The Annals of the World
Antiochus, falling in love with a young Damsel of Chalcis, the daughter of Cleoptolemus, where he hosted, being himself upward of fifty, laid aside all care of the war, which he had then in hand; and set his mind wholly upon wedding the wench; and called her by the name of Eubaea: and spent all the Winter after, in banqueting and revels; and as he did, so did all his army likewise, and spent all that season, in luxury and pleasure, [ Polyb. lib. 20. in Athenaeus, lib. 10. cap. 12. Diodorus. Sic. and Dio. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 296. and 609. Liv. lib. 36. Appia. pag. 96, 98.]
M. Acilius Glabrio, being Consul, upon the 5 day before the Nones, ( i. e. ) upon the third day of May (which that year, as we may gather out of the Eclipse which was in the year following, fell upon our January) went in his rich coat-armor, out of Rome against Antiochus, [ Liv. lib. 36.]
About the same time, came Ambassadors to Rome from two Kings, Philippus of Macedon, and Ptolemy of Egypt; both offering their aid against Antiochus, with money and corn: and from Ptolemy were brought in ready money, a thousand pounds in gold, and 20 thousand pounds in silver: but nothing was received, thanks only was given them, for their good will. And when both of them offered to come in person with their armies into Etolia: the Senate answered, That thy would not trouble Ptolemy; as for Philippus, that the Senate and people of Rome, would take it kindly at his hands, if he would assist M. Acilius their Consul, in what he might, [ Id. ibid. ]
Antiochus, [Year of the World c.] having had the worse of it as Thermopyla, in a battle against M. Acilius the Consul, and Cato a Colonel in that army (which battle is described by Livy, lib. 36. by Plut. in Cato, Major, by Appia. in Syriac. and From. lib. 2. Stratag. ) and forced to fly back into Asia, came to Ephesus, with his new wise, [ Liv. Justin, Appia, and Polyb. in Athenaeus lib. 10. cap. 12.] In Tullius book De Senect. Cato is brought in, speaking of himself, and saying, That he fought at Thermopyla, under M. Acilius Glabrio, in the fourth year after himself had been Consul; and both Plutarch in his Life, and Livy [lib. 36.] affirm, that he was sent by the Consul Acilius to Rome, with the news of that victory. Now what Antisthenes the Historian reports to have followed, and been acted by Buplagus the Syrian, and Publius a Roman Captain, after this fight at Thermopylae, is to be learned out of Phlegon of Tralles, in his book De M • rabil • bus, [cap. 3.]
Antiochus, being at Ephesus, lay there careless and void of all fear from the Romans, as one supposing that sure they would never offer to put over into Asia. But when Hannibal had roused him up from that vain and idle imagination, he presently sent for his forces out of the in-land Countries, to come down in all hast to the sea side, and rig'd up his navy, making Polyxenidas, a bandito of Rhodes, his Ammiral thereof, and presently put over again into Chersonesus, and fortified that; putting Garrisons into Sestus and Abydus, where he supposed the Romans, would endeavor to pass over into Asia. [ Liv. lib. 36. and Appia. pag. 99.]
C. Livius Salinator, [Year of the World 3814] who was sent to succeed Attalus in the charge of the navy, and Eumenes, sailing into Asia, met with Polyxenidas Antiochus his Ammiral by the way, and put him to flight, sunk ten of his ships, took 30 more, and lost but one of theirs; and that was of Carthage too: but they pursued Polyxenidas as far as Ephesus: and then sent back the Rhodian fleet, consisting of 25 ships, and which came after the fight was done, and Eumenes likewise with his ships, and came to Canas, a Town of Lycia, and there, because the winter came on, drew their ships on land; and fortified the place where they lay, with works for their defense, [ Lib. lib. 63. Appia. pag, 99, 100.]
When this battle at sea was fought at Coricus, (for there it was fought) Antiochus was gone to Magnesia, near the mountain of Sipylus, to gather his land forces together: and there hearing of his overthrow at sea, set himself to prepare a new navy, that he might not seem to be beaten out of the sea: and therefore he dispacht away Hannibal into Syria, there to get ships from the Phoenicians, and commanded Polyxenidas with all speed to rigg up his ships that were bruised in the fight, and to build new ones, to make up his fleet again, and himself the mean whiles took up his winter quarter, in the parts of Phrygia, and sent for aides from all parts, even out of Gallograecia itself, [ Liv. lib. 36. & 37. Appia. pag. 100.] for what with fear, what with money, he had drawn them also to join in arms with him, and the rather for that he thought the greatness of their stature and corsage, would be a terror to the Romans, [ Appia. pag. 89.]
Ambassadors now came to Rome, from Ptolemy and Cleopatra, to congratulate them for their expulsion of Antiochus out of Europe; and persuading them to pass into Asia: for said they, the fear of the Roman name is already fallen, not only upon all Asia, but even upon Syria also; and showing, that they were ready to do, what ever the Romans would command them. Thanks were returned to the King and Queen for their good wills, and presents to the Ambassadors, to every of them four thousand pieces of brass money, [ Liv. lib. 37.]
Antiochus left his son Seleucus with the army in Eolia, to keep the sea coast all along in order, for the Romans on the one side and Eumenes on the other were tampering with them everywhere, and Seleucus spent all that winter, partly in succouring his friends, partly in plundering those, whom he could not draw to his bent, [ Id. Ibid. ]
About the depth of winter, [Year of the World b.] Eumenes, with a company of two thousand Foot, and 100 Horse, came to Canas, where the Roman fleet wintered: there he told them, that if they would, they might get a great spoil out of the Country lying about Thyatira, and never left till he had persuaded Livius the Ammiral, to let him have five thousand men; with which he went, and in a short time brought them back again loaden with an excessive great booty, [ Id. Ibid. ]
In this interim, a sedition was raised in Phocaea, for there were some which sought to draw the common people to side it with Antiochus, for that the wintering of the Roman navy there, lay very heavy upon them; in regard they were charged to furnish them with 500 sea gowns, and as many coats; corn also grew very scant among them, insomuch, that both the ships and Garrison were fain to remove from thence, and quarter elsewhere. Then was the faction, which stood for Antiochus, quit of that fear: but the Aldermen, and chief of the City stood firm for the Romans; as the chief of the faction for Antiochus, were more prevalent with the commons, [ Id. [Ibid. ]
The magistrates therefore of Phocaea, fearing the inclination of the multitude, wisely sent their Agents to Seleucus, to pray him not to approach near their City, for that they were resolved to sit still, and to see what the issue of that whole war would be. But he being informed that the multitude was wholly for his father; and that they were in want of corn, made them no answer, but marched strait toward them with his army, [ Polyb. Legat. 18.]
At Rome, when both the new Consuls, Lu. Scipio, and Ca. Laelius Nepos, were ambitious, to go into Greece, P. Scipio, in the behalf of his brother Lusius, said, That if their pleasure were to send his brother thither, he himself would go as his Lieutenant, with him. That word of his carried it, for who so fit, said they, to go against Hannibal, as Africanus, who had already vanquished him? [ Cic. Philip. 11. Liv. lib. 37. Valer. Max. lib. 5. cap. 5. Justin lib. 31. cap. 7.]
In those days, when Lu. Scipio was upon his way against Antiochus, and whilst the anniversary games, in honor of Apollo, were celebrating, upon the fifth of the Ides, ( i. e. ) upon the ninth day of June, in a very clear day, it grew suddenly dark, by the coming of the body of the Moon under the sun, [ Liv. lib. 37.] And verily, that not long after, to wit, upon the 14 of March, after the Julian Calendar, there fell a horrible eclipse of the sun at Rome, appears by the Astronomical account: to which if 95. Idus Quintiles, (i. e. ) the ninth of our July did then answer, it will then follow, that the Calends, or first of January, the year following, must needs fall in with the 29 day of our August, so great a confusion was there of the Roman Calendar, in those days.
About the vernal equinox, [Year of the World c.] Pausistratus with 36 ships of Rhodians, Livius with 30 of the Romans, and Eumenes with seven of his own, went to Hellespont; Livius first stood in, for the port which was called, Portus Achaeorum, and from thence went up to Ilium, and having there sacrificed to Minerva, and then gave a favorable audience to the Ambassadors, of certain neighbouring Cities, as Eleus, Dardanus and Rhetaeus, all which came and voluntarily rendered themselves unto him; and then again, leaving 10 ships in the rode, over against Abydus, went with the rest to the other side, and there besieged Sestos, and having taken that in upon surrender, he provided himself to return to Asia side, there to besiege Abydus, [ Liv. lib. 37. Apppia. pag. 101.]
Whiles these things thus passed at Hellespont, Polyxenidas, the Ammiral of King Antiochus, bare Pausistratus the Ammiral of Rhods in hand, that he would betray all, or the greatest part of, Antiochus his fleet into his hand, and he, giving too easy credence to the others words, thereupon went to Samos, where, not keeping so due a watch as he should have done, he lost his life, and with it 29 sails of ships, which he had under his command; for there escaped of all that fleet of his, five only ships of Rhodes, and two of the Isle of Coos, [ Id. Ib. ]
At the same time also Seleucus recovered Phocaea, having a gate of the City set open to him, by which he got in with his army. While these things were acting in Eolia, Abydus, having endured the siege some few days, by the valor of the Kings Garrison that kept it, at length all grew weary of the business, and the chief magistrates of the City, with the good leave of the Captain of the Garrison, sent to Livius to treat of conditions for the surrender of the place unto him. But when in that very nick of time news came of the loss of the Rhodian navy, Livius would no longer stay to take in Abydus, and to keep Hellespont, but presently with all his fleet, set sails for Phocaea; but finding that to be held by a strong Garrison of the Kings, and that Seleucus was not far off with his army, he fell a wasting the sea coast, and having taken what spoil he could light upon thereabouts, especially of men, and staying only till Eumenes could overtake him with his fleet, he purposed to go for Samos; and thither at last, sorely weather-beaten, he came, and there joined his fleet with the Rhodians, consisting now of twenty sails, under the command of Eudamus their Ammiral. [ Livy. ]
Livius, having increased his fleet by this accession of the Rhodians, • ailed forthwith to Ephesus, and there ranged his ships in order of battle before the very mouth of the port. But when none came forth against him: he divided his fleet in two parts, whereof one lay at anchor in the very haven of the enemy, and the other landed their men; and when they had ranged there far and near, and gotten an exceeding great spoil; and were returning with it to their ship, Andronicus a Macedon, (Appianus calls him Nicander) Captain of the Garrison in Ephesus, saillied out upon them, and forced them to their ships, leaving a great part of their booty behind them, and returned forthwith to Samos, and thither came also L. Emilius Regillus the Praetor, who was sent to succeed Livius in the charge of the navy; and as he was coming thither from the Isle of Chios, Livius sent two fair ships of Rhodes, of four tire of oars a piece, and Eumenes himself in person, with two more of five tire of oars a piece, came to meet him, [ Id. and Appia. pag. 102.]
Having sat at Samos a while in Council, concerning the ordering of business at sea, Emilius, to terrify the enemy at his first coming, went with all his fleet to the very mouth of the port of Ephesus, and Livius went to Patara in Lycia, Emilius was driven off from Eph • esus, by a storm that rose upon him; and so, nothing done, returned to Samos, The Cities which Livius passed by, Miletus, Myndus, Halicarnassus, Cnidus, and Cous, shown themselves most ready to receive all his commands: but coming into Lycia, he was ill wellcomed there, both by a tempest at sea, and by the enemy at land, and therefore returned into Greece again, that having there spoken first with the two Scipios, who were then at that time in the parts of Thessaly, he might then take his journey for Italy, [ Liv. ]
At Samos there came letters to Emilius the Praetor, and Eumenes, from the Scipiots, by which they understood, both of the Truce that was taken with the Etolians, and of their own marching by land towards Hellespont, and the Etolians signified as much to Antiochus, and to his son Seleucus, [ Polyb. Legat. 19.]
Eumenes, sent his Agents into Achaia to make an association with them; which the commons in a general assembly ratified; and sent him a company of tall young men to assist him, [ Id. Legat. 20.]
L. Emilius, with all his fleet, passing by Miletus, and the other Cities of that coast, landed in the Bay of Bargillia, and went to Iassus, that City was held by a Garrison of Antiochus his men, and then, sending to the Magistrates and other chief men of the place, to persuade them; and being answered, that they would do nothing; he drew up to the walls, to besiege it: but the banditoes of Iassus, which were among the Rhodians, prevailed so far with them, and the rather by Eumenes his mediation, that they drew off, and left the siege. [ Liv. ]
Those of Heraclea in Pontus, sent Ambassadors to Emelius, and from him received a very kind and favorable answer in writing, purporting, that the Senate of Rome would be their good friend; and that neither their counsel nor care should be wanting, when ever they should have occasion to use them. [ Memnon Excerpt. cap. 28.]
Whiles Eumenes was away, busy in making war with the Romans and Rhodians, against the sea Towns of Lycia, Seleucus with his army, brake in upon his lands at home; and first came in hostile manner to Elaea; and, being able to do no good upon the City, wasted all the Country about it: and from thence marched with all his power to Pergamos itself, the Capital City of this kingdom. Attalus, Eumenes his brother, drew out, and pitched his Camp before the City walls, and often skirmished with the enemy; but finding himself too weak that way, drew in again, and kept himself close within the walls; and so the siege began. [ Idem. ]
About the same time, Antiochus himself going from Apamea, encamped first at Sardes, and then not far off from his son Seleucus, near the head of the River Caicus, drawing with him a huge army, made up of sundry nations. In which the greatest fear was of a squadron of Gallograecians, consisting of 4000 soldiers; and these, with some few others with them, he sent to ravage and wast all the Country about Pergamos, from one end to totoher. [ Ib. ]
Which when Eumenes at Samos heard of, being called away to look to his affairs at home, he took ship, and with all his men came to Elaea, and from thence coming to Pergamos, before the enemy heard of his arrival, he there sailed out often, and made some small skirmishes with the enemy; but within some few days after, both the Roman, and the Rhodian fleet came from Samos to Elaea, to help him. [ Idem. ]
When Antiochus heard that there were so many fleets come together into the same port, and withal, that the Consul with his army was all ready in Macedonia, and provision making at Hellespont for his transportation into Asia, he thought fit to try for a peace with the Romans, Eumenes, and the Rhodians all at once; wherefore he removed his Camp, and came to Elaea, and there, having taken a little hill over against the City, he there left all his foot, and with his horse (which were upward of six thousand) went down into a plain field close to the walls of the City, and then sent some Commissioners into it, to treat of a peace; whereupon L. Emilius sent for Enmenes from Pergamos to come thither to him; and advised with him, as also with Eudamus and Pamphilidas the Commanders of the Rhodian fleet, what was best to be done, And the Rhodians were not against a peace; but Eumenes said, that it was not for their honor to treat of a peace: and however they could not put an end to it at that time; and to that purpose Emelius sent Antiochus word, to wit, that before the coming of the Consul, there could no peace be made; upon which answer he presently fell a wasting of the Country all about Elaea: and then, leaving seleucus to continue the siege before Pergamos, he marched away full of fury with the rest of his army, and never stayed, till he came into that rich Country, which was called Thebes campus, (i. e. ) the plain of Thebes, and there he made all manner of havoc, and thoroughly enriched all his army for the present, [ Polyb. Legat. 21. Liv. lib. 37.]
At the same time, Diophanes of Megalopolis, came to Elea, sent from the Acheans to Eumenes, with a supply of 1000 foot, and 100 horse, [ Liv. Ib. with Polyb. Legat. 20.] all old beaten soldiers, and their Captain, one that was trained up under Philopoen, the most renowned Commander of all the Grecians, living in his time. [ Liv. Ibid. Appia. pag. 102. with Polyb. Legat. 20. pag. 810. and in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 110.]
So soon as they were landed, Attalus sent some to show them the way, and brought them to Pergamos. These Achaeans, upon their first arrival, made continual Sallies out upon Seleucus, to draw off, and be gone out of all that Country, [ Liv. Ib. and Appia. pag. 102, 103.] yet he hovered still about that coast, and annoyed his foes, and was a help to his friend in those parts, [ Liv. Ib. ]
Whiles Antiochus marched in hostle manner to Adramyteum, Emilius and Eumenes came about by sea; to the rescue of it. Whereupon he forbare to set upon the town, but fell a spoiling of the Country about it, and took Peraea, a colonie of the Mitylenians, so did he Cottos, and Corylenus and Aphrodysias, and Crene, at the first assault, and then returned by Thyatira to Sardes, [ Liv. ]
The Roman fleet, with the Rhodians and Eumenes went first to Mitylene, and from thence returned to Elaea, whence they came: and from thence sailing to Phocaea, they came to an anchor at Bacchius an Island, joining hard upon the City of Phocaea, and then spoiling their temples, and monument which they had spared before, came to the City itself: but when a company of three thousand Foot, sent from Antiochus, had gotten in before their coming, they forbear the siege of it, and returned again to the Isle, where they were before, having only first ravaged the Country thereabout, and from thence the Roman fleet returned to Elaea, and Eumenes, and the Rhodians to Samos, [ Id. ]
About midsummer, [Year of the World d.] the Rhodian fleet, consisting of 32 ships of four tire of oars, and of four others, of three tire, fought with Antiochus his navy, which was brought out of Syria, by Hannibal, wherein were 37 ships, of an extraordinary size, at a place called Sida, a promontory of Pamphylia; in which the Rhodians put Hannibal to flight, but could not follow the chase upon him, by reason their mariners were weak and sickly, for the most part; nevertheless, to hinder him from joining with the old fleet, they sent Chariclitus with twenty ships to Patara, and the port Megistus, whither also a little after they sent Pamphylidas, with four ships more, [ Id. ] and so Hannibal was blocked up in Pamphylia. [ Appian. pag. 104. see Emil. Prob. in Hannibale. ]
Antiochus coming to Sardes, sent Ambassadors with letters besides, to Prusias King of Bythinia, surnamed Cynegus ( i. e. ) the Hunter: whereby he dealt earnestly with him to join with himself against the Romans. This staggered Prusias for the present; but then came other letter to him from the two brothers, Lu. and Pub. Scipio; these put him out of fear of any great harm from the Romans. Especially, when presently after there followed an Embassy sent unto him from Rome, the for-man whereof was no meaner a person, then C. Livius, who was lately the Commander of their fleet, for having once spoken with them, he put on a full resolution for the Roman party, and to break off wholly with Antiochus, [ Polyb. Legat, 22. pag. 811, 812. Liv. lib. 37. Appia. pag. 101.]
Antiochus, seeing no further hope of Prusias, presently removed from Sardes to Ephesus, there to take a view of his fleet, which had been long time in providing: for seeing no other way left him to hinder the Romans from passing their land army into Asia, but by making himself absolute master at sea, he resolved to try what he could do that way, and to hazard a fight there. [ Polyb. and Livy, [Ibid. ]
Wherefore he went forthwith to see whether he could take Notium, which was a Town of the Colophonians, not far from Ephesus, where he then lay, that whiles the Romans came to relive a confederate town of theirs, by land, he might give his Ammiral Polyxenidas, an opportunity to work some seat at sea. Polyxenidus had at that time under his command 89 or 90 good ships, which Emilius and the Rhodians met with, at a place called Myonesus. Emilius had 58 ships, and the Rodians 22, saith Livy; or as Appianus, 25. In which Polyxenidas was worsted, and having a good wind in poup, fled speedily back to Ephesus, having lost 42 of his ships (not 29 only, as Appianus hath it) of which 13 came quick into the enemies hand, with all the men in them: of the Romans there were two only bilged, and some few other bruised; but of the Rhodians, Polyxenidas took one, and carried that away with him to Ephesus: That this fight was made in December, (as the year went then at Rome) appeareth by Macrobius, [lib. 1. Saturnalium, ] where he saith, that 11 Calend. January, &c. upon the 21 of December, was a feast dedicated to their Lares (i. e. their household gods) in which L. Emilius Regillus, Pretor, in the war against Antiochus, vowed a Temple to be built in Campo Martio. which vow, [ Liv. lib. 40.] tells us, was by him performed 11 years after, where is also a Copy, (but most falsely written) of a Table, containing the manner of this victory, hung up by him upon the doors, not only of his new Temple, but also of that of Jupiter's, in the Capitol.
Antiochus, troubled at the news of this overthrow, was so ill advised, as to draw off the Garrison which he had put into Lysimachia, forsooth, for fear, least they should fall into the Romans hands: and withal raising his siege from before Colophos, retired to Sardes, and from thence dispacht away letters to Ariarathes his son in law, in Cappadocia, to bring him aides from thence; and everywhere else, that he could to send him in men, [ Liv. ] Mean while he lay idle at Sardes, trifling away the time there, which might have been better spent in giving order for his affairs elsewhere, [ Polyb. Legat. 23.]
Emilius, [Year of the World 3815] after this victory gotten at sea, sailed straight to Ephesus, and there cast his ships into the form of a battailion, before the very mouth of the Port: and having thereby wrung out of Antiochus an open confession, that he had lost the mastery of the sea, he sailed to Chios, and having there new wrighted up such ships of his as had been any ways bruifed in the fight, he put over from thence to Phocaea, which not long before, was revolted from the Romans: he essaied at first, to have taken it by assault; but afterward it was surrendered to him: yet do what he could, he could not save it from the plunder of the soldiers: but the City itself, and their lands, and their laws, he restored entire unto them; and so, because the Winter came on, and that place had two Ports, he chose it for his Navy to winter in, for that year, [ Livy. ]
About the same time Lysimachia, which was full fraught and furnished with all manner of provisions, as if it had been to bid the Romans welcome, opened their gates to the two Scipioes: and from thence they set forward again, and thorough the Chersonese came to Hellespont, where they found all things ready prepared by Eumenes for their transportation. So they passed over, as into a friends Country, some here, some there, no man appearing to hinder their landing, and without any trouble at all, [ Id. ]
Antiochus, at his wits end, and not knowing what to do, yet sent Heraclides of Byzantium to treat with the Romans about a peace, with instructions both general to the Council of War there, and in particular to P. Scipio Africanus; But when answer was made him by the Council, that he must presently defray all the charge of the war thitherto, and give up all Asia on this side Taurus into the power of the Romans, he imagining there could no worse befall him, in case he should happen to be quite overthrown, cast away any further thoughts of peace, and prepared all things necessary to try his fortune in a field, [ Polyb. Legat. 23. Diodorus. Sic. Legat. 6, 7. published by Fulvi. Ursinus, Liv. lib. 37. cap. 7. Appia. pag. 105.]
L. Scipio the Consul, removing from his standing, came to Hellespont, all. Dardanus and Rhetaeus, where all the people of both places came out of their gates with joy, to welcome them: from thence he went to Ilium, and pitching his Camp in the plain which lay under the walls there, himself went up into the City, and Castle, and sacrificed there to Minerva, as President and Protectrix of that place. Then was there great glee, and mutual congratulations between the men of Ilium and the Romans; whiles they recounted how Aeneas, and the Captains that went heretofore with him, were their Country men, and went from thence; and the Romans no whit less proud, that they were descended of them; and were in all respects as glad to shake hands as parents and children use to be, when after long absence they happen to meet together, [ Liv. and Justin, lib. 31. cap. 8.] whereby the way, Demetrius Scepsius saith of himself, That he being then but a boy, happened to come into Ilium at that time, as a traveler, and that he there saw their houses lie so nasty, that they had not so much as roof-tiles to cover them withal, [ Strabo, lib. 3. pag. 594.]
Scipio, removing from thence, after six days march, came to the head of the River Caicus; where Eumenes came to him with his Forces, and here making provision of food to carry with them for many days, their purpose was to have set upon Antiochus, and dispatched the business before Winter came on upon them, [ Id. ]
P. Scipio Africanus, falling sick there, was carried to Elaea, leaving for his Substitute in his Lieutenant-ship, Cn. Domitius. But Antiochus making his rendevouz in a champion near unto Thyatira, not far from the enemy, sent home young P. Scipio, whom he had casually intercepted, to his father, ransom-free: which was not only an ease to his troubled mind, but even part of a cure to his diseased body, [ See Polib. Legat. 23. Liv. lib. 37. Justin, lib. 31. cap. 7. Appia pag. 105, 106. Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Illustr. pag. 609.]
The Senate, and people of Heraclea in Pontus, sent an Embassy to the Scipioes, desiring that they would ratify and confirm that league, which Emilius had formerly made with them; which was granted. They also prayed that Antiochus might be taken into the favor and friendship of the people of Rome; and drawing up a general decree of the people at Heraclea, sent it to Antiochus, advising him thereby to give off all further thoughts of war against the Romans, [ Memnon, Excerpt. cap. 28.]
Flotus, [ Histor. Roman. lib. 2. cap. 8.] tells us, That Antiochus fortified his army with Elephants of a huge bigness, all clad and glittering with gold, and silver, and scarlet, and ivory of their own kind. And in [1 Macchab. cap. 8. v. 6.] we read, that he had 120 Elephant, and indeed, that he had 102 when he fought with Ptolemy, and 150 afterwards, we have shown before [in An. Mun. 3787. and 3799. out of Polyb.] but we have Livy for our author, That in this fight, he had only 54 Elephants: where he also tells us, That he had there 70 thousand Foot, and upward of 12 thousand Horse; though Appianus tells us of 70 thousand that he had in all. But Florus, most hyperbolically, He had, (saith he) 300 thousand Foot, and as many Horse and iron Chariots in the field that day, But Appianus affirmeth, that the Romans had only 30 thousand Foot; of which number itself, there were left, two thousand Macedonians, Thracians, and others in the Camp for the defense thereof, as Livy saith.
This battle was fought near to Magnesia, seated at the foot of the Hill Sipylus. Hannibal was not in it, being locked up in Pamphylia with his Fleet which he brought out of Syria: nor P. Scipio Africanus, who at that time lay sick, in the City of Elaea. The day wherein the fight was, was misty; which caused that Antiochus, in so great an army, could not see both wings of his army at once, and the wet thereof marred the strings of the bows and thongs which they threw their Darts withal. Nevertheless they forced the right wing of the Roman army to run, and flee they did to the Camp: but when Emilius, who was left to keep it, saw them coming, he sent out his men to meet them, and they with their naked swords threatened to kill them there-right, unless they returned into the fight: Whereupon, they finding themselves thus hemmed in, with their fellows before, and the enemies behind, Emilius also offering himself and two thousand of his men to go with them, faced about; and running desperately into the throng of the enemy, made there a vast slaughter of them, and were the beginning of the victory that ensued; of Antiochus his part, 'tis said, there fell that day, 50 thousand Foot, and 4 thousand Horse, [ Liv. Eutrop. ] Livy says, there were taken of them, 1400. Justin, 11 thousand. Of the Elephants, some few were killed, 15 taken with their masters. Some few of the Romans were wounded; but there were not slain above 300 Foot, and 24 Horse, and of Eumenes his company, 25.
Antiochus, getting away with some few in his company, increased his number as he went, with others who fell in to him, and so with a reasonable show of an army, came to Sa • des, about midnight following; and hearing that his son Seleucus, and sundry of his Nobles were fled from thence to Celaenae, near which there was a new City built, called Apamea. He before day took horse again, with his wife and daughter, and came thither to him; leaving the keeping of Sardes to Zeno, and the government of the province of Lydia, to Timon. And the next day again, went from thence (leaving some of his Captains there, to gather up such pieces of the wreck as they could light upon) and came into Syria, [ Liv. lib. 37. Appia pag. 110. and Zonaras, out of D • cu. ]
Polyxenidas, Antiochus his Ammiral, hearing of this success at land, left Ephesus, and coming as far as Patara in Lycia, there, for fear of the Rhodian Fleet, which lay not far off at Megiste, went on shore, and with some few in his company, passed by land into Syria, [ Liv. ibid. ]
After this victory, came Ambassadors hudling in from all parts to Scipio; from Thyati • a, and Megnesia: first, then from Sardes, Tralles, Magnesia upon the Maeander, and Ephesus, all rendering themselves into his hands: after which, all the Cities of Asia did the like; submitting themselves wholly to his mercy, and sovereignty of the people of Rom, [ Id. ibid. ]
The Consul then went to Sardes, and thither came to him his brother P. Scipio from Elaea, so soon as he was able to travel. About the same time also Musaeus, sent as a Herald from Antiochus, by the mediation of P. Scipio, made suite, and obtained leave for him to send Ambassadors to the Consul, to treat of a total peace. And shortly after, came from him Ambassadors, Zeuxis the Governor of Lydia, and Antipater his brothers son: who having first treated with Eumenes, who by reason of former quarrels between them, they thought would be most averse from a peace with their Master, and finding him more pliable, than either they or their Master thought they should have done, they then made their adresse to P. Scipio, and by him were brought to the presence of the Consul himself; and he at their suit calling together a full Council, gave them audience, and upon a hearing, offered the King the same conditions, which he sent him from Hellespont, before the fight at Magnesia. P. Scipio only professing, that the Romans fashion was, Neither to be quailed, in case they were overcome in a battle, nor to grow insolent upon a victory gotten: the conclusion therefore was, That Antiochus must leave Europe, and part with all Asia, on this side the Taurus; and that for the charges and cost of the war, he must pay 15 thousand talents, of E • baea; 500 present, and 2500, when the Senate and people of Rome, had ratified and confirmed the peace then made, and 1000 talents more to be stalled, and paid in twelve years after, by equal portions, besides 400 talents to Eumenes for his damages, and the surplusage of corn whtch was owing to his father: also that he must give up into the Consuls hand, Hannibal the Carthaginian, and Thoas the Etolian, and some others, who had been the first incendiaries of this war: and lastly, 20 hostages for performance of these conditions. And when Antipater and Zeuxis, had accepted of these conditions; it was agreed on all hands, to send away presently Ambassadors to Rome for a confirmation of all, and so they brake up, [ Polyb. Legat. 24. Diod. Sic. Legat. 9. Liv. lib. 37. Justin, lib. 31. cpa. 8. Appia. pag. 111, 112.]
After this, the Consul brake up his army, and sent them away to their winter quarters, to Magnesia, and to Tralles, and Ephesus. [ Polyb. & Liv. Ibid. ]
The Consul himself went to Ephesus, and shortly after thither came to him a part of the 500 talents from Antiochus, which he was ordered to pay down present, and the hostages which he was to give, [ Id. Ibid. ] among which, one was Antiochus, the Kings youngest son, as Appia. [pag. 112, 113.] says, though Zonaras out of Dion tells us, that Manlius Vulso, who succeeded Scipio, was the first that demanded him in particular for a hostage.
M. Aurelius Cotta was sent by the Consul to Rome, [Year of the World b.] with the Kings Ambassadors, [The Julian Period. 4525] so was Eumenes likewise; [Year before Christ 189] and with them went the Ambassadors of Rhodes, of Smyrna, and almost of all the Cities and States, on this side the Taurus. [ Id. Ibid. ]
Manius Acilius Glabrio, made his entry into Rome, in triumph over Antiochus and the Eolians, [ Liv. lib. 37.]
Cn. Manlius Vulso, went Consul into Asia, and was appointed to take the army which L. Scipio had, with four thousand Foot more, and 200 Horse out of Rome, and of the Latins eight thousand Foot, and four hundred Horse: and at one and the same time almost, Manlius the Consul landed in Asia, and Q. Fabius Labio, came as Praetor to his charge of the fleet, [ Liv. lib. 37.] Now the new Consul arrived at Ephesus, in the beginning of the Spring, and received the army given up to him by L. Scipio; and having taken a view of it, he made an Harang unto them, inciting them thereby to prepare themselves for a war against the Galls, or Gallograecians, [ Liv. lib. 37.] But Fabius with the fleet, set sails for Crete, to set at liberty such Romans, and others of the Italian Nation, as were there detained in slavery. And returning thence to Ephesus, sent three ships from thence into Thracia, and commanded Antiochus his garrisons to be withdrawn from Enus and Maronea, and then to be restored to their pristine liberty, [ Id. lib. 37. in fi. ]
About the beginning of Summer it was, that Eumenes with the Ambassadors came to Rome, of which Cotta made a relation, first in the Senate house, and afterward to the people in General, of what had been done in Asia: and then Eumenes being bid to speak, by the Senate, opened to them, both what he had done in their service, and what his suit unto them was; but all very sparingly, and with great moderation: yet the Rhodians opposed him, as well on their own behalf, as for the liberty of the Grecian Cities and States there. But both parties heard, the Senate decreed, That all the Regions, on this side the Taurus, which belonged to Antiochus, should be assigned and given to Eumenes; excepting only Lycia and Caria, as far as to the River of Maeander, which they ordered should thenceforward be allotted to the Rhodians: and the rest of the Cities in Asia, which had been Stipendarie to Attalus, should hereafter be made tributary likewise to Eumenes; but such as had been tributary to Antiochus, should be free, and pay no tribute at all. [ Polyb. Legat. 25. & 36. Diod. Sic. Legat. 10. Liv. lib. 37. & 38. Appia. in Syriac. pag. 116.]
Antipater add Zeuxis, the Ambassadors of Antiochus, having had audience in the Senate, obtained a confirmation of peace for Antiochus upon such conditions as Scipio had given him in Asia, and when a while after, the people also had ratified the same, then was there a solemn league, with sacrifice, made with Antipater, chief of the Embassy for Antiochus in the Capitole, in further confirmation of that agreement, [ Polyb. Legat. 25. Liv. lib. 37.] and this league was cut in brass, and solemnly hung up, and dedicated in the Capitol, as other leagues were wont to be, and a Copy thereof sent to Manlius Vulso, the Consul, who succeeded Scipio in Asia. [ Appia. pag. 113.]
We read moreover [1 Maccab. 8. 7.] that among other things, in this treaty, it was agreed, That as well Antiochus himself, as his successors, should pay a great tribute to the Romans, and give hostages for security thereof, and a part of his kingdom, as was said before, and whereas, by this agreement, Antiochus was to pay (as I also mentioned before) 12 thousand talents, in 12 years, by equal portions, that is still to be understood of Euboic talents, not of Attic, (as Livy seems to have misunderstood Polybius) yet of the purest Attic silver; every of which was to weigh 80 pounds Roman: and 540 thousand bushels of corn, and 20 hostages, as before; with this, That they should be changed every 3 years. But in the rent which was made of his great kingdom, he had yet left entire unto him, not only Comagena, Syria and Judea, as in [ Excerpt. Memnon. ] but also all the upper provinces beyond Euphrates, as Babylonia, Assyria, Susiana, and the rest, and in the lower Asia, Silicia, though he was forbidden to come with his shipping into the streit of Silicia, to the westward of the river Calycadnus, and the foreland of Sarpedon, to make any war there. [ Polib. Legat. 27, and 35. Liv. lib, 37. and 38. Appia. pag. 112, 113.]
The Senate, [Year of the World d.] having heard the Ambassadors of Smyrna, and other States of Asia, according to the ancient manner, sent ten Commissioners to settle all matters in Asia, and to compose all differences between state and state there. [ Polyb. Legat. 25. Diodorus. Sic. Legat. 10. Liv. lib. 37.]
Now at what time the peace between the Romans and Antiochus was in agitation at Rome, Cn. Manlius in Asia, did what he could to put all into a new combustion and confusion there, and to have gotten Antiochus into his clutches, if he had come in his way: but he perceiving the Consuls dri • t, though often solicited to come to a parley with him, kept himself a loof, and would not come in his sight: and the Consul desirous to get him, came with his army to the parting of the waters, upon the top almost of the Taurus. But not able to pick any quarrel against him, or his, he fell upon the Gallograecians, under a pretence, That they had formerly assisted Antiochus in his war, and that they were of such a haggard kind, and so fierce of conditions, that it was to no purpose to have sent Antiochus going beyond the Taurus, unless their backs were broken, as well as his. And because Eumenes was then out of the Country at Rome, therefore he sent for Attalus his brother from Pergamos, to come unto him, being now removed from Ephesus to Magnesia, and upon this summons, Attalus came to him, attended with a thousand Foot, and some 200 Horse, and they both proceeding on to the river Harpalus. Atheneus, another brother of Eumenes, and Attalus, came to him, accompanied with Leusus of Crete, and Corragus, a Macedonian born, who between them, brought him a thousand more, of several nations, and 300 Horse. [ Livy lib. 38.]
Hither came to him Ambassadors from the state of Alabanda, at whose suit, a certain Castle, which had lately revolted from them, and was again forcibly recovered by them, was restored and confirmed to them. And the Consul, going still right forward, came to Antiochia, upon the Meander, and thither came also Seleucus the son of Antiochus, (as he might lawfully do by the articles with Scipio) to furnish himself with corn for his army, and there the inhabitants of Taba, a City of Silicia, bordering upon Pisidia, having idly fallen up the army of the Romans, and paid for their pains 25 talents, and ten thousand bushels of wheat, were by him taken to mercy; and the third day after they came to the back of the river Chaus, and removing from thence, came before the City Eriza, and took it at the first assault. [ Liv. ibid. ]
Moagetes the Tyrant, who had under him three Cities, Cybara, Syleum, and Alymne, all. Alnida, a cruel man, and subtle withal, could hardly be brought to purchase his peace, at the price of 130 talents, and 10 thousand bushels of wheat, [ Ib. ib. Polyb. Legat. 30,]
When the Consul had passed the River Colobatus, Ambassadors came to him from Isinda, praying him to come and help them; for that the men of Termessa, a City in Pisidia, joining with the inhabitants of Philomelia, had wasted their Country, plundered their City, and now besieged their Castle and all, whither all their Citizens, with their wives and children were fled to save themselves. He taking this occasion by the hair, marched towards Pamphylia, raised the siege from before Ilinda, and pardoned them of Termessa, upon the payment of 50 talents of silver; so did he them of Aspendus, and of the other Cities of Pamphilia. [ Polyb. Legat. 32. Livy ut sup. ]
Then, returning from Pamphylia, to his war intended against Gallogrecia, or Galatia; he took the City Cormasa, and therein a great booty, and so left it: and as he proceeded on his way by the fenns of that Country, Ambassadors came to him from the City of Lysinoe, and submitted to him: and having received them to mercy, he came into the plain of Salagessa, in Pisidia; out of which he drave away a rich proy of cattle: but when Ambassadors came to him, and presented him with a Crown of gold of 50 talents weight, with 20 thousand bushels of barlee, and as many of wheat, he made peace with them for the time to come, [ Polyb. Legat. 32. Liv. ut sup. ]
And going again from thence to the heads of the River Obryma, he encamped at a place called the Aporis-town: and thither came to him the next day Seleucus, from Apamea; and the Consul having sent away his soldiers that were sick, or otherwise unserviceable to Apamea, and being furnished with guides, of the way by Seleucus, came that day into a Country called the Metropolitan Country, and the next day to Dynias in Phrygia, and from thence again to Synnada; and by the way found the Cities everywhere abandoned by the inhabitants for fear of his coming: and his army grew so loaden with the spoil which they had taken, that they were unneath able to march above five mile a day, and, after that rate, came to Bendos, the old, and the third day after into the Country of Galatia, [ Liv. ]
Here he kept a standing Camp for certain days, and in that time sent his Ambassadors to Epossognatus, who alone of all the Kings of that Nation, had both kept in still with Eumenes, and would never be brought to send any aid to Antiochus against the Romans: and Epossognatus thereupon went to the rest of the Kings of that Nation and dealt what he could with them to submit to the Romans, upon fair and reasonable terms, [ Id. cum Polyb. Lega. 33.] Now there were at that time, three Kings of these Galls, called still by their old names, of Tolistobogians, Tectosagians, and Trochmians; and their names were, Ortiagon, Combolomarus, and Gaulotus, [ Liv. ] Of which three Ortiagon, a man of great repute for his bounty, prudence, and martial Valour, was thought at that time, to be ambitious of engrossing the whole sovereignty of that Nation into his own hands, [ Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 114. and Soudas in Ortiagon. ]
Mean while, Ambassadors came to the Consul as he lay encamped in a certain village called Tyscon, from Oroanda, desiring his friendship, which at length they bought at the rate of 200 talents, ready money, [ Liv. ]
While the Romans lay before a Castle of the Galatians, called Cuballus, the enemies Horse came in sight, and in a tumultuous manner, fell upon some of the Roman army and slew them: but the Consul having put them off, and slain of them in their flight, came on with his army, without staying anywhere by the way, to the River Sangarius, or Sagaris, which is a River in Galatia, running thorough Phrygia into the Pontic Sea, [ Liv. ]
And there, making a bridge, because it was nowhere foordable, and having passed the River, certain Galli, or Eunuchs, of Cybele the mother of the gods, sent by Attis and Battacus, her Priests, from Pessinunte, met him with their ornaments and other trinkets about them, and prophesying in a fanatic way, told him, That the mother of the gods sent them, to offer the Romans the victory and sovereignty of that Country. And when the Consul had answered, That he accepted of the offer, he presently pitched his Camp in the same place, [ Liv. and Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 209.]
The next day he came to Gordium, a Town forsaken by the inhabitants, but left full of all manner of provisions; and whiles he was there, news was brought him from Epossognatus, that he had spoken with the Kings of the Galls, but could bring them to no reason; and that they with their wives and children, and their chief wealth, were all drawing to the Mount Olympus, purposing there to defend themselves, trusting in their arms, and situation of the place, [ Liv. and Polyb. Legat. 33.] But they of Oroanda, came shortly after with more particular intelligence: that the Tolistobogians had already taken the Mount of Olympus: That the Tectosagians, had taken another Hill, called Magana; and that the Trochmians, leaving their wives and children with the Tectosagians, were gone to join their Forces with the Tolistobogians, [ Livy. ]
The Camp of these Galls, that were in the Mount of Olympus, was forced and taken by the Consul and Attalus. Claudius Quadrigarius saith, that they fought twice in the Mount of Olympus, and that there were there slain, to the number of 40 thousand men. But Valerius Antias, who useth commonly to over-lash in this kind, yet here speaketh only of 10 thousand slain; nor is there any doubt but the number of them, which were taken, made up the full number of 40 thousand lost, seeing they had drawn with them to that place, all sorts of people, young and old, of either sex, more like a Colony to inhabit by themselves, than an army to fight with an enemy. The Consul, having burnt all their arms in one fire, caused all the spoil of them to be brought in to him; and either sold all that was to be sold, or equally divided it in specie among his soldiers, [ Liv. ]
Yet remained there still an entire war with the Tectosagians: The Consul therefore marching towards them, came to a place called Ancyra, a great City in those parts: from whence, not above 10 miles, the enemy was encamped. There Chiomaris, Ortyagons wife, was taken prisoner; and when a certain Centurion had ravished her, she found her opportunity, and cut off his head, and sent it to her husband, (who had gotten home from Olympus) for a token, [ Liv. Florus, lib. 2. cap. 11. and Victor. De Vir. Illustr. cap. 55.] This story is more fully related by Polybius, who saith, that he spake with Chiomaris herself at Sardes; adding, That he wondered at the wisdom of the woman, [ Plutarch, De Clar. Mulier,] (i. e. ) of famous women.
At Ancyra, while he lay there in Camp, there came to the Consul, certain Ambassadors from the Tectosagians, desiring him to remove his camp further off from thence, before their Kings came to a treaty with him about a peace: but indeed they, under pretence of a parley, laid an ambushment to have surprised a party of the Romans, and being far the more in number, slew many of them, and had done more, had not some, who were abroad a forraging, hearing the cry, come in to their rescue, [ Polyb. Legat. 34, Livy. lib. 38.]
The Romans, enraged herewith, the next day marched, and with the whole body of their army, came where they were, and having spent two days, in viewing and considering the situation of the hill, where they lay, upon the third, the Consul drew out his army, divided into three brigadaes. The main strength of the enemy lay in the Tectosagians, and Trochmians, who made between them, 50 thousand Foot, and the horse-men, because they could make no use of their horses, in that craggy ground, joined on Foot with the rest, to the number of 10 thousand, and the Cappadocians sent from Ariarathes, and others from Morzes, in the left wing, made four thousand more. But when the battle was joined, the Galls went to ground, and after a vast slaughter made of them, the rest fled, and shifted every man for himself, where he could; yet in the chace, the Romans slew eight thousand more of them, the rest escaped over the river Halys.
On the morrow; the consull took a view, as well of the prisoners, as of the spoil that was taken; where he might see the men gnawing the chains they were tied in, with their teeth, and offering themselves to be throtled each by other. And the proy so great, as a most greedy and rapacious nation, which had had the spoil of all Asia on this side the Taurus for so many years, could be imagined to have raked together, Afterward the Galls that escaped, coming together, naked and wounded, and having lost all they had; agreed among themselves, to send, and sue to the Romans for a peace. The Consul willed them to follow him to Ephesus; for (mid-autumn being now past) he was desirous to get him gone out of that cold air, occasioned principally by the vicinity of that snowie mountain Taurus, and to draw near the sea side, and there to quarter his army for that winter, [ Liv. ibid. with Appian. in Syriac. pag. 115. & Flor. lib. 7. cap. 11.]
At Rome, the first of February, (which as the year there then went, was the 27 of our September.) L. Emilius Regillus triumphed over Antiochus, for the victory which he got of him by sea, [ Liv. lib. 37.]
About the time when the ten Commissioners, appointed to go for Asia, in company of those Ambassadors, and others which came out of Asia, set out from Rome upon their journey, and came to Brindisi. L. and P. Scipio happened, coming out of Asia, to land in Italy: and few days after entered Rome triumphantly. [ Polyb. Legat. 25.] L. Scipio rode in triumph over Antiochus, upon the last of February, being then Leap year, about the 16 of our November, almost a year after his Consulship was expired, and that he might not come behind his brother Africanus in any point, was by all men surnamed Asiaticus, [ Liv. lib. 37.]
C. Manlius Vulso, after the time of his Consulship was out, continued in Asia, as Pro-consul there, a year longer. [ Id. ib. lib. 38.]
In the fourth year of the 147 Olympiad, came Ambassadors to Manlius, then Proconsul, [Year of the World b.] wintering at Ephesus, from all Cities, States and Countries, dwelling throughout Asia, on this side the Taurus, to congratulate his victory over the Galls; and presenting him with Crowns of gold: all which he entertained with so much respect and favor, that he sent them away, more glad and joyful than they came. There came to him all the Ambassadors of the Galls, as he had appointed them, to know upon what conditions they might have their peace; to whom he answered, That he would hear them about that matter, when Eumenes came, and not before. Ambassador also came from Ariarathes King of Capadocia, to beg his pardon, and to redeem his offense with money, in that he had assisted Antiochus, his father in law, in his war: He was fined at 600 talents of silver, though Livy and Appianus say but 200. Musaens also came to him sent from Antiochus; to whom Manlius answered, That he would give him a meeting upon the borders of Pamphilia, and there receive the 2500 talents, and the wheat, which he was to pay, according to the agreement by him made with L. Scipio, [ Polyb. Legat. 35. Liv. lib. 38.]
At the first of the spring, having taken a view of his army, and Attalus along with him, he set out from Ephesus, and upon the eighth day after, came to Apamea; where having stayed three days, in three days more, he came with his army into Pamphylia, to the place which he had appointed for his meeting with Antiochus: where he stayed 3 days, and there distributed among his army the wheat, which Antiochus sent in: and the monies, he consigned to one of the Colonels, to be conveyed to Apamea: from thence he went to Perga; which was the only place in all that Country, which was kept with a Garrison. And when he drew near unto it, the Captain of the Garrison came out to meet him, desiring his patience for 40 days, save one, to advertise Antiochus, and to receive his answer, what to do, anent the surrender of the place unto him: which was granted, and upon the day, the Garrison left the place, [ Id. ibid. ]
About the same time, which was in the beginning of Summer season, the ten Commissioners with Eumenes arrived at Ephesus; where staying two days only, to settle their stomachs coming off the sea, they set forward and came to Apamea: The Proconsul hearing of their coming, sent his brother L. Manlius with 4 thousand soldiers to Oroanda, to demand the money, in arrere, of them: and himself, willing the Ambassadors of Antiochus to follow him, returned with his army to Apamea, and finding Eumenes there with the ten Commissioners, fell presently into consultation of what was to be done. First of all therefore it was agreed on all hands, to ratify and confirm the peace and league formerly made with Antiochus: for observance whereof, according as it was drawn up and prescribed by the Senate (the form whereof we find punctually delivered by Polybius and Livy.) Manlius the Proconsul in the presence of the Kings Ambassadors took a solemn oath, there; and that done, he dispatched away presently Q. Minucius Thermus a Colonel, and his own brother, L. Manlius, (who was then by chance returned from Oroanda, with the monies which he was sent for) to take the like oath of Antiochus, and to ratify all the conditions thereof, [ Id. ibid. with. Appia. pag. 113.]
The Proconsul then wrote his letters, to Q. Fabius Labeo, who commanded the Navy to come away forthwith to Patara, and there set fire on all the Kingships that there were, or otherwise destroy them, [ Polyb. and Liv. ut sup. ]
Lebeo, setting out from Ephesus, came to Patara, and there set fire on, or otherwise destroyed 50 ships of the Kings, as he was commanded: and in the same journey of his, recovered Telmessus, where all were at their wits ends, upon the sudden coming of the Roman Fleet. And then, setting sail out of Lycia; and sending word to Ephesus, for such as were left there to follow him, came thorough the midst of the Islands lying in his way, into Greece: and staying some few days at Athens, till his ships came to him from Ephesus, sailed thence with his whole Fleet into Italy, [ Livy. ]
The Proconsul, having among other things, which he was, by the Articles, to have from Antiochus, received the Elephants (which were at Apamea, as Polybius saith) and bestowed them all upon Eumenes; And then set himself to hear the differences (as in that confusion of things it could not be, but many must arise) between the several Cities and States. And Ariarathes King of Cappadocia, for Eumenes his sake, to whom he had then newly betrothed his daughter, had half his fine stricken off, [ Id. ]
At Apamea also, the Proconsul, and the ten Commissioners, having given audience to all that came, appointed certain indifferent places, by consent of all parties, where the differences between City and City, concerning either their bounds, or money-matters, or the like, should be heard, and ended. The Colophonians which dwelt in Notium, the inhabitants of Cyma, and Mylassa, were forever acquitted from payment of any tribute, by the Proconsul and Commissioners: and to them of Clazomenae, over and above their exemption from payment of tribute, they gave also a certain Island called Drymussa, which lay over against their City. And to the Milesians, they restored a place called Sacer Ager: (i. e.) The holy Country, which for fear of enemies, they had relinquished. As for them of Chios, Smyrna, and Erythrae, in regard of their extraordinary zeal and forwardness in their service, they both gave unto them, all such lands and regions, as they particularly desired to have, and had them also in singular recommendation above the rest. They of Phocaea had their laws and liberties restored them to the full, with all the territory which they possessed before the war began, [ Polyb. Legat. 36. Liv. lib. 38.]
To those of Ilium, they gave the Cities and Territories of Rhaetaeus, and Gergithus, not so much for any great service which they had done them, as in regard of the blood which was anciently between them, [ Liv. ibid. ]
And whereas before, there were but some certain few places, belonging to Pergamos, and the jurisdiction thereof, to wit, only to the sea side, near Elais, and Adramyttium, as Strabo teach us, [ lib. 13. pag. 627.] they now gave unto Eumenes, Lysimachia and the Chersonese of Thracia in Europe side; and in Asia, all Lycaonia, Myllus, Phrygia the greater and the less, and all the Countries of Lydia and Ionia, save only the Towns there, which were free, when the battle was fought with Antiochus: and namely, they bestowed on him Thralles, and Ephesus, and Telmessus in Lycia, and whereas he was anciently possessed of Mysia, and King Prusias had taken it from him by force, that they caused to be restored to him and for Pamphylia, which Eumenes his Ambassadors said, lay on this side the Taurus, and the Ambassadors of Antiochus, that it lay beyond it, they referred that difference wholly to the pleasure and judgment of the Senate itself. [ Polyb. Legat. 36. Liv. lib. 37, 38.]
The two Rhodian Ambassadors Theaetaetus and Philophron, desired that they might have Lycia and Caria, according to a former order and decree of the Senate in that behalf made. Hipparchus and Satyrus, the Ambassadors from Ilium, became suitors to the Commissioners, desiring them most earnestly, and by the blood that was between them, to pardon the Lycians. The Commissioners endeavored to satisfy both parties, as much as in them lay; for they laid no burden at all upon the Lycians, in favor to them of Ilium, and yet assigned the whole nation of the Lycians, to the Rhodians, to gratify them in some sort as they desired; save only the City of Telmessus, and sorts belonging thereto, and the Country belonging to Ptolemeus of Telmessus; Caria also, all beyond the Meander, was given to the Rhodians, all save those places, which were free the day before the battle at Magnesia, against Antiochus.
But the Lycians protested openly, That they would run any risque, rather than be in subjection to the Rhodians; alleging for themselves, That they were assigned by the Commissioners, not as subjects, but only as friends and associates to them.
When the Commissioners, according to the articles, among other things demanded Hannibal to be delivered up into their hands by Antiochus, he presently, upon notice thereof from the King, fled from thence, and went to Gortyna in Crete, [ Justin lib. 32. cap. 4. and Emil. Prob. in Hannib. ] Yet the report goes, That upon the overthrow of Antiochus by the Romans, Hannibal fled first to Artaxias in Armenia; and gave him much other good counsel: but among the rest, to build the Capital City in Armenia, which was from him called Artaxata, all. Artaxiasata, [ Plut. in Lucullo, Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 528.] for Artaxias, and Thariades, all. Zariadres, two Captains in Antiochus his army, by his permission formerly bare the rule, as Sovereigns over all Armenia, the one over the great, the other over the lesser: but after his overthrow, they joined with the Romans, and from them obtained, each the title of a King in his own dominions. [ Strabo Ibid. pag. 531, 532.] And it is most likely, that at the time, when they made friends with the Romans, Hannibal got him away thence also, and fled into Crete.
Antiochus, having thus lost all Asia, said, That he was very much beholding to the Romans, for easing him of so much trouble, by confining him within a more reasonable compass of his dominions. [ Cic. pro Dejotaro. Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 1.]
Cn. Manlius, [Year of the World 3817] and the ten Commissioners, having now settled all things, went with the whole army towards Hellespont, purposing to order matters in Galatia, as they went, [ Polyb. Legat. 36. cap. 1.]
And calling those petty kings to come in to them; they gave them such conditions of their peace as they thought fit; the sum whereof was, That they should keep peace with Eumenes, and warned them to give off that lewd custom of theirs, in raging up and down with their arms about them, and to keep themselves within their own confines, [ Liv. Ibid. ] to wit, within that part of Phrygia, and Paphlagonia, and Mysia, where it borders upon the mount Olympus, and Cappadocia, which being heretofore possessed by them, went now by the name of Galatia, [ Zonar. ea Dione. ] We also read [1 Maccab. 8. 2.] that there was a tribute imposed on them, and so the Romans having chastised the Galatians for their insolency used towards them, acquired to themselves the whole, and entire sovereignty of Asia on this side the Taurus, and made that the bound of the Empire Eastward for that present, and freed the inhabitants there from that terror which they were formerly in from those fierce and barbarous Galls. [ Polyb. lib. 3. pag. 159. with Manlius his Oraion, in Livy lib. 38.]
Manlius gathered all the ships which he could get in all that coast, and Eumenes with his ships came also to him; and in them passed himself with all his army into Europe, [ Liv. lib. 38.]
Antiochus, marching with his army into his upper provinces (or as Jerome upon Daniel cap. 11. speaketh, passing thorough the furthermost Cities of his domions ) proclaimed his son Seleucus Philopator to be his successor, as we find, [2 Maccab. 9. 23.]
When Antiochus, [The Julian Period. 4527] whether feeling himself over-loaden, [Year before Christ 187] with the heavy tribute laid on him by the Romans, or whether it proceeded from a fit of avarice that took him, whereby he thought he might under color thereof, fall to committing sacrilege upon his gods, and hearing that the Temple of Jupiter Belus in Elimaiis, abounded with Silver and Gold, and other precious Jewels, of offerings there made, he purposed to seize it all into his hands; coming therefore into Elemaiis, and pretending that the inhabitants of that place, had raised a war against him, with the power of his army, he entered into the Temple by night, and took thence an infinite mass of wealth; which coming to the people's ears, the peasants of the Country came in, and set upon his army, and slew both him and them, [ Diodorus. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 292, 298. Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 744. Justin, lib. 32. cap. 2.] Jerome upon [ Dan. chap. 11.] says that he was slain in a fight against the inhabitants of Elema • is: but [ Arel. Victor. de Vir. Illustr. ] tells us, that he was slain, by his own pot-companions; some of whom, in a drunken fit, he had beaten, and misused at a Feast: but slain he was, and that, as Zonaras rightly averreth out of Dion, in the year when C. Flaminius, and Emilius Lepidus, were Consuls of Rome.
After his death Seleucus, surnamed Philopator, or as Josephus, [lib. 12. cap 4.] Soter (which was indeed the surname of his son Demetrius) suceeded him in his kingdom, and reigned 12 years; a man of a lazy humor, nor of any great power, by reason of his fathers great loss sustained from the Romans, [Appia. in Syriac. pag. 131. with Porphy. Euseb. and Severus, Sulpitius.] In this very entrance to the kingdom, he had a son, called Demetrius, whose surname was Soter, who as Polybius [Legat. 107.] was 23. years old, when his Uncle Antiochus Epiphanes died, And of this Seleucus, is meant that which is said, in the beginning [of the third chapter of the third book of Maccab.] When the Holy City lived in all peace, and the laws therein excellently well excuted, by reason of the piety of Onias the High Priest, and for that he was an utter enemy to all ungodliness; it came to pass that even Kings themselves honored this Place, and adorned the Temple with many rich offerings: Insomuch, that Seleucus himself, King of Asia, furnished all cost out of his own cofers, for the public ministry of the Sacrifices.
When Philopoemen was Praetor: ( i. e. ) Chief Magistrate of the Achaean • , Demetrius of Athens, came as an Ambassador of Ptolemeis from Alexandria, to renew his league with the Achaeans; and they being very glad thereof, sent their Ambassadors in like manner to him: to wit, Lycortas, father to Polybius the Historian, and Theodoridas, and Rhositeles of Sicyone, both to take their oath to the King, and also to receive his oath to them, [ Polyb. Legat. 37.]
Cn. Manlius Vulso, [Year of the World 3818] contrary to the votes of the ten Commissioners, triumphed in Rome over the Galls in Asia, upon the fifth day of March, [ Liv. lib. 38. & 39.] Concerning whose doings in Asia, Hannibal, having now nothing else to do, wrote a book in Greek: which language he had learnt, from one Sosilus a Lacedaemonian, and dedicated it to the Rhodians, [ Emil. Probus, in Hannibale. ] Which Sosilus was born at Ilium, and wrote the gests of Hannibal in 7 Volumes, as [ Diodorus. Sic. lib. 26. Eclog. ] affirmeth.
When Aristaenus was Praetor, or Chief Magistrate in Achaia, the Ambassadors which were sent from thence to King Ptolemy, returned home, whiles the general Assembly of that Nation were met, and sitting at Megalopolis: before whom Lycortas declared, That according to their commission they had taken their oath to the king, and reciprocally received his oath to them: adding further, that they had brought a present from the King to the Commonalty of Achaia; to wit, arms all of brass to furnish 6000 Targateers, and 200 talents of brass, ready coined, [ Polyb. Legat. 41.]
To that meeting Eumenes also sent his Ambassadors, to renew the league with them which had formerly been between them and his father; promising moreover, to bestow on them, 120 talents, to the end, that putting them out to use, the income thereof might serve to defray the charges of such as were to come from time, to time, to their assemblies; which largesse of his so offered, though their mouths watered at so great a sum, yet with one voice, they all refused, and would none of it, [ Id. ibid. Diodorus. Sic. Legat. 13.]
Eumenes his Ambassadors came to Rome, [Year of the World 3819] to treat there concerning the possession of two Cities of Thracia, [The Julian Period. 4529] Enus, [Year before Christ 185] and Maronaea, which they said belonged to him, as appurtenant to the Chersonese of Thracia, which the Romans had given him; and withal, to complain of Philippus, King of Macedon, for that he had seized on them by force, and put Garrisons in them, and had drawn from thence certain inhabitants there, and planted them in Macedonia. For the hearing of which difference between them, the Senate joined Q. Caecilius Metellus, and M. Baebius, and Tib. Sempronius, in Commission, and sent them; and they coming to Thessalonica, heard both parties argue the case before them, [ Polyb. Legat. 40, 42. Liv. lib. 39.]
When they returned to Rome, [Year of the World 3820] and the Ambassadors on either side, pleaded there nothing but what they had already said before the Commissioners at Thessalonica: the Senate decreed a second commission, whereof the chief man was Ap. Claudius, with instructions, to put out all Garrisons from Enus and Maronaea, and to assoil all the sea coast of Thracia from the power and jurisdiction of Philippus and his Macedonians, [ Polyb. Legat. 42, 44. and Liv. lib. 49.]
At the same time also, Areus and Alcibiades, the two Prime men of Sparta, came to Rome, and in the Senate made a heavy complaint against the Achaeans; whereupon the Senate thought fit to refer that cause also to the same Commissioners, [ Polyb. Legat. 42. Pausan. in Achaic. pag. 214.]
Lycortas of Megalopolis, Polybius his father, the Praetor of Achaia, called an assembly of the Nation: wherein Areus and Alcibiades, who went to complain of them at Rome, were condemned to die for it, [ Liv. lib. 39. Pausan. ut. sup. ]
A while after, the Roman Ambassadors came into Achaia, and the common Council or Assembly of Achaia met before them, at Clitore in Arcadia, [ Liv. ibid. Polyb. Legat. 43.] but their coming in no sort pleased the Achaeans, when they saw Areus and Alcibiades (whom they in a late assembly had condemned to death) in their company; Lycortas, like a Magistrate, pleaded and maintained the cause of the Achaeans very boldly: But the Commissioners, not regarding much what he said, declared openly and with joint consent, that Areus and Alcibiades were honest men, and had done the Achaeans no wrong at all, and prevailed so far, as to have the sentence given against them to be reversed, [ Liv. and Pausa. ut. sup. ]
When Hannibal had lived a long time very quietly at Gortyna in Greet, and fell there into the envy of many by reason of his great wealth, he filled certain great chests with lead, and deposited them in the Temple of Diana there, as a treasure for a dead lift: and thereupon the people, having such a pledge as that of him, looked the less after him: but he in the mean time stole away to Prusias, surnamed, as I said before, the Hunter, King of Bythinia, having first molten his gold and infused it into certain hollow Statues of brass, which he carried away with him, [ Justin, lib. 32. cap. 4. and Emil. Probus, in Hannibale. ]
There fell a little after a war in hand, between Prusias and Eumenes, King of Pergamos: which Prusias began, breaking the league that was between them, merely in confidence of Hannibal, whom he had there to manage his war for him, [ Justin, ibid. ] The war therefore grew hot between them, both by land and sea: but Eumenes by the assistance of the Romans, over-powered him in both: and whereas Prusias was but poor, and weak of himself, Hannibal procured him the assistance of some other Kings and States, and those of very warlike Nations, [ Emil. Prob. ] and among them, the aid of Philippus King of Macedon, who sent him Philocles his General, with a considerable army to help him, [ Polyb. Legat. 46.]
In the 149 Olymp. when M. Claudius Marcellus, [Year of the World 3821] and Q. Fabius Labeo, first entered into their Consul-ship, came to Rome an Embassy from Eumenes, carried by Athenaeus his youngest brother, who brought with him a Crown of Gold of 15000 talents price, to complain of Philippus; both for that he had not withdrawn his Garrisons out of Thracia, as also for that he sent aid to Prusias, King of Bithynia, who had willfully broken his league, and made war upon his brother Eumenes, [ Polyb. Legat. 46. Livy, lib. 39.] and among other Ambassadors, from Lacedemon, came Areus and Alcibiades to the Senate, [ Polyb. ibid. ]
When Prusias had received an overthrow from Eumenes by land, [The Julian Period. 4531] and seeking to try his fortune by sea, [Year before Christ 183] was too weak for Eumenes: there also Hannibal advised him to to try whether he could do by policy and fraud, what by plain force he was not able to effect. He put therefore a multitude of all sorts of serpents into earthen vessels, and in the midst of the fight, to be hurled aboard the enemies ships; giving order to the soldiers and sea-men, to set all upon the ship wherein Eumenes himself was, and defend themselves from the rest as well as they could; by this device of the serpents, and that they might the more certainly know, in what ship Eumenes himself was, he sent beforehand a letter to him by a Herald, purporting nothing but a mere flout to Eumenes, and full of abuses to his person. When as therefore Prusias his men, came to it, they fought neither against great nor small, but only against the ship which Eumenes was in: whereupon he was fain to seek his safety by flight; but had perished therein, had he not thrust in upon the next shore, where he had placed beforehand, for a relief upon all occasions, a company of his own. As for Eumenes his other ships, when they pressed hard upon the enemy, they let fly their earthen pitchers full of Snakes, which falling on the decks, brake, and out flew the Serpents among them; and this at first seemed a ridiculous thing unto them: but when they could stir nowhere in the ship for Serpents, and found themselves no less annoyed with their stings than with the arrows of their enemy, they gave off the fight, and fled to their sea-camp which was upon the shore. [ Justin lib. 32. cap. 4. Emil. Prob. in Hannibale. ]
Thus Hannibal, by this trick, got the better of Eumenes, in that fight; nor then only, but also in sundry other encounters and by one stratagem or another, he ever put Eumenes to the worst. And once, when he advised Prusias to fight, and he durst not, because the entrails of the beasts, said he, forbid me: What, said Hnnibal, will you rely more upon a little piece of flesh in a Calf, than upon the judgment of an old experienced Captain in the field, [Cic. De Divinat. lib. 2. Plut. in his Treatise, De Exilio. Valer Max. lib. 3. cap. 7.]
Now when news of these doings came to Rome, Ambassadors were out of hand dispatched away by the Senate, to make a peace between the two Kings, and to demand Hannibal, out of Prusias his hands. [ Polybius Legat. 47.] tells us, That Ti. Qu. Flaminius, was at that time sent Ambassador, both to Prusias, and also to Seleucus, King of Syria, and Livy, [ lib. 36. out of Galerius Antias ] shows, That Lu. Scipio Asiaticus, and P. Scipio Nasica, were joined in Commission with him to Prusias.
Agesipolis, who in his nonage, was King of Sparta, being sent with others to Rome, from such as were then bannished out of Lacedemon, by the way fell into the hands of Pirates, and was by them slain, [ Polyb. Legat. 49.] This Agesipolis was the son of Cleomenes the King of Sparta, who was slain in Alexandria, as before, An Mun. 3784. and was solemnly taken in for their King, by the Ephori there, but was turned out again, by those usurping Tyrants which succeeded in that state, Lycurgus, Machanidas and Nabis, as Polybius, [ lib. 4. pag. 304.] teacheth us. But now, that this lawful King was dead, Areus, of whom I speak before out of Polybius, Livy, and Pausanias, being a most earnest and violent defender of his Countries liberty against the Achaeans, their power being now abated by the Romans, seemeth to have acquired to himself the title of a King among them, for Josephus, [l. 12. Antiq. c. 4. & Euseb. in Chron. ] both testify, that Areus the King of Lacedemon, sent an Embassy, and wrote his letters to Onias 3. son of Onias, the High Priest at Jerusalem, which letters are extant in Josephus, [ cap. 5. lb. & cap. 12. lib. 1. Macabae. ] a book exactly translated out of the Hebrew, (for that book was originally written in Hebrew, as Jerome shows) and retaineth everywhere the brevity and Hebraisms of it, in which letters, mention is made of the blood and kindred that was between the Jews and Lacedemonians, which seemeth to have been taken out of the Mythological or fabulous writings of the Greeks; such as was that of Claudius Iolaus, in Stephanus Byzantinus in the word Judea, that the name of the Jews came from one Judaeus Sportones, a companion or fellow soldier of Bacchus in his wars; though Pausanias in his Corinthiaca, [pag. 58.] assures us, That the names of Sportones, was altogether unknown to the Spartans or Lacedemonians of his time.
Eumenes began now to make war with Prusias King of Bythinia and Ortyagon, one of the Kings of the Galls. [ Prolog. Trogi, lib. 32. with Polyb. lib. 3. lib. 159.]
The death of Hannibal, I conceive, fell in with the Consulship of L. Emilius Paulus, and Cn. Baebius Pamphilus, for so Polybius, and Valerius Max. write; and not in the year before: as Atticus, and Livy, who follow him there, would have it, nor yet in the year next following, as Sulpitius, and in Emil. Probus, in Hannibale. Now the manner of his death, as we find it 〈◊〉 Livy, [lib. 39. in Justin lib. 32. cap. 4. in Plut. in the Life of T. Q. Flaminius in Dion, quoted by Zonaras, in Emil. Prob. in Hannibale, and in Appianus in his Syriaea, pag. 92.] was in this manner.
Hannibal kept himself close in one place, [Year of the World 3822] which was a little Castle, given him by Prusias; to which he had made seven doors; some of which were blind, to the end, That if any came to beset the house, they should not set any guard there, because they appeared not to be doors. When therefore he heard, that the Kings soldiers were in the porch, to break in upon him, he went to get out at one of those blind back-doors: but when he found that, contrary to his expectation, beset also with men to take him; and the house beset quite round everywhere, he took his poison, which he carried ever about him, for that purpose, and so died at the age of 70 years old: of whose death it is said. That there was this Oracle long before uttered.
Which word Libya, or Lybyssa, he ever understood of Libya in Afric: whereas it was indeed a little Village in Bythinia, near the sea side, called also by the same name, of which Pliny, [ lib. 5. cap. 22.] speaking, saith: There was in those parts, a little Town called Libyssa, where 's now nothing worth the seeing, but Hannibals tomb only.
Pharnaces King of Pontus fell suddenly upon the City of Synope and took it; which from thence forward continued in the possession of him and his successors. [ Strabo lib. 12. pag. 545, 546.]
In the second year of the 149 Olymp. came Ambassadors to Rome from the two Kings, Eumenes and Pharnaces, who were then in war one against the other, as also from the Rhodians, complaining of the wrong done to them of Synope, by Pharnaces. Whoreupon Marius and others in commission with him, were sent Ambassadors to take knowledge of the case of Synope; and to compose all differences between the two Kings, [ Polyb. Legut. 52, 53. and Livy lib. 40.]
Hyrcanus (the son of Josephus, and nephew to Tobias) was sent to Seleucus, to gather up his tributes, on the other side of the river Jordan Eastward: where he built a fair and most fortified Castle, all of white marble, which he called by the name of Tyros, to wit, in the codfines of Arabia, and Judea on the other side Jordan, not far from the land of Heshbon, and was governor of all that Region, during the last seven years of Seleucus his reign; living all that time in war with the Arabians, and making great slaughters of them, besides many prisoners taken, and made slaves by him. [ Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 4, 5.]
Marcius and his fellow Commissioners, who were sent to see how the squares went between Eumenes and Pharnaces, returned; and made their report in the Senate, of what they found; setting out Eumenes his fair dealing, and temperate carriage in all things, blazoning the avarice and high fierce carriage of Pharnaces to the full, [ olyb. Legat. 53.] for indeed he was the most violent and invirious King that ever was before him, [ Id. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 130.]
When Ariarathes King of Cappadocia, [Year of the World 3823] joining in with Eumenes of Pergamos, made war upon Pharnaces King of Pontus, all three at once, sent their Ambassadors to Rome, and the Senate having heard them all, answered, That they would send Comm • ssioners once more into those parts, with power to hear and determine all matters between them, [ Id. Ib. cum. lib. 3. pag. 159. Liv. lib. 40.]
Pharnaces, scorning thus to dance attendance upon the Romans, burst out again, and sent Leocritus in the midst of winter, with an army of ten thousand men, to harast and ravage all the Country of Galatia. [ Polyb. Legat. 55.]
And himself in person, the spring following, mustered all his forces, as if he would have fallen upon Cappadocia. [ Id. ib. ]
Eumenes fretting to see him thus transgress all bounds of law and honesty as he did, together with his brother Attalus, newly then returned from Rome, marched into Galatia, against Leocritus, but him they found not there: and when Carsignatus (or rather, Epossognatus, as Fulvius Ursinus thinks it should be) and Gazotorius sent their Ambassadors to desire them to forbear doing them any harm, for that they were ready to do what ever they were commanded, but were rejected by him, as men who had formerly falsified and broken their faith and word unto him, and so they went on against Pharnaces. [ Ibid. ]
At the end of five days march, Eumenes with his brother came from Calpito, all. Calpia, a City of Bythinia, to the river Halys; and the sixth day after to Amisus, a city in Cappadocia: where when Ariarathes the King of that Country, had joined his army with theirs, they all came into the plain of Amisus, where they had scantly pitched Camp, when news came, that Commissioners were come from Rome, to make a peace between them: whereupon Eumenes presently sent away his brother Attalus to welcome them into those parts, and he in the mean time doubled his army, and put them all into the best equ page he could, [ Ibid. ]
The Commissioners at their first arrival, exhorted both parties to a peace. Eumenes and Ariarathes, answered, With all their hearts; and what ever else they should be pleased to command; and when the Commissioners prayed, That during the treaty, they would draw out their forces from the enemies Country, Eumenes readily assented thereto, and the next morning gave order to send back his forces into Galatia, [ Ibid. ]
The Commissioners then treating with Pharnaces, could by no means prevail with him, to come to any conference where Eumenes should be present, and much a do they had at last to persuade him to send his Ambassadors to some place by the sea side, with full power there to treat, and to stand to such order as they should think fit to set down between them; and when his Ambassadors came to the place appointed, and the conference was now began, Eumenes was ready to yield to any conditions: but the Ambassadors of Pharnaces shown themselves in such a fashion as the Commissioners easily perceived, that Pharnaces himself had no mind to come to any agreement, [ Ibid. ]
So the conference brake off, and no peace concluded between them, and when the Commissioners were gone from Pergamos, and Pharnaces his Ambassadors sent away, the war went on as before, between them two: and Eumenes fell to prepare all things necessary for it on his part; nevertheless, at the earnest instance of the Rhodians, who desired his aid against the Lycians, he let Pharnaces alone for that time, and went to help them, [ Ibid. ]
Leocritus, the General of Pharnaces his Forces, having laid hard siege to Pius (or rather Teios) a Town in Pontus, forced the Garrison which was there, consisting all of mercenary soldiers, to deliver up the Twon to him, upon condition, that they themselves, should be conveyed to what place they should name for themselves, in safety: but having afterward received an express from Pharnaces to put them all to the sword, because they had formerly offended him, he pursued them upon the way, and slew them every man, [ Diodorus. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 302.]
Seleucus, having gotten together a reasonable army, and going to the aid of Pharnaces, was ready to pass the Taurus: nevertheless, calling to mind that in so doing, he should break the articles accorded between his father and the Romans, upon better advice, he brake off that journey, and returned home again, [ Id. ibid. ]
Yet afterward Pharnaces fell to an agreement with Attalus, [Year of the World 3824] and the rest, [The Julian Period. 4534] and they entered into a solemn league between them. [Year before Christ 180] Eumenes at that time had laien sick at Pergamos, but was now recovered: and having ratified all that Attalus had done therein, upon his return, sent both him and the rest of his brothers all to Rome, where every man, who knew what service they had done in the wars in Asia, bad them heartily welcome; but the Senate, in special, caused lodgings to be provided for them, and large allowance to be made them at the public charge. And Attalus coming into the Senate-house, complained of the wrong that Pharnaces had done them; and desired them to chastise him according to the measure of his offense: to whom they made a gracious answer, promising to send Commissioners, who should make, a final accord between them, [ Polyb. Legat. 56. Diodorus. Legat. 14.]
Ptolemaeus Epiphanes, desirous to make a more strict association with the Achaeans, sent his Ambassadors to them, promising them ten ships, each of 50 oars a piece ready furnished to the full. The Achaeans, considering that the offer was too good to be refused, as amounting to the value of almost 10 talents, accepted thereof very willingly: And sent him their Ambassadors, Lycortas with his son Polybius, (to wit, the Historian) though younger at that time, than by their law and Ambassador should be: and with them, Aratus, the son of Aratus the Sicyonian, with instructions both to thank the King for the arms and monies, which he had formerly sent them by Lycortas; and also to receive from him, the ten ships now promised, and to bring them, into Peloponese. But this Embassy never went further then Achaia itself, by reason, that news came of the death of Ptolemy, [ Id. Legat. 57.]
For when Ptolemy laid a trap to take Seleucus in, and withal set on foot an army to go against him, and one of his Captains asked him where he would get money to go thorough with what he took in hand, his answer was, That his friends were his treasur: which saying of his, flying abroad, and coming to his Friends and Captains ears, and they conceiving that his meaning was, to furnish himself by stripping them of their means, agreed among themselves and poisoned him, [ Jerome upon Daeniel, chap. 11.] This Ptolemy Epiphanes, in Priscian the Grammarian, is said by Cato, to have been a most excellent and bountiful King; and the truth is, that for a long time, he carried himself very nobly and well; but afterward when by the persuasion of some clawbacks of the Court, he had caused Aristomenes, whom he had formerly honored as a father, to take a drench of hemlocks, whereof he died, he grew to a further heighth of blood and cruelty, and ruled his people more like a Tyrant than a King; whereby he fell into such hatred and detestation among them, that they were ready to depose him, [ Diodorus. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 294, 297.]
At his death, he left two sons, both under age: the eldest was called, Philometor, the younger, Physcon, [ Josephus, lib. 12. cap. 5.] Ptolemaeus Philometor (whom Epiphanius miscalleth Philopator) reigned after his father 35 years: as [ Clau. Ptolemaeus, in Can. Reg. Clemens Alexandrinus, Eusebius, ] and others tell us: of which we, to make the times even, abate 3 months only.
Pharnaces, [Year of the World 3825] finding himself over-laid by this unexpected and violent coming on of the enemy, [The Julian Period. 4535] sent his Ambassadors to Eumenes and Ariarathes, [Year before Christ 179] and sued for peace: so this war between Eumenes and Ariarathes on the one side, and Pharnaces and Mithridates, Lord of Armenia, on the other, was taken up, and ended upon these conditions; to wit, That Pharnaces should no more set foot in Galatia; and should break off all former agreements and leagues made with the Galatians. That he should likewise get him going out of all Paphlagonia: and such of the Inhabitants thereof as he had carried from thence, he should send home again, with their arms. That he should restore to Ariarathes, all the places which he had taken from him, with such hostages as he had received of him. That he should restore all the prisoners which he had taken, ransom-free; and deliver up those which had left their King, and fled over to him. That he should restore to Morzias and Ariarathes the 900 talents, which he had taken from them and 300 more to Eumenes, for his charges in the war: and that Mithridates the Lord of Armenia, should pay 300 talents, for making war upon Ariarathes, contrary to the league which he had made with Eumenes. In this league, were comprised, of the great men of Asia, Artaxias, a petty king of the greater part of all Armenia, and one Acusilochus: and of those in Europe side, Gatalus of Sarmatia, and of free States, those of Heraclea, Mesembrya, Chersonesus, and Cyzicum: for performance whereof, so soon as the hostages sent by Pharnaces were come, the armies brake up, and dispersed themselves, every man to his own home, [ Polyb. Legat. 59.]
Teius, [Year of the World 3826] a Town in Pontus, which Prusias by the Articles was to restore to Eumenes, Eumenes freely gave back to him again, and had many thanks given him by Prusias for it, [ Id. ibid. ]
After the death of Philippus, King of Macedon, his son Perses, or Perseus, succeeded him, in the year when Q. Fulvius, and L. Manlius, were Consuls at Rome: and he reigned 11 years, [ Liv. lib. 45.] or rather 10 years, 11 months, as Porphyry more exactly counteth it, [ Scal. in Graec. Euseb. pag. 229.]
Here begins the third Periode, of Calippus.
The Lycians sent their Ambassadors to Rome, [The Julian Period. 4536] to complain of the cruelty of the Rhodians, to whom they were assigned, and made subject by L. Cornelius Scipio, saying, that the slavery which they endured under Antiochus, in comparison of this, was an excellent kind of liberty and freedom; and that there was no difference now left between them, and the very slaves they bought in the Market for their money. The Senate moved with this piteous complaint, gave them their letters to carry to the Rhodians; whereby they put the Rhodians in mind, that they indeed put the Lycians into their subjection, and protection withal; yet so, as they ceased not to be free States still, and of the sovereignty of the people of Rome, [ Liv. lib. 41.]
Prusias married the sister of Perseus, [Year of the World 3827] and Perseus the daughter of Seleucus, [The Julian Period. 4537] called Laodice; [Year before Christ 177] and the Rhodians with their Fleet, received and conveyed her into Macedon to her husband, [ Liv. lib. 42. Polyb. Legat. 60. Appia. Legat. 25.]
When the Rhodians persisted, and now made an open war upon the poor Lycians, they of Xanthus fled by their Embassies for help to the Achaeans, and to the people of Rome; foreman in which Embassy, was one Nicostratus, [ Polyb. Legat. 60.]
The Lycians were already trodden underfoot by the Rhodians, before their Ambassadors could get audience of the Senate of Rome; which was not till Tiberius and Claudius the Consuls of that year, were gone out against the Istrians and Agrians: but when they were admitted, they so displayed and laid open before them, the cruelty and oppression of the Rhodians against the poor Lycians, that they prevailed so far with the Senate, as that they sent Ambassadors to Rhodes, to let them know, that having perused the Acts, and Records, which the ten Commissioners drew up, in Asia, they found by the tenor thereof, That the Lycians were by the Romans consigned to the Rhodians, not for a gift, to do with them what they would, but to use them as friends and associates. This message was not so well liked of by the common sort in Rome, who were grown offended with the Rhodians for their officiousness, in bringing home Perseus his wife unto him, and could have been well content, to have seen them and the Lycians to try it out by the teeth, that the Rhodians might have some occasion to spend their treasure and provisions, with which they so much abounded, [ Id. Ibid. ]
When the Roman Commissioners came to Rhodes, [Year of the World 3828] the inhabitants there, began to grow into an uproar, saying, Since all things were now well settled in Lycia, What meant they to give occasion of new trouble there? For indeed the Lycians, hearing what declaration the Senate had made in their behalf, began presently to rise again, protesting openly that they would endure anything, to recover their just rights and liberty again. But the Rhodians, conceiving that the Senate had been misinformed, and abused by some false suggestions of the Lycians, dispatched away Lycophron their Ambassador to Rome: and the Senate having heard his errand, gave him no present answer, [ Id. Legat. 61, 62.]
One Simon, [The Julian Period. 4538] a man of the Tribe of Benjamin, [Year before Christ 176] Chief President or Keeper of the Temple, falling into a contention with Onias 3. the High Priest there; when he could not get his will on him, gat himself to Apollonius the Governor of Coelosyria and Phoenicia: and informed him, that there was a vast mass of money in the treasury of the Temple, which the Priests made no use of; and therefore would do very well in the Kings cofers: which when Apollonius had acquainted his Master Selecus with, he presently sent away his L. Treasurer Heliodorus to Jerusalem, to fetch him that money from thence: But when he came, Onias the High Priest told him, That true it was, there were some monies in the Temple; but they were the monies of Widows and Orphans, there deposited only as in a place of safety; part of which, were the proper goods of Hyrcanus, the Nephew of Tobias, (of whom we spake sup. An. Mun. 3812.) a most honorable person; and that all that there was amounted not to above 400 talents of Silver, and 200 of Gold, and that such was the Holiness of the place, and of the thing itself, that no man might or ought to lay hand upon it: But when Heliodorus made no reckoning either of Onias his words, or the tumult of the people, lamenting such a profanation of their Temple, he was struck down by the Angels of God in the very place, and carried to his lodging half dead by his own servants that were about him. But being anon after restored to his health, by the intercession and prayers to God made by Onias the High Priest, he returned to Seleucus that sent him; magnifying the Holiness of the Temple, and the Power of God that dwelt therein. This story is recorded in [2 Macchab. chap. 3.] and by Josephus in his book, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : who yet instead of Heliodotus, here names Apollonius: (and so do the Fasti Siculi too) and shows that this fell out a little before the death of Seleucus: whereas by the articles between Antiochus and the Romans, Antiochus was to change his hostages, and send new ones, instead of the old, every 3 years end; now, in the stead of Antiochus Epiphanes, the younger son of the former Antiochus who was then a hostage at Rome, [1 Maccab. chap. 1. v. 11.] was sent Demetrius the son of Seleucus, now reigning, [ Appia. in Syriac. pag. 116.]
Simon the Benjamite, that Traitor of his Country, and discloser of the monies deposited in the Temple, accused Onias the High Priest, a man who had so well deserved of the City and Country of the Jews; as if he had forced Heliodorus, and contrived all the mischief against him, and the King: and when matters proceeded so far, that many murders were acted by Simon and his party in the City, and Apollonius waxed mad withal, and backed him in what he did; Onias took a journey to Seleucus, [2 Maccab. chap. 4. v. 1, 6.] but the abbreviator of Jason of Cyrenia, seems to say, That Seleucus was dead before he came: though Eusebius in his Chron. saith, That he found him alive, and got this Simon to be banished by the King.
And so have I brought down this our Chronicle of Asia and Egypt, to the beginning of Antiochus Epiphanes, and the History of the Maccabees; The continuation whereof to the utter destruction of Jerusalem, under the Emperor Vespasian, together with the Annals of the New Testament, and a brief of the History of the Church during that time, to the beginning of the fourth Age or Century after Christ, I purpose, if God send life and health, to make hereafter.
The later Part OF THE ANNALS OF JAMES USSHER, Arch-Bishop of Armagh: Wherein is contained (besides that of the MACCHABEES AND NEW TESTAMENT) The HISTORY of all the remarkable Occurrences transacted during the ROMAN EMPIRE; which began under C. Julius, and Octavianus: With the most considerable Passages in all Asia and Egypt: CONTINUED From the beginning of the Reign of Antiochus Epiphanes, to the beginning of the Empire of Vespasian, and the utter Destruction and Abolition of the Temple and Common-wealth of the Jews.
LONDON, Printed by E. Tyler, for J. Crook, and G. Bedell, 1658.
THE Epistle to the Reader.
READER,
Y Ou have here the other Part of my Annals, which you will find more full in the History of Rhodes, and the Isles between Asia and Europe. For although formerly, for the alleviating of the Work, I resolved to refer them to Greece: Yet considering, that in the division of the Eastern Empire, the Province of the Isles is attributed to the Asian Diocese; I also thought good afterwards to place them with Asia. Those things which I produce concerning Praesages, Spectralls, and Oracles, you have upon the Authority of the Authors who relate them: leaving the judgment of such things to those Learned Men, who make it their business to treat of them. In the citing of Cornelius Tacitus, I have observed the Edition of Bereggerus, and Freinshemius, as it is distinguished into Chapters. Of those things which in the disposition of Evangelic and Apostolic History, shall not seem sufficiently satisfactory, I shall (if God Almighty afford me life and strength to finish that Work) give you an account in my Sacred Chronology.
Ggg * Place this page before page 409.
A CHRONICLE OF The Asiatic and Egyptian Affaires, carried on from the beginning of the times of the MACCHABEES, until the Destruction of the Jewish Common-wealth under Vespasian.
W Hen Antiochus, [Year of the World 3829] son of Antiochus the Great, [The Julian Period. 4539] returning from Rome (where he was hostage) came unto Athens; [Year before Christ 175] his brother Seleucus, by the treachery of Heliodorus was taken out of the way. Howbeit, Eumenes and Attalus expelled H • liodorus, who aimed at the kingdom of Syria, placing Antiochus in the possession thereof, that by this good turn, they might oblige him to be their friend: for now by reason of some petty injury, even they began to grow jealous of the Romans. [ Appian. in Syriac. pag. 116, 117.]
Demetrius, son of Seleucus, to whom the kingdom did of right belong, having then entered into the tenth year of his age, remained at that time hostage at Rome. But Apollonius, who was brought up with him, upon the death of Seleucus, whose great favourite he was, departed from Court to Miletum, [ Polyb. Legat. 114.] But the Syrians styled their new King Antiochus, Epiphanes, or Illustrious, because upon strangers usurpation of the kingdom, he appeared bravely to his people, in vindication of his ancestors title, [ Appia. in Syria • . pag. 177.] who notwithstanding, by reason of his mad conversation, Polybius thought might more justly be called Epimanes, or the Frantick, [apud Atheneum lib. 2. cap. 2. lib. 5. cap. 4. & lib. 10. cap. 12.]
For having obtained the kingdom of Syria, he entered into a new, and, to other Kings, unusual course of life: first going out of his Royal Palace privately, his servants knowing nothing of it, he unadvisedly wandered about the City, taking but one or two associates with him. Moreover he accounted it an honor to converse and drink with the common people, and with aliens and strangers of the meanest condition. And if perchance, he heard of any young men that had a merry meeting, he presently with his pot and music, came to the revels: Insumuch, That most of the company being startled at the strangeness of the thing, upon his coming thither, betook themselves to their heels, or else out of fear sat still and spake not a word. Lastly, laying aside his royal garment, and being clad with a coat, such as he saw used by the Candidates at Rome, he saluted and took hold of every ordinary fellow that he met with, and sometimes sued for a place of the Edilis; sometimes for the Tribune-ship of the people. At last having, by the suffrages of the people, obtained the place of a magistrate, fixing, according to the Roman custom, his ivory chair, he gave judgment, and took cognizance of the law suits, and controversies of the Citizens with that industry, and diligence that everyone of the sager sort doubted what he meant: Some interpreted it to be indiscretion, some imprudence, others madness. [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 305, 306.] Atheneus also relateth the same things (in the fore-cited fifth book, and 14 chap. and tenth book, and 12. chap. out of the 26 book of Polybius his histories; which Livy also translated into his 41 book, as one may see in that fragment, which Charles Sigonius falsely interpreted of Perseus.
That Antiochus began his reign the 137. and died in the 149 year of the kingdom of the Greeks (or of the Macedonians, from Seleucus.) The writer of the first book of the Maccabees teacheth us. [ cap. 1. 10. & 6. 16.] Whence also Johannes Malela Antiochenus, in his Chronicle ascribeth unto him 12 years, which are termed by Porphyry, Eusebius, Jerome, Sulpitius Severus and others, to be 11 only: for the reconciling of whom we must say, that at the end of the 137 year Antiochus began, and at the beginning of the 149 year (from the spring season, as this author useth to reckon) he ended his reign, ( viz. ) eleven years, and some months over and above.
That Antiochus was not at the first acknowledged King by those that favored Ptolemy Philometor: but that some whiles after he obtained the title under the guarb of clemency, Jerome affirms in his commentary upon the 11 chapter of Daniel; but entering into society with Eumenes, he powerfully ruled over Syria and the neighbouring nations: the government of Babylon being committed to Timarchus, but the custody of the treasury to Heraclidas his brother, two brethren linked one to another by filthy commerce, [ Appian. in Syriac. pag. 117.]
Hircanus, the son of Joseph, and Grandchild of Tobias, seeing Antiochus very prevalent, and fearing, least being reduced under his power, he should suffer for what he had attempted against the Arabians, laid violent hands upon himself: howbeit Antiochus seized upon his whole estate. [ Josephus, lib. 12. cap. 5.]
Jason, son of Simon the second, High Priest, being weary of the continued High priesthood of Onias the third his brother, that he might obtain it himself, promised unto Antiochus 360 talents of silver, and of another revenue 80 talents; adding moreover 150 others, if power might be granted unto him to settle a place of exercise, and of training up of youth at Jerusalem, and of reducing the Hierosolymitans into the condition of the Citizens of Antioch: which terms being willingly admitted by the covetous King. Jason, removeing his brother Onias, invaded the High-priesthood, and obtaining the government, began to reduce his own Country-men to the fashion of the Greeks, and the royal privileges, granted of special favor to the Jews, by the means of John the father of Eupolemus (who afterward went Ambassador to Rome) he took away, and putting down the governments which were according to Law, he brought up new customs, contrary to the Law, [2 Maccab. 4. 7, 11.] Josephus affirms, that unto Onias the third, dying about the time, his brother Jesus, who desired rather to be called Jason, was substituted, and at length (after three years) Jason being removed from the High-priesthood, by the endeavor of Menelaus, the new High Priest, and Tobias his sons (or grandchildren of Hyrcanus his brother) the Grecian rites were introduced, [ in lib. 2. Antiq. cap. 6.] Howbeit the same writer, in his small treatise of the Maccabees, declareth the business far otherwise, and suitable enough to the mind of the Macchabaick Historian (if you except the vast sum of the annual pension) in this sort. Antiochus, abrogating the High-priesthood of Onias, substituted Jason his brother; who promised to pay yearly unto him 3660 talents: who being made Priest and leader of the people, reduced the nation, being estranged from their ancient manners and institutions, into all iniquity: insomuch as he did not only establish a place of exercise in the fortress of our Country, but abolisted also the care of the Temple.
The seventh year of Philometor, [Year of the World 3830] of Nabonasier, [The Julian Period 4540] the 574, [Year before Christ 174] the 27 of Phamenoth, according to the Egyptians, (on the beginning of the first of May, (according to the Julian reckoning ) two hours after mid-night, there was an eclipse of the Moon observed at Alexandria, [ Ptol. lib. 6. cap. 5.]
Between the Grecians tearing themselves with mutual fury, there was a truce made for six months; but afterwards a more grievous war burst out: howbeit, by the coming of Q Minutius the Legate, who with ten ships was sent from the Romans to compose their strifes, they came into hopes of peace. [ Livy, lib. 41.]
The Lycians also, about the same time, Eumenes inciting them, revolting from the Rhodians, were infested with a war by them. Certain Castles, and the field Scituated in the utmost bounds of the opposite continent of the Rhodians, were annoyed by the garrisons of Eumenes. [ Polyb. Legat. 61. & 67. Liv. lib. 41. and 42.]
Certain apostate Jews, agreeing with Onias the false high priest, having procured power from King Antiochus of living according to the ordinances of the Gentiles, erected a place of exercise under the very Tower of Zion, forced the chief young men to submit to the laws of the school, by wearing an hat, and by art reduced their foreskin, becoming uncircumcised; that they might not even when they were naked be unlike the Greeks: and such was the height of Greek fashions and increase of heathenish manners, that the Priests had no courage to serve anymore at the Altar, but despising the Temple, and neglecting the Sacrifices, hastened to be partakers of the unlawful allowance which in the place of exercise after the game of Discus, was exhibited, [1 Maccab. 1. 11, 15. & 2 Maccab. 4. 12, 15. compared with Josephus lib. 12. chap. 6.]
When the game that was used every fifth year was celebrated at Tyrus, King Antiochus being present at it; impious Jason sent special Messengers thither from Jerusalem, such as were free Denizens of the City of Antioch, to carry three hundred, or (as it is much more truly in the Manuscript book of the Earl of Arundels Library) three thousand three hundred drachmes of Silver to the sacrifice of Hercules: which notwithstanding the bearers procured to be laid out upon the building of Gallies, [2 Maccab. 4. 18, 19, 20.]
The Ambassadors sent from King Antiochus, [Year of the World 3831] came to Rome: [The Julian Period. 4541] the chief whereof Apollonius (whom the Ambassadors of the Romans, [Year before Christ 173] which were in Syria, reported to be in chief esteem with the King, and most friendly to the Roman people) being brought into the Senate, besides the stipend due from the King (the late payment whereof he did excuse upon divers and just reasons) delivered also by way of gift, vessels of Gold, to the value of five hundred pound weight: He added, That the King requested that the society, and friendship which was with his father, should be renewed with himself: and that the Roman people should lay such injunctions upon him, as were to be imposed on a faithful and confederate King; That he should in no wise, be wanting in any service: That the merits of the Senate were so great towards him whilst he was at Rome, and such the civility of the youth; that he was entreated by all Orders of persons, as a King, not as an hostage. The Ambassadors received a kind answer, and A. Attilius, Major of the City, was enjoined to renew with Antiochus, that league which was with his father. The Treasurers of the City received the stipend, the Censers, the Golden Vessels: and it was committed to their charge to dispose of them in such Temples as should be thought fitting. To the Embassador was sent a reward of an hundred thousand pieces of coin; his house was given him freely, and his charges ordered to be defrayed, during his continuace in Italy, [ Liv. lib. 42.]
Unto Antiochus was born a son, Antiochus Eupator; whom himself dying, left nine years of age, [ Appian. Syriac. pag. 117. & 131.]
Cleopatra, the beloved mother of Ptolemy Philometor the daughter of Antiochus the Great, and the sister of Antiochus Epiphanes, being dead, to whom her father had given for the Dowry, Coelosyria (or at least a great part of it) Eulaius the Eunuch, foster-father of Philometor, and Lomus governing Egypt, re-demanded Coelosyria from Antiochus Epiphanes, as fraudulently seized upon: which afforded a ground of a war between the Uncle and the Youth, as Porphyry relates out of the Alexandrian Histories of Callinicus Sutorius, [ in Jerome, on the 11 chap. of Daniel ] For the right of Philometor in re-demanding Coelosyria, it was alleged, that Antiochus the Great, father of Epiphanes, against justice and right, first took away Coelosyria from Ptolemy Epiphanes, father of Philometor, when he was in his non-age; and afterwards restored the same unto him with his daughter Cleopatra, upon the account of her portion, Antiochus Epiphanes on the contrary asserting, that from the time when his father overcame the father of Philometor, at Parium, Coelosyria was ever subject to the Kings of Syria, and stiffly denying, that it was given by his father unto Cleopatra the mother of Philometor for her Dowry, [ Polyb. Legat. 72. & 82.]
At that time Philometor began first to sit in his Throne, and the solemnity of his Coronation was performed, [2 Maccab. 4. 21.] and then the prudence of Ptolemy (son of Dorymenis, who was surnamed Macron) shone forth: who when he had received the government of Cyprus, the Island, at what time the King was a child, and had delivered nothing of the Kings monies unto the Stewards; when the King had attained unto his youthful estate, sent a vast collection of monies unto Alexandria: the King and all Courtiers thereupon very highly commending his former parcimony, [ Polyb. book 27. in the Collections of Valesius, pag. 126.]
Antiochus, having sent into Egypt Apollonius, son of Menestheus, to the solemnization of the Coronation of Philometor the King, perceiving him not to be well affected to his affairs, took care to be fortified against him; whereupon, coming to Joppe, he took his journey to Jerusalem; where, being honourably received by Jason and the City, he was brought in with Torch-light, and with great shoutings, and from thence he went into Phoenicia with his host, [2 Maccab. 4. 21. 22.]
Jason three years after that he had bought the High Priest-hood from Antiochus, sent Menelaus brother of Simon the Benjamite a traitor, that he might bring unto the King the promised money, and advise him of necessary affairs: but making use of the opportunity of his Embassy to his own advantage, by the same devices wherewith Jason circumvented Onias his brother, he also circumvented Jason; and promising unto the King 300 talents of silver above all that was to be performed by Jason, conveyed the High Priest-hood unto himself, [2 Maccab. 4. 23, 24, 25. Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. lib. 2.] That this Menelaus was first named Onias, and was brother unto Onias the third, and to Jason himself, and the youngest son of Simon, the second, the High Priest, Josephus affirmeth, [ Antiquit lib. 12. cap. 6. cum lib. 15. cap. 3.]
Menelaus, having gotten the Principality by the Kings Mandate, expelled Jason into the Country of the Ammonites; but took no care to pay any of the monies which he had promised to the King, [2 Maccab. 4. 25, 26, 27.]
Cius Popilius Lenas, and Publius Aelius Ligur, being Consuls, Valerius Antias writes, that Attalus brother of Eumenes came to Rome, to lay crimes to the charge of Perseus king of the Macedonians, & to discover his provisions for war. The Annals of the most, and such unto whom thou would give the better credit, affirm Eumenes to have come in person himself, Eumenes therefore, as soon as he came to Rome, being entertained with the highest honor, and brought into the Senate; said, That the reason of his coming to Rome, besides the desire of seeing the gods and men, by whose benefit he was in such a fortune, above which he durst not wish any higher, was, that he might openly advise the Senate to oppose the proceedings of Perseus, [ Liv. lib. 42. Appian. Legat, 25. a Fulv. Vrsino. edit. ] And there was so great secrecy herein of all men, that before the war was finished and Perseus taken prisoner, it could not be know, what either he spake, or the fathers answered, [ Liv. ibid. Valer. Maximus, lib. 2. cap. 2.]
Some certain days afterward, Satyrus a principal person among the Ambassadors of the Rhodians, inveighing more liberally in presence of the Senate against Eumenes, because he had stirred up the nation of the Lycians against the Rhodians, and was more vexatious unto Asia than Antiochus, made a plausible, and, to the people of Asia, (for even so far the esteem of Perseus had reached) an acceptable Oration: which notwithstanding procured from amongst the Romans greater respect unto Eumenes; so that all honors were conferred upon, and most ample rewards given unto, him, with a Chariot of state, and an Ivory staff, [ Liv. ut sup. Diodorus. Sicul. 9. Legat 16. a Fulv. Vrsino, edit. ]
Eumenes, returning from Rome into his Realm, and going up from Cirra to the Delphic Temple, that he might sacrifice to Apollo, liars in wait, suborned by Perseus, tumbled down two vast stones, with one whereof the head of the King was smitten, with the other his shoulder benumbed; many stones being heaped on him after he fell from a steep place downward. His friends, the next day, being come to himself, brought him to the ship: from thence they pass to Corinch, from Corinth, their ships being conveyed over the neck of the Isthmos, to Aegina; where his cure was so private, none being admitted, that the report of his death was carried into Asia, and Rome, [ Liv. lib. 42. Appian. Legat. 25.]
Attalus, crediting more hastily than beseemed brotherly concord, that Eumenes was dead, did not only confer with the Governor of the Castle of Pergamos as the unquestionable heir of the Crown, but the Diadem also being assumed, and espousing to himself Stratonice his brothers wife (daughter of Ariarathes King of the Cappadocians) rushed too hotly into her embraces: but not long afterwards, hearing that his brother lived, and was coming to Pergamos, laying his Diadem aside, he with the Guard, according to custom, went to meet him, bearing an halbert; whom Eumenes both friendly embraced, and also honourably, and cheefuly saluted the Queen; whispering nevertheless into his brothers ear,
Eumenes, the late wickedness of Perseus, besides the ancient hatred, inviting him thereunto, prepared a war with his uttermost strength. Ambassadors came to him from Rome, gratulating unto him his escape from so great a danger, [ Liv. lib. 42.]
After that, Ariarathes King of the Cappadocians had born unto him of his wife Antiochis, daughter to Antiochus the Great, two daughters, and one son (first named Mithridates, and then Ariarathes) of the two sons which his wife (supposing that she should have been barren) had before suborned unto him, he sent Ariarathes the elder with a competent estate to Rome, the younger called Olophernes, or Orophernes, into lonia; least they should contend with his Jenuine son about the kingdom, [ Diodorus. Sicul. lib. 31. in Photii. Bibliothec. cod. 244.] This year therefore he sent Ariarathes his son to be educated at Rome, that from a child he might be accustomed to the manners and men of Rome: requesting, that they would permit him to be, not under the custody of hosts, after the manner of private persons, but under the charge of public care and tuition. That Embassy of the Kings was very acceptable unto the Senate; and they decreed that Cieius Sicinius the Major, should appoint a furnished house where the Kings son and his Retinue might inhabit, [ Liv. lib. 42.]
The Romans sent Ambassadors to their confederate Kings, Eumenes, Antiochus, Ariarathes, Masanissa, and Ptolemy, King of Egypt; and others also into Greece, Thessal • e, Epirus, Acarnania, and the Islands: that they would unite themselves in war against Perseus, [ Appian. Legat. 25.] T. Claudius Nero, and M. Decimius, were sent to make trial of Asia, and the Islands, and commanded also to go into Crete and Rhodes, to renew amity also, and likewise to discover whether the minds of their confederates had been courted by King Perseus, [Year of the World 3833] [ Liv. lib. 42.]
The Legates that had been sent unto the confederate Kings, returning out of Asia, declared how that they had conferred with Eumenes in Asia, Antiochus in Syria, Ptolemy in Alexandria, That all of them had been solicited by the Embassies of Perseus; but had eminently continued constant in their fidelity, and had promised to perform whatever the people of Rome should command them. That they had also been with the confederate Cities: that the rest continued faithful enough, only that they found the Rhodians wavering and seasoned with the devices of Perseus. The Rhodian Ambassadors came to acquit themselves of those reports, which they knew openly bruited concerning their City; and it was thought fitting, that when the new Consuls entered upon their Magistracy, a Senate should be called for them, [ Liv. ibid. ]
P. Licinius, [The Julian Period. 4543] and C. Cassius, [Year before Christ 171] being Consuls, all the Kings and Cities which were in Asia and Europe, set their thoughts on the care of the Macedonian and Roman war: both an ancient hatred did exasperate Eumenes, and also a new anger, because by the wickedness of Perseus, he was almost, like a Sacrifice, slain at Delphi. Prusias King of Bithynia, resolved to abstain from arms, and expect the event: for he thought it not equal, to bear arms for the Romans against his wives brother, and if Perseus should be Conqueror, pardon might easily be procured by his sister. Ariarathes King of the Cappadocians, besides that he promised assistance to the Romans upon his own account; from the time that he became united unto Eumenes by affinity, associated himself into all Councils both of war and peace. Antiochus surely had an eye upon the kingdom of Egypt, despising both the youth of the King, and the sloth of his Tutors; and by debating about Coelosyria, he thought that he should find ground for a war, and manage it, without any impediment, whilst the Romans were employed about the Macedonian war: howbeit, he largely promised all Kings, both by his own Legates to the Senate, and to their Ambassadors himself. Ptolemy by reason of his youth, was even then at the disposing of others: his Governors did both prepare war against Antiochus, whereby they might defend Coelosyria, and also made liberal promise for the Macedonian war, [ Liv. lib. 42.] And thus Ptolemy King of Egypt, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, Eumenes of Asia, and Masanissa of Numidia, were assistants unto the Romans, [ Oros. lib. 4. cap. 20.]
Three Ambassadors, A. Posthumius Albinus, C. Decius, and A. Licinius Nerva, were sent from the Romans to the Grecians: who afforded unto them the assistance of Archers, [ Liv. lib. 42.]
Three other Ambassadors, T. Claudius Tiberius, P. Posthuminus, and M. Junius were dispatched unto the Islands, and the Cities of Asia. These going about, did exhort their confederates to undertake against Perscus, the war for the Romans; and by how much every City was better stored with wealth, by so much they did their business there the more diligently, because the smaller would follow the greater. The Rhodians were esteemed of greatest reckoning for all points, because they were able not only to countenance the war, but to assist it, 40 ships being provided by the authority of Hegesilochus, who was at that time in the chief magistracy, called by them Prytanis. This man even before, as soon as the war to be waged by the Romans with Perseus was known, did with many reasons exhort his Citizens, that they should join their hopes with the Romans, That they would want the same provision of shipping which lately they had seen in the war of Antiochus, and formerly in that of Philip. That the Rhodians would be amazed in the providing a Fleet, at that time when it should be to be sent, unless they began with their Navy-Confederates; That therefore they were to acquit themselves more industriously; That by the truth of things they might confute the accusations alleged by Eumenes. Hereby being incited, they shown unto the Ambassadors of Rome, upon their coming, a Fleet of 40 sail of ships, built and rigg'd, that it might appear that exhortation was not expected: and this Embassy was of great influence to engage the minds of the Cities of Asia, [ Idem, ibid. Polyb. Legat. 64.]
Perseus, after conference had with the Romans, comprised all reason of his cause in the form of one Epistle, and what was aledged on either side: so contrived, that he might seem to have the better in the debate: and unto other Cities he sent letters copied out, by Carriers; but unto Rhodes, he commanded Antenor and Philip to go Ambassadors: who being come thither, deliver the letters to the Magistrates; and then after a few days come into the Senate, request of the Rhodians, that for the present they should not move anything, but, as from a watch-tower, behold what was done; but if the Romans should undertake against the laws of the league to provoke Perseus and the Macedonians, that they should endeavor to bring them to terms of agreement; for that that should be done, was the common interresse of all, and especially behoofull for the Rhodians; for by how much they should be more intent than others, upon the fair dispensation of law and liberty (as such who were not the conservators and assertors of their own liberty only, but of the rest of the Grecians) by so much ought they more diligently to observe and provide, to their uttermost endeavors, for themselves against them, whose mind and counsels were contrarily inclined. When the Ambassadors had spoken these things, and more to the same effect, though their speech gave content unto all; yet because their minds were prepossessed with the benevolence of the Romans, and the authority of the better side did prevail; in other points they yielded themselves courteous toward the Ambassadors: but in place of an answer, they requested Perseus, not to demand anything of that nature whereby they might be thought to do anything against the will of the Romans: which answer Antenor accepted not, but making use of the rest of the civility and courtesy of the Rhodians, he returned into Macedonia. [ Polyb. Legat. 65. Livy lib. 42.]
Gaius Lucretius the Roman Pretor, whilst the navy stayed about Cephalenia, treated by letters with the Romans, requesting the ships to be sent to him; and he delivered that epistle to Socrates the anointer of the wrestlers to be conveyed. This came to Rhodes at the same time, when Strutocles was president of the Council, or Prytanis, for the later half year. When a debate was had of that matter, it seemed meet unto Agathagetus, and Rhodophon and Astymedes, and many more, That the Rhodians without any tergiversation or evasion should send the ships, and that they should even from the beginning of the war join themselves with the Romans. But Dino and Polycratus; who did not approve of those things, which had before been decreed in favor of the Romans, cavilled that that Epistle was not sent from the Romans, but from Eumenes the enemy of the Rhodians; who was wholly bent upon this, that he might induce them into a war, and engage the people in unnecessary charges and troubles: for it was brought by one obscure person, an anoynter of wrestles unto Rhodes: whereas the Romans use with great care to pick out men of the choicest rank, for such an employment. When Strutocles, the chief officer, or Prytanis, had buckled himself against these men, and had spoken largely against Perseus; but on the contrary liberally commended the Romans, he prevailed with the Rhodians, that a decree of sending the ships should be established: wherefore six Gallies being immediately built, they sent five under the conduct of Timagoras to Chalcis; one to Tenedo • , under the government of the other Timagoras. This man could not take Diophanes himself, whom he found at Tenedos, being sent from Perseus to Tenedos, but he took the ship with all her furniture. [ Polyb. Legat. 67.]
The Romans, having heard the Embassies that came from Asia, the state of the Rhodians, and the rest of the Cities being understood, indicted a Senate for the Ambassadors of Perseus. [ Id. Legat, 68.] At that time therefore, Solon and Hippias endeavored to discourse of all affairs, and to deprecate the anger of the fathers. But yet the crime of the treachery contrived against Eumenes was defended with especial industry: howbeit, (for the matter was evident) without any probability at all. When they had finished their speech, the Senate, who had before decreed the war, denounced unto them, that both themselves, and whosoever else had happily then come from the nation of the Macedonians to Rome, should immediately depart out of the walls of the Roman City, and within thirty days out of Italy. [ Id. ibid. Diodorus. Sicul. Legat. 17. Liv. lib. 42.]
When notice was given unto Eumenes, that he should with his uttermost strength assist the war against Perseus (as we read in Justin, lib. 33. cap. 1.) he came to Chalcis in Baeotia, by sea, with Attalus and Atheneus his brethren; his brother Philetaetus, being left at Pergamos for the safeguard of the kingdom: from thence with Attalus and four thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse, he came into Thessalia, unto Licinius the Consul. Atheneus was left at Chalcis with two thousand Foot: which Marius Lucretius, coming thither with an army of sea soldiers, consisting of then thousand, took along with him to the siege of Holiartus. [ Liv. lib, 42.]
About the same time almost, there came to Chalcis, ships from their other confederates, two Punic Gallies, of five orders of oars, and two from Heraclea out of Pontus of three orders of oars, four from Chalcedon, and as many from Samos; and moreover five Rhodian Gallies, of four orders of oars, [ Id. Ib. ] But these C. Leucretius, the Pretor Brother of Marcus, upon his approach, there being no sea-war re-del ver'd unto the confederates. [ Id. Ib. cum Polyb. Legat. 67. fin. ] But the Pretor himself, together with his brother assaulting Haliartus, when he had taken it by surrender, leveld it the foundation, and without any opposition took Thebes. [ Liv. ut. sup. ]
Whilest these affairs were transacted in Baeotia, Licinius the Consul, Eumenes and Attalus in Thessalia, encountered with Perseus; the first conflict between them was ended without knowledge who had the better therein: about 38 men were slain of Eumenes his side, amongst whom fell Cassignatus Captain of the Galls: but in the second dispute Perseus got the victory. [ Id. ib. ] Who notwithstanding, being conqueror, upon his request to Licinius for peace, could not procure it. [ Id. Ib. Polyb. Legat. 69. Appian. Legat. 26.]
Perseus the conqueror, sent Antenor to Rhodes for the redemption of the Captives that sailed with Diophanes: in which business, there was a long demure made by them, which governed the Common-wealth, what ought to be done, for it seemed meet unto Philophron and Theae • etus, that the Rhodians should by no means engage themselves in the affairs of Perseus: but Dinon, and Polyaratus liked it; and at last they came to an agreement with Perseus, touching the redemption of the captives, [ Polyb. Legat, 70.]
Antiochus, seeing now clearly the Alexandrians preparing themselves to a war far Coelosyria, sent Meleager Ambassador to Rome; who by his command might declare it to the Senate, and alleging their confederacy might say, that against all right he was invaded by Ptolemy, [ Id. Legat. 71.]
When now the war was began by Antiochus and Ptolemy, upon the account of Coelosyria; the Ambassadors of both Kings came to Rome: of Antiochus, Meleager, Sosiphanes, and Heraclides; of Ptolemy, Timothy and Damon. Meleager came, that he might declare unto the Senate, that Ptolemy did first provoke Antiochus against all justice; and that he would justle him out of the possession of that Country, whereof he was Lord; but Timothy, to renew friendship; howbeit, especially to observe Meleager his transactions with the Romans. When therefore he had renewed friendship, and received answers agreeable to his demands, he returned to Alexandria, But unto Meleager the Senate answered, That they would employ Quintus Marcius, to write unto Ptolemy about those matters, as he should see expedient for the interesse of the people of Rome, and his own trust. [ Id. Legat. 72. Diodorus. Sicul. Legat. 18.]
Antiochus, engaging in a fight, between Peleusium, and the mountain Casius, with Ptolemeis Commanders, overcame them; but sparing the King a youth, and pretending friendship, he went up to Memphis; and there, according to custom, entering upon the kingdom, and saying, That he would be careful of the affairs of the land, with a small company of people, he brought all Egypt into subjection unto himself, [ Porphyrius, ex Callinco sutorio, apud Hieronym. in Daniel, cap. 11.] at what time also Ptolomei Macron, son of Dorymenes, to whom Philometor had committed the government of Cyprus, seemeth to have gone over to Antiochus side, and delivered unto him the Island, as we read in the [2 of Macchab. 10. 13.] whereupon the care of Cyprus being committed unto Crates, [2 Maccab. 4. 29.] he made Ptolemy Governor of Coelosyria and Phoenicia, [ Ib. 8. 8.] and admitted him into the number of his principal friends. [1 Maccab. 3. 38.]
Jubilaeus 26. [Year of the World 3834]
Perseus, being put to flight by Lycinius the consul, Eumenes, Attalus and Misagenes Duke of the Numidians, when he came to Pella, sent his army into their winter quarters. The Consul, returning to Latissa, having from thence sent home Eumenes and Attalus, disposed Misagenes with his Numidians, and the rest of his army in their winter quarters through Thessaly, [ Liv. lib. 42.]
When Sostratus Governor of the Castle of Jerusalem, to whom the exaction of such things as were collected, as customs out of men's estates, belonged, did request and demand the money, promised unto Antiochus by Menelaus; both of them were summoned by the Knig to Antioch: and Menelaus left Deputy in the administration of the High Priest-hood, Lysimachus his brother; but Sostratus in his place, Crates, who was Governor of the Cypriotes, [2 Maccab. 4. 27, 28, 29.]
In Silicia, they of Tarsus and Mallos, moving sedition because Antiochus had given the Revenue of their Cities to Antiochis his Concubine: The King in all haste came to appease it; leaving at Antioch Andronicus for his Deputy, [2 Maccab. 4. 30, 31.]
Menelaus, taking the opportunity of the Kings absence, (by the assistance of Lysimachus, his Deputy) stole certain vessels of Gold out of the Temple at Jerusalem: whereof some he gave to Andronicus, and some he fold into Tyrus, and the Cities round about: which Onias 3. the Legal High Priest well knowing, he impeached him for sacrilege, and withdrew himself into a sanctuary at Daphne, that lieth by Antioch, [ Ibid, 32, 33.] for there was in the middle of the wood a sanctuary, and a place dedicated to Apollo, [ Strabo lib. 16. pag. 750.] which most ample Church of Daphneus Appollo, that wrathful and raging King Antiochus erected, [ Ammia. Marcellin. lib. 22.]
Andronicus, at the suite of Menelaus, having cunningly drawn forth Onias out of the sanctuary, against his faith pledged and sworn unto him, perfidiously put him to death, [2 Maccab. 4. 34.]
King Antiochus, being returned out of Silicia into Antioch, the Jews which were in the City, and many of other Nations, made complaint unto him of the unworthy murder of the most holy old man; who being afflicted at it, and testifying his grief by shedding of tears, he commanded Andronicus, being disrobed of his purple, to be lead about the City, and to be slain in the same place where himself had slain Onias, [ Ib. 35. 38.]
Now when many Sacrileges had been committed at Jerusalem by Lysimachus, with the consent of Menelaus; the multitude gathered themselves together against Lysimachus, many golden vessels being carried away: in resistance of whom, he drew forth about three thousand armed men, appointing one Tyrannus for their Leader, a person far gone in years, and no less in folly; but of the Rout, some caught stones, some great clubs, some filling their hands with the dust that lay before them, cast them altogether upon Lysimachus and his soldiers: in that tumult many were wounded, some fell to the ground, the rest put to flight; but the Church-robber himself Lysimachus, was slain near the Treasury, [ Ib. 39, 42.]
When Antiochus the King came to Tyre, three men being sent from the Senate at Jerusalem against Menelaus, as a partaker of the sacrileges and wickednesses of Lysimachus, framed an accusation before him. Howbeit Menelaus being convicted, upon large sums of monies promised to Ptolemy, son of Dorymenes for the pacification of the King, thorough his assistance prevailed, not only that himself being accquitted, should continue in the High Priest-hood, but also, that those three innocent persons, who pleaded for the City, and people, and holy vessels, should be condemned to die: Whose condition the Tyrians themselves commiserating, took care that they should be magnificently interred, [ Ib. 44. 50.]
About that time, Antiochus prepared his second expedition into Egypt: and it fell out at Jerusalem, that for 40 days space together, strange apparitions of armed Horsemen, and of Foot-Companies, encountering one another, were seen in the air, presages of ensuing evils, [2 Maccab. 5. 1, 4.]
Antiochus, coveting to join the kingdom of Egypt to his own, entered it with a numerous company, with Chariots, with Elephants, with Horsemen, and a great Navy, and made war against Ptolemy King of Egypt: who turning himself from his presence, fled away, and many fell down wounded to death. Afterwards the seized upon the fenced Cities in the land, and Antiochus took the spoils of Egypt, [1 Maccab. 1. 16, 19.]
The false rumor of Antiochus his death being spread abroad, Jason taking with him no less than a thousand men, made a sudden assault upon the City of Jerusalem: the City being surprised, Menelaus fled into the Castle; but Jason made slaughter of his own Citizen; not considering, that success against his own alliances was the greatest infelicity. Nevertheless he could not recover the Principality; but fleeing away with shame, he returned back into the Country of the Ammonites: where being accused before Aretus, the King of the Arabians, and not daring to make his appearance there, he was forced to flee from one City to another; being hated of all men as a forsaker of the laws, and a public enemy of his own Country, [2 Maccab. 5. 5, 8.]
Antiochus hearing in Egypt, that upon the spreading of the rumor of his death, the people of Jerusalem were exceeding joyful, and suspecting by the sedition stirred up by Jason, that Judea would revolt, was much enraged in mind, [2 Maccab. 5. 10. Joseph. in l • bello de Mccabaeis, ] And returning after that he had smitten Egypt in the 143 year of the Greeks, or Seleucus, he went up against Israel, and Jerusalem, with a great multitude, [1 Maccab. 1. 21. 22.]
Josephus in his 12 book of Antiquities, seventh Chapter, writeth, That in the 143 year of the Seleucians he took the City: but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , without stroke; the men of his own faction opening the Gates unto him: but in the [2 of Maccab. 7.] the City is said to have been 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, taken by force of arms: and Josephus himself, in his first book, first Chap. of the wars of the Jews, doth not only say 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : that he took the City by force; but also addeth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : that he was enraged with the remembrance of those things which he had endured in the siege. Moreover, that they of Jerusalem, whilst Antiochus besieged the City, made a sally out in arm • , and were slain in the dispute; as the same Josephus affirmeth, in the sixth book of the same Works, [ pag. 929.]
The City then being taken, and the soldiers commanded to put all that they met to the sword, they cruelly raged against all sorts, of whatsoever Sex or Age: so that in the space of three days, there were 80 thousand men missing: whereof 40 thousand were slain, and as many others sold, [2 Maccab. 5. 11, 14.]
Antiochus, not contented herewith, presumed also to go into the Temple, having Menelaus that Traitor to the Laws and his own Country, for his guide; and with wicked hands, to seize upon the holy vessels, and whatsoever else was dedicated by other Kings to the glory and honor of the place, [ Ib. 15, 16.] as the golden altar, the candlesticks of light, with all the vessels thereof; the table of the show-bread, and the pouring vessels, and the vials, and the censers of gold, and the veil, and the crowns, and the golden ornaments that were fastened to the Temple doors: he pulled o • the gold from everything that was covered with gold, and likewise took the silver, and lovely vessels, and all the hidden treasures which he found, [1 Maccab. 23, 24.]
Polybius Megapolitanus, Strabo Cappadox, Nicolaus Damascenus, Timagenes Castor Chronographus, and Apollodorus, have written, that Antiochus being indigent of monies, brak his league, and assaulted the Jews his confederates and friends, and spoiled the Temple that was full of gold and silver, and found nothing there worthy of decision, [ Joseph. contr. Apion. lib. 2.] For paying a great stipend to the Romans, he was almost necessarily compelled himself with great expenses to gather monies by pillaging, and to omit no opportunity of spoiling. [ Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. lib. 2.] (Such notwithstanding as are enemies of the Jews) affirm, that many other things were here done by him in hatred of the Nation, and contempt of Religion; in the 34 book of Diodorus his Bibliotheca, and from thence in Photii. Bibliotheca ( cod. 244.) thus repeated. Antiochus Epiphanes, having overcome the Jews, entered into the holy Oracle of God, whither the Priests only might lawfully have access: there he found a stone Statue of a man, with a long beard, holding a book in his hand, and sitting upon an Ass; which he thought to have been Moses, who built Jerusalem, and founded the Nation, and established those laws that are hateful unto all Nations. But he desiring to take away the odium of the Nations, endeavored to abrogate the laws. Therefore he sacrificed a great Sowe to the Statue of the Founder (Moses) and the Altar of God, that stood in the open air, nnd poured blood upon them: and seething the flesh, commanded the holy books that contained their laws, to be marred and obliterated with the broth: but the immortal taper, as they term it, which always burned in the Temple, he commanded to be put out: and compelled (Menelaus) the Chief Priest, and other Jews, to eat swine's flesh. Howbeit we oppose unto all the Calumnies of adversaries, that evident testimony of Strabo the Cappadocian, in the 16 book of his Geography, where he commendeth the Jews, as just and religious persons. [ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , pag. 761.]
But that Antiochus, upon the taking of the City, did sacrifice swine upon the Altar, and with the pottage made of their flesh, did sprinkle the Temple, even Josephus witnesseth, [ lib. 13. cap. 16.]
Antiochus carrying 1800 talents out of the Temple, speedily repaired to Antioch; leaving Governors to afflict the Nation; at Jerusalem, Philip, by birth a Phrygian, by manners a Barbarian: at Garizim in Samaria, Andronicus. Besides whom, Menelaus more proudly than all the rest, insulted over the Citizens; carrying a most malicious mind against the Jews, [2 Maccab. 5. 21, 21, 23.]
The Ambassadors of Asia, were heard in a Senate at Rome: the Milesians remembering that they had done nothing, promised that they were in a readiness to perform whatsoever the Senate should command them in furthering the war against Perseus. The Alabandenses remembered that they had erected the Temple of the City of Rome, and instituted anniversary Games unto that Godesse: that they brought a golden Crown of 50 pound weight, as a gift unto Jupiter, which they might place in the Capitol, and 300 shields for Horsemen, which they would deliver to whom they would command them. The same also the Lampsaceni, bringing a Crown of 80 pound weight, requested: declaring, how that they departed from Perseus, after the Roman army came into Macedonia, whereas they were under the jurisdiction of Perseus, and before of Philip: in requital whereof, and for that they had yielded all things to the Roman Commanders, they requested, this only, that they might be received into the friendship of the Roman people; and if a peace sshould be concluded with Perseus, that they might be excepted from being reduced into the power of the King. There was a civil answer returned unto the rest of the Legares. Quintus Moenius the Praetor, was commanded to enroll the Lampsaceni after the form of associates. Rewards were given to them all, amounting to the value of two thousand pieces of coin unto each. The Alabandenses were commanded to carry back the shields unto A. Hostilius the Consul, into Macedonia, [ Liv. lib. 43.]
When it was appointed by the common consent of the Achaeans, [Year of the World 3835] that all the honors of Eumenes which were misbeseeming, and repugnant unto the laws, should be taken away; Sosigenes, and Diopithes, Rhodians, who about that time decided the suites of Law, being upon private causes, offended with Eumenes, destroyed all his honors in the City of Peloponnesus, [ Polyb. Legat. 74.]
Whilst A. Hostilius the Proconsul with his forces, [The Julian Period. 4545] had his winter quarters in Thessalie, [Year before Christ 169] Attalus (who wintered at that time at Elatia) being certainly informed that his brother Eumenes took it most greviously, that by a public Decree, they had taken away his most splendid honors; after communication of the business unto Archon, the Praetor of the Achaei, he sent Ambassadors to the common Council of the Nation, who might negotiate with them touching the restoring of the honors unto the King again. Where, upon the persuasion of Polybius (the Historian) a Decree was made; wherein the Magistrates were comanded to renew all things that pertained unto the honor of Eumenes: unless there were somewhat amongst them, that did not well suite with the common interesse of the Achaeans, or else were repugnant unto the Laws. Thus therefore Attalus at that time rectified those miscarriages which were rashly committed at Peloponnesus in the business of his brother Eumenes his honor, [ Id. ib. & in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 130, 133.]
At the beginning of the Spring, Q. Marcius Philippus, the Consul, was sent against Perseus, [ Liv. lib. 44. init. ]
A Decree was published by the Achaeans, touching the dispatch of auxiliaries, to their power, unto Marcius the Consul, which was brought unto him by Polybius. There was sent also Theocritus an Embassador, from them unto Attalus, who might bring unto him that Decree, wherein the honors of Eumenes were restored unto him. At the same time when the news was brought unto the Achaeans that the Anacleteria had been celebrated in honor of Ptolemy the King, as it is customary for the Kings of Egypt, when they come to the Legal age of their reign, esteeming it their duty to give intimations of their joy for what was done; they determined to send Ambassadors, for the renewing of that friendship which was between the Nation of the Achaeans, and the Kings of Egypt: Whereupon, immediately Alcithus and P • rsidas were chosen, [ Id. Legat. 78.]
About that time there was a wicked pranck, and most abhorring from the institutions of the Greeks committed in the Island of Crete: for there being between the Cydoniates and Apolloniates, not only society, but the common right of friendship, and when all the Laws and Rights of society which are esteemed Sacred amongst men, were common to them both; and when the Tables of that league ratified on each side by oath, being fastened unto the Image of Jupiter Idaeus, were visibly to be looked upon: the Cydoniates notwithstanding, in the time of peace, being received by the Apolloniates as friends, trampling upon the Sacred bond of the league, surprised their City; and having put all the men to the sword, and spoiled their goods, they divided amongst themselves their wives, and children, and all their land, [ Polyb. & Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. a Valesio, edit. pag. 133. & 310.]
The Cydoniates, being afraid of the Gortynians (by whom formerly their City was in great danger of being taken, when Nothocrates endeavored to surprise it) sent Ambassadors unto Eumenes, requiring, upon the score of their league, assistance from him. The King chose Leon Captain, whom he dispatched speedily thither with a Band of 300 soldiers. When those forces came, the Cydoniates delivered the keys of the gates unto Leon, and committed the whole City to his charge, [ Id. Legat. 79.]
When by the instigation of Eula • us the Eunuch, there was a new war undertaken by Ptolemy for the recovery of Coelosyria; Antiochus taking his third Expedition into Egypt, reduced it into his power, [ Polyb. Legat. 80, 81, 82.] for the Egyptians being dispersed, and driven away, when he could have put them all to the sword, riding about on horseback, he forbad them to be slain, and gave command, that they should be taken alive: for which humanity chiefly, he gained both Peleus • um, and a little while afterward all Egypt, [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 320.]
Whilest the contrary factions at Rhodes increased daily more and more, after that they had heard that at Rome it was decreed by the Senate, That from thenceforth those things were to be performed, not which their own Magistrates, but the Senate should command; by the persuasion of Philophron, and Theaetetus, at the beginning of the summer, Hegesilochus, son of Hegesias, and Nicagoras son of Nicander, were sent Ambassadors to Rome; But unto the Consul, Q. Marcius Philippus, and unto C. Marcius Figulus the Admiral of the fleet Agesipolis, Ariston, and Pancrates; all these were commanded to renew amity with the Roman people, and to answer unto the accusations wherewith some endeavored to lead the City. But Hegesilochus was moreover enjoined to request liberty of carrying forth corn. Agesipolis overtook Q. Marcius encamping at Heraclea in Macedonia. To whom when he had delivered his commands, the Consul did not only say that he gave no credit unto such that were detractors of the Rhodians, but also exhorted the Ambassadors not to endure any of those that should dare to tattle anything of the Romans, and abundantly performed many offices of humanity unto them: he wrote also of the same affairs unto the Roman people. But when Agesipolis was wonderfully taken with the courtesy of the Consul; Marcius taking him aside unto private conference, said, That he admired that the Rhodians did not endeavor to reconcile the Kings that fought for Coelosyria, for it was chiefly conducible unto themselves, Afterwards Agesipolis went unto Gaius, the Admiral of the fleet, and being kindly entertained by him, yea, and far more sweetly than he was by Marcius the Consul, he in a short time returned unto Rhodes: where, after that he had given an account of his Ambassage, when as both the Roman Conmanders seemed to contend equally in declaring their courtesy, and humanity with words, and signifying their favor in their answer, all the Rhodians began to be lifted up in their minds, and to be swoln with vain hope; but not all in the same manner: for the more solid party were exceeding joyful, for the benignity of the Romans: but such as affected novelty, and were ill disposed unto the present state, they concluded in their thoughts, That this wonderful great and excessive civility of the Romans, was a sign, That they were terrified with the imminent danger, and that affairs did not succeed according unto their mind. But after that it had fallen out, moreover, That Agesipolis had bolted out amongst some, That he was privately commanded by Marcius, to make a proposition in the Senate of the Rhodians, of compounding an agreement between the Kings: then assuredly Dino made no question but the affairs of the Romans were in a most evil condition: therefore there were even Ambassadors sent to Alexandria, to co • clude the war that was commenced between Antiochus, and Ptolemy, [ Polyb. Legat. 80.]
Towards the end of the Summer, Hegesilochus and other Ambassadors of the Rhodians coming to Rome, were entertained with all kind of humanity, and courtship. But it was most manifestly known, that the Rhodians were divided with civil dissensions: Whilst Agathagetus, Philophron, Rhodophon, and Theaetetus, placed all their hopes in the Romans; on the contrary, Dino, and Polyaratus in Perseus, and the Macedonians: from whence it came frequently to pass, that the matters that came to be debated, being disputed appositely on either side, & with different judgments, such as had a mind to disparrage the City, took from thence an occasion. Howbeit, the Senators pretended that no such matters were known unto them; who notwithstanding well understood all the matters that were transacted by them; however, they granted license unto them for the exportation of an hundred thousand bushels of bread-corn out of Sicily, [ Id. Legat. 64, 73. & 80.]
After that Egypt was possessed by Antiochus, upon the debates of Comanus, and Cineas with King Ptolemy, touching the main matters, it seemed expedient to conclude, That there should a Council be enrolled out of the most principal Captains, by whose sentence all things from thence forward should be dispatched. Upto that Council it seemed behoofull in the first place, That such foreigners of the Greeks, who should happily be found there, should go Ambassadors to Antiochus, to negotiate with him, concerning a peace, [ Id. Legat. 81.]
There were then at that place two Abassadors sent from the nation of the Achaei: one for the renewing of friendship with the King, which was committed unto Alcithus, son to Xenophn of Aege, and Pasiadas: another concerning the contention of the Antagonists: there was sent also from the Athenians an Embassage, touching a certain donation, the principal person wherein was Demaratus. Moreover there were two sacred Embassages from the same men; one touching the feast of Minerva, called Panathenaea, the chief whereof was Callias the Pancratiast, or conqueror at the games, the other touching mysteries, which was discharged by Cleostratus, who upon that argument spake an oration unto the King; there were present from Miletum Eudemus and Icesius, from Clazomenae, Apollonides, and Apollonius. [ Ib. ]
Together with these, Ptolemy the King sent his own Ambassadors, Tlepolemus, and Ptolemy the Rhetorician: who sailing against stream, came unto Antiochus. He receiving them courteously invited them the first day unto a sumptuous feast; & the next day gave them the liberty of a personal conference, and commanded them to publish their commissions: in the first place therefore, spake the Ambassadors of the Achaeans unto him, afterwards Demaratus that was sent by the Athenians, and next to him Eudemus of Miletum. Howbeit, all affirmed that the war was commenced through the default of Eulaius the Eunuch; after that alleging the kindred and age of Ptolemy, they deprecated the rage of the Kings. Antiochus having given consent unto their speeches, and discoursed himself more fully to the same purpose, he began to make mention of his rights, endeavoring with great earnestness to prove that the possession of Coelosyria appertained unto the Kings of Syria; and denying those things to be true, which the Ambassadors from Alexandria alleged, concerning Coelosyria, given for a Dowry with Cleopatra, mother of Philometor then reigning. To which purpose, when he had largely discoursed, and had proved his cause not to himself only, but to all that were present, he for that season went to Naucratis by shipping, and having at that place also benignly bespoken, and entreated the Citizens, and given amongst the Greeks who remained there, pieces of gold, amounting to sixteen shillings eight pence to each man, he took his journey to Alexandria. He promised to give his answer to the Ambassadors, after that Aristides and Theris should be returned; for he desired that the Greeks should be privy to, and witnesses of, all his actions. [ Ibid. Legat. 82.]
Philometor, being educated by Eulaius the Eunuch, in delights, and effeminate employments, contracted such sloth, that, being withdrawn from all danger, and by great distance divided from the enemy, he parted with a most large and wealthy kingdom, without striking a stroke. [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 310. 313, ]
The Crown being taken from Philometor, after that he had reigned 11 years, by Antiochus; the Alexandrians committed the sway of affairs unto Euergetes his younger brother. [ Porphyr. in Grec. Eusebeian. Scalig. pag. 54. & 225.] whom they themselves notwithstanding afterwards called Cacergetes, or the Malefactor. [ Athenae, lib. 4. cap. 24▪ & lib, 12. cap. 27.] Howbeit, from the corpulency of his bulk, and the extension of his paunch, he obtained the surname of Physcon, or the Gor-belly, which joined together with his name, is read after this sort in his coin, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
This Ptolemy, by Epiphanius in his small book of weights and measures, for his love of learning, is termed Ptolemaeus Philologus, for he was both one of Aristarchus his scholars, and he wrote historical observations, which are frequently cited by Atheneus. [ Athenae. lib. 2. cap. 33.] for unto this second Euergetes do belong those things which we produced out of Athenaeus, and Galen concerning the first, in the year of the World 3761. from whence, seeing that at that time Eumenes son of Attalus reigned in Asia; whom Strabo affirmeth to have furnished Pergamos with libraries, [ lib. 13. pag. 614.] I suppose those things to be referred unto this Ptolemy, which are read in Vitruvius his Preface of his seventh Book. The Attalian Kings, being induced thereunto by the wonderful delights of Philologie, when they had erected for the common delight a famous library at Rergamus; then also Ptolemy, being invited with infinite zeal and eagerness of desire, did not with less industry endeavor to procure the like at Alexandria, and in Pliny, [lib. 13. cap. 11.] Through the emulation of the Kings, Ptolemy and Eumenes, about libraries, Varro writeth, That at Pergamos, parchments were found out, Ptolemy suppressing the Egyptian paper.
Ptolemy Philometor, being driven out of his kingdom, he fled unto his younger brother Ptolemy Euergetes, to Alexandria; [ Justin lib. 34. cap. 2.] whom the Alexandrians, delivering from the power of Antiochus, made him with his brother partner of the kingdom, numbering with the 12 of the one, the fourth year of the other his reign, [ Porphyr. ut sup, ] although a while after they cast out Philometor, and banished him. [ Polyb. Legat. 84, & 89.]
Antiochus, willingly catching at that occasion, undertook the government of the banished Prince, and made use of the specious pretence of bringing him home again in the defense of his Egyptian war, in receiving Embassages into all the Cities of Asia, and Greece, and in the dispatch of letters. [ Livy lib. 44. and 45.]
Antiochus, through the handsome color of bringing back Ptolemy the elder into his kingdom, managing his war with his younger brother, who at that time possessed Alexandria, got the better of him at a sea fight at Pelusium: and going over the Nile with his army, on a bridge suddenly erected, besieged Alexandria itself: Whereupon that same Ptolomei the younger, and Cleopatra his sister, dispatched Ambassadors to Rome, who might implore the Senate to send assistance unto the kingdom, and such Princes as were friends unto the Empire: for such were the obligations of the people of Rome unto Antiochus, and so great their authorities with all Kings and nations; That if they should but send Ambassadors to declare that it pleased not the Senate, That a war should be made with their confederate Princes, he would forthwith depart from the walls of Alexandria, and withdraw his army into Syria. [ Id. lib. 44.]
The wall of Alexandria having been assaulted to no purpose, Antiochus departed from thence, [ Id. lib. 45.] Meleager, Sosiphanes, and Heraclides, being notwithstanding, first sent Ambassadors to Rome: who of 150 talents committed to their charge were to bestow fifty upon a Crown, to be delivered to the Romans, and to divide the rest of the sum to certain Cities of Greece. [ Polyb. Legat. 83.]
About those days the Ambassadors of the Rhodians, of whom Ptutio was the chief that were sent to settle a peace, arriving at Alexandria, presently afterward went into the Camp unto the King: These being admitted unto conference with the King, commemorating the conjunction of each kingdom with the other, and the mutual respects of alliance between both the Kings, and what advantages would redound unto each of them upon the concluding of a peace, entered upon a long discourse. But the King interrupting the Embassador in his speech, said, That there was no need of any longer discourse; for the kingdom appertained unto the Elder Ptolemy; and he had long since made a peace with him, and was his friend; and if the Alexandrians would recall him out of banishment, he was contented, [ Id. 84.]
Antiochus, leaving Ptolemy the Elder at Memphis, whose kingdom he pretended was fought for by his Forces, and delivering unto him the rest of Egypt, after that he had left a strong Garrison at Pelusium, withdrew his army into Syria; for when he had promised unto himself this issue of the civil war between the brethren, that the Conqueror being wearied in the dispute, would not be equal unto himself: he thought it behooful to keep unto himself the key of Egypt, that he might again at pleasure bring in his army, and assault the brother that had conquered, [ Liv. lib. 45.]
King Eumenes, coming from Elaea with 20 covered ships, in the coasts of the Cassandrenses met with Marcius Figulus, the Praetor, Admiral of the Roman Fleet, and five covered ships sent from Prusias the King there, with the Praetor: at the same time, both by sea and land, he in vain assaulted the City Cassandrea; Toron also, and Demetrias being attempted with no better success: There was a report that by Cydas the Cretian, and Antimachus Governor of Demetrius, conditions of reconcilement were negotiated between Eumenes and Perseus. For that Cydas, who was one of Eumenes his intimate friends, was formerly observed to discourse at Amphipolis with Chimarus, a certain Country-man of his own, and now at Demetrias with Menecrates, a certain Captain of Perseus, and again with Antimachus under the very walls of the City. Eumenes certainly departing from Demetrius, sailed unto Q. Marcius the Consul, and having gratulated his prosperous entrance into Macedonia, departed into his own kingdom to Pergamos. Marcius Figulus the Praetor, part of the Fleet being sent to winter at Sciathum, went with the rest of the ships unto Oreum in Boeotia, [ Id. lib. 44.]
Reports are very various touching King Eumenes: Valerius Antias saith, That neither the Praetor was assisted with a Fleet by him after that he had often sent for him by letters: neither that he departed with savor from the Consul into Asia; (being incensed, that it was not permitted unto him to march in the same Camp) That it could not be obtained of him to leave behind, so much as those French-horsemen, which he had brought with him. That Attalus his brother, both remained with the Consul, and that his fidelity was sincere in an equal temper, and his endeavors notable in the whole war, [ Ibid. ] And indeed Velleius Paterculus writeth, that King Eumenes was of an indifferent mind in that war, and answered not the beginning of his brother, nor his own accustomed fashion, [ Histor. lib. 1. cap. 9.]
At Rome, the Ambassadors of Pamphylius brought into the Senate a golden Crown made of 20 thousand Philipeans; and upon their request, liberty was granted unto them to repose their gift in the Chapel of Jupiter, and to sacrifice in the Capitol; moreover as to their desire of renewing friendship, they had a gracious answer, and a gift of two thousand pieces of coin sent unto each of them, [ Liv. lib. 44.]
At that time, the Ambassadors from King Prusias, for making up a peace with King Perseus, received an audience: Prusias professing, both that at that time he stood for the Romans, and that he should stand for them during the war: Nevertheless, seeing that Ambassadors had come to him from Perseus touching the conclusion of the war, and he had promised them to be an intercede • with the Senate, he desired, if they could be persuaded to end their displeasure, that himself might be used by them in the making up of the reconcilement, [ Id. ib. ]
The Embassy of the Rhodians was more arrogant, concerning the same business; for the courtesies which they had done for the Roman people, being proudly related, and almost the greater part of the victory procured over Antiochus, being arrogated to themselves; they added, That when there was peace between the Macedonians and the Romans, then was amity begun between themselves and King Perseus; the which, they had broken off against their wills, not upon any provocation of his against themselves, but because it pleased the Romans to draw them into the society of the war: That now the third year, they felt many inconveniencies of that war; That upon the blocking up of the sea, their Island was pressed with poverty, their revenues that came by sea, and their victuals being lost: when they could no longer endure this, That they had sent other Ambassadors into Macedonia unto Perseus, who might declare unto him, That the Rhodians were contented that he should make up a peace with the Romans, and that themselves were sent, to signify so much to Rome, That the Rhodians should consider, what ought to be done against them, in whom the fault should be found of not concluding the war. Claudius Quadrigarius saith, That there was no answer given unto these persons: only there was recited a decree of the Senate, wherein the Roman people denounced, That the Carians and Lycians were free, and that letters should immediately be dispatched unto both nations, that they might understand so much. Which thing being heard, That the principal person of the Ambassadors, whose high language the Senate a little before had scarce received, fell down astonished: Others say, that it was answered, That the Roman people even in the beginning of the war, had been assured by no vain authors, That the Rhodians had entertained secret debates with Perseus the King against their Common-wealth; and if it had been doubtful formerly, yet the Legates words a little before, had made it certain; and that fraud for the most part, though it be more wary at the beginning, discovereth itself, that they would consider what was to be done by them; what the Rhodians were about to consider, themselves knew, That assuredly the people of Rome, when Perseus should be overcome, (which they hoped would shortly be) would take care to make condingne requital according to the merits of each City in that war: howbeit, a reward of two thousand pieces of coin was sent unto each of the Ambassadors, which they accepted not. [ Id. Ibid. ]
But Dion giveth this account of the business. King Perseus requested peace from the Romans, and had obtained the same, except the Rhodians, fearing least the Romans should have wanted an adversary, had joined their Ambassadors with the Ambassadors of Perseus, for by them ( the Legates of the Rhodians ) nothing that was moderate, and such as became those to speak as requested a peace, was propounded; and so as if they had not so much requested a peace for Perseus, as given it unto him, they both proudly spake other things, and also at last threatened, That they would, with the rest, assault them by war, by whose fault the peace should not be made. Whereby it came to pass, that, whereas they were not unsuspected by the Romans before, they rendered themselves more hateful, and hindered Perseus from obtaining a peace, [ Dio. Legat. 19. all. 20.]
About the beginning of the Consulship of L. Emilius Paulus, [The Julian Period. 4546] and C. Licinius, [Year before Christ 168] the Alexandrian Ambassadors from Ptolemy and Cleopatra, Princesse, were called into the Senate; being clad with white apparel, and having both long beards and hair, when they had entered into the Senate with Olive-branches, they prostrated themselves: and making lamentation, they entreated the Senate, That they would give their assistance unto a kingdom, and Princesse that were in amity with them. [ Liv. lib. 44.]
When the Senate had understood by them, That Antiochus, having seized upon the rest of Egypt, did still remain there, that he might be master of Alexandria also; supposing that the greatness of this King did somewhat concern them, they decreed an Embassage, both for the making of a peace, and also for the viewing in general, what the face of affairs was in that place. [ Polyb. Legat. 90.]
Immediatly therefore, the fathers sent C. Popillius Laenas, C. Decimius, and C. Hostilius, Ambassadors, to conclude the war between the Kings, they were commanded to go first to Antiochus, then to Ptolemy, and declare, if they abstained not from war, which of them should be the cause thereof, they should not esteem him for a friend or a confederate, [ Liv. lib. 44.]
These with the Ambassadors from Alexandria, having taken their journey within three days, there came Ambassadors from Macedonia on the last of the Quinquatria, that is, of the feast of Minarva's birth day: who among other things, related, That Eumenes and his fleet, as ships brought with a tempest, without any cause, both came and departed, neither did the mind of that King seem sufficiently constant, and as they said all things doubtful of Eumenes, so they declared the extraordinary constant fidelity of Attalus. [ Id. ib. ]
The time when the Ambassadors, sent into Egypt, departed from Rome in an ancient Diary of this year (which Pighius hath inserted into the second Tome of his Annals in the 585 year of the City) is found thus expressed, The third day before the Nones of of April, C. Popillius Laenas, C. Decimius, C. Hostilius are sent Ambassadors to the Kings of Syria and Egypt, for the taking up the war between them: the Ambassadors early in the morning with a troop of their Clients and kindred, sacrificed in the Temple of Castor, unto the household gods of P. R. they offered a Bull, and so concluded their sacrifice. Howbeit, the third day, before the Nones of April, as the year at Rome then stood, answered unto the twenty third of our January, according the Julian account: as we gather from the Eclipse of the Moon, which sell out five months afterward.
After that Antiochus with his army had returned into Syria, Ptolemy Philometor, prudently considering the danger that hung over his head, by reason of him, left not off sending to Alexandria, unto Cleopatra his sister first, and then to Euergetes his brother, and his friends, until he had confirmed a peace with them; his sister extraordinarily assisting him, not only by advise, but also by entreaties. A peace therefore being made with common consent, returning from Memphis, and being received into Alexandria, he reigned together with his brother, not so much as the multitude opposing themselves: which in the war, not only by the siege, but also after it was raised from their walls, had been brought low through the want of all things, because no supply had been brought to them out of Egypt. [ Liv. lib. 45. cum Polyb. Legat. 89.]
Whereas it was meet that Antiochus should have rejoiced hereupon, if he had brought his army into Egypt for his restaurations sake, he was so offended, that he more eagerly and maliciously prepared war against them both, than formerly he had against the one of them: and thereupon presently sent his fleet unto Cyprus, which in a fight overthrew the Egyptian ships there, and the Captains of Ptolemy, [ Liv. lib. 45. Polyb. Legat. 92.]
Both Ptoilemei's brethren, having at that time the Crown and Kingly power, forasmuch as they were destitute of all kind of aid, sent Eumenes, and Dionysiodorus, Ambassadors, unto the nation of the Achaeans, to request 1000 foot men, and 200 horsemen, and that Lycortas might be Captain of all the auxiliary forces, and his son Polybius of the horse men, they wrote also to Theodoridas the Sicyonian, to hire a thousand mercenary soldiers. [ Polyb. Legat. 89. & 91.]
Perseus King of the Macedonians, and Gentius King of the Sclavonians, being united in league together, by giving pledges on either side, decreed, That Ambassadors should be sent to Rhodes, hoping that the City, in whose only power the glory of shipping then was, might by the authority of two Kings be incited unto the war against the Romans. The Ambassadors were sent unto Thessalonica, & commanded to be in a readiness to take ship: at that place was Metrodorus, who came lately from Rhodes, and affirmed that by the authority of Dion, and Polyaratus, principal men of the City, the Rhodians were prepared for war; for as amongst the the Coans, Hippocritus and Diomedon brethreen, so amongst the Romans, Dino and Polyaratus have been bold to speak for the Macedonians, and accuse the Romans, and publicly advise a conjunction with Perseus. This Metrodorus was made the chief person of this confederate Embassy with the Sclavonians. [ Polyb. Legat. 85. & in Excerptis, Valesii. pag. 137. Livy lib. 44.]
Perseus, having sent Tetemnastus the Cretian, Embassador to Antiochus, advised him not to let slip the present opportunity, nor to think that the pride and insolent injunctions of the Romans pertained unto him alone, but rather that he should be assured to run the same hazard of fortune himself also within a short time, except he now afforded his assistance unto him, in the chief place by composing the dissention, and settling a peace, or at least, if that might not be, by contributing his help. [ Polyb. Legat. 85. Liv. lib. 44.]
At the same time also, Perseus sent Cryphontes (for so the Collections of Polybius name him, whom the printed Copies of Livy call Eropontes) Embassador unto Eumenes, who had formerly discharged two Embassies unto the same person. [ Id. Ibid. ] surely by the profer of money he solicited Eumenes, That he should either take his part, or reconcile him unto the people of Rome, or assist neither side; hoping that he should obtain one of these things, or at least by that solicitation procure (which indeed he attained) that Eumenes should become suspected unto the Romans. But Eumenes despised the friendship of Perseus, & for the making of a peace demanded 1500 talents, and to remain neutral to both, 1000. Perseus promised to give the sum required for the procurement of a peace, but not before hand; howbeit, he would depose it in the Temple at Samothrace, until the peace were concluded. [ Appian. Macedonic. in Excerpt. Valeisi. p. 562.] But since that Island was within his own jurisdiction, Eumenes saw that it signified no more than if the money had been at Pella, and insisted hereupon, That he should bring part of the money for the present. Which not obtaining, Cryphon, their secret debates being unknown, returned home: that the negotion had been concerning the redemption of captives, both themselves noised abroad and Eumenes, for the avoiding of suspicion, informed the Consul to the same purpose. [ Livy, lib. 44.]
The Rhodians disagreeing between themselves, and that party prevailing in their assemblies which was inclined to Perseus, it seemed good that Ambassadors should be sent to compound the war between Perseus and the Romans: the chief presidents therefore of their Councils immediately dispatched Ambassadors unto Rome, Agesipolis and Cleombrotus, but to the Consul and Perseus, Damon, Nicostratus, Agesilochus, and Telephus; they sent also Ambassadors into Crete, to renew friendship with all the Cretans; and to advise them to have an eye to the condition of the times, and the imminent danger, and that agreeing with the people of Rhodes, they should esteem the same as foe and friend, which they should do: there were sent also unto each City, who might entreat with them touching the same affairs. [ Polyb. Legat. 86.]
The Ambassadors of the Ptolemeis, the Kings, whilst it was yet Winter, coming into Peloponnesus, after that in an Assembly of the Achaeans celebrated at Corinth they had renewed their ancient friendship, which they signified by many arguments one towards another; and had presented unto their view the afflicted condition of the Kings, requesting aide: the multitude were in a readiness to give their assistance, not with a part of their Forces, but if need should require, with all their strength. Howbeit, Callicrates, and Diophanes, and Hyperbatonus, opposed this judgment: against whom, Lycottas and Polybius discoursing, exhorted the Achaeans, that being mindful of their engagements and courtesies received, but especially of their oath, they should keep the laws of Confederacy. But when the multitude had again jointly agreed that assistance should be given; Callicrates frustrated that debate, terrifying the Magistrates, because the laws gave no liberty in such like assemblies, to deliberate of auxiliaries, [ Polyb. Legat. 89.]
A little while afterwards, a Council being called in the City of the Sicyonians, in the which, not only the Magistrates were present, but all that were above 30 years of age; after many debates had passed, a carryer was brought by Callicrates immediately after his arrival directly into the Theatre, bringing forged letters from Q. Marcius the Proconsul; wherein he was feigned to exhort the Achaeans, that complying with the desire of the Romans, they would endeavor to reconcile the Kings together: and thereupon Ambassadors were sent from the Achaeans, Archon of Aegi • a, Arcesilaus and Aristo Megapolitanes, to make a peace between Ptolemeis, the Kings, and Antiochus: at which King Polybius being incensed with indignation, withdrew himself from the care, and administration of affairs: and the Ambassadors from Alexandria having lost the hope of assistance, returned home, [ Id. ibid. & Legat. 91,]
Perseus, having his winter quarters at Bila, drew his Forces into Ionia, whereby he might intercept the bread-corn that was conveyed from thence unto the Romans, [ Appian. ut. sup. pag. 565.] Antenor and Callippus the Admirals of the Navy, with 40 small boates and five larger vessels called Pristes (from the likeness of the fish so named, which they do resemble ) he sent unto Tenedos: that being from thence dispersed by the Cycladas, Islands, they might secure the ships that came with bread-corn into Macedonia: the ships being brought to Cassandrea, after that they had first arrived at the havens which lie under the Mountain Athos, and from thence with a calm sea, at Tenedos; sent away the Rodians open vessels, and Eudemus their President without violation, nay even civily entreated. But being afterwards informed that 50 burdenships of their friends were shut in by the beaked ships of Eumenes under the conduct of Damius, at the very mouth of the haven at Mount Athos, having dispersed their enemies, they brought them forth and sent them with the conduct of ten small vessels into Macedonia, [ Liv. lib. 44.]
Those small vessels on the ninth day afterwards, returned unto the Fleet lying at Sigaeum: which from thence sailed to Subota (an Island lying between Elaea, and Athos) howbeit the next day after that they came thither, 35 ships which they call Hippagogi, or vessels for the conveyance of horses, Ferry-boats coming from Elaea with French Horsemen, and horses (sent from Eumenes to Attalus) were bound for Phanes, a Promontory of the Chians, from whence they might put over into Macedonia. Antenor, having loosed from Subota, between the Promontory of Erythrae, and that of Chios where the sea is most straight, suddenly light upon these: and when there was no hope of resisting, part of them which were near unto the shoat of the Continent swum into Erythraea: part, hoysing up sail, threw their ships upon Chios, and leaving their horses behind them, posted a main unto the City. But when the small vessels had disburdened their armed men nearer unto the City, and at a more convenient place of landing, the Macedonians having gotten the Frenchmen into their power, slew some of them as they fled in the way, and others being intercepted before the gate. There were slain of the Galls well nigh 800 (or 700 as Gruters edition hath it) and 200 taken alive. The horses were partly (the ships being broken) consumed in the sea, and partly houghed by the Macedonians on the shore. Antenor commanded the same ten vessels which he had sent before, to convoy 20 of the stateliest horses with the captives unto. Thessalonica, and as soon as they possibly could, to return to the Fleet; he would expect them at Phanae. The Navy lay almost three days before the City, from thence they went unto Phanae; and being carried over in the 10 vessels (returned before they were expected) they passed thorough the Aegean Sea unto Delos, [ Id. ibid. ]
Whilst these things were doing, the Roman Ambassadors, C. Popillius, C. Decimius, and C. Hostilius, having come from Chalcis, after that they had arrived at Delos with three Gallies of five ranks of oars; found there 40 ships of the Macedonians; and five Gallies of King Eumenes with five ranks of oars. The sanctity of the Temple, and the Island, gave security unto all persons. The Romans therefore and the Macedonians being mingled together, and the sea-confederates of Eumenes, the religion of that place making a Truce, were conversant in the Temple, [ Id. ibid. ]
Antenor, Perseus his Admiral, when there was intimation from the watch-towers, that ships of carriage were discovered at sea; pursuing himself with part of the shipping, the other part being disposed about the Cyclades, either sunk or spoiled all the ships, except such as were bound for Macedonia. Popillius, or the Navy of Eumenes, succoured as many as they could; and being conveyed by night in two or three vessels for the most part, deceived the Macedonians, [ Id. ibid. ]
About that time, the Ambassadors of Gentius, King of the Sclavonians, Permenion and Morcus, and together with these, Metrodorus (Embassador) of Perseus, came to Rhodes: whose authority was increased, not only by the approach of the Frigots which passed up and down by the Cyclades, and the Aegean Sea, and by the multitude of the Horsemen which were slain; but also by the very conjunction of Perseus and Gentius, and the rumor of the Galatians, Horse and Foot, coming with a great number. These things indeed gave courage unto Dinon and Polyaratus, who were for Perseus his interesse; but, on the contrary, dejected Theaetetus. It was decreed therefore by the Rhodians, to give a friendly answer unto both the Kings; and to signify unto them: That they had resolved by the interposition of their authority, to put a period to the war; and consequently to admonish them, to be inclinable to a peace. Moreover the Ambassadors of Gentius were entreated with much civility in their public place of Assembly, [ Id. ibid. Polyb. Legat. ]
At the beginning of the Spring, Antiochus with his army, marching for Egypt, came into Coelosyria, about Rhinocolura, unto the Ambassadors of Ptolemy, Philometor rendering thanks unto him, for that by his means he had received his paternal kingdom, and requesting, That he would maintain his own right, and rather speak what he would have done, than, changing from a confederate to an enemy, proceed by violence, and arms; he gave this answer: That he would upon no other terms revoke his Fleet, and reduce his army, unless he would surrender unto him all Cyprus, and Pelusium, and the field that was adjacent unto that mouth of the Nile, called Pelusiack; and he fixed a day within which he might receive an answer, [ Livy, lib. 45.]
Antiochus dispatched Apollonius Overseer for the Collection of his Tribute (called by Josephus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the 12 book of his Antiquities, cap. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the 2 of the Maccab. 5. 24.) with an army of 22 thousand into the Cities of Judea; two complete years after that he had spoiled the Temple at Jerusalem, commanding them to put to death all the young men that were come to years of maturity and in full strength, but to sell the women and younger sort, [1 Maccab. 1. 30. 2 Maccab. 5. 24.]
After that Apollonius was come to Jerusalem, without any show of hostility, he restrained himself until the Sabbath Day; on which he destroyed all that came to discharge religious duties, and, marching with his Forces about the City, he put to death a great multitude: and taking the spoils of the City, he set it on fire, and pulled down the houses, and the walls round about: They led away also captive the women and children, and seized on the cattle, [1 Maccab. 1. 31, 34. 2 Maccab. 5. 25, 26.] Josephus, [ in the 12 book of his Antiquities and the seventh chap. ] ascribing unto Antiochus himself, those things that were done by his ministers, affirmeth him; After the sacking of the whole City, partly to have slain the inhabitants, and partly to have led them away captive, together with their children and wives, to the number of ten thousand.
Judas Maccabaeus also, departing with nine others, spent his life in the mountains after the manner of wild beasts together with his companions, who continued to feed on herbs, least they should be partakers of the pollution, [2 Maccab. 5. 27.] or of the prohibited meats, or of the idolatry, or of the contamination also, and the desolation of the Sanctuary which ensued thereupon; [1 Maccab. 1. 39, 41.] which was three years and six months before the restitution and purification thereof, made afterwards by the same Judas Maccabaeus, [1 Maccab. 4. 43, 54.] For which space of time Josephus intimates the City of Jerusalem to have been oppressed by Antiochus in the Preface of his books concerning the Jewish war, and the service of the daily sacrifice to have ceased in the first book, and first chap. and the Sanctuary to have been desolate in the sixth book of the same Work ( pag. 929.) the same author showeth; who declareth also that last point, touching the time of the desolation of the Sanctuary, as Hippolytus affirmeth, [ Caten. Graec. in Daniel, chap 8.]
Afterwards they built in the City of David, or Zion, a great wall, fenced with strong Towers, which was unto them in the place of a Ciladel; and a Garrison of wicked persons being placed therein, they reposed there the spoils of Jerusalem: and forasmuch as there were plots there contrived against such as frequented the Temple, and innocent blood was shed and the Sanctuary defiled; the inhabitants of Jerusalem fled and the City became an habitation of strangers, and strange to her own Natives, her children forsaking her, [1 Maccab. 1. 35, 40.]
The Ambassadors of the Rhodians came into the Camp of the Romans, with the same instructions, touching peace, which at Rome highly incensed the fathers, they were heard with much more discontent by the Council of war: Howbeit, when some would have had them violently forced out of the Camp, the Council declared, That it would give them answer after fifteen days: in the mean time, that it might appear at what rate the authority of the Rhodians interceding for peace was esteemed, they began to debate of the means how to manage the war, [ Livy lib. 44.]
The day before Perseus was overcome, C. Sulpicius Gallus tribune of the soldiers of the second Legion, by the permission of L. Emilius Paulus the Consul, calling the soldiers together, declared unto them, that the ensuing night, left any should be astonished at the strangeness thereof, the Moon should suffer an eclipse from two of the clock in the night, until four; which being a thing that by the course of nature comes to pass at set times, it might be known before, he said, and likewise foretold; and therefore ought not to be looked upon as a prodigy, [ Id. Ib. ] which a while afterward, as Pliny writes, he taught in a treatise composed thereupon, [lib. 2. cap. 12.] where he reporteth this man to be the first of the Roman nation, who published unto the world, the reason of the Sun and Moon's Eclipses, of whom Cato in Ciceros book, of old age, thus speaketh: We did behold Scipio, Gallus, the intimate acquaintance of your father (Emilius Paulus) even to macerate himself unto death in his endeavors of measuring almost the Heavens and the Earth: how often did the morning surprise him, when he began to delineate anything at night? and how oft did the night come upon him, when he began in the morning? how was he delighted when he fore-told unto us the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon, a great while before they came to pass?
The night which did precede the day before the Nones of September, when the Moon was eclipsed at the appointed hour, it seemed unto the Roman soldiers to be almost a divine thing: but it affected the Macedonians as a sad Omen portending the full of their kingdom, and the mischief of their nation. [ Liv. lib. 44. cum Justin. lib. 33. cap. 1. Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. 11. Jul. Frontin. Stragemat. lib. 1. cap. 12.] The Astronomical account showeth, That the total darkness of the Moon, fell out upon the 21 day day of June, according to the Julian account, the eight hour after noon, this year, in Macedonia: when the soldiers would have given their bodies unto sleep, and rest in the night, as Plutarch hath it in his Paulus Emilius. Whence it is inserted, That the Id • es of March, on this year, whereon Paulus entered upon his second Consulship, fell out upon the fourth day of January, according to the Julian reckoning.
The day following, Perseus being overthrown, [1 Maccabees 8. 5.] the kingdom of the Macedonians determined: when from Caranus it had stood for the space of 626. years. Howbeit, the relics of the Macedonian Empire, while the Roman was rising, did yet survive in the Seleucus's of Syria, and the Ptolemy's of Egypt.
The third day after the fight, Perseus, with about five hundred Cretans, came by flight unto Amphipolis in Thracia; but, being not admitted by the Amphipolitans, when their money, both gold and silver, was brought unto the ships which abode in Strymon; he also himself came unto the river. Unto the Cretans, that were drawn the hope of money, out of his peculiar treasury, he delivered Cups, and goblets, with other gold and silver vessels, amounting to the value of 50 talents, which, being placed on the bank, he left to be catched up by them, from this scrambling, whilst they tumultuosly went a ship-board, they sank one of the vessels, loaden with a multitude of people, in the very mouth of the river. On that day he came unto Galipsus, or Alepsus, on the morrow unto the Island Samothrace, with two thousand talents; and humbly betook himself unto the Temple of Castor and Pollux. [ Livy. lib. 44. cum Plutarcho, in Paulo Emilio. ]
When the fame of the Roman victory had come into Asia, Antenor, who with a Fleet of Frigots waited at the Phanae, sailed from thence into Cassandria, [ Livy lib. 45.]
C. Popillius, who lay at Delos for a safeguard unto the ships that were bound for Macedonia; after that he had heard of the success in Macedonia, and the removal of the enemies Frigots out of their Station, he also himself, having dismissed the Attick ships, proceeded to sail for Egypt, that he might discharge the Embassy which he had undertaken: to the end that he might first meet with Antiochus, before he came to the walls of Alexandria. After that the Ambassadors had passed Asia, and were come into Loryma, which is an Haven above 20 miles distant from Rhodes, directly opposite against the City, the principal persons of the Rhodians (for even thither also had the rumor of the victory been brought) met them, entreating them to put in at Rhodes; for they said, That it concerned the honor, and safety of the City, that they should understand all things which had before been transacted and were then in agitation at Rhodes, and declare at Rome, what was known to themselves, not what was bruited by fame: though they refused a great while, yet at length they forced them to suffer a short interruption of their voyage for the safety of a confederate City: and after they were arrived at Rhodes, the same persons by their entreaties drew them into their public Assembly, [ Id. ib. ]
The coming of the Legates rather increased than diminished the fear of the Citizens; for Popillius repeated all things, which all and every of them had spoken, or done in a hostile manner, during the time of the war; and being a man of a sour disposition, he aggravated the grievousness of the things that had been spoken with a stern countenance and criminating voice; so that, whereas there was no ground of his private displeasure against the City, they might guess by the bitterness of one single Roman Senator, how the whole Senate stood affected toward them. The speech of C. Decimius more mild, who in most of the things alleged by Popillius, said, That the fault was not the people's, but such stickling men's that stirred them up: that those kind of persons, setting their tongue to sale, had framed decrees full of Court-flattery, and had dispatched such Embassages, whereof the Rhodians were no less ashamed, than penitent for: all which, had the people power in their own hands, would fall upon the heads of the guilty. He was heard with great approbation, no less because he charged the fault upon the authors, than that he extenuated the crime of the people. When therefore the principal persons replied unto the Romans, their speech was in no wise acceptable, who endeavored to purge the crimes objected by Popillius, as theirs, who agreed with Popillius in exposing the authors unto punishment for the expiation of the crime: and thereupon those Rhodians, who before carried such high minds, as if they had conquered, as well Philip, as Antiochus, and were Superior in strength to the Romans themselves, were brought into such terror, that even in the presence of the Ambassadors, there was a Decree suddenly made, That whosoever should be convinced to have spoken or done anything in the behalf of Perseus, against the Romans, should be condemned to death. Some upon the approach of the Romans withdrew themselves out of the City, others laid violent hands upon themselves: the Ambassadors staying not above five days at Rhodes, went unto Alexandria. Neither were the judgments grounded upon the Decree made before them, less slowly put in execution; which resolution in performing that business, the Clemency of Decimius did procure, [ Id. ibid. cum Dione, Legat. 20. all. 21.]
After that the news of Perseus his flight had been brought unto Rome, it seemed good unto the Senate that the Rhodian Ambassadors, who came to make up a peace with Perseus, should be called before their Assembly: the Ambassadors, of whom Agesipolis was the chief, having entered into the Senate, said, That they were sent to make an end of the war, which would be grievous and incommodious unto all Greece, costly and hurtful unto the Romans themselves. Now, seeing it was concluded, in such sort as the Rhodians always desired; they did congratulate it unto them. When Agesipolis had briefly spoken these words, he departed out of the Assembly. The Senate, making use of that occasion, seeing that they purposed to disgrace openly the Rhodians, and make them an example, made this reply. That the Rhodians dispatched that Embassy, neither in regard of the advantages of Greece, nor of the expenses of the Roman people, but in the behalf of Perseus; for if their care had been such as was pretended, Ambassadors would then have been sent, when Perseus having drawn his army into Thessalie, for the space of two years, partly besieged, and partly, by denouncing war, terrified the Cities of Greece. At that time there was no mention of peace made by the Rhodians: but after that they had heard, that the Woodes were got over, and that the Romans had passed into Macedonia, and that Perseus was closely environed, the Rhodians sent their Embassage; to no other end, but that they might deliver Perseus out of his imminent danger: wherefore the fathers judgment was, That they ought not to bestow the accustomed rewards, or any benefit, no nor a courteous answer unto the Ambassadors, [ Polyb. Legat. 88. Liv. lib. 45.]
Thoas, who being sent from Rhodes by Dinon to Perseus as an internuncio, had often sailed into Macedonia; affairs now being turned, fled for fear into Cnidus. And when the Cuidians had secured him in safe custody, upon the vindication of the Rhodians, he was returned into Rhodes again; where, upon examination, having confessed all, he fully consented unto all the notes of the letters which had been intercepted, and to the Epistles sent to and again, both from Dinon, and also from Perseus: wherewith Dinon being convinced (for an example to others,) he was executed, [ Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 137, 138.]
Cn. Octavius, who together with Paulus Aemilius, managed the Macedonian war, upon the arrival of his Fleet at Samothrace, being touched with the reverence of Castor and Pollux, left Perseus unassaulted, but yet he debarred him from the sea, and secured him from escaping, [ Plutarch in P. Aemilio. ] And whilst he endeavored to draw him to a surrender, sometimes by threatenings, sometimes by hopes; a business whether accidental or contrived by deliberation, assisted him therein. L. Attilius an illustrious young man, when he saw the people of Samothrace assembled together, by the permission of the Magistrate, complained that the supposed sanctity of the Island was violated by the presence of Euander the Cretian: who having almost compassed the death of King Eumenes at Delphi, did now together with Perseus, defend himself by the refuge of the Temple. Hereupon Theondus, who was the chief Magistrate amongst them (whom they call King) seeing himself, and the whole Island in the power of the Romans, demanded of Perseus, that Euander should be given up unto trial: which when Perseus disliked, because he saw that the crime being discovered, would be devolved upon himself, he procured that Euander should be slain: and corrupted Theondus with money, to declare unto the people, that Euander had made away himself with his own hands. Howbeit by so wicked a prank against his only friend that remained, and had been known to him in so many enterprises, he alienated the affections of all that were with him; and when everyone for his own security betook himself to the Romans, he was forced to bethink himself how to make his escape, [ Liv. lib. 45.]
Wherefore Perseus secretly dealt with Oroandes the Cretian, to whom the coast of Thrace was well known, because he had used traffick in that Country, that receiving him into a Frigot (which did ride at the Promontory Demetrias) he should convey him to Cotys the King of the Thracians. About the time of Sun-set there was as much money brought to the Frigot, as could be secretly conveyed: which being received, Oroandes, making use of a Cretian feat, as soon as it was dark, loosing from shore, bent thorough the Main unto Crete: afterwards about midnight wretched Perseus let down himself, his children, and his wife, not acquainted with travels and wandering, out of a straight window by a wall; and when the ship was not found in the Haven, after that he had awhile walked on the shore, at length fearing the light, now approaching, he betook himself to a dark corner in the side of the Temple, [ Liv. & Plutarch, ut supra. ]
After that, by the command of Octavius the Praetor, it was published, by the Cryer, That the royal Youth (the children of Princes that were chosen to attend upon the King) and other Macedonians, who were of Samothrace, if they would come over to the Romans, should preserve their safety, and liberty, and all that they had, which was either about them, or which they had left behind in Macedonia; they all came over, and gave up their names to C. Posthumius the Tribune of the soldiers. Ion also the Thessalonian surrendered up the young children of the King, which had been committed to his trust, unto Octavius; neither was any of the children left with the King, except Philippus the eldest. Thereupon he surrendered himself and his son to Octavius: fondly accusing fortune, and the gods, in whose Temple he was, because they afforded their supplicant no assistance. He was commnaded to be put aboard in the Proetorianship, where also the money that remained was carried; and forthwith the Fleet went back unto Amphipolis, [ ibid. ]
Antiochus, coming to possess Pelusium, when he had passed over the River Leusines (which place is four miles distant from Alexandria) met with the Roman Ambassadors: whom when upon their approach, he had saluted, and reached forth his right hand unto Popillius, he delivered unto him the Tables which he held in his hands, containing that Decree of the Senate, whereby he was commanded immediately to conclude the war against Ptolemy; and enjoined him, that before he did anything else, he should read it. When he had read over the Tables, and said, That he would consult with his friends, what he ought to do; Popillius with a vine-twig which he had in his hand, encircled the King, and commanded him before he went out of the ring, which he had described, to return his answer to the Tables. The King being astonished with that unusual and imperious action, after that he had demurred a while, saith, I will do what the Romans command. Whereupon at length Popillius reached forth his right hand unto the King, as to a confederate and friend. Thereupon, the space of a few days, and those prefixedly numbered, being granted, Antiochus full sore against his mind, and not without sighing, however, yet withdrew his forces into Syria (for instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in Polybius we suppose 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ought to be substituted out of Livy) esteeming it expedient to give place unto the times for the present. [ Polyb. Legat. 92. & Liv. lib. 45. cum Ciceron. in Philippica 8 â . Velleio Paterculo lib. 1. cap. 10. Valeri. Maximo. lib. 6. cap. 4. Justin. lib. 34. cap. 3. Appiano in Syriac. pag. 131. Plutarcho in Apophthegmat. cap. 32, &c.
The Samaritans, seeing the Jews most miserably oppressed by Antiochus, professed themselves to be by descent Sidonians, and thereupon obtained letters from Antiochus to Apollonius his President, and Nicanor the Kings Steward, that they should not be involved jointly into the common condition of the Jews; and that the Garizitine Temple, as yet not honored with the title of any god should from thenceforth be called by the name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or of the Grecian Jupiter: there is extant touching this business a supplicatory Epistle of the Samaritans in Joseppus his 12 book of Antiquities, the seventh Chapter, with the answer of Antiochus, dated year the 46, (but I know not from what Epocha the account is drawn) the 18 day of the month Hecatombaeon.
After that Antiochus had departed out of Egypt, the Roman Ambassadors by their authority confirmed the union between the two brethren, who were scarce yet well agreed, [ Liv. lib. 45.] C. Popillius requested as a boone from the King, the enlargement of Menalcidus, the Lacedaemonian, who had actively made such of the pressing and necessitous times of the Kings to the increasing of his own private estate; but he commanded them to send Polyaratus, who had been a chief favourer of Perseus his party at Rhodes, to Rome: and Menalcidus was indeed dismissed; but there was a demur made concerning Polyaratus: for Ptolemy reverencing as well Polyaratus as his Country, did by no means determine to send him to Rome, but rather unto Rhodes; which Polyaratus himself also requested, Being embarqued therefore in a small vessel, and delivered to the custody of one of his friends, named Demetrius, he designed him unto Rhodes, writing letters also unto the Rhodians touching his transportation. Howbeit Polyaratus arriving at Phaselides, I know not upon what thoughts, taking with him herbs for the strowing of the Altar, and priestly ornaments, fled unto the common tutelary God of the City. [ Polyb. Legat. 92, & 95. & in Excerptis Valesii. pag. 138.]
Popillius, having settled affairs at Alexandria, sailed unto Cyprus, and from thence dismissed the fleet and army of Antiochus into Syria, which had lately vanquished in that place, the Egyptians. [ Polyb. Legat. 92. Liv. lib. 45.]
The Kings of Egypt being delivered from the war against Antiochus, before all things dispatched Numenius, one of their friends, Embassador unto Rome; to return thanks for the favors which they had received from them. [ Polyb. Legat. 95.]
When the Phasellites had sent unto Rhodes, requesting them to receive and carry along with them Polyaratus, the Rhodians did indeed send a ship, but forbad Epichares the Master of the ship, to admit him aboard the vessel, because the Alexandrians were enjoined to set the man ashore at Rhodes: the ship therefore being brought unto Phaselides. When Epichares refused to receive Polyaratus into his vessel, and on the other side Demetrius, unto whose custody he was recommended by the King, commanded the man to get up and be gone; and the inhabitants of Phaselides moreover urged it, fearing least it might render them obnoxious to the Romans. Polyaratus being afflicted with the sadness of his care, went aboard Demetrius his ship again. Howbeit, having gotten an opportunity at his landing, he fled directly with speed unto Caunus: and in like manner complaining of his sad condition, implored the assistance of the Caunians: from whom receiving a repulse, because they were tributaries unto the Rhodians; he privily sent unto the Cibyrates, requesting that he might be received into their City, and some might be sent unto him, who might safely conduct him; for he was known unto the Cibyrates, because the children of Pancrates the Tyrant had been educated with him: and when the Cibyrates had consented and yielded unto his requests, Polyaratus was brought unto Cibyra. [ Id. in. Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 138, 141.]
Popillius and the Embassy which was sent unto Antiochus, returning unto Rome, made report of the controversies taken up and composed between the Kings, and of the army withdrawn out of Egypt into Syria; afterwards the Ambassadors of the Kings themselves came, the Legates of Antiochus declared, That the peace which was approved by the Senate, seemed more approved unto the King than any victory: and, That he obeyed the commands of the Roman Ambassadors no otherwise, than if they had been the injunction of the God's: they congratulated afterwards unto them the conquest over Perseus; to the which, if anything had been commanded unto him, the King to his uttermost endeavors would have been assistant. The Legates of Ptolemy, jointly in the name of the King, and Cleopatra returned thanks, That they were more indebted unto the Senate, and the Roman people, than their parents, than unto the immortal gods, by whom they had been delivered from a most miserable siege, received their paternal kingdom, almost lost; the Senate replied, That Antiochus had rightly and duly done, in that he had obeyed the Ambassadors, and that it was acceptable unto the Senate, and the Roman people, and unto the Princes of Egypt, Ptolemy and Cleopatra, (they said) if any benefit and advantage befell them by their means, that the Senate did much rejoice at it, and should endeavor, That they might esteem the chiefest safeguard of their kingdom to consist in the fidelity of the Roman people. C. Papirius the Pretor was commanded, That he should take care, that the rewards should be sent unto the Ambassadors, according to appointment and custom. [ Liv. lib. 45.]
There was a joint Embassage came both from Eumenes, and from Attalus, and from Athenaeus, brethren to Rome, to congratulate the overthrow of Perseus. [ Id. Ibid. ]
King Antiochus by a public edict, [Year of the World 3837] commanded all nations that were subject unto him, to observe the same way of divine worship, and, laying aside their peculiar customs, to profess the same religion with the Greeks; the punishment of death being proposed unto such as should be disobedient; and he appointed over-seers over every people and nation, who should compel them hereunto. [1 Maccab. 1. 43, 52, 33.]
Of these he sent an ancient man of Athens into Judea and Samaria, that he might force the Jews to depart from the observation of the divine law; and defile the Temple at Jerusalem; imposing thereupon the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Jupiter Olympius, as upon the Temple at Garizim, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Jupiter Hospitable, or the Protector of strangers: for upon better considerations, he seems to have thought that a more suitable surname, than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Grecian, unto the condition of the Samaritans; because they were peregrines and strangers in the land of the Jews. [2 Maccab. 4. 1, 2.]
The King sent also proclamations by Ambassadors to Jerusalem, and the Cities of Judah, that they should follow the rites of the Gentiles, take away the sacrificers out of the Temple, prohibit the sabbaths and festival days, pollute the sanctuary, and the Ministers thereof, erect Altars and Groves, and Temples of Idols, that they should sacrifice Swine, and other unclean beasts, that they should suffer their children to remain uncircumcised, and defile themselves with every impure thing, to the end, That they might forget the law, and change all the Ordinances of their God, [ Maccab. 1. 46, 51.] and that it might wholly be a crime to profess the Jewish religion. [2 Maccab. 4. 6.]
A decree also came forth into the neighbor Cities of the Greeks, upon the suggestion of Ptolemy (son of Donymenes 2 Maccab. 4. 45.) that they should proceed in like manner against the Jews, and compel them to partake of the sacrifices, but as for such as would not come over to the Greek customs, they should put them to death, [2 Macca. 17. 8, 9.]
And truly other nations embraced the word of the King, and of the Israelites also many consented to his religion, and sacrificed unto Idols, and profaned the Sabbath, [1 Maccab. 1. 44. cum. 2. 18.] for many of the people that forsook the law were gathered together unto them, and they made the Israelites hide themselves in dens, and in places of their refuge, [1 Maccab. 1. 55, 56.] others were brought by bitter constraint on the Kings birth-day every month to eat of the sacrifices; and when the feast of Bacchus was kept, they were compelled to go in procession to Bacchus, carrying ivie. [2 Maccab. 6. 7.]
But the Temple was filled with riot and revelling by the Gentiles, who loosely spent their lives with harlots, and in the holy circuit of the Temple, defiled themselves with women, and moreover brought in things that were not lawful, the altar also was filled with profane things, which the law forbiddeth. [2 Maccab. 6. 4, 5.]
And on the 15 day of the month Casleu (which answereth partly our month November, and partly December) in the 145 year of the kingdom of the Greeks, they erected the abomination of desolation (the detestible idol of Jupiter Olympius) upon the Altar, and built idol-altars throughout the Cities of Judah, on every side, and burnt incense at the doors of their houses, and in the streets. [1 Maccab. 1. 54, 55.]
When they had cut in pieces the Books of the Law which they found, they burnt them in the fire; and wheresoever was found with any the Book of the Testament, or if any approved the Law, according to the Kings commandment, they put him to death, [1 Maccab. 1. 56, 57.] where, by the title of Books of the Law, we understand not only the Mosaic Pentat •• ch, with the later Hebrews, who from hence drive the Original of that Petaroth or dimissary Lecture, after which the people were dismissed (according to Elias Levita, in his Tischb • , in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) but the whole Scripture of the Old Testament, as in John 10. 34. 15. 25. and 1 Cor. 14. 21. and so doth Josephus upon the same occasion, [ lib. 1 • . cap. 7.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Wheresoever any Holy Book was found, as also the Law, and they with whom it was discovered, did miserably perish, and Severus Su • picius, in Sacr. Histor. lib. 2. is of the same judgment, who writeth, That the Holy Volumes of the Law and the Prophets were consumed in the fire.
On the 25 day of the month Casleu, sacrifices were offered upon the idololatrical altar, which was erected upon the Altar of God, [1 Maccab. 1. 59.] the 145 year of the Seleucida's reign, Olympiad the 153. [ Josephus lib. 12. cap. 7. & 11.
At the same time, two women which had circumcised their children, were accused▪ to whose breasts the children being hung, after that they had been publicly led through the City, they threw them down headlong from a wall, and destroyed their families, and those that had circumcised the infants. [1 Maccab. 1. 61. 2 Maccab. 4. 10.]
The Galatians, Advertas being their leader, infested the kingdom of Eumenes with a very great commotion; but, a truce being made for the space of winter, both the Galls went home again, and the King withdrew himself to Pergamos into his winter quarters; where he fell sick of a sharp disease. [ Liv. lib. 45, cum Polyb. Legat. 93.]
Antiochus, when he saw that his edicts were despised by the people, forced everyone with torments by tasting of impure meats to abjure judaism, [ Joseph. • bell. de Maccab. ] Howbeit, many of the Israelites were fully resolved and confirmed in themselves, not to eat any unclean thing, and they chose to die, that they might not be defiled with those meats, and that they might not profane the Holy Covenant. [1 Maccab. 1. 62, 63.]
Therefore the Tyrant Antiochus, siting in an eminent place, as President with his assessors, his army with their weapons environing them, commanded everyone of the Hebrews to be snacht away, and to be to eat Swines flesh, and such things as had been offered unto idols: and if any should refuse the profane meats, that being racked on wheels, they should be put to death. [ Joseph. ut sup. ]
And many being led away, a principal person, Eleazar by name, of the priestly family, one, as being an eminent Scribe, most expert in the knowledge of the Laws, of 90 years of age; and therefore well known unto many of the followers of Antiochus, was brought before them: who, neither yielding to eat swine's flesh, nor to pretend and dissemble to have eaten it, chose rather to undergo the most cruel torments, than to violate the Law. [ Id. Ibid. 2. Maccab. 4. 18,—31.]
After him, seven young men that were brethren, together with their most courageous mother, were brought before Antiochus; who refusing to taste Swines flesh, after that they had been exquisitly with new invented torments cruelly handled, rendered their unconquerable souls unto God. The most noble Martyrdom of these persons is found described in the seventh chapter of the second book of the Maccabees, and in the small Treatise of Josephus, touching the Maccabees, intitled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Of the empresse Reason, in the Latin Paraphrase whereof, set forth by Rufinus, these persons are reported to be brought from their Castle named Sasandrum, into Antioch unto the King, and their names were expressed, Maccabeus, Aber, Machir, Judas, Ahaz, Areth, Jacob, and the mothers name is said to be Solomona: which notwithstanding, the later Hebrew Historians calls Han • ah.
In Judah, about this time, Rhazis a Senator of Jerusalem gave a notable example unto others, exposing his body and soul for the defense of the Jewish religion; for his friendly affection unto his Country he was termed, The father of the Jews. [2 Maccab. 14. 37, 38.]
The Kings Officers, who in Judea forced men to Apostasy, came unto the Town called Modin, that they might there compel the Israelites to sacrifice, [1 Maccab. 2. 15.] Modin was a Village near Diospolis, as Eusebius relateth in his book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Mattathias son of Jonathan, which was the son of Simeon, dwelt there at that time, a Priest of Jerusalem, of the family of Joarib (who was the first among the 24 courses, 1 Chron. 24. 7.) together with his five sons; John called Caddes, or Gaddes, Simon called Thassi, Judas called Maccabeus, Eleazar called Abaron, or Avaran, and Jonathan called Apphus. [1 Maccab. 2. 1, 5.] And as those seven Martyrs, who at Antioch discharged their combat received from the elder brother Maccabeus, the common name of the Maccabean brethren, so custom prevailed that from Judas Maccabeus, if not the first of Mattathias his five sons in age (as Josephus thinks in his first book of the war, first Chapter,) yet surely in the account of Prowesse, and glory thereby procured, [1 Maccab. 2. 66. 3. 4, 9. 4. 26.] they should obtain the common name of Maccabees. Howbeit, their father Mattathias, or Matthias is called by Josephus, lib. 1, Belli cap. 1. (as also in the Chronicle of Eusebius, and the lesser Seder Olam of the Hebrews) the son of A samonaeus: but in the 12 book of Antiquities, cap. 8. more expressly; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of Assamoneas, the common sort of Hebrews will have Mattathias himself to have been called Hasamoneus, and that from him that Sir-name descended unto the posterity; of which R. David Kimchi is to be perused upon the 68 Psalm, v. 32. where he denoteth the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Princes.
Antiochus his officers did earnestly exhort Mattathias, being brought unto them, That, forasmuch as he was a Prince, and an illustrious person, and a great man in the City Modin, and fortified with sons and brethren, he should lead others by his example to yield obedience to the Kings command: which he did not only constantly deny, but also 〈◊〉 put to death a certain Jew whom he beheld sacrificing upon the heathen altar, at the very altar, and at the same time slew also the Kings Commissioner, (called by Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 8, Apelles) who forced men to sacrifice, and threw down the altar: after that, exhorting all who were guided with a zeal of the Law to follow him, together with his sons, he fled into the mountains, leaving all their goods in the City, [1 Maccab. 2. 16, 28.]
Then many, that sought after justice and judgment, went down into secret places, and together with their children and wives, and cattle, lived in Caves: which when it was discovered unto Philip (that Phrygian whom Antiochus had left Governor at Jerusalem, 2 Maccab. 5. 22.) the Kings Commanders, taking with them the Garrison of the Castle of Jerusalem, pursued them: and when they could not persuade them to be obedient to the Kings commandment, throwing fire into the Cave on the Sabbath day, they consumed them, with their wives, children, and cattle, to the number of a thousand persons; those that were enclosed for the honor that they bore unto the Sabbath making no resistance; no, not so much as stopping the enterances of the Caves, [1 Maccab, 2. 29, 38. 2 Maccab. 6. 11. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 8.]
When Mattathias and his friends were informed hereof, they much lamented their case: and decreed, That if from thence forward they should be assaulted by their enemies, they would repel them with arms, [1 Maccab. 2. 39, 40, 41. Joseph. ut supra. ]
Unto these the company of Asideans joined themselves, religious men who voluntarily offered themselves for the defense of the Law by arms, and all which were compelled to flee from the wicked: and having settled an army, they partly slew the impious men, and partly forced them to betake themselves by flight unto the Nations. Howbeit, Mattathias and his friends, marching up and down, threw down altars, circumcised all children whom they found uncircumcised in the coasts of Israel, and pursued the sons of pride, and the work prosperously succeeded in their hands, [1 Maccab. 2. 42, 48.]
When the Cibyrates neither durst, for fear of the Romans, detain Polyaratus the Rhodian amongst them, nor yet were able to convey him to Rome, by reason of their unskilfulness in Sea-affairs (for they were altogether mid-land-men) they were compelled to dispatch an Embassy to Rhodes, and also into Macedonia unto L. Emilius Paulus the Proconsul, entreating them to receive the man. And the Proconsul wrote to the Cibyrates, That they should keep Polyaratus in straight custody, and bring him to Rhodes; but to the Rhodians, That they should take care that he should safely be brought unto Rome by Sea, and so the business being discharged by both of them according to command, Polyaratus was at last brought to Rome, [ Polyb. in Excerptis Valesi. pag. 141.]
King Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to Rome, for the suppressing of the commotion of the Galatians; as also to congratulate unto the Senate, the conquest procured over Perseus. Which Embassy Attalus undertook so much the more cheerfully, that, because he had assisted the Romans in that war, and exposed himself unto all dangers as a willing and ready confederate, he might, by some testimony of favor and benevolence, try how acceptable that service was unto the fathers: by which hope, least he should be tempted also to procure the kingdom, Eumenes sent after his brother unto Rome Stratius the Physician, a person of great trust and authority with him, as a faithful Espye of the things that were done by his brother, and a trusty Monitor, if he should see him depart from his fidelity, [ Polyb. Legat. 93. Liv. lib. 45.]
When all men benignly received Attalus, coming unto Rome; partly by reason of their former commerce with him, because they had served in the same war; partly because they believed him to be their friend; and when they came to meet him with a greater train than he hoped for: he began to be swollen up with vain hope, being ignorant of the true cause for which he was so kindly entertained: for seeing the minds of most of the Romans were alienated from Eumenes, and believed that he had carried himself deceitfully in this war, entertaining conferences with Perseus, and watching advantages upon the straights of the Romans; some persons of especial rank were eager to draw Attalus into private debates and encourage him to lay aside that Embassy which he had undertaken for his brother, and treat for himself: for the Senate, they said, was disaffected unto his brother, and desirous to enstate upon him that Dominion and Power which pertained unto him. Whence it came to pass, that Attalus his mind was lifted up, insomuch that he engaged himself unto some of the Governors to come into the Senate, and to debate with the fathers of that business. Howbeit Stratius the Physician, a person of singular prudence, and powerful eloquence, took him off from that intention; for he set before his eyes, That even for the present, he did reign no less than his brother, and for the future, he would be left the undoubted Successor of the kingdom: and that that hope could not be far distant; forasmuch as Eumenes by reason of the infirmity of his body, did daily and hourly expect the end of his life. Moreover, he said, That a new combustion came now upon the kingdom from the insurrection and tumult of the Galls, whereunto resistance could scarce be made by the consent and concord of the Kings; How much less should they be able to deal with them, if a home-bred sedition should be added unto a foreign war? Wherefore Attalus being brought into the Senate, in the first place professed his joy for the overthrow of Perseus: and afterwards discoursed of his fidelity and readiness of mind which he brought unto that war: then he largely entreated of sending Ambassadors to the Galatians, who by their authority might draw them from arms, and reduce them to their former estate: he proceeded also to speak of the Enions, and Maronites, which he requested might be bestowed upon him: but as for the accusation of his brother, and the division of the kingdom, he wholly omitted to propound anything, [ Id. ibid. ]
The Senate supposing that Attalus would come unto them again, and discourse of those affairs apart, promised him to send Ambassadors; and expressed notable magnificence in sending those gifts, which customarily in such cases used to be given: moreover they promised to bestow upon him those Cities. But when after all these offices of humanity and courtesy had been performed unto him, Attalus departed the City, neither did any of those things which the Senate hoped for; the fathers being frustrated of their expectation, whilst he was yet in Italy, declared Aenum and Maronea to be free, revoking the promise which they had made unto Attalus. Yet the Embassy, whereof Publius Licinius was the principal Person, they dispatched unto the Galatians, [ Polyb. Legat. 93.]
Amongst many Embassies of Asia, and Greece, next to this of Attalus, the Ambassadors of the Rhodians drew the eyes and minds of all men upon them: they had at this time a twofold Embassy, the first whereof Philocrates discharged, the later Philophron, and Astymedes, [ Id. ib. Liv. lib. 45.] for the Rhodians upon the return of that answer, which was given unto Agesipolis, presently after the battle fought with Perseus, knowing the anger of the fathers against them, and hearing their threats, immediately dispatched those Embassies, [ Polyb. ibid. ]
When the Legates had first made their appearance in white raiment (as it became such as rejoiced; for if they had been clad in sordid apparel, they might have looked like mourners for the misfortune of Perseus) after that the fathers had been consulted with by Marcus Junius the Cousul (whilst the Ambassadors stood in the place of the public assembly) whether they would give unto them place, rewards, and a Senate, they judged fit that no Rite of hospitality should be observed towards them: the Consul being gone forth out of the assembly, after that the Rhodians, affirming that they came to congratulate their victory, and purge the accusations of their City, had requested that a Senate might be granted unto them, declared, That the Romans were wont to give unto confederates and friends both other things benignly, and liberally for their entertainment, and also a Senate; but as for the Rhodians, they had not deserved in that war to be reckoned in the number of confederate friends. Upon the hearing of which words, they all prostrated themselves upon the ground, beseeching the Consul, and all that were present, that they would not more look upon new and false criminations to their hurt, than on their ancient deserts, whereof they were witnesses themselves, and immediately taking unto them sordid raiment, they went up and down with prayers and tears to the houses of chief persons, entreating them that they would first understand their cause, before they were condemned. [ Livy lib. 45.]
Marcus Juventius Talua the Praetor, whose employment it was to intermeddle in the affairs between the Citizens and strangers, stirred up the people against the Rhodians, and by a new and bad example, not advising first with the Senate, nor acquainting the Consuls, made a proposition upon his own head, Whether they did approve, and would command war to be denounced against the Rhodians, and one to be chosen out of the Magistrates of that year, who should be sent with a fleet to manage the war, hopeing that himself should have been the person. M. Antonius, and Marcus Pomponius Tribunes of the people opposed this enterprize: and from thence there arose a contention between the Praetor and the Tribunes of carrying on all things disorderly. The Tribunes by their intercession before the time, persuaded that the hast of the Praetor should be put off until the coming of Aemilius the General. [ Id. Ibid. ] The Praetor was violently, by Antonius pulled from the Desk: and the Ambassadors of the Rhodians, being by him brought unto the Senate, made their speeches; first Philophron, and afterwards also Astymedes, [ Polyb. Legat. 93. cum Diodorus. Siculo, Legat. 19. & in Photii Biliotheca, cod. 244.] by the later of whom that Oration seems to have been made, which is found in Livy without a beginning: for Polybius witnesseth, That Astymedes having inserted his speech amongst his letters, exposed it unto public view: which notwithstanding, the same author observeth upon that account to have been misliked by the more prudent Persons, because (peradventure in the former part of it which is wanting in Livy) he undertook the defense of his own Country in such a manner, that it was interwoven with an altogether unnecessary accusation of the rest of the Greeks.
The speech being ended, they all fell down upon their faces, and in humble manner casting down branches of Olive: at length being raised up again, they went out of the assembly; then the votes began to be demanded: such as bearing the office of Consuls, or Pretors, or Ambassadors in Macedonia, had been engaged in the war, were most enraged against the Rhodians. Howbeit, Marcus Portius Cato much advantaged their cause, who being of ridgid disposition, at that time shown himself a gentle and meek Senator: the speech which he spake for them in the Senate, was by himself inserted into his fifth Book of his Origines, or Derivations, [ Liv. ] The fathers at length, sharply and severely upbraiding the Rhodians with many things particularly, said, That the Senate well understood, had it not been for some few that were friends to the Roman people, and especially for the Ambassadors themselves, in what sort the Rhodians ought to be handled, and answer was given unto them in such manner, that they were neither declared enemies, nor continued friends, [ Polyb. Diodorus. Sicul. and Livy ut supra. ]
The answer being given, Philocrates immediately went to Rhodes: Astymedes remained Lieger at Rome, that he might know what things were transacted and give notice of them to his Country-men: the Rhodians, forasmuch as they seemed quit from an exceeding great fear of a war to be brought upon them from the Romans, bore the other passages, though very doleful, with a contented mind. [ Polyb. and Livy. ]
P. Licinius, and the rest of the Ambassadors who were sent with Attalus to end the war between the Galls and King Eumenes came unto Synnas: at what time Eumenes (who after the recovery of his health, the Spring first invited abroad out of his house) had gathered his army from several places unto Sardes. At Synnas, the Roman Legates conferred with Solovetius, Captain of the Galls, and Attalus went along with them; but he would not enter into the Camp of the Galls, least their mind should be incensed by the debate. P. Licinius, discoursing with the Duke of the Galls, found him more fierce upon his intercession: insomuch that it might seem strange, that the words of the Roman Legates should prevail so much amongst those rich Kings, Antiochus and Ptolomei, That they should presently make peace, and be of no reckoning with the Galls. [ Liv. lib. 45.]
Upon the approach of the Summer, the Rhodians sent Theaetetus (the Copies of of Livy have Theodotus) the Admiral of the fleet, with a Crown to the value of 10, or, as we read it in Livy, 20 thousand pieces of gold, at the rate of 16 pound the piece, that they might by all means endeavor to contract friendship with the Romans: but they desired that amity might so be requested from the Romans, that no vote of the Rhodian people should be made concerning it, or that it should be committed unto writing: lest, if they should not obtain it, besides the frustration of their Embassy, they should be more disgraced upon a repulse, & repent them of the Decree. When therefore, according to their Laws, the Admiral of the Fleet alone had power of concluding friendship, without any express ordinance procured; they decreed by him to send their intentions, and the truth is, That although before this, they had assisted the most noble and comely victories of the Romans, yet for the space of 40 years, they so continued in their friendship, that they never bound themselves unto them by a league of amity: lest being engaged in the religion of an oath, they should cut off all hopes from other Kings and Potentates, waging wars with the Romans of obtaining assistance if need required from: but now with most earnest desire they endeavored to procure this honor, not that they were in love with new confederates, or stood in fear of any but the Romans themselves; but that they might render themselves less suspected unto the Romans. [ Polyb. Legat. 93. Liv. lib. 45. Dio, Legat. 21. vel. 22.]
Theaetetas had scarce arrived at Rome, when the Caunians revolted from them: and the Mylassenses possessed the Towns of the Euromenses, the Rhodians therefore dispatching Lycus suddenly with an army, forced the Caunians, though they had procured the assistance of the Cibyrates, to submit to their government, and in a fight near Orthesia, overthrew the Mylassens, and the Alabandens, who having taken away the Province of the Euromenses, came with united forces against them. [ Polyb. & Liv. Ibid. ]
About the same time there was a decree published by the Senate, whereby liberty was granted unto the Carians and Lycians in general, whom after the dispatch of the war with Antiochus, the Romans had alloted unto the Rhodians: upon the receiving of which news, the minds of the Rhodians were shooken with fear, whilst they much doubted, least they had given the Crown to no purpose, and in vain expected an amity: and thus at last the Rhodians lost Lycia and Caria, after that they had been forced to endure their wars to procure them, [ Polib. Legat. 93. &. 140. Liv. lib. 45. Appian. Syriac, pag. 116.]
When a Senate was granted unto Theaetetus, he entreated concerning the entrance into a league with the Rhodians; but whilst the fathers made delays, he departed this life, being above 80 years of age. Afterwards the Caunians and Stratonicians, that were in exile, came unto Rome, who after that they had been heard in the Senate, there was a Decree made, whereby the Rhodians were commanded to withdraw their Garrisons from Caunus and Stratonicea. That answer being received, Phylophron and Astymedes with all speed hasted into their Country, lest if the Rhodians should neglect to call forth their Garrisons, the beginning of other calamities should again arise unto their City. [ Polyb. Legat. 99.]
About the same time, the Cnossians and Gortynians waged war with the Raucians, having made a league amongst themselves, which they confirmed by an oath; That they would not make an end of the war before that they had taken Raucus by force. [ Id. Legat. 100.]
The Rhodians upon notice of the Embassy of the Caunians, when they perceived that the wrath of the Romans was nothing asswaged, were in all things obedient unto their pleasure, [ Id. ib. ] And thus they lost Caunus, which they had redeemed from the Commanders of Ptolemy with 200 talents: and Strotonicea, which they had received, as a great benefit from Antiochus, and Seleucus; either of which Cities paid 120 talents yearly unto their City, [ Id. Legat. 104.]
The Rhodians sent an Embassy to Rome, the principal Person whereof was Aristotle. These had in their commission instructions to propound the friendship again; and to be earnest in that behalf: But when about mid-summer the Ambassadors made their appearance, and upon the grant of a Senate unto them, after the declaration of the Rhodians their obedience in all things that were enjoined unto them, had exhorted the fathers with many and sundry reasons unto an amity; the Senate returned such an answer, wherein no mention of society being made, the fathers denied it to be proper for them to vouchsafe amity unto the Rhodians, [ Id. Legat. 100.]
At the beginning of Autumn, [Year of the World 3838] L. Aemilius Paulus, C. Sulpitius Gallus, being appointed overseer of the army, went with no great Retinue to view Greece; Scipio his son, and Athenaeus brother of Eumenes the King, waiting upon him; he bestowed liberty upon Macedonia, and enacted laws meet for confederates. After the dispatch of his serious affairs, he instituted at Amphipolis a sport, which he had long before prepared, having sent messengers, both into the Cities of Asia, and to the Kings to give notice of it; howbeit as he compassed the Cities of Greece, he gave intimations thereof unto the Governors himself, and in that great convention of Europe, and Asia, a multitude being from every quarter, partly for congratulation, partly for to see the sight, gathered together, such vast armies of both land and sea Forces, there was observed, such abundance of provisions, and such cheapness of victuals, that there were gifts given of that kind for the most part, by the General, as well unto private persons, as to Cities and Countries; not only for present occasion, but to carry unto their houses, [ Livy lib. 45.]
Labeo was sent by the Romans to destroy Antissa, in the Island Lesbos, and for the transplanting of the Larysseans unto Methymna, because at what time Antenor, (Perseus his Admiral) coasted about Lesbos, they receiving him, furnished him with victuals, [ Id. ibid. ]
Prusias (Venator) King of Bithynia, with his son Nicomedes, came unto Rome: the Senate sent L. Cornelius Scipio the Treasurer, to meet him at Capua: and decreed that a most excellent house should be hired for him at Rome, and provisions made upon the public account, not only for himself, but also his Retinue; and in the entertainment of him, the whole City had the visage and countenance of one courteous friend, [ Liv. lib. 45. Valer. Maxim. lib. 5. cap. 1.]
Having entered into the City with a great train, he went from the Gate, and the judgment-seat of Q. Cussius the Major, and unto the market-place: a concourse of people being made on every side, he said, That he came to salute the gods which dwelt at Rome, as also the Senate and Roman people, and to congratulate unto them, their conquest over Perseus, and Gentius the King; and that having reduced the Macedonians, and Sclavonians to their jurisdiction, they had increased their Empire. When the Major had told him, That if he pleased, he would grant a Senate unto him that day; he requested two days space, wherein he might visit the Temples of the gods and the City, as likewise both strangers and friends. L. Cornelius Scipio the Treasurer was appointed unto him for a guide to conduct him up and down. The third day, he came into the Senate, congratulated the victory unto them, mentioned his own merits in that war; requested that he might have liberty to perform his vow, by offering 10 greater sacrifices in the Capitole at Rome, and one at Preneste unto Fortune; that these were his vows for the conquest of the people of Rome, and that amity might be renewed with him afresh: and that the land taken from King Antiochus, which the Galls, albeit the people of Rome had conferred it on no man, did possess, might be given unto him. Last of all, he recomended his son Nicomedes unto the Senate: he was assisted with the favor of all those that had been Commanders in Macedonia. Wherefore the rest of his demands were granted; as for the land, it was answered, That they would send Ambassadors to inquire, whether it belonged unto the Roman people, and were given unto nobody. That they accepted willingly the recommendation of Nicomedes. That Ptolemy King of Egypt (unto whom of late the Roman people had preserved his kingdom from Antiochus invading it) did sufficiently declare with what care the Roman people did defend the children of their confederate Kings. Moreover it was commanded, that beasts and other things that appertained unto sacrificing, whether he would offer them at Rome, or at Preneste, should be given unto the King, as to the Roman Magistrates at the public charges; and that twenty long ships should be assigned unto him out of the Fleet which lay at Brindisi, which he might employ, until the King came unto the Fleet assigned unto him; that L. Cornelius Scipio should not depart from him, and should defray the expenses both of himself, and company, till they should take ship. It is reported, That the King was wonderfully affected with joy, by that kindness of the Roman people: That he refused the rewards that were given unto him, but commanded his son to accept of the gift of the Roman people. These things the Roman Writers relate of Prusias, [ Liv. ibid. ]
Polybius and other Greek Authors write, That when he came into the Senate, he did low obeisance, and kissed the threshould of the Senate, and called the Senators, his Tutelary gods, and used other speech not so honorable to the hearers, as misbeseeming unto himself: and that for this extraordinary debasement of himself, he received a more courteous answer from the Senate, [ Id. ibid. Polyb. Legat. 97. Diodorus, Sicul. Legat. 22. vel 23.] Howbeit having stayed about the City not above 30 days, he departed into his kingdom, [ Liv. fin. lib. 45.]
About the transaction of these things news came, That Eumenes was upon his journey to Rome: who, because he had carried himself a neutral in the Macedonian war; least that he should seem to be judged an enemy, if he were excluded; or discharged from all crime, if he were admitted; there was a general law made, That no King should be permitted to come to Rome, [ Polyb. Legat. 97. Liv. 46.] Afterwards being certified that Eumenes had arrived at Brindisi in Italy; they sent unto him the Treasurer, to bring this Decree unto him, and to command him to speak, whether he had occasion to make use of the Senate in anything: if he had no request to make unto the fathers, That he should give intimations unto him, with all speed to depart out of Italy. The King, upon conference with the Treasurer, understanding the pleasure of the Senate, exchanged not a word of business with him; assuring him that he stood in want of nothing. By this means, the Romans did not only effect an hindrance of Eumenes his coming to Rome, but procured somewhat else also which was of great concernment unto them: for the kingdom of Pergamos being in great danger by reason of the Galatians; there was no doubt, but by reason of this disgraceful rejection of Eumenes, the courage of all his friends would be abated; and the Galatians be twice more courageous in the prosecution of the war. Now these things came to pass upon the beginning of Winter, [ Polyb. ibid. ]
Mattathias, having exhorted his sons unto the study of piety, and unto fortitude in the constant defense of the Law of God, commended Simon unto them, as a Counselor and Father, but Judas Maccabeus, as the Commander of their wars, as one that was excellent in valor from his youth: afterwards, blessing them, he died in the 146 year of the kingdom of the Greeks, when he had governed the miserable and banished company one year, and his sons buried him in the supulcres of their fathers at Modin, and all the Israelites be wailed him with great lamentation. [1 Maccab. 2. 49.—70. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 8. 9.]
Judas Maccabeus his brethren, and all who adhered unto his father, assisted him, succeeding into his fathers place, [1 Maccab. 3. 1, 2.] who privately going into the Villages, exhorted their kinsmen, taking with them such as continued in the Jewish Religion, they gathered together six thousand men, and called upon the Lord, That he would pity his Temple profaned by ungodly men, as likewise the City ruined, and hear the blood that cried unto him; and that remembering the unjust destruction of innocent infants, and the blasphemies that were committed against his name, he would declare his hatred against the wicked. [2 Maccab. 8, 1, 4.]
In the mean time Antiochus Epimanes, when he heard of the sports set forth by Emilius Paulus in Macedonia, and had a mind to exceed Paulus in the magnificence of his expense; he dispatched Legates, and Observers into the Cities, who might declare, That at Daphane near Antioch, sports should be exhibited by him: to the intent, That out of all Greece (as Polybius) or out of all parts of the World (as Diodorus declareth) famous men might eagerly make recourse unto that show. Howbeit, Polybius in the 31 Book of his History, thus describeth the order of the Pomp.
There went in the first place, five thousand men in the flower of their age, in garb like Roman soldiers, with mayled brigantines: there followed immediately as many Mysians: Next to these, three thousand Cilicians, lightly armed, and ready harnassed with Golden Crowns. After this as many Thracians, five thousand of the Galatians; and moreover some with silver Shields. After this company, 240 couple of Gladiators: Upon the back of these came a thousand riding on Pisaean, or rather Nisaean Horses, (as the most learned Casaubon hath corrected the place) and 3000 riding on such as were of vulgar use; and of these most had Trappings, and golden Crowns, some silver. Unto these succeeded of their confederates and friends about a thousand Horsemen, all furnished with golden Trappings. With these was joined a wing of their associat friends, agreeable unto them in number, and accoutrement. Besides these marched 1000 choice men; whom the most excellent order of Horse-men, to the number of about 1000, did follow, called by the Greeks Agema or the Company: 1500 Horsemen in complete armor from head to foot, called by the Greeks Cataphracti, because both men and horses were covered with arms, did close the company: all the forementioned persons had purple coats, some of them inter-woven with gold, and portrayed with the images of live beasts: after these marched an hundred Chariots, with six horses abreast, and 42 Wagons with four. Moreover there was a Chariot drawn with coupled Elephants, and another with two Horses: and after these followed 36 single Elephants, without any order.
Next went about 800 Youths with golden Coronets, fat Oxen near 5000, Tables for Holy uses about 300, Elephants teeth 800: then were carried whatever by man was believed or said to be gods or Genii; as also the images of their Heroes: some of them guilded over, others arrayed in golden robes, each one gallantly adorned with his Elogy and Motto, suitable to the Legend written of him. To these were added the Images of the night, of the day, the Earth, of the Heavens, of the morning and of the noon: 1000 Pages belonging to Dionysius the Kings Secretary, went in this pompous train, bearing silver vessels, none whereof weighed less than a thousand Drachmaes. These were seconded by 600 others of the Kings Pages, carrying vessels of gold: and next to those followed about two hundred women, whose office was out of golden Chalices to sprinkle the spectators with their sweet ointments. In the close, 80 women gloriously decked and adorned with costly raiment, were carried in litters, having legs of gold, and 500 more in others, whose legs were of silver: These things were most remarkable in the Pageantry.
After this, a great solemnity of sports, fencings, huntings, was kept for 30 days together: all which time variety of ointments was provided by the King: for all which played any prize. For the same purpose 15 golden jars were brought full of ointments of saffron, and as many of cinnamon and spiknard: those sorts of ointments were bestowed the five first days, and with no less freedom the days following, ointments of oil-olive, marjarom, and lilies. As to the treatments of the guests, sometimes 1000, otherwhiles 1500 tables were most richly spread: all which things so exact and magnificent were performed, partly out of what in Egypt he had cheated King Philometor of, being but then in his minority, herein perfidiously transgressing the tenor of his league, partly out of friends contributions, and partly out of the spoils of those many Temples, which he had rifled, [ Polyb. in Athenaeus, lib. 5. cap. 4. & lib. 10. cap. 12.]
But the glory of this preparation was eclipsed and debased by those unworthy offices the King supplied in his own person; for he, riding up and down on a little palfrey, commanded these to pass on, these to stand, others he ordered as best pleased his own fancy; in such manner, that if his Diadem had been of, none would have deemed him to be King, who scarce represented a servitour of reasonable quality and repute. All the times of the feast, standing at the doors of the rooms where the feast was kept; some he conducted in, others he placed at the Tables: he ushered in the servants that brought in the dishes, sometimes walked to and fro, sometimes sat down, other whiles lay along the floor, oft times hopping and skiping about to remove a dish or a cup from the Table: in his viewing round the guests, he now and then pledged those that drank to him; sporting and jesting with such of the company as were merrily disposed: moreover, after many had taken their leave, in regard the feast continued a long time: he was in a disgvise brought in by the Anticks and laid along upon the ground, as if he had been one of their company; at last roused by a noise of music, he started up, and fell to dancing, acting his part with ridiculous jestures: so that all, ashamed of the Kings demeanour, forsook the feast, [