the Eastangles, & Sebert, first Christened king of Essex: of whom the one was a great furtherer of Religion, & setter up of schools: y ^e other which is Sebert or Sexbrieth, was neuew to Ethelbert of Kent, under whom he ruled in Essex. By the which Ethelbert, in the time of the said Sebert the Church of Paul's was built at London, and Christian faith much enlarged. &c. Of the same name there was also another Ethelbert King of the Eastangles, a good Prince: who by the advise of his counsel persuaded to marriage (though against his will) went peaceably to King Offa for despousage of Athilride his daughter, where the good king meaning innocētly through the sinister and deuilishe counsel of king Offa his wife, was secretly beheaded and made away. Whereupon Offa through repentance thereof, made the first Peter pence to be given to S. Peters church in Rome.

In the Cathologue of these good kings is also to be numbered Kenelmus king of the Mercians, and Edmundus king of the Eastangles: of the which ii. the first was falsely & abominably circumvented & beheaded, by the means of his cruel sister and his tutor; as he was in his hunting at Corfcastle. The other which is called king Edmund the Martyr, was slain at Bury, or as some write at the Castle of Halesdon by the Danes: upon what occasion, histories do vary. The author of Flores Historiarū saith, it was by reason of one Lothebrocus a Dane: who being of the kings blood, & being with his Hawk on the sea side in a little boat, was driven by force of weather into the coast of Norfolk, where he being presented to king Edmund, was retained in his Court with great favor: til at length one Bericke the kings Fawkner, envying and despiting him, for his great dexterity in that faculty, privily did murder him in a wood. This being at last spied (as murder lightly will come out) Bericke was set in Lothbrockes boat alone without all tackling, to be committed unto the Sea: and as it chāced so, was driven into Denmark, who there being seen in Lothbrockes boat, was straitly examined of the party. He then to excuse himself, falsely said he was slain by the commandment of the king. Upō the occasion whereof Inguar and Hubba sons to the said Lothebroke gathering an army of Danes, invaded first Northumberland: after that bursting into Norfolk on every side, sent this message to king Edmund after this tenor: Signifying that king Inguar the victorious Prince (dread both by sea and lande) as he had subject diverse other lands under him, so arriving now to the coasts of Norfolk, where he intendeth to winter: chargeth and commandeth him to devide with him his old treasures, and his fathers riches, and so to rule under him: which if he would not do, but would contemn his power so strongly furnished with such an army, he should be judged as unworthy both of kingdom & life. &c. The king hearing this message, not a little astonyshed thereat, calling his coūsails about him, consulted w ^t them, especially with one of his Bishops, being then his Secretary, what was best to be done: who fearing the kings life, exhorted him by words & diverse examples to agree to the message. At this a while the king holding his peace, at length thereto made answer again in these words, saying: Go (saith he) tell your Lord, and let him know that Edmundus the Christened King, for the love of this temporal life, will not subject him self to a Pagan Duke, unless before he become a Christiā, &c. The messenger taking his answer was not so soon out of the gates, as Inguar meeting him and bidding him to be short in declaring his answer, caused all the kings garrison to be set round about. Some say that the king flying to Thetforde, there pitched a field with the Danes, but the Danes prevailing, the good king from thence did fly to the Castle of Halesdon above mentioned: where he being pursued of the Danes was there taken, and at length being bound to a stake, there, of the raging Danes was shot to death. And thus much for the good kings.

Now as concerning those kings which made them selves Monks (which in number be vii. or viii.) although the example be rare & strange, and much commonded of the chroniclers of that time: yet I cannot rashly assent to their commendation, albeit the case thereof is no matter of our history. First in altering their estate from kings to monks, if they did it to find more ease, and less trouble thereby: I see not howe that excuse standeth with the office of a good man, to change his public vocation, for respect of private commodity. If fear of ieoperdy & danger did drive them thereunto: what praise and commendation they deserve, in so doing let the monkish histories judge what they lyste: me seemeth so much praise as they deserve in providing their own safety, so much they deserve again to be discōmended in forsaking the common wealth. If they did it (as most like it is) for holiness sake, thinking in that kind of life to serve and please God better: or to merit more toward their saluaciō then in the estate of a king, therein they were far deceived: not knowing tha • the salvation which cometh of God, is to be measured & esteemed, not by man's merits, or by any perfectiō of life or by difference of any vocation more of one then another, but only by the free grace of the gospel, which freely justifieth all them, that faithfully believe in Christ Jesus. But here will be said again peradventure, in the solitary life of Monkery, be fewer occasions of evils, then in kings courts, wherefore that life serveth more to holiness, & more is to be preferred then the other. To this I answer, to avoid the occasions of evil is good where strength lacketh to resist. But otherwise, where duty & charge bindeth to tarry, there to avoid the occasions of evil, where rather they are to be resisted: rather declareth a weakness of the man, thē deserveth any praise. As it is truly said of Tully: Out of Asia, saith he, to live, a good life, is no god a mercy: but in Asia where so great occasions of evils abound, there to live a good mā that is praise worthy. With the like reason I may infer, if a man be called to be a king, there not to change the vocation for voiding of occasions, but rather to resist occasions, & to keep his vocation, declareth a good & perfect man. But of these bymatters hitherto sufficient.

These things now thus premised, concerning the order & reign of kings, as is above prefixed: consequently it remaineth to enter the tractation of such things, as in the time and reign of the foresaid kings happened in the Church: first putting the Reader again in mind of the former persecutions within the realm, partly before touched in the time of the Britain kings, which specially were three or four before the coming of Agustine into England.

1, The first was under Dioclesian, and that not only in England but generally throughout all the Romaine Monarchy, as is above specified. In this persecution Albanus Julius, Aaron, with a great number moe of other good Christian Britanes, were martyred for Christ's name.

2. The seconde persecution or destruction of Christian faith, was by the invading of Gnauius and Melga, whereof, the first was captain of the Huns, the other of y ^e Pictes. These two tyrants, after the cruel slaughter of Vrsula, and other. 11000 noble virgins, made their rode into Brytaine hearing the same to be destitute of y ^e strength of men. At what time they made miserable murder of Christ's Saints, spoiling & wasting Churches, without mercy either of women or children, sparing none.

3. The third persecution came by Hengist, and the Saxons: who likewise destroyed and wasted the christen congregations within the lande, like raging Wolves fleeyng upon the sheep, & spilling the blood of Christians, til Aurellus Ambrosius came, and restored again the Churches destroyed.

4. The fourth destruction of Christian faith & Religion was by Gurmundus a Pagan king of the Africanes: who joining in league with the Saxons, wrought much greuaunce to the Christians of the land. In so much that Theonus Bishop of London, and Thadioceus Bishop of York, with the rest of the people so many as were left, having no place wherein to remain with safety, did flee some to Cornwall, and some to the mountains of Wales about the yere of our Lord 550. and this persecution remained to the time of Ethelberd king of Kent, an. 589.

In the reign of this Ethelbert, which was then the 5. king of Kent, the faith of Christ was first received of the Saxons or Englishmen, by the means of Gregory bishop of Rome, in manner and order as here followeth, out of old histories collected and recorded.

First then to join the order of our history together: The Christ̄ faith first received of king Lucius, endured in Britain till this time, near upon the season of CCCC. years and odd: when by Gurmundus Africanus, (as is said) fyghting with the Saxons against the Brytaynes, it was near extinct in all the land, during the space about forty four years. So that the first springing of Christ's Gospel in this lande, was an. 180. The coming of the Saxons was. an. 449. or an. 469. The coming of Agustine, was an. 596. From the first entering in of the Saxons to their complete conquest, and the driving out of the Brytanes (which was about the latter time of Gadwalader ) were 240. years. In sum from Christ to Lucius were, 180. years. The continuance of the gospel frō Lucius to the entering of the Saxons was 302. years. The decay of the same to the entering of Agustine, was. 143. years which being added together make from Lucius to Agustine. 445. from Christ to Agustine they make 598. years. In this year then. 598. Agustine being sent from Gregory came into England: the occasion whereupon Gregory sent him hither was this.

In the days of Pelagius Bishop of Rome, Gregory chauncyng to see certain children in the market place of Rome (brought thither to be sold out of England) being fair and beautiful of visage, demanded out of what country they were: and understanding they were Heathenish out of England, lamented the case of y ^e land being so beautiful and Angelical, so to be subject under the Prince of darkness. And asking moreover out of what province they were it was answered, out of Deyra, a part of Northsaxons: whereof as it is to be thought, that which we now cal Deyrham taketh his name. Then he alluding to the name of Deyra, these people (saith he) art to be delivered de Deiira, which is from God's wrath, Moreover understanding the kings name of that province to be Alle (above mentioned) alluding likewise to his name: there (saith he) ought Alleluia to be song to the living God. Wherevpon being moved and desirous to go and help the conversion of that country, was not permitted of Pelagius and the Romans for that time to accomplish his desire. But afterward being Bishop himself next after Pelagius, he sent thither the foresaid Agustine with other preachers near about to the mumber of xl. But by the way, howe it happened I cannot say: As Agustine with his company were passing in their journey, such a sudden fear entered in their harts (that as Antonius saith) they returned all. Other write that Agustine was sent back to Gregory again, to release them of that viage so dangerous and uncertain, amongst such a barberous people: whose language neither they knew, nor whose rudeness they were able to resist. Thē Gregory with pithy persuasions confirming and comforting him, sent him again with letters both to the Bishop of Arelalensis, willing him to help and aide the said Agustine, and his company in all whatsoever his need required. Also other letters he directed by the foresaid Augustine, unto his fellows, exhorting them to go foreward boldly in the Lord's work, as by the tenor of the said Epistle here following may appear.

Thus they emboldened & comforted through the good words of Gregory, sped forth their journey till they came at length to the I will of Thene • ▪ lying upon the East side of Kent. Neare to the which landing place, was then the Manory or palace of the king, not far from Sandwiche (Eastward from Canterbury) which the inhabitauntes of the Isle, then called Richbourgh: whereof some part of the ruinous walls is yet to be seen. The king then reigning in Kent, was Ethelbert, as above appeareth, the fifth King of that province: who at that time had Maried to wife a French woman being Chrystened, named Berda: whom he had received of her parents upon this conditiō, that he should permit her with her Bishop committed unto her, called Lebardus, to enjoy the freedom of her faith and Religion: by the means whereof he was more flexible, and sooner induced to embrace the preaching and doctrine of Christ. Thus Agustine being arryued sent forth certain messengers and interpreters to the Kyng, sygnifying that such a one was come from Rome, bringing with him glad tidings to him and all his people, of life and salvation eternally to reign in heaven, with the only true and living God, forever: if he would so willingly hearken to the same, as he was gladly come to preach and teach it unto him.

The King, who had heard of this Religion before by means of his wife, within a few days after cometh to the place where Agustine was to speak with him: but that should be without the house, after the manner of his law. Agustine against his coming, as stories affirm, erected up a banner of the crucifix (such was then the grosenes of that time) and preached to him the word of God. The Kyng answering again saith in effect as followeth: the words be very fair that you preach and promise. Nevertheless, because it is to me vncoth and new, I cannot soon starte away from my country law wherewith I have been so long inured and assent to you. Albeit yet notwithstanding for y ^e ye are come, as ye say, so far for my sake: ye shall not be molested by me, but shall be rightwell entreated, having all things to you ministered necessary for your supportatiō. Besydes this, neither do we debar you, but to have free leave to preach to our people and subjects to convert, whō ye may to the faith of your Religion.

When they had received this comfort of the king, they went with procession to the City of Dorobernia, or Canterbury, singing Alleluya with the Litany, which then by Gregory, had been used at Rome in the time of the great plague reigning thē at Rome, mentioned in old histories. The words of the Litany were these: Deprecamur te Domine in omni misericordia tua, vt auferatur furor tuus & ira tua a ciuitate ista, & de domo sancta tua: quoniam peccauimus. Alleluya. That is. We beseech thee O Lord in all thy mercies, that thy fury and anger may cease from this City, & from thy holy house for we have sinned. Alleluya. Thus they entering in the City of Dorobernia, the head City of all that dominion at that time, where the king had given them a mansion for there abode: there they contynued preaching and baptising such as they had converted in the east side of the Citty in the old church of S. Martin (where the Queen was wont to resort) unto the time that the king was converted himself to Christ. At length when the king had well considered the honest conversation of their life, and moved with the miracles wrought through gods hand by thē, he heard them more gladly, and lastly by their wholesome exhortations, and example of godly life he was by them converted and christened in the year above specified. 586. and the 36. year of his reign. After the King was thus converted, innumerable other daily came in, & were adjoined to the Church of Christ: whom the King did specially embrace but compelled none: for so he had learned that the faith and service of Christ ought to be voluntary, and not coacted. Then he gave to Agustine a place for his Bishops sea at Christ's Church in Dorobernia, & built the Abbey of Saint Peter and Paul, in the East side of the said City, where after Agustine, and all the Kings of Kent were buried, and that place is now called S. Agustine.

In this while Agustine sailed into France to the Bishop Arelatensis, called Ethereus: by him to be consecrated Archbishop, by the commandment of Gregory, & so was. Also the said Agustine sent to Rome, Laurentius one of his company, to declare to Gregory how they had sped, and what they had done in England: sending with all to have the counsel and advise of Gregory, concerning ix. or x. questions, whereof some are partly touched before.

The tenor of his questions or interrogations, with the answers of Gregory to the same: here follow in English briefly translated.

The questions of Agustine Archbyshop of Canterbury sent to Gregory, with the answer again of Gregory to the same.

The first interrogation.

MY first question (reverend father) is concerning Bishops, how they ought to behave themselves toward their clerks Or of such oblations as the faithful offer upon the altar: what portions or diuidentes ought to be made thereof.

The answer.

How a Bishop ought to behave himself in the Congregation, the holy scripture testifieth which I doubt not but you know right well, especially in the Epistles of S Paul to Timothy: wherein he laboreth to inform the said Timothy, how to behave his conversation in y ^e house of the Lord. The manner is of the sea Apostolic, to warn and charge all such as be ordained Bishops, of all their stipend or that which given, to make four pertitiōs. One to the Bishop for hospitality, and receiving comers in. An other to the Clergy, The third to the pore. The fourth to the repairing of Churches. But because your brotherhode instructed with rules of Monastical discipline, cannot live separated from your clerks about you, therefore in the English Church (which now through the providence of God is brought to the faith of Christ) you must observe this institution, concerning your conversation, which was in the first Fathers in the beginning of the prymitiue Church, among whom there was not one which counted anything to be his own proper, of all that he did possess: but all was common among them.

The seconde interrogation.

I desire to know and to be instructed, whether Clerks that cannot contain, may marry. And if they do mary whether then they ought to return to the secular state again or no?

The answer.

If there be any Clerks out of holy orders, which cannot contain, let them have their wives, and take their stipends or wages without. For we read it so written of the foresaid fathers, that they divided to every person, according as their work was. Therefore as concerning the stipend of such, it must be provided and thought upon. And they must be also holden under Ecclesiastical discipline, to live a godly conversation: to employ themselves in singing Psalms, & to refrain their tongue, heart and body (by the grace of God) from all things unseemly, and unlawful▪ As for the vulgar and common sort, which live after the common condition of men: to describe what partitions to make, what hospitality to keep, or what works of mercy to exhibit to such, I have nothing to say but to give (as our master teacheth) in all our deeds of mercy; of that which aboundeth. Of that (saith he) which aboundeth or is overplus, give alms, and behold all things be clean unto you.

The third interrogation.

Seeing there is but one faith, how happeneth it then, the ceremonies and customs of Churches to be so diverse. As in the Church of Rome there is one custom, and manner of Mass▪ and the French Church hath another?

The answer.

The custom of the Church of Rome, what it is you know: wherein ye remember that you 〈◊〉 been brought up frō your youth: but rather it pleaseth me better, that whether it be in the church of Rome, or in any French Church: where ye find anything that seemeth better to the service and pleasing of God: that ye choose the same: and so infer & bring into the English Church (which is yet new in the faith) the best & pikedst things chosen out of many Churches: for things are not to be beloved for y ^e place sake, but the place is to be beloved for the things that be good: wherefor such things as be good, godly, and religious: th ••• chose out of all Churches, and induce to your people, that they may take root in the minds of Englishmen.

The fourth interrogation.

I pray you what punishment judge you for him, that shall steal or pylfer anything out of the Church.

The answer.

This your brotherhood may soon discern, by the person of a thief, how it ought to be corrected. For some there be which having sufficient to live upon yet do steal. Other there be which steal of mere necessity. Wherefore considering the qualitye & difference of the crime, necessary it is that some be corrected by loss of goods, some by stripes some other more sharply, and some more easily: yea, & whē sharpee correction is to be executed, yet that must be done with charity, and with no fury: for in punishing offenders this is the cause and ende wherefore they are punished, because they should be saved & not perish in hell fire. And so ought discipline to proceed in correcting the faithful, as do good Fathers in punishing their children, whom both they chasten for their evil, and yet being chastened, they look to have them their heirs, and think to leave them all they have, notwithstanding they correct them sometimes in anger. Therefore this charity must be kept in mind. And in the correction there is a measure to be had, so that the mind never do anything without the rule of reason. Ye add moreover with what recompense of measure those things ought to be required again which be stolen out of Churches. But God forbid that the Church should ever require again with increase, that which is lost in outward things, and to seek her gain by endamaging other.

The fifth interrogation.

Item, whether two brethren may mary two sisters, being far of from any part of kindred?

The answer.

This in no part of scripture is forbidden, but it may well and lawfully be done.

The sixth interrogation.

Item, to what degree of kyndred may the mat •• money of the faithful extend with their kindred, or wheth •• 〈◊〉 it lawful to marry with the stepmother and her kinsfolks?

The answer.

A certain terrene law amongst the old Romaines doth permit, that either brother or sister, or the son & daughter of two brethren may marry together. But by experyence we learn, that the issue of such marriage doth never thryue, nor come forewarde. Also y ^e holy law of God forbiddeth to reveal the turpitude of thy blood or kindred.

Wherefore necessary it is, that in the third or fourth degree the faithful may lawfully marry, for in the seconde as being unlawful, they must needs refrain. To be copled with the stepmother is utterly abhominable, for it is written in the law. Thou shalt not reveal the turpitude of thy Father. Forsomuch then as it is so written in y ^e law and they shall be two in one flesh: the son then that presumeth to reveal then the turpitude of his stepmother, which is one flesh with his Father, what doth he then but reveal the turpitude of his own father. Likewise it was forbidden and unlawful to mary with thy kinswoman, which by her first Marriage was made one flesh with thy brother. For the which cause John y ^e Baptist also lost his head, and was crowned a Martyr. Who though he died not for the confession of Christ: yet for so much as Christ saith: I am the truth, therefore in that John the Baptist was slain for the truth, it may be said his blood was shed for Christ.

The seventh interrogation.

Item, whether such as be so coupled together in filthy and unlawful matrymony ought to be separated and denied the partaking of the holy Communion.

The answer.

Because there be many of the nation of English men which being yet in their infidelity, were so joined & coupled in such execrable marriage: the same coming now to faith, are to be admonished hereafter to abstain from the like, & that they know the same to be grievous sin. That they dread the dreadful judgment of God, least for their carnal delectation, they incur the torments of eternal punishment. And yet notw ^t standing they are not to be secluded therefore from the participation of Christ's body & blood, lest we should seme to revenge those things in them which they before their baptism, through ignorance did commit. For in this time the holy Church doth correct some faults more fervently, some faults she suffereth again through mansuetude and mekenes, some wittingly and willingly she doth wink at, and dissemble: that many times the evil which she doth detest, through bearing and dissembling she may stop & bridle. All they therefore which are come to the faith, must be admonished that they commit no such offense. Which thing if they do, they are to be deprived of the Communion of the Lord's body & blood. For like as in them that fall through ignorance, their default in this case is to be tolerate: so in them again it is strongly to be ensued, which knowing they do naught, yet fear not to commit.

The eight interrogation.

Item, in this I desire to be satisfied, after what manner I should deal or do with the Bishops of France, and of Britain's.

The answer.

As touching the Bishops in France, I give you no authority or power over them. For the Bishop of Arolas, or Orliance hath by the old time of our predecessors received the Palle, whom now we ought not to deprive of his authority. Therefore when your brotherhoode shall go unto the Province of France, whatsoever ye shall have there to do with the Bishop of Orliance, so do, that he loose nothing of that which he hath found and obtained of the ancient ordinance of our foreelders. But as concerning the Bishops of Brittayn, we commit them all to your brotherhoode, that y ^e ignorant may be taught the infirm by persuasion may be confirmed, the willful by authority may be corrected.

The ninth interrogation.

Whether a woman being great with child, ought to be baptized, or after she hath children, after how long time she ought to enter into the Church. Or else that which she hath brought forth, least it should be prevented with death, after howe many days it ought to receive Baptism. Or after howe long time after her childebyrth is it lawful for her husband to resort to her? Or else if she be in her monthly course, after the disease of women, whether then she may enter into the Church, and receive the Sacrament of the holy Communion? Or else her husband after the lying with his wife, before he be washed with water, whether is it lawful for him to enter the Church, and to draw unto the mistery of the holy Communion? All which things must be declared and opened to the rude multitude of Englishmen.

The Aunswere.

The childing or bearing woman, why may she not be Baptized: seeing that the fruitfulness of the flesh is no fault before the eyes of almighty God. For our first parents in Paradise, after they had transgressed: lost their immortality by the just judgment of God which they had takē before. Then, because almighty God would not mankind utterly to perish because of his fall (although he lost now his immortality for his trespass) yet of his benign piety, left notwithstanding to him the fruit and generation of issue. Wherefore the issue and generation of man's nature, which is conserved by the gift of almighty God, how can it be debarred from the grace of holy Baptism?

As concerning the churching of women after they have travailed: where ye demand after howe many days they ought to go to the Church, this you have learned in y ^e old law, that for a man child .30. days, after a womā child .66. days be appointed her to keep in. Albeit this you must take to be understand in a mistery. For if she should y ^e hour after her travail enter into the Church to give thanks, she committed therein no sin. For why the lust and pleasure of the flesh, and not the travail and pain of the flesh is sin. In the conjunction of the flesh is pleasure, but in the travail and bringing forth of the child is pain & gronyng. As unto the mother of all it is said: In sorrow thou shalt travail. Therefore if we forbid the woman after her labor to enter the church, thē what do we else but count y ^e same the punishment given unto her, for sin? Therefore for the woman after her labor to be baptized, either that which she hath travailed forth (if present necessity of death doth so require) yea in the self same hour, either she that hath brought forth, either that which is borne in the same hour when it is borne, to be baptized we do not forbid.

Moreover, for the man to company with his wife, that he must not: before the child that is borne be wayned. But now there is a lewd and naughty custom risen in the conditiō of married folks, that mothers do contemn to nourse their own children, which they have borne, but set them to other women out to nourse: which seemeth only to come of the cause of incontinency. For while they will not contain themselves, therefore they put from them their children to nourse. &c.

As concerning the woman in her menstruous course whether she ought to enter the Church? To this I answer: she ought not to be forbid. For the superfluity of nature in her ought not to be imputed for any fault, neither is it just that she should be deprived of her access to the Church, for that which she suffereth against her will. And if the woman did well, presuming in touching the Lord's coat in the time of her bloody issue: why then may not that be granted unto all women infirmed by the fault of nature, which is commended in one person done in her infirmity? Therefore to receive the mystery of the holy communion, it is not forbidden them. Albeit if she dare not so far presume in her great infirmity, she is to be praised: but if she do receive, she is not to be judged. For it is a point of a good mind in some manner to knowledge his sins there, where is no sin: because many times that is done without fault, which cometh of fault. As when we be hungry, we care without fault, notwithstanding it cometh by the fault of our first father to us that we are hungrye, &c.

Where ye ask, if a man after the company with his wife, may resort to the Church or to the holy Communion, before he be purged with water. The law given to the old people, commanded that a man after the company with his wife, both should be purified with water, and also should tarry the Suns set before he came to the congregation. Which seemeth to be understand spiritually: for then most true it is, that the man companieth with the woman, when his mind through delectation is joined to unlawful concupiscence in his heart and cogitation. At what time, before the said fire of concupiscence shall be removed, let the person think himself unworthy the entrance to the congregation, through the viciousnes of his filthy will. But of this matter sundry nations have everyone their sundry customs: some on way & some another. The ancient manner of the Romans frō our forefathers, hath been, that in such case, first they purged themselves with water, then for a little they abstain reverently, and so resort to the Church. &c.

After many other words debated of this matter, thus he inferreth: but if any person not for voluptuousness of the flesh, but for procreation of children, do company with his wife, that man concerning either the coming to the Church, or the receiving the mysteries of the Lord's body & blood, is to be left to his own judgment: for he ought not to be forbid of us to come, which when he lieth in the fire will not burn. &c.

There is another question also to these adjoined, with his answer likewise to the same, concerning pollutions in the night, but I thought these at this present to our english ears, sufficient.

To return now to the story again, Gregory after he had sent these resolutions to the questions of Agustine, sendeth moreover, to the Church of England moe coadiutors, and helpers, as Mellitus, Iustus, Paulinus, and Ruffianus, with books and such other implemēts as he thought necessary, for the English Church. He sendeth moreover to the foresaid Agustine a palle with letters wherein he setteth an order between the two Metropolitan seats, the one to be at London the other to be at York. Notwithstanding he granteth to the said Agustine during his life to be the only chyefe Archbyshop of all the lande: and after his time, then to return to the two foresaid seats of London and York, as is in y ^e same letter contained, the tenor whereof here followeth in his own words as ensueth.

Besides this, the said Gregory sendeth also another letter to Mellitus, concerning his judgment what is to be done with the idolatrous temples and Phanes of the Englishmen newly converted, which Phanes he thinketh not best to pluck down, but to convert the use thereof, and so let them stand. And likewise of their sacrifices and killyng of Oxen, how the same ought to be ordered, and howe to be altered: disputing by the occasions thereof, of the sacrifices of the old Egyptians, permitted of God unto the Israelites the ende 〈…〉 thereof being altered. &c.

He sendeth also another letter to the foresaid Agustine, wherein he warneth him not to be proud or puffed up, for the miracles wrought of God by him, in conuertyng the people of England, but rather to fear and tremble, least so much as he were puffed up by the outward work of miracles, so much he should fall inwardly through the vain glory of his heart: and therefore wisely exhorteth him to repress the swelling glory of heart, with the remembrance of his sins rather against God, whereby he rather hath cause to lament, then to rejoice for the other. Not all the elect of God (saith he) worketh miracles, and yet have they their names written in the book of life. And therefore he should not count so much of those miracles done, but rejoice rather with the Disciples of Christ, & labor to have his name written in the book of life, where all the elect of God be contained, neither is there any ende of that rejoicing. And whatsoever miracles it hath pleased god by him to have been done, he should remember they were not done for him: but for their conversion, whose salvation god sought thereby, &c.

Item, he directed another Epistle to king Ethelbert, as is expressed at large in the Chronicle of Henry Huntyngton, Lib. 3. in the which Epistle, first he praised God, then commendeth the goodness of the king, by whom it pleased god so to work such goodness of the people. Secondly exhortteth him to persist and continue in the godly profession of Christ's faith, and to be fervent and zealous in the same: in converting the multitude, in destroying the temples and works of idolatry, in ruling and governing the people in all holiness & godly conversation, after the godly example of the Emperor Constantine the great. Lastly, comforting him with the promises of life and reward to come, with the Lord that reigneth and liveth forever: premonishyng him besides, of the terrors & distresses that shall happen (though not in his days) yet before the terrible day of God's judgment: wherefor he willeth him always to be solicitous for his soul, and suspectfull of the hour of his death, and watchful of the judgment, that he may be always prepared for the same, when that judgment shall come. In the ende he desireth him to accept such presents as gifts which he thought good to send unto him from Rome, &c.

Agustine thus receiving his palle from Gregory, as is above said, and now of a Monk being made an Archbyshop, after he had baptized a great part of Kent: he after made two Archbishops or Metropolitans, by the commandment of Gregory, as witnesseth Polychronicon, the one at London, the other at York.

Mellitus, of whō mention is made before, was sent specially of the Eastsaxons in the province of Essex, where after he was made Bishop of London, under Sigebert king of Essex: which Sigebert together with his uncle Ethelbert, first built the church and minster of saint Paul in Londō, and appointed it to Mellitus for the bishops sea, Austē (associate with this Mellitus and Iustus through the help of Ethelbert ) assembled and gathered together the Bishops & Doctors of Britain in a place, which taking the name of the said Agustine, was called Augustine's Oke. In this assembly he charged the said Bishops, y ^t they should preach w ^t him y ^e word of God to the Englishmen, & also that they should among themselves reform certain rites and usages in their church, specially for keeping of their Eastertyde: baptising after the manner of Rome, and such other like. To these the Scots and Brytons would not agree refusing to leave the custom, which they so long time had contynued, without the assent of them all which used the same. Here the stories both of Bede, Cestrensis in Polychron. Huntyngtonensis, Iornalensis, Fabianus and other moe, write of a certain miracle wrought upon a blind English man: whom when the Britons could not help, Agustine kneeling down and praying, restored the blind man to sight before them all: for a confirmation (as these authors say) of his opinion in keeping of Easter. But concerning the credit of this miracle, that I leave, to the authors of whom I had it. Then Agustine gathered another Synod, to the which came seven Bishops of Brytons, with the wisest men of that famous Abby of Bangor. But first they took counsel of a certain wise and holy man amongst them, what to do: and whether they should be obedient to Agustine or not. And he said: if he be the servant of god agree unto him. But howe shall we know that, said they? To whom he answered again: If he be meek and humble of heart, by that know that he is the servant of god. To this they said again: & how shall we know him to be humble & meek of heart? By this quoth 〈◊〉 seeing you are y ^e greater number, if he at your coming 〈◊〉 your Synod rise up, & courteously receive you, 〈…〉 him to be an humble and a meek man. But if he shall contemn and despise you (being as ye are) the greater part, despise you him again. Thus the Brytaine Bishops entering into the Counsel, Agustine after the Romish manner keeping his chair would not remove. Whereat they being not a little offended, after some heat of words, in disdain & great displeasure departed thence. To whō then Agustine spake: and said, that if they would not take peace with their brethren, they should receive war with their enemies: And if they disdained to preach with them the way of life to the English nation, they should suffer by their hands the revenge of death. Which not long after so came to pass by the means of Ethelfride king of Northumberlande: who being yet a Pagan, and stirred with a fierce fury against the Britanes came with a great army against the city of Chester: where Brocmayl the Consul of that City, a fryend and helper of the Britain's side, was ready with his force to receive him. There was at the same time at Bangor in Wales an exceeding great Monastery, wherein was such a number of Monks, as Galfridus with other authors do testify that if the whole company were divided into seven parts in every of the seven parts were contained not so few as 300. Mōkes: which all did live with the sweat of their brows, and labor of their own hands, having one for their ruler named Dinoe. Out of this Monastery came the Monks to Chester to pray for the good succes of Brocmayl, fighting for them against the Saxons. Thre days they continued in fasting and prayer. When Ethelfride the foresaid king, seeing them so intent to their prayers: demanded the cause of their coming thither in such a company. When he perceived it was to pray for their Consul, then (saith he) although they bear no weapon, yet they fight against us, & with their prayers & preachings they persecute us. Whervpon after that Brocmayl, being overcome did flee away, the king commanded his men to turn their wepons against the seely unarmed Monks: of whom he slew the same time, or rather Martired .1100. only fifty persons of that number did flee and escape away with Brocmayl: the rest were all slain. The authors that write of this lamentable murder, declare & say howe the forespeaking of Agustine, was here verified upon the Britanes: which because they would not join peace with their friends, he said should be destroyed of their enimis. Of both these parties, the reader may judge what he pleaseth: I cannot see but both together were to be blamed. And as I cannot but accuse the one, so I cannot defend the other. First Agustine in this matter can in no wise be excused, who being a monk before, & therefore a scholar & professor of humility: shown so little humility in this assembly, to seven Bishops & an Archbishop, coming at his commandment to the Council, that he thought scorn once to stir at their coming in. Much less would his Pharisaical solemnity have girded himself, & washed his brethren's feet, after their travail, as Christ our great master did to his Disciples: seeing his Lordship was so hie, or rather so heavy, or rather so proud, that could not find in his heart to give them a little moving of his body to declare a brotherly & humble heart. Again the Britaynes were much, or more to blame, who so much neglected their spiritual duty, in revenging their temporal injury: that they denied to join unto their helping labor, to turn the Idolatrous Saxons to the way of life and saluatiō. In which respect all private cases ought to give place, and to be forgotten. For the which cause, although lamentable to us, yet no great marvel in them, if the stroke of gods punishment did light upon thē: according to the words of Agustine, as is before declared. But especially the cruel king, in this fact, was most of all to blame, so furiously to flee upon them, which had neither weapō to resist him, nor yet any will to harm him. And so likewise the same or like, happened to himself afterward. For so was he also slain in the field by Christian Edwin, who succeeded him: as he had slain the Christians before, which was about the year of our Lord. 610. But to return to Agustine again, who by report of authors was departed before this cruelty was done: after he had baptized and christened x. thousand Saxons or Angles in the West river, that is called Swale, beside York on a Christianmasse day: perceiving his end to draw near, he ordained a successor named Laurentius to rule after him the Archbishops sea of Dorobernia. Where note by the way Christian Reader, that whereas Agustine baptized then in rivers: it followeth, there was then no use of fontes. Agayne, if it be true that Fabian saith, he baptized x. thousand in one day: the rite thē of Baptising at Rome was not so ceremonial, neither had so many trinkets at that time, as it hath had since, or else it could not be, that he could baptize so many in one day.

In the mean season, about this time departed Gregory Bishop of Rome: of whom it is said, that of the number of all the first Bishops before him in the primitive time, he was the basest: of all them that came after him, he was the best. About which time also died in Wales, David Archbishop first of Kayrleion, who then translated the sea from thence to Meneuia, and therefore is called David of Wales. Not long after this also, deceased the foresaid Agustine in England after he had set there xv. or xvi. years: by the which count we may note it, not to be true that Henry Huntingdon and other do witness, that Agustine was dead before that battle of Ethelfride against the Mōkes of Bāgor. For if it be true that Polycronicon testifieth of this murder, to be done about the year of our Lord. 609. and the coming of Agustine first into the Realm, to be an. 596. then Agustine enduring xvi. years could not be dead at this battle. Moreover Galfridus Monumetensis declareth, concerning the same battle, that Ethelbert the king of Kent, being (as is said) converted by Agustine to Christ's faith: after he saw the Britaynes to disdain and deny their subjection unto Agustine, neither would assist him w ^t preaching to the English nation: therefore stirred up he the foresaid Ethelfride to war against the Britaynes. But that seemeth rather suspicious then true, that he being a Christian king, either could so much prevail with a Pagan Idolater, or else would attempt so far to commit such a cruel deed. But of uncertain things I have nothing certainly to say, less to judge.