The Annals of the World
But the glory of this preparation was eclipsed and debased by those unworthy offices the King supplied in his own person; for he, riding up and down on a little palfrey, commanded these to pass on, these to stand, others he ordered as best pleased his own fancy; in such manner, that if his Diadem had been of, none would have deemed him to be King, who scarce represented a servitour of reasonable quality and repute. All the times of the feast, standing at the doors of the rooms where the feast was kept; some he conducted in, others he placed at the Tables: he ushered in the servants that brought in the dishes, sometimes walked to and fro, sometimes sat down, other whiles lay along the floor, oft times hopping and skiping about to remove a dish or a cup from the Table: in his viewing round the guests, he now and then pledged those that drank to him; sporting and jesting with such of the company as were merrily disposed: moreover, after many had taken their leave, in regard the feast continued a long time: he was in a disgvise brought in by the Anticks and laid along upon the ground, as if he had been one of their company; at last roused by a noise of music, he started up, and fell to dancing, acting his part with ridiculous jestures: so that all, ashamed of the Kings demeanour, forsook the feast, [ Polyb. ibid. & eum se • utus Diodorus Siculus, in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 321.]
The Shew thus at length concluded: Tiberius Gracchus, Embassador, immediately came to Antiochus, sent by the Senate to make discovery of the counsels of the Kings, and to espy how affairs went there: who was by the King entertained with such cheerfulness and alacrity, that he did not only not suspect a plot, or discover the least token of alienation in him for what had happened at Alexandria, but also opposed himself against all those, that went about to impeach him: And which is more, Antiochus resigned his Palace Royal to the Ambassadors of Rome, and as good as his very Diadem: when as notwithstanding all this ceremony, his will and affection was most irreconcilably estranged from the Romans, [ Polyb. Legat. 101. & 109. Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 322.]
Whilst Antiochus was at leisure to sport it at Daphne, Judas Maccabeus seriously plied his business in Judea: For being stoutly assisted by his brothers, he drave out the enemy, slew his revolted Country-men, and purged the Land from its former profanations, [ Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 9.] Fired Cities and Villages, being upon them unawars, got into his hand the most convenient places; put to flight no small number of his enemies, most commonly taking advantage of the night for such private attempts: insomuch, that the brute of his valor spread itself forth into all quarters, [1 Maccab. 3. 8, 9. 2 Maccab. 8. 6, 7.]
To the Ambassadors which were sent from the Galatians in Asia unto Rome, the Senate indulged the enjoyment of their own constitutions, but with this proviso, That they keep home, and pass not beyond their own borders in arms, [ Polyb. Legat. 102.]
Pytho, dispatched upon an Embassy from Prusias King of Bithynia to Rome, complained to the Senate of King Eumenes, how he had pillaged his territories, and seized certain places to his own use; charging upon him also, that he would not forbear his encroachment upon Galatia, nor submit to the Decrees of the Senate; but that he did cherish, and by all means possible advance those of his own faction: on the contrary he did discountenance and keep under whosoever seemed inclinable to the Romans, and desired that the Common-wealth should be governed by the precepts of the Senate. Others likewise came from the Asiatic Cities with fresh accusations, intimating a combination betwixt him and Antiochus against the Romans. The Senate after audience, neither slighted the accusations, nor yet revealed their own sense, but kept all close within their own breasts: having an eye upon Eumenes and Antiochus, as jealous of them. In the mean time, they always gratified the Galatians in something or other, and were assistants in vindicating their liberties, [ Id. Legat. 104. Livy lib. 46.]
Astymedes the Rhodian Legat, pleading his Countries cause at Rome before the Senate, was now more moderate, and not so hot in his speech, as in his former Embassage. Omitting all recriminations, he made it his only business at present to show, That his Country-men had smarted sufficiently, and far beyond the demerit of the offense: when he came to inform particularly the damages which the Rhodians sustained, he said, Their chief grievance was, That they had now lost the revenue of their Haven: in regard that the Romans had both discarged Delos from paying custom, and had also taken from the people, the liberty which they formerly enjoyed, of determinating the impost, and other matters of public concernment: So that the custom which in former times was farmed for ten hundred thousand drachma's, scarce now surmounts to a hundred and fifty thousand: And seeing, that they themselves knew full well, that only a few had been engaged in the crime charged upon them, and those also had been all sufficiently punished by the people, he requested that they would not prove inexorable in their displeasure against those which were no whit involved in the guilt, but vouchsafe to receive them into their grace and favor, as formerly: for this it was, that his Country at this instant stood more in need of, than an association for war. And indeed this his speech seemed suitable to the present condition of the Rhodians so much, that after Tiberius Gracchus (who was newly returned from Asia, whither he had been Legate) had first declared, That the Rhodians had submitted themselves to the Decrees of the Senate; then, That all those were put to death which had any hand in bringing the people into disrellish of the Romans; he stopped the mouth of the adversaries, and prevailed with the Romans, That they would take the Rhodians into their alliance. [ Polyb. Legat. 104.]
Neither could Tiberius signify anything more to the Senate concerning the designs of Eumenes and Antiochus, than that they knew before his setting forth from Rome: so mightily had these Kings obliged him unto them by their civility, [ Id. Legat. 105.]
Apollonius, Governor of Samaria, having raised a great army amongst the Gentiles and Samaritans, fell upon the Jews; but Judas Maccab. smote him and slew him, and many fell down slain, and the rest fled: and Judas took the spoil, and amongst them Apollonius his own sword, which ever after he used in the wars, [1 Maccab. 3. 10, 11, 12. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 10.]
When Seron who had the command of Coelosyria heard, how that Judas was well provided of an army, multitudes from all parts resorting unto him: had mustered up all the Forces under his command, taking also the runnagado Jews unto him, and encamped near the going up to Bethoron; where he with his whole army was routed by Judas Maccab. and 800 of them being slain on the place, the residue fled into the land of the Philistines, near the sea coast, [1 Maccab. 3. 13, 24. Joseph. ut supr. ]
As soon as the news of this overthrow came to Antiochus his ear, [Year of the World 3839] it put him into such a heat, that forthwith he levied all the strength of his kingdom, and giving them a years pay, commanded them to be ready upon all service. This Salary being paid, he saw his Treasuries quite exhausted; for by reason of the Jews their revolt from him, who paid him yearly above 300 talents of silver, and the vehement persecution raging in the Grecian Cities, and many Regions, (for he spared not the very Gentiles, whilst he endeavored to make them abjure their ancient superstitions, and to bring them to a conformity of worship) his revenues were very much impaired: Insomuch, that fearing he should not find enough whereby to defray his charges and gratuities (wherein he was exceeding generous, and surpassing the Kings that went before him) he determined to go into Persia, to glean some tributes in those parts, and levy a considerable stock from thence, [1 Maccab. 3. 27, 31. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 11. Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. lib. 2.]
Upon his going thither, he left Lysias of the Blood-Royal in Syria, Governor over all the Regions, from the River Euphrates, to the borders of Egypt, and entrusted him with the care of his son Antiochus (Eupator) committing unto him also, the half of all his Forces, and his Elephants, with express charge, utterly to root out the name of the Jews, and to give their Country to be inhabited by strangers: with the rest of his sons, himself leaving Antioch (near Daphne) in the 147 year of the kingdom of Greeks, having passed over Euphrates, marched into the high Countries, [1 Maccab. 3. 32. 37.]
Philip (whom Antiochus had appointed over Jerusalem, 2 Maccab. 5. 22.) observing how that Judas Maccabeus grew stronger and stronger every day, wrote unto Ptolemy (son of Dorymenes) Governor of Coelosyria, to lend his helping hand to the Kings affairs: who forthwith, choosing Nicanor son of Patroclus, a most intimate friend, sent him with no less than 20000 soldiers of all Nations under his command, purposing to root out the whole stock of the Jews: And to him also he joined Gorgias, a Captain notably experienced in Military affairs, [2 Maccab. 8. 8, 9.]
Lysias also dispatched away Ptolemy himself as a reserve to them: so that under these three Commanders, Ptolemy, Nicanor, Gorgias, were mustered 40000 Foot, and 7000 Horse: who, marching with their entire army, pitched by Emmaus in the plain Country, [1 Maccab. 3. 38, 39, 40.]
And seeing that Antiochus was in arreare to the Romans in a tribute of 2000 talents, Nicanor resolved to wipe off that score, out of the sale of the captive Jews; and to that end, invited out of the Cities near the sea coast 1000 Merchants, promising That he would allow 90 slaves for one talent, [2 Maccab. 8. 10, 11, 14, 34, 36.] which was no sooner divulged, but the Merchants of the Country, with their attendants repair to the Camp to purchase the Jews for slaves; great companies also flocked out of Syria, and of the land of strangers of Philistines, to barter for the same commodities, [1 Maccab. 3. 41.]
Jerusalem being now quitted of inhabitants, and the Temple profaned: Judas Maccabeus in this great extremity, removed with his army to Maspha, or Mizpa, for there before the building of the Temple, was the Israelities place of worship, [ Jud. 11. 2. 20. 1. 21. 5, 8. 1 Sam. 7. 5, 6. 10. 17.] where he proclaimed a fast, and with most fervant prayers importuned the Lord's protection of his small army (for he had with him but six, or (as the Latin edition rendereth it, but seven) thousand against the vast power of the enemy. After this, such as had betrothed wives, or were planting vineyards, or were timorous, he dismissed home according to the Law, [ Deut. 20. 6, 7, 8.] and then divided his army into four squadrons, and appointing his brothers Commanders, committed to each 1500 soldiers; so the army removed, and pitched on the southside of Emmaus, opposite to the enemy. Where Judas earnestly exhorting them to behave themselves valiantly, even to the death, for their Country, and the Laws of their God, he gave orders to be in readiness for the battle on the morrow. [1 Maccab. 3. 42.—60. 2 Maccab. 8. 12.—22.]
That night Gorgias had a design to surprise them unawares, and to that end took along with him 500 Foot, and 1000 choice Horse, and came toward the Jews Camp, having the Garrison soldiers of Zion Fort for his convoy. When Judas had got intelligence thereof, wisely makiug use of this present opportunity of setting upon the enemy, whilst thus divided, he marched straitwayes to Emmaus against Nicanor, whilst Gorgias their expressed Commander was from them. Who when by night he had arrived at the Jews Camp, and found nobody there, supposing they were fled, hunted them about in the mountains: but by break of day Judas discovered himself in the plains of Emmans with 3000 men, who notwithstanding, were neither provided of armor or swords to their mind. [1 Maccab. 4. 1.—6.]
Judas, after he had encouraged his soldiers to the battle, and given the word, In the help of God, himself being in the front, encountered with Nicanor, and, Almighty God assisting, slew of the enemy above 9000, wounded and maimed the greater par of Nicanors army, and put them all to flight: the chase was so large, that the Jews pursued some of them from Emmanus as far as Gazara (as the Greek Copy of the Maccabees, in the end of Arundels Library reads it) or Gadara (as Josephus) others unto the plains of Idumea, others as far as Palestine, Azotus, and Jamnia, all the hindmost of them were slain, near 3000 in number. [ Ibid. 8,—15. 2 Maccab. 8. 23, 24.]
Among those that were thus put to flight, were the Merchants, who (nothing doubting of the victory, followed the Kings army, in hopes of getting a good bargain of the Captives) became a prey also themselves: for the Jews seized on their money which came to buy them: and when they had had a long pursuit of them, being prevented by time, they sounded a retreat. For the evening, on which the Sabbath began, drawing on, after that they had gathered up the arms of the vanquished Host, and taken the spoils from them, they composed themselves for the observation of the Sabbath, magnifying the mercy of God for this so marvelous a deliverance. [2 Maccab. 8. 25, 26, 27.]
Judas takes o • the Jews, eager upon the spoils, for fear of an encounter with Gorgias, who was now returned from his fruitless expedition: whose forces discovering themselves from the mountain, as soon as they perceived by the smoke of the Tents, set on fire, that other division of their army to be routed, and saw Judas on the plain, standing in batalia ready to receive them, they all shifted for themselves into the land of strangers. The coasts thus cleared, Judas returned to the spoil, where he found plenty of gold, blew silk, purple of the sea (which the Phoenician Merchants had left behind them) and much wealth. [1 Maccab. 4. 16.—23.] All which the soldiers shared amongst themselves, having first deducted a portion for the maim'd, widows, and orphans: then with joint supplicotian they beseeched the Lord that he would vouchsafe to continue to be gracious and favorable to his servants. [2 Maccab. 8. 28, 29.]
The Jews after this coped with Timothy and Bacchides, and slew in that fight above 20000 of the enemy, made themselves Masters of the Forts, and divided amongst themselves much spoil; always admitting the maim'd, orphans, widows, and aged persons into equal portions with themselves: and when they had gathered up the arms, and disposed of them into the most convenient places, the remainder of the spoil they carried to Jerusalem: they slew also Philarches, one of Timothy side, a most wretched fellow, and a notorious afflictor of the Jews: and in the midst of their solemn festival, which they had instituted for their late obtained victory, they burnt Callisthenes alive (having taken sanctuary in a little house) because he it was that had fired the holy gates. As for that pestilent Nicanor, he, having striped himself of all his glorious attire (that thereby less notice might be taken of him) came like a solitary fugitive thorough the mid-land Country, unto Antioch: where he professed, the Jews to be utterly unvanquishable, in regard they had God for their Protector, [2 Maccab. 8. 30, 36.]
Lysias receiving, by those that escaped, intelligence of the overthrow of his party, was confounded thereat; both because, neither those things which he would, happened to Israel; nor what the King commanded were accomplished, [1 Maccab. 4. 26, 27.]
Therefore the year following (being the 148. of the the kingdom of the Greeks, [The Julian Period. 4549] he hast's into Judea thorough Idumea, [Year before Christ 165] with 60000 chief Foot, and 5000 Horse: Judas Maccab. marched up toward him as he lay encamped at Bethsura, on the borders of Judea. And having first implored publicly the assistance of God, gives the enemy battle. Lysias observing how the Jews like so many mad men, contemning death, brake thorough their enemies body, and that his men turned their backs, 5000 being killed on the place: returned to Antioch, purposing a new expedition after he had with a greater army well re-enforced himself, [1 Maccab. 4. 28. 35.]
Antiochus Epiphanes, having undertaken an Expedition against Artaxias King of the Armenians, who marched from the Eastern parts, slew most of his army, and took Artaxias himself, [ Appian. Syriac. pag. 117. & 131. Porphyr. apud Hieronym. in Daniel, cap. 11.]
When Prusias, King of Bithynia, had not only himself most vehemently accused Eumenes King of Pergamos, already suspected of the Romans by letters intercepted intimating a combination with Perseus against the Romans; but also, had prevailed with the Galatians, Selgenses, and many other people of Asia, to do the same. Attalus and Athenaeus were dispatched away to Rome by their brother Eumenes: who not only in the audience of the Senate, cleared all crimes, which were laid to their charge, but also returned back into their Country, with high honors conferred upon them: Yet for all this, the Senate abated nothing of their jealousies conceived against Eumenes and Antiochus; but sent C. Sulpitius Gallus, and Marius Sergius, Ambassadors, with instruction, to make a most strict enquiry into Antiochus and Eumenes their counsels, whether or no, they had made any provision for war, or were confederate with any against the Romans, [ Polyb. Legat. 106. Diod. Sicul. Legat. 21.]
C. Sulpicius Gallus, as soon as entered Asia, unadvisedly makes proclamation thorough the chief Cities there; commanding whosoever had, whereof to accuse King Eumenes, he should at the appointed time, repair to Sardes: where, when he himself was arrived, he sat upon the Bench, (erected for that very purpose in the place of exercise) ten days together, to receive accusations: gladly admitting all manner of reproaches, and obloquies against the King, and catching at the least hint of an impeachment: for he was a person naturally vain, and such an one, who hoped some honor might redound to himself from the difference with Eumenes, [ Polyb. lib. 31. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 145.]
Judas Maccab. and his brethren (as soon as they perceived that they had got respite from their enemies) with all their Forces came up to Jerusalem: and they recovered the Temple and the City, except Zion Fort, But the Altars and Chapels which the Gentiles had built in the open street, they demolished: And Judas commanded certain men to assault those which were in the Fortress of Zion, whilst in the mean time he was busied in cleansing the Temple; the sad desolations whereof being beheld, stirred up most vehement lamentation to all that were present, [1 Maccab. 4, 36, 41. 2 Maccab. 10. 1, 2.]
The Priests well experienced in the Law, [Year of the World 3840. a.] assigned by Judas himself to that business, cleansed the Sanctuary, removed the defiled stones into an unclean place; pulled down the Altar for burnt-offerings, which was profaned by the Gentiles, (laying up the stones thereof in the Mount of the Temple, until such time, a Prophet came which might enform them what ought to be done with them) built another of whole stones, upon which no iron tool had been lifted according to the tenor of the Law, [ Deut. 27. 5, 6.] Repaired the Holy, and the Holy of Holies: hallowed the Courts, made new holy Vessels, brought into the Temple the Candlestick, the Altar of incense, and the Table: So they burnt incense upon the Altar, lighted the Lamps which were on the Candelstick; placed the Shew-bread upon the Table, spread the veils, and finished whatsoever they had taken in hand, [1 Maccab. 4. 42, 51. 2 Maccab. 10. 3.]
Then on the 25 day of the ninth month, (called Cisleu, or Chasleu) in the 148 year of the kingdom of the Greeks; they rose up betimes in the morning, and, having furnished themselves with fire by striking stones one against the other, they offered sacrifice according to the Law, upon their new Altar of burnt-offering, [1 Maccab. 4. 52, 53. & 2 Maccab. 10. 3.] Two years after Judas succeeded his father Mattathias in the government; but three years complete, since the Gentiles first sacrificed in that place: for on that very same day of the same month, on which they profaned the old Altar, Judas consecrated this new one. [1 Maccab. 4. 54. 2 Maccab. 10. 3, 5. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 11.]
This Dedication was celebrated with Songs, Hymns, Citherns, Harps, and Cymbals, very joyfully, and all the people fell prostrate on the ground and worshiped, and blessed the God of Heaven, who had given them good success; beseeching him that he would not suffer them to fall anymore in such calamities: but if at any time they provoked him, that he himself would chasten them in mercy, and that they might not be delivered up to the blasphemous and barbarous Gentiles: they kept the Dedication of the Altar eight days, and offered burnt offerings with gladness, and the sacrifices of deliverances (or peace offerings) and of praise: they decked the fore-front of the Temple with golden Crowns and Targets, repaired the Gates and Chambers, being on the sides of the Temple, and made doors for them. [1 Maccab. 4. 54.—58. 2 Maccab. 10. 4, 6.]
Then Judas and his Brethern, and all the Congregation of Israel, ordained, That through the whole nation of the Jews, the days of the Dedication of the Altar should be observed, yearly for the space of eight days, from the 25 day of the month Casseu, with mirth and gladness. [1 Maccab. 4. 59. 2 Maccab. 10. 8.] After they had kept these eight days in manner as the feast of Tabernacles, calling to mind, how not long since, when they should have kept that feast in its course, they lurked about the Mountains and Caves like wild beasts. Wherefore now bearing green boughs, and fair branches, and palms, they sang praises unto him, who had brought the purification of his holy place, to such an happy issue. [2 Maccab. 10. 6, 7.] Hence it was, that in the letters which the Council at Jerusalem, wrote to the Jews in Egypt, these days are called the days of Tents, or Tabernacles of the month Casseu, [2 Maccab. 1. 9, 18.] in the Gospel of St. John, 10. 22. they are called the feast of Dedication: and of the Jews, the feast of Lamps, either in regard of so great eradiation of their religion and liberties, which thus brake forth upon them, beyond all expectation: [ as Josephus intimates in lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 2.] or from the lighting of the Lamps, because both at that time the lighting of the Lamps in the Temple was restored, [1 Maccab. 4. 49, 50. & 2 Maccab. 10. 3.] and also, because to this very day, the Jews in their Synagouge still continue thieir custom of celebrating this feast with a more peculiar provision of Lamps.
At what time they repaired the Temple, at the same they fortified Mouut Zion with high walls, and strong Towers, to keep in the enemy; those especially that were garrisond in that Fort, for fear they should at any time by their fallyings forth annoy the Temple: They fortified also Bethsura, distant thence not above five furlongs. [2 Maccab. 10. 5.] That the people might have a Garrison of defense against Idumea, [1 Maccab. 4. 60, 51. cum. 4. 7.—26.]
When the nations round about, [Year of the World b.] heard of the building of the Altar, [The Julian Period. 4550] and the Dedication of the Sanctuary, [Year before Christ 164] they were much displeased thereat: hereupon, contriving how they might destroy the whole stock of Israel, they began to massacre all those that lived in any of their quarters. [1 Maccab. 5. 1, 2.]
Antiochus Epiphanes, traversing the high Country (beyond Euphrates) heard say, That the City of Elymais in Persia, (called by the writer of the second book of the Maccabees, Persepolis) was a City everywhere cried up for wealth, and in it a Temple, (which Appian reports to be dedicated to Venus, [ Elymais in Syriac. pag. 131.] but Polybius and Diodorus to Diana, in Elymais, [ in Josephus, lib. 12. cap. 13. & Hieronym. in Daniel, cap. 11. cum Excerptis Valesii. pag. 141.] well provided, having in it Coverings of gold, breast-plates and arms, left there by Alexander the Great, Philip's son. But when he, out of a ravenous appetite to the far booty, attempted the plunder of the City: the Cityzens incontinently betook themselves to their arms, worsted him, and forced him to retreat with much dishonor. [1 Maccab. 4. 1.—4. 2 Maccab. 10. 1, 2.]
But as soon as he came to Ecbatana, tidings were brought him of the ill success of Nicanor, and Timothy in Judea, and removing thence toward Babylon, about the borders of Persia, he heard also of the great defeat given to Lysias his army, how the image of Jupiter Olympius, was cast out of the Temple at Jerusalem, and the Sanctuary and Bethsura fortyfied: Therefore being enraged with fury, he thought to be avenged upon the Jews for the disgrace he lately received by those that made him fly; and to that end, commanded his Chariots with all speed to dispatch the journey, proudly vaunting, how that as soon as ever he arrived at Jerusalem, he would make that City a common burying place for the Jews. [1 Maccab. 4. 4, 7. 2 Maccab. 9, 3, 4.] And to this relates that passage of Tacitus (impiously aspersing that holy nation,) [ lib. 5. Histor.] King Antiochus endeavoring to reform their superstition, and to bring in the Cities of the Greeks was hindered by the Parthian war in his design of redressing that most base nation.
Scarce were these proud words bolted out of the mouth of Antiochus, but he was struck with an incurable plague in the bowels, and violent torments in his inward parts: yet being not by the sickness of his body made more sound in his mind, but still breathing out his menacings against the Jews, he calls upon his Chariot-man to mend his pace: But it happened upon this his so furious career, that he fell out of his Chariot, and the fall proved so desperate, that his whole body was much bruised, and his limbs put out of their joints: And after that he was lifted up from the ground, and carried to and fro in an horse-litter, worms bred so fast in his body, that whole fleakes of flesh sometimes dropped from him; yet alive in such pitiful plight, that by reason of the noisomnesse of the stench, none could endure to carry him; thereby also he became offensive to his whole army, [2 Mac. 9. 5, 10.] Hereupon he was forced to break off his journey to Babylon, and to put in at Tabis, a Town of Persia, as is conceived, out of Polybius, [ in Excerpt. his Valesii, pag. 144.] and Jerome, [ in cap. 11 Dan. ] where he continued bed-rid many days, [1 Mac. 6. 8, 9.] pining, and consuming away, [ Appian. in Syriac. pag. 131.]
From the entrance of the Spring, [Year of the World c.] began the 149 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, made use of in the first book of the Macc. Epiphanes despairing of his recovery, summoned together all his friends, and openly acknowledged all those miseries to have fallen upon him, for the injuries he had done unto the Jews; and he must now, to his great grief, die in a strange land, [1 Mac. 6. 10, 13.] And when he could no longer endure his own smell, he said, It is meet to submit to God, and for man which is mortal, not to set himself in competition with God. And in this prayer to God, he vowed, That he would allow to those of Jerusalem, and all other Jews elsewhere, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or the free exercise of their own constitutions (that for the future, they should enjoy the liberty of their own Laws and Manners: That he would beautify the Temple with most rare gifts, restore all the holy vessels, and that with advantage; defray the charges of the sacrifices out of his own Exchequer, and that he himself also would turn Jew, and go thorough the whole habitable World, declaring the power of God: But when he perceived no intermission of his pains: he wrote most courteous letters to the Jews, earnestly entreating them, That they would remain loyal to him, and to his son, whom in his life (following the example of his father) he had designed to be their King, [2 Mac. 9. 11, 27.]
Then calling unto him Philip, his intimate friend, who was brought up with him ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as he is styled in 2 Maccab. 9. 29.) he appointed him over the whole kingdom: committing unto him his Crown, his Robe, and his Signet; to the intent, that after he had fetched back his son Antiochus from Autioch (where he had left him with Lysias) he should train him up, (for as yet he was but nine years of age: as hath been formerly hinted out of Appian.) to be Governor of the kingdom. Thus Antiochus deceased the 149 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, dying a miserable death in a strange land, on the mountains [2 Maccab. 9. 28.] of Parata, near Babylon: where Grotius on the place out of the fifth book of Curtius, says, the Town Tabis was situated. Polybius [ in Excerpt. Velesii, pag. 144.] relates, how that he died Tabis in Persia: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; and indeed Jerome upon 11 of Daniel, recites (out of Polybius and Diodorus) how Antiochus frighted by certain phantasms and visions, run mad, and at last, fell into a disease which ended his days: attributing his calamity to his sacrilegious design upon Diana's Temple. Howbeit he himself, wretched creature, professed in the presence of all his friends, the ground of all his miseries to be, His robbing the Temple at Jerusalem, and sending forces to destroy the Jews without cause, [1 Maccab. 6. 12, 13.]
The dead corps was carried forth by Philip; who being jealous of Antiochus his son, withdrew himself into Egypt unto Ptolemy Philometor, [2 Maccab. 9. 29.] upon design of levying forces against Lysias, who hearing of Epiphanes's decease, set up his son Antiochus in his room on the Throne (who was under his tuition during his minority) calling him Eupator, [1 Maccab. 6. 17.] Appian reports, how that the Syrians gave him that surname, in honor of his fathers virtue, confirming also, that Lysias was his Guardian in his pupillage, [ in Syriac. pag. 117.]
Antiochus Eupator, now in actual possession of the Crown, prefers Lysias to the managing of the Realm; but more especially he installs him in the sovereignty of Coelosyria, and Phoenicia: for Ptolemy Macron, Dorymenes's son, who had that honor formerly under Antiochus Epiphanes, [2 Maccab. 8. 8. cum 1 Maccab. 3. 38.] poisoned himself upon discontent, that he was accused to Eupator as inclining to the Jews: because he, observing the great injuries that were done unto them, endeavored that right might be done them, and their affairs might be managed in a peaceable manner: and also because he had been called Traitor, for delivering up Cyprus (which was committed to his trust by Philometor) unto Antiochus Epiphanes, [2 Maccab. 10. 11, 12, 13.] Polybius gives him this commendation, [ in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 126.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ptolemy the Governor of the Cyprus behaved himself like an Egyptian in nothing, but was prudent and valiant among the first.
But Gorgias, who had the command of all parts about Judea, hired soldiers, and continually somented the war against the Jews: the Idumeans also who were joined in association with him, having gotten into their hands the most commodious forts, and entertaining the Jerusalem-runnagadoes, infested the Jews, and did what they could to keep the war on foot, [2 Maccab. 10. 14, 15.]
Hereupon Judas Maccabaeus at Acrabbates, a Region of Idumea, falls upon the sons of Esau, who had begirt the Jews round: and storming their Garrison, became master thereof, slew no less than 20000. and seized upon all their spoils, [1 Mac. 5. 3. 2 Mac. 10. 16, 17.]
And now he calls to mind the shrewd turn of the children of Baean, who had spread themselves in privy ambushes along the way sides, by which the Jewish army was to pass. These Baeanites upon the last rout had escaped with 9000 unto two very strong Castles, provided with all things necessary to endure a siege. Therefore Judas Maccab. left his brother Simon, with Josep, and Zacchaeus, to besiege them, whilst he himself marched away to relieve some other places which stood in more need of his present assistance. But those that were with Simon, out of a greediness of money, upon contract with the besieged for 70000 drachmes, suffered some to escape: as soon as Maccab. had notice hereof, he summoned together the Governors of the people, and in their presence, excecuted as many of them as upon conviction were found to have any hand in the treachery: and having with little ado reduced both the Garrisons, he burnt them to the ground, and utterly destroyed above 20000 of them, [1 Mac. 5. 4, 5. 2 Mac. 10. 16, 23.]
From thence he passed over to the Ammonites, where he found a very great power got together, and much people, under Timothy his command: but he often fought them, and discomfited them, and having taken Jazer, and the Towns belonging thereunto returned into Judea, [1 Mac. 5. 6, 7, 8.]
Timothy having, since his last overthrow, well recruited himself with multitudes of foreign Forces, and horses collected out of Asia, not a few, returned confident of the conquest of Judea. But Maccab. and those that were with him, after a serious humiliation and supplication unto God, marched out of Jerusalem, and joined in battle with the enemy, a great distance from the City: and being encouraged by apparitions of certain horsemen in the heavens, fighting for them, slew of the enemy 20500 Foot, and 600 Horse: As for Timothy himself, he escaped to a very strong Garrison, Gazara by name, whereof his brother Chereas was Governor: but at last, the Garrison was taken, and he and his brother, with Apollonius, being found hid together in a pit, were all three put to the sword. [2 Mac. 10. 24, 38.]
The Trocmians, a people of Galatia, having made some vain attempts upon Cappadocia, and seeing they could get no footing there, posted to the Romans, endeavoring to render King Ariarathes odious unto them. The Romans presently dispatched an Embassy, of which M. Junius had the chief managing, [ Polyb. Legat. 108.
From Autumn began the year, [Year of the World 3841. a.] of the account of the contracts or Dhilkarnain, observed by the Collector of the second book of the Maccabees, CXLIX: but of the Chaldee account used in the Kings Edicts, [ ibid. cap. 11.] and in Ptolemeis great Syntaxis, [ lib. 9. cap. 7. & lib. 11. cap. 8.] CXLVIII. which also was the Sabbatical year.
The Heathen about the Region of Galaad assembled themselves together against the Jews, which were near their borders, with an intent utterly to destroy them: who slew of the Jews inhabiting the land of Tob, ( Judic. 11. 3.) about a 1000 men: led away their wives and children captives, and took their very goods and household-stuff: and for those Jews of Galaad, which betook themselves to the Garrison in Dathema, for their security: Timothy (not he which even now was said to be slain with his brother Chereas, but another of the same name) hasted with an army to lay siege unto them; and at the same instant, others from Ptolemais, Tyre, and Sidon, and all Galilee of the Gentiles, held a Randezvouz upon a design of cutting of the Galileans, [1 Mac. 5. 9, 15.]
The Galaadites and Galileans, dispatched letters to Judas and his brethren, earnestly soliciting them to hasten their assistance in this their extremities: Hereupon Judas (after a consultation first had with those at Jerusalem) divides his whole army into 5 Brigades: 3000 he designs to his brother Simon, for the relief of the Galileans: himself and his brother Jonathan, take along with them 8000 for the delivery of the Galaadites, and the residue of the army he leaves with Joseph, son of Zacharias, and with Azaria, for the security of Judea, strictly charging them, That they should not upon any terms engage with the heathens in battle, till such time as they were returned back again. [ Ibid. 16. 20.]
No sooner was Simon entered Galilee, but he fell upon the heathens, and chased them to the very gates of Ptolemais, and there fell of them 3000 men, whose spoil they took. Having thus rescued the Galileans, and those of Arbattis, ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) i. e. the plain and Champion Countries) with their wives, children, and whatsoever they had, they brought them into Judea with great joy. [ Ibid. 21, 22, 23.]
But before Judas could get to the Galaadites, many of them were shut in Bossora, Bozor, Alemis, Caspher, Maced, Carnain, and other Cities in Galaad. [Ibid. 26, 27,]
By that time Judas and his brother, having passed over Jordan, had got three days march through Arabia Deserta; though Nabathetis, met him very friendly, and acquainted him with all that happened to the Galaadites: Moreover, how that on the morrow following the enemy, had designed to fall upon the Garrisons, and as fast as they took them to put all to the sword in one day. Upon this intimation, Judas with his army, turned aside by the way of the wilderness unto Bozor; and having won the City, put all the males to death, pillaged the City, and after burnt it to the ground. Departing thence by night, he marched toward the Fortress, where he found the enemy about break of day, placing their Engines for battery, and the cry of them within the City, went up to Heaven: Those that were with Judas, marching in three divisions on the rear of the enemy, sounded with their Trumpets, and lifted up their voice in prayer. Timothy his Camp, knowing that it was Maccabeus, who was so near them, fled from him, and got themselves out of his sight: but in the pursuit, he had so great execution of them, that there fell in that day near 8000 of them. This done, he stepped aside to Maspha, took it by storm, slew all the males, and after the plunder, set it on fire. From thence he went and took Chasphor, Maced, Bosor, and the other Cities of the Country of Galaad. [ Ibid. 24, 26.]
Whilst Judas and Jonathan were in Galaad, and Simon in Galilea, over against Ptolemais. Joseph, son of Zacharias, and Azarias, who were left behind, to secure Judea, hearing of their gallant achievments, and ambitious to get themselves a name as great as the other, contrary to command, drave down their army as far as Jamnia, with intentions to fight the heathens. But Gorgias drew out all his forces out of the City against them, and beat them back to the very borders of Judea, and there fell that day of the Jews, near upon 2000 men. [ Ibid. 55. 62.]
Lysias, [Year of the World b.] the your King Eupators Protectour and kinsman, [The Julian Period. 4551] and the sole manager of the affairs of the kingdom, [Year before Christ 163] being much displeased at what had happened, mustered together almost 80 thousand men; all his own Horse, and 80 Elephants, and marched against the Jews: resolving within himself, to render Jerusalem an habitation for the Grecians, The Temple tributary, and to set the High Priesthood to sale every year. Hereupon, being entered Judea, he claps close siege to Bethsuca, a strong place, distant from Jerusalem about five furlongs. But Maccabeus his army, having an Angel for their convoy, slew 11000 of the enemies Foot, and 1600 Horse. All the rest, with Lysias himself, were put to slight, whereof many were sore wounded, others threw away their arms, and shifted for themselves. [2 Maccab. 11. 1.—12.]
Lysias, casting up with himself what loss he had sustained, and considering that God • ought the battles of the Jews, sent Ambassadors to them, to entreat concerning a piece, avowing, That he would subscribe to all reasonable propositions; and moreover, be a means of ingratiating them into the Kings favor. Judas Maccabeus, supposing this might be conducible to the public behoof, embraced the motion, and signified in writing, (which was sent by the hands of John and Absalom, what he should mediate forunto the King, on the behalf of the Jews: The King granted every Article, [ Ibid. 13, 14, 15.] Concerning this particular, there are extant letters, both from King Antiochus to Lysias, [ Ibid. 22. 26.] as also from Lysias to the Jews, dated in the year (of the Chaldee account) 148, the 24 day of the month Dioscorinthius as it is in the Greek Copies; but in the Latin Dioscorus, [Ibid. 16—21.] This month in the Chaldee year, seems to be intercalated betwixt Dyster and Xanthicus (in which are written, the following letters of the King; and the Romans to the Jews, concerning the foresaid peace) which is therefore called in the Greek edition of the book of Esther, (now to be seen in the noble Earl of Atundels Library) the month Adar-nisan, and Dysterxanthicus, and by the modern Jews Veadar, or the other Adar: although our Syriac Interpreter of the second book of the Maccabees, hath substituted in its name the Syrians latter Tisri.
In the same 148 year, [Year of the World c.] (of the Chaldee account) the 15 day of the month Xanthicus) according also to the Chaldean reckoning) there are letters directed to the Jews, both from King Antiochus, [2 Maccab. 11. 27.—33.] and also from Quintus Memmius, and Titus Manlius (otherwise called Manius or Mamlius) Ambassadors from Rome, who at that time came to the King residing at Antioch: [ Ibid. 34.—38.] thither also followed Lysias after the covenants were drawn up. [1 Maccabees 12. 1.]
About the beginning of the Spring, began the CL year of the kingdom of the Grecians, which the writer of the first book of the Maccabees makes use of.
Demetrius, son of Seleucus Philopator, having been detained many years hostage at home, and now entered the 23 year of his age, requested the Senate, That by the assistance of the people of Rome, he might be restored into his own kingdom, now unjustly usurped by the son of Antiochus Epiphanes his Uncle, protesting that he should always look upon Rome as his native Country and nursery, repute the Senators sons, as so many brothers, and the Senators themselves as fathers. Notwithstanding, all this complement, the Senate esteeming more expedient, as to their affairs, if Syria were Governed by a child rather than a man, with joint consent voted, that Demetrius should be kept at Rome, and the kingdom be confirmed to the child which Antiochus left behind him. But withal, they presently dispatched away Cn. Octavius Spurius, and Lucretius, and Lucius Aurelius, as Legates to wield that kingdom at the pleasure of the Senate, supposing that none would be against it: the King being but yet a child, and the Princes of the Court accounting they were extremely favored, in that the Romans would not deliver up the kingdom to Demetrius, which was a thing they much feared would ensue. And when they were informed, how Antiochus had provided himself of Elephants in Syria, and ships above the number which they allowed him; they gave in charge to the Legates, that they should fire the ships, hough the Elephants, in a word, That they should do what they could to bankrupt the Kings Exchequer, [ Polyb. Legat. 107, Appian, Syriac. pag. 117. Zonor. ex Dione. Justin. lib. 34. cap. 3.]
The Legates also received instructions to visit the Macedonians, who, in regard that a popular state seemed strange to them, had made no use of a Common Council, and were up in factions and seditions amongst themselves. They were ordered also to make diligent enquiry into the affairs of the Galatians, and the kingdom of Aria rather; [ Polyb. Ibid. ] Notwithstanding, Ariarathes by his great civility in a conference with Junius and the former Legates, dismissed them, highly commending him. [ Id. Legat. 108.]
The peace betwixt Eupator and the Jews, was no sooner made, than broken off again: for those that had command in the places adjacent; Timothy Apollonius, son of Genneus, Hieronymus, Demophon, and Nicanor, Governor of Cyprus, would not suffer the Jews to be quiet. And the Citizens of Joppe likewise, having by fair speeches enticed 200 Jews, which dwelt amongst them, into their ships, put from shore, and threw them all over-board. [2 Maccab. 12. 2, 3, 4.]
When Judas Maccabeus heard of this piece of villainy, he came by night to Joppe, fired their port, and navy, and slew all those that had fled thither; and understanding that the Jamnites had some such design against those Jews that lived with them, he did the same by night to their port and fleet, so that the flame of the fire appeared as far as Jerusalem, which lay 240. furlongs distant. [ Ibid. 5, 9.]
By that time, Judas his army had gone nine furlongs thence, upon their march against Timothy, the Nomades of Arabia set upon them, not fewer in number than 5000 Foot, and 500 Horse, where after a hot dispute, the Arabians were worsted, and upon an engagement, to supply them with Cattle, and to pleasure them some other ways, obtained a peace from Judas. [ Ibid. 10, 11, 12.]
Judas his soldiers stormed the City Caspis, and took it: the City was fortified with a bridge, and fenced with walls, and inhabited by people of several nations: the slaughter of the Citizens was so great, that an adjacent lake of two furlongs broad was coloured with blood. [ Ibid. 13, 16.]
They removed from thence 750 furlongs, and came to Characa unto the Jews which were called Tabieni (because they inhabited the land of Tob.) Timothy was drawn off from that place, although he had not done the business he went about, leaving behind him a very strong Garrison: which Dositheus and Sosipator, two of Judas his Captains ventured upon, and killed about 10000 of the men which Timothy had left to keep it. [ Ibid. 17, 18, 19.]
Upon this miscarriage, Timothy leavies a new army of 120000 Foot, and 2500 Horse, of all nations round about him, and mercenary Arabians; sent away the women and children, and other baggage to Carnion, or Carnaim, a place hardly to be besieged, and difficult to come unto, by reason of the streightnesse of the passage, he encamped against Raphon, on the other side the brook. Judas with all his forces, (putting himself in the van) crossed the brook toward the enemy, and gave that Gentile-army such a total rout, that some flew this way, others that way, in such great disorder, that they were often hurt by their own men, and wounded by the points of their own swords: So that Judas pursued them with, that eagerness, that he slew near thirty thousand men, [1 Mac. 5. 37, 43. 2 Mac. 12. 20, 23.]
But Timothy himself falling into the hand of Dositheus and Sosipater, very subtly besought them, that he might escape with his life, because he had in his power many of the Jews parents and brothers, who, if they put him to death, should be served in the same kind: upon his engagement to see them safe returned, they dismissed him for their brethren's sake, [2 Mac. 12. 24, 25.]
Judas marched forward to the City Carnaim, and to the Temple of Atargata which was therein, whither many of the enemy had fled: the Temple he fired and all the men in it, demolished the City, and put to the sword 25 thousand men, [1 Mac. 5. 43, 44▪ 2 Mac. 12. 26, 27.]
Then Judas brought back all the Israelites which were in Galaad, with their wives and children, and all their baggage, with an intent to bring them into Judea: And they were come as far Ephron, which was a very great City, and well fortified, and stood in the way thorough which they were to pass; it was peopled by nations of all sorts, the walls well manned, and had in it good store of engines and ammunition. But so it was, when Judas and his army were necessarily to pass thorough it, that the Citizens clapped their gates against them, and baracado'd them up with the stones; yet they forced their way thorough, after a day and a nights battery, and demolished the City to the ground; took all the spoil, killed all the males, near 25000 in number, and marched over the dead bodies thorough it, [1 Macc. 5. 45, 51. 2 Macc. 12. 27, 28.]
After this, they passed over Jordan, into a great plain before Bethsan, [1 Mac. 5. 52.] which the Greeks called Scythopolis, [ Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 12.] distant 600 furlongs from Jerusalem. As soon as they were entered into the town, the Jews (which lived amongst them, met them) and acquainted them, how friendly the Scythopolitans had always dealt with them, and how kindly they had treated them in their adversities: whereupon they returned them thanks, and requested the continuance of their affections to their Nation for the future, [2 Mac. 12. 29, 30, 31.]
Judas bringing up the rear of his army, encouraged them all the way, until he came to Judea, [1 Mac. 5. 53.] They arrived at Jerusalem, about the Feast of Pentecost, [2 Mac. 12. 31.] and went up unto Mount Zion with joy and gladness, and offered burnt-offerings, because they had not lost a man, but were all returned home in peace, [1 Mac. 5. 54.]
After Pentecost, Judas and his brethren with 3000 Foot, and 400 Horse, marched against Gorgias, who had the command of Idumea, with intent to give him battle, [2 Mac. 12. 32, 33. cum 1 Mac. 5. 65.]
In that fight few of the Jews were slain: yet when Dositheus, one of the Bacenors troop, a stout man, had taken Gorgias prisoner, and apprehending him by his coat of male, led him away, a Thracian trouper made up toward him, and cut off his shoulder, and rescued Gorgias, that accursed miscreant, who made his escape into into Marissa: but when they that followed Esdris (one of Judas his Captains) were wearied with long fighting; Judas, after he had called upon the Lord, and sang Psalms and Hymns in his mother-tongue, set upon Gorgias his forces unawars, and made them flee, [2 Mac. 12. 33, 37.]
Then having after the victory called together his army, he withdrew to the City Odullam: and when the seventh day was come, they purified themselves, and kept the Sabbath. The day following, when Judas his soldiers had gathered up the bodies of those that fell in the battle, with an intent to bury them, they found under every ones coat, things consecrated to the Idols of the Jamnites; which was prohibited the Jews by their Law, [ Deut. 7. 25, 26.] So that it was clear and evident to all, that this was the cause of their miscarriage. Hereupon they betook themselves unto prayer, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , beseeching God, That sin might be utterly rooted out; or, (as the Arundel book, and the Aldiu edition reads it) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; They beseeched God, that they might not be utterly razed out for that sin: moreover, they made a contribution of two, or three, (as the Greek Arundel, and my own Syriac book, or twelve, as the Latin copies have it) thousand drachms of silver and sent to Jerusalem, to provide a sinoffering, [ Ibid. 38, 43.]
The Judas with his brethren went against the sons of Esau, [Year of the World d.] and discomfited them in the South (of Judea,) and smote Hebron, with the villages thereof, dismantled the fortification, and fired the towers round about. From thence he removed, purposing to go into the land of the Philistines, and passed throw Samaria. At that time certain Priests desirous to show their valor, and not going very wisely to work, were slain in a skirmish. Then Judas declined toward Azotus, into the land of stranges or Philistines, and when he had overturned their altars; burnt their graven images, and taken away the spoils of the Cities, he returned into Judea, [1 Mac. 5. 65, 68.]
When Antiochus his soldiers which were garrisoned in the Tower at Jerusalem, had blocked up the Jews round the Sanctuary, always studying which way they could annoy them, and strengthen the heathen: Judas and all the people besieged them in the 150 year of the Greeks, having planted their battery—and engines; howbeit some of the besieged got forth (to whom also certain wicked Israelites joined themselves) and prevailed with Antiochus Eupator the King, speedily to oppose himself against that swelling power of the Jews, [1 Mac. 6. 18, 27.]
Hereupon the King summoned together all his friends, and the Commanders of his army, and Masters of his house: and to these repaired forces from other kingdoms, and from the Islands or sea coasts: So that his whole power consisted of 100000 Foot, and 20 thousand Horse, and 32 Elephants, trained up for war, [ ibid. 28, 29, 30.] But in the second book of the Maccab. we read, how that in the 149 year (of the account, viz. of the Contracts ) the tidings was brought to Judas Maccabeus, that Antiochus Eupator was gone against Judea provided with Greek forces, to the number of 110000 Foot, and 5300 Horse, 22 Elephants, and 300 Chariots with hooks, [2 Maccab. 13▪ 1, 2.]
Menelaus the Usurping High Priest sided with this power, feeding himself with fond hopes of obtaining from Eupator that honor which hitherto he had but the empty title of, [2 Mac. 13. 3.]
King Eupator came with a mind highly enraged, resolving to bring far greater mischief upon the Jews, than ever his father had done: which when Judas heard of, he commanded the people, That they should call upon God night and day, that he would vouchsafe them his wonted assistance: and then having called a Council of war, he resolved to march against the King, and encamp about Modin, [2 Mac. 13, 9, 14.]
The Kings army having marched thorough Idumea, assaulted Bethsura, with their engines: but the Bethsurans sallied forth, and fired them, and fought with them valiantly. As for Judas, he pitched in Bethzachariah, over against the Kings Camp, [1 Mac. 6. 31, 32.] and when he had given the watch-word to his men, Victories are from God, taking along with him some of his choicest men, he attempted by night the enemies Camp, and pierced as far as the Kings own pavilion: he slew at this bout, near 4000 men, and their prime Elephant, with all that were upon him: upon the dawn of the morning, he drew off, and departed with good success, having thereby transfaced a dread and a horror clean thorough the enemies Camp, [2 Maccab. 13. 15, 16, 17.]
Then the King early in the morning, marched apace with his army, and pitched near Bethzachariah: where he drew up his men into battalia, and ordered that the juice of grapes and mulberies should be set before the Elephants, supposing thereby to render them more fierce upon the fight. These beasts were disposed through the army, and to each beast, was assigned 1000 Foot well appointed, and 500 Horse: in their wooden castles which everyone of them carried on his back, were 32 soldiers, besides the Indian which guided him: Their armor made such a glorious show, that the neighbouring hills glistered by reason of the reflection of the Sun-beams upon their sheilds of gold and brass, [1 Mac. 6. 33, 41.]
Judas and his army engaged the enemy, and killed of the Kings Party 600 men. At which time, Eleazar, surnamed Savaran, (or Avaran rather, Judas his brother [1 Mac. 2. 5.] observing an Elephant in royal harness, and taller than any of his fellows, and supposing the King was upon his back, made up toward him, slaughtering his enemies on both hands, and crept under his belly, and slew him; but he himself was pressed to death with the fall of the beast upon him; But the Jews perceiving the vast power of the King, and the strength of his Forces, turned away from them, [1 Maccab. 6. 42, 47.]
The King upon his return to the siege of Bethsura, was sometimes put to flight (by Judas) other whiles in skirmishes, he retreated with loss. But Judas neglected not to relieve the besieged, and to send them such things as they stood in need of. Rhodius, one of the Jewish army, sent intimation hereof to the enemy; hereupon inquiry being made, he was seized on, put upon the rack, and kept in prison. Then the King parlyed the second time with the Bethsurans, and inclined them to resign unto him, [2 Mac. 13. 19, 22.] After the peace thus concluded, betwixt them, they all marched out of the City, being forced to surrender for want of provision to sustain the siege; for that year was the Sabbatical year, in which it was not lawful to sow their land. But the King after he had taken Bethsura, placed a Garrison therein to keep it, [1 Maccab. 6. 49, 50.]
Thence the Kings army went up to Jerusalem, and encamped against Mount Zion, and the Sanctuary many days together, and planted his Attillery with Engines, and instruments to cast fire and stone, and pieces to hurl darts, and slings: whereupon the besieged counter-made these Engines, with others of their own, and held them play a long while: but victuals began to grow scant with them both, in regard that this was the seventh year, and also because they in Judea which were delivered from the Gentiles, had eaten up the residue of their store: very few were left in the Sanctury, because the famine prevailed to mightily amongst them, that they were forced to disperse themselves into several places. [1 Macchab. 6. 51, 54. Josephus. lib. 11. cap. [14.]
In the mean time, Philip, whom Antiochus Epiphanes had by his last Testament nominated Tutor to his son Eupator, and under him appointed over the affairs of that whole kingdom, (being returned out of Egypt) came out of Media and Persia, with the forces which Epiphanes had left there, [1 Maccab. 3. 37.] purposely to recover by force his right which Lysias had usurped. [1 Maccab. 4. 55, 56. 2 Maccab. 13. 23.]
When Lysias heard hereof, he persuaded the King and the Commanders of the army, to make peace with the whole nation of the Jews, and to permit them to enjoy their own constitutions, as in former times: in regard, that their army lessened every day, the provision for the Camp failed, the place which they besieged was well fortified, and the affairs of their own kingdom were urgent and important. [1 Maccab. 6, 57, 58, 59.]
The Kings and his great ones, assenting to what Lysias had moved, sent in to the besieged, about articles of peace: the conditions were accepted of, and the Covenants confirmed with an oath. Whereupon the besieged marched out of the Garrison, and the King entered Mount Zion, offered sacrifice, honored the Temple, and dealt kindly with the place: But in a while after, when he had well considered the strength of the place, he brake his oath, and gave order to pull down the wall round about. [ Ibid. 60, 61, 62. cum 2 Maccab. 13. 23.]
The King appointed Maccabeus, or (as the Greek context bears it, and my Syriac Interpreter hath it) Higemonides rather, General of his army from Ptolomais to the Gerrhenians, [2 Maccab. 13. 24.] or as far as Egypt; whose boundary is the mountain Gerur, by Ptolomies assignment.
While the King was come to Ptolemais, the Ptolemaians (who always bare a deadly hatred to the Jews, as appears by the History, 1 Maccab. 12. 48.) were heartily vexed at the peace made with Judas, and in a rage, would needs have nulled the Covenant. But Lysias went up to the judgment-seat, where he so well defended the matter, that be appeased the tumult, and pacified the Citizens. [2 Maccab. 13. 25, 26.] Josephus, at the close of the 14 book of his Antiquities, says, That the Soveraigntie of the Hasmoneans lasted 26 years, to the taking of Jerusalem by Herod, and the slaying of Antigonus, for (as Herod hath it in the same Author, lib. 17, and the same work, cap. 8.) one year lesser. But that fell out the 126 year from this time, so that the investure of the commanding power in the Hasmoneans took its rise from the time of the peace, agreed on betwixt Antiochus and Maccabeus.
From the Autumn began the year of accounts of the contracts, [Year of the World 3842. a.] CL. which the Collector of the second book of the Maccabees, makes use of.
Antiochus Eupator, with Lysias his Guardian, hastening to Antioch, [1 Maccab. 6. 63. 2 Maccab. 13. 26.] brought along with him as prisoner, Menelaus the High Priest, [ Josephus, lib. 12. cap. 15.] whom Lysias had accused as the sole incendiary of the whole Jewish war, and the first promoter of all their evils. Whereupon, by express from the King, he was sent to Berrhea in Syria, where he was let down into a Tower filled with ashes, and so died a death worthy of his life. [2 Maccab. 13. 4, 8.]
This wretched Menelaus thus taken out of the way (the tenth year after his first usurping the Priesthood) at Berhea, (as it is truly written in Josephus, pa. 421. and not as in pag. 700, erroneously at Beryticen.) the King substituted another in his room, every whit as bad as the former; Alcimus or Jacimus by name: Priest indeed he was of Aaron's progeny, but not of the High Priests blood. Lysias, having persuaded the King to transfer that dignity into another family. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 15. & lib. 20. cap. 8.]
Onias, son of Onias the third, High Priest, seeing the High Priesthood was confered upon Alcimus, went into Egypt, and after he had well insinuated himself into the affections of Ptolemy Philometor, and Cleopatra his wife, obtained of them leave to build a Temple to God, in the Jurisdiction of Heliopolis, answering that of Hirusalem, and that they would also constitute him High Priest there. Thus Josephus delivers the business, in the forecited places of this work of the Jewish Antiquities, recanting what he had formerly writ in his work of the Jewish wars. [ lib. 1. cap. 1. & lib. 7. c. 37. all 30.] Viz. Onias his flight, and his building the Temple in Egypt, to have fallen out whilst Antiochus Epiphanes was living.
About this time, Ptolemy Philometor, and his younger brother Ptolemy Euergetes II. fell at high variance: the Senate of Rome wrote letters to their Ambassadors. Cn. Octavius, Sp. Lucretius, and L. Aurelius, to do what in them lay, to compose the differences: [ Polib. Legat. 107.] For after they had jointly six years together reigned peaceably, the younger brother cast off Philometor, and ruled alone. [ Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger. pag, 54. & 225.]
He, being deprived of his kingdom, repaired to Rome for his relief, with a very slender retinue, and in a neglected garb. [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 5. cap. 1.] As he was on his his way to the City on foot, he was taken notice of by Demetrius, Seleucus his son: who, much troubled at the sight, presently provided a Royal Robe, a Diadem, and a Horse, adorned with golden furniture, and thus attended with his own servants, made toward Ptolemy, meeting him 26 miles from the City: After a civil salute, he advised him to put on these princely ornaments, and to enter Rome somewhat like himself, least happily he might appear contemptible. Ptolemy indeed thanked him extremely for his good will toward him, but was so far from taking any of those things which he had brought him, as that he desired him rather to give him leave to retire a while with Archias in someone of those towns which lay in the way. [ Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 322.]
At length he came to Rome, having taken up his lodging at an Alexandrian Painters house: as soon as the Senate heard of it, they sent for him, and made a most exact apology, for that they neither had, according to the usual custom, sent the Quaestor to wait upon him, nor had entertained him upon the public account: avowing, That those omissions were not to be imputed to any disrespect of theirs towards him, but merely to his own coming so suddenly upon them, and so privately. Hereupon, they conducted him out of the Court, unto the house of public entertainment, and persuaded him to put off those his sordid weeds, and pitch upon a day for audience: they also took care that Presents might be sent unto him daily by the treasurers, so that by their several civillities, they did, as it were by so many distant steps, advance Ptolemy from that low condition he was in, to his former kingly eminency, and occasioned unto him far greater ground of triumphing in the hopes he had of Rome's assistance, than of fear considering the meanness of his fortune. [ Val. Max. ut sup. ]
As soon as Cn. Octavius and Spurius Lucretius, the Roman Legates came to Ariarathes, King of the Cappadocians, they inquired into the contestation which was betwixt him and the Galatians. He, in few words, opened the whole case to them, adding withal, That he was willing to acquiesse in their umpirage. But the greatest part of his speech was concerning the affars of Syria, knowing that Octavius was bound thither. He shown them also in what a tottering condition that state was in, and how great correspondence there was betwixt himself and the great ones there. He proffered also to attend upon them with his forces, and to be ready and forward upon all occasions, until they were returned safe out of Syria. The Kings good will and forwardness to accommodate them, was much resented by the Legates: yet they told him, That at present they had no need of his company, but in case of some future emergency, if there might be occasion for it, they would not scruple to send unto him, whom they would forever hereafter put into the list of such which are reputed most sincere friends to the Romans. [ Polyb. Legat. 108.]
As for the commotions in Syria, King Eupator, by the help of his Guardian Lysias, had quickly pacified them. For he, upon his return to Antioch, finding Philip in command there, fought him, and took the City, [ Maccab. 6. 93.] where also, after he had gotten Philip into his clutches, he put him to death. [ Josephus lib. 12. cap. 15.]
Octavius Lucretius, [Year of the World b.] and Aurelius, [The Julian Period. 4552] the three Roman Legates (according to their instructions received from the Senate upon their coming into Syria) took care that the Elephants should be slain, [Year before Christ 162] and the Nayy fired, and managed all things else to the Roman interest. This lay heavy upon the stomach of one Leptines, and therefore with his own hand, he stabbed Cn. Octavius, the prime Legate at Laodicea, as he was anointing himself in the place of exercise: he vouched the fact, as lawfully done, and not, but by the instigation of the gods. This Octavius was the first that en-nobled that family with the consulship, from whence Caesar Augustus afterward descended. Lysias, Eupators Guardian (who was reputed the chief incendiary of the people against the Romans) took care for the entertainment of Octavius: and forthwith dispatched Legates, in the Kings, to Rome, which might excuse the fact and evidence the Kings innocence, as not being any whit accessory thereunto. [ Polyb. Legat. 114. & 122. Cicero. Philippic. 9. App • an. Syriac. pag. 117. Zonar. ex Dione. ] Julius Obsequiens, in his book De Prodigus, confirms this killing of Octavius, as happening in the time of Marcius and Scipio, being Consuls.
There was at that time in Syria, one Isocratis a Grammarian, of the company of those that were wont to make public recitations, a prating Braggadocio, and one that was hateful to the Grecians themselves, whom Alcaeus in his public contestations did use wittily to provoke and jear. He, as soon as he came unto Syria, began to vilify the Syrians, as people of none of the soundest head-pieces, and not containing himself within the bounds of his profession, began to treat of state-matters, and to give his judgment therein: for he did not only defend the justice of Cn. death, but moved also that the massacre might be extended to the other Legates of the people of Rome, that not so much as one might survive to carry tidings thereof to Rome; that they might by this be brought to abate of their arrogancy, in controling others, and surcease this their over-bold usurpations of sovereignty everywhere. [ Polyb. Legat. 122.]
The Romans (by their Ambassadors, Canuleius and Quintus) restored Ptolemy Philometor to his kingdom; and reconciled him to his younger brother Euergetes: having decreed that the kingdom should be divided betwixt them: Philometor was to take Egypt and Cyprus for his share, Euergetes Cyrene: this agreement was confirmed by all religious ceremonies, and by the mutual plighting of their faith each to other: Notwithstanding, all this Euergetes hastened away to Rome, in design of nulling the Covenant: whereupon Philometor also sent Menethillus of Alabanda, as his Lagate thither, as his advocate and proxie in this his contest with Euergetes. [ Polyb. Legat. 113. & 114. Liv. lib. 46. Zonar. ex Dione. ]
Ariarathes, King of Cappadocia, deceased, his son Ariarathes sur-named Philopator succeeded, by right of inheritance, to the Crown: who as soon as he had solemnized his fathers funeral with the highest magnificence that could be, he sent his Legates to Rome, about renewing the league and alliance with that people of Rome. He was first called Mithridates, but after he came to age, by his fathers name Ariarathes. At his coming to the Crown, he treated his Friends, Nobles and Subjects, with what respect was fitting, so that he soon won the affections of all persons, of what quality soever. And in regard that he was experienced in the Greek, and studied philosophy, Cappadocia (never before known to the Grecians) soon became a receptacle for learned men. [ Livy lib. 46. Diodorus. Sicul. in Bibliotheca, Phocy. cod. 244. & Excerp. Vales. pag. 325.]
From Spring-tide began the CLI year of the kingdom of the Grecians, [Year of the World c.] which is used in the first book of the Maccabees.
When the Ambassadors of Ariaraches, the new King of Cappadocia, were arrived at Rome, they moved the Senate, that they would embrace their King with all love and affection. who always, both abroad and at home, wished well to all the Romans: the Senate did not only renew the league and amity, as was requested; but highly commed the Kings inclination, and entertained the Ambassadors very civilly: after that Tiberius Gracchus (of whom mention was made in the 3838 year of the World) returned from his Embassy in Asia, had related many notable expressions of the affections of this King, and of his father, and indeed of the whole kingdom, toward the people of Rome. [ Polyb. Legat. 109.]
The Rhodians (by Cleagoras and Lygdamis their Ambassadors at Rome) requested that they might be permitted to hold Lycia and Caria, upon the same terms as formerly. [ Id. Legat. 110.]
For at what time the Calyndians in Caria revolted from the Caunii (whereupon the Caunii attempted to besiege them) at the first indeed they required assistance from the Cnidyans, and by that association made shift for a while, to hold the enemy play: but being doubtful of the issue of the war, they dispatched an Embassy to the Rhodians, wherein they yielded themselves and their City into their hands. The Rhodians accepted of the profer, and accordingly sent supplies both by sea and land, raised the siege, and took the City into their own jurisdiction. And the Senate soon after confirmed unto them the right and possession. [ Id. Legat. 111.]
Ariarathes King of Cappadocia, understanding by his Legates, who were now returned from Rome, that he was assertained of the good will of the Romans, thought himself now fast-seated in his kingdom, offered to the gods Eucharisticall sacrifices, and feasted his Nobles. Moreover, he sent Ambassadors to Lysias at Antioch, to fetch the bones of his sister and mother (Antiochus the daughter of Antiochus the Great) concerning which business he gave instructions to the Ambassadors upon their departure, joined with entreaties and prayers, supposing it not seasonable to expostulate the business of Octavius his death (although he was much displeased at it) least if he should chance thereby to provoke Lysias, he might not have his request granted. Lysias gave way that he should have those relics, which, as soon as they were brought unto him, he carried them fourth in high solemnity, and was very careful to lay them next his fathers tomb. [ Id. Legat. 112.]
After the two Ptolemies (brothers) had parted the kingdom betwixt them: Ptolemy the younger comes to Rome, to invalidate the partition agreed upon with his brother, urging, That he did not voluntarily do as he was commanded, but, had yielded upon necessity, being forced thereto by the difficulty of the times: therefore he requested the Senate, That they would adjudge Cyprus to him: for, put the case it were so, yet would his portion be far worse than his brothers: on the other side, Menithyllus, Philometors Agent, declared, (which also the Roman Ambassadors themselves confirmed by their Testimony) How that the younger Ptolemy did not only hold Cyrene, but also his very life, by means of his brother, in regard that there was such a general alienation of men's minds from him, that he might take it for a high favor, that the kingdom of Greece was quitted to him, which was more than he could hope for, or any man else, dream of. But upon Ptolemees contradicting what was urged, the Senate, partly considering, that the sharing of the kingdom was not as yet quite completed, partly out of their own desire to have that kingdom divided, (that as occasion should serve, they might with less pains reduce it under their own power, when divided, than when united) granted the younger brothers demands, and forthwith sent their Lagats (Titus Torquatus and Cn. Merula) with instructions to reconcile the two brothers, and to give Cyprus to the younger. [ Id. Legat. 113.]
When news was brought to Rome of the killing of Cn. Octavius, and the Legates of Antiochus Eupator, which Lysias sent, were arrived at Rome, and discoursed at large, shewings, That their King was in no wise conscious to the murder: the Senate sent the Legates back again, determining nothing upon the matter, because they would by no means reveal their minds, [ Id. Legat. 114.] yet they ordered a Statue to be erected in the place of common pleas, to the memory of Octavius. [ Philippic. 9.]
Demetrius, much affected with the news of that accident, sent for Polybius (the Historian) and advised with him, Whether or no, it were expedient to move the Senate afresh about his affairs; who admonished him to take heed of dashing himself twice against the same stone, telling him, That he had better adventure upon some noble exploit, worthy of a kingdom; hinting hereby, That he would have him steal away from Rome as soon as he could. But he, following the counsel of one Apollonius, his intimate acquaintance, (a good man indeed, but a very youth) came into the Senate, and requested, That he might at least have his liberty, and might not any longer be detained as hostage at Rome; seeing they had confirmed the kingdom unto Antiochus Eupator. The Senate for all this, remained peremptory in their decree: whereupon, Demetrius consulted first with Diodorus, (a subtle fellow, who came fresh out of Syria, and had had formerly the education of him) and then with Polybius, how he might make his escape. Menethyllus, Ptolemy Philometors Agent, (who by Polybius his means (with whom he was intimately acquainted) had been admitted into the Counsel, under pretence of providing for his return home-ward) openly hired a sacred ship of the Carthaginians, which was about to sails to Tyrus, to bring the first fruits of the Carthaginians, (as the manner was) to their ancestour-gods. When all things were in readiness, Demetrius sent his Tutor Diodorus into Syria beforehand, to hear what the world talked, and to fell how the pulse of the people did beat. Himself taking only a few with him, which might be as companions to him in his journey, supped at a friends house with them, the rest he sent away to Anagnia, whither he said he would come a hunting the day following. [ Polyb. Legat. 114.]
At this instant, Polybius lay sick a bed, who fearing least Demetrius, sitting over long at his cups, should let slip the opportunity of escaping: night now drawing on, sent unto him a sheet now sealed up, with these intimations written in it,
There was no thought at Rome of his departure until the fourth day following; and then they made strict inquiry after him, but could not find him: upon the fifth day, the Senate met upon the business; but Demetrius being now six days sail from the City, [Year of the World c.] was gone as far as the strait of Sicily. The Senate thought it would be to no purpose to follow after him, he having gotten so great a start of them: But within few days after, they set forth Tib. Gracchus, Lucilius Lentulus, and Servilius Glaucias, Ambassadors: whose employment was to see how things went in Greece; and passing from thence, to observe what Demetrius had in design, as also to learn how other Kings stood affected, and to debate their differences with the Galatians [ Ibid. ]
In the mean time, Demetrius was got into Lycia: from whence he wrote to the Senate, That he marched not against Antiochus his Uncles son; but against Lysias, with a resolution to avenge Ocatvius his death. And having soon drawn Tripolis of Syria to be on his side, as if he had been sent by the Senate to take possession of the kingdom, (for no one dreamed of his escape) and being seized also of Apamea, he mustered all his Forces together, and made toward Antioch: where he killed the young youth (King Antiochus Eupator) and Lysias, as they were friendly coming out to meet him (for they did forbear to take up arms for fear of displeasing the Romans) [ Zonar. ex Dione. ] and being entertained with the applause of all in Syria, he obtained the kingdom, [ Justin. lib. 34. cap. 3. Appian. in Syriac. pag. 117, 118.]
We read in the [1 Mac. 7. 1, 4.] how that in the 151 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, Demetrius, son of Seleucus, escaping from Rome, came with a few men to a City on the sea coast ( viz. Tripoli of Phoenicia) and began to reign there: and that, as he entered into the Palace of his Ancestors, (at Antioch near Daphne, the Metropolis of Syria) his soldiers seized upon Antiochus and Lysias, who were by his command put to death. And in the [2 Mac. 14. 1, 2.] how that, after three years, or in the third year (from the beginning of Antiochus Eupator, or the purging of the Temple by Judas Macc. of both which, mention is made in the beginning of the 10 cap. Judas was informed that Demetrius was arrived at the Haven of Tripolis, and with a great power, and navy, had taken the Country, and killed Antiochus, and his Tutor Lysias. But Josephus assigneth to Antiochus Eupator two years reign, [ lib. 12. cap. 16.] so doth Eusebius also in his Chronicle) although Porphyrius [ in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger. pag. 228.] and Sulpicius Serverus, [ Histor. Sacr. lib. 2.] ascribe to him, one year only, and 6 months.
Demetrius, having removed Heraclidas (from the charge of the Treasury in Babylon, over which he was appointed by Antiochus Epiphanes) and put to death his brother Timarchus (who likewise was by the same Antiochus made Governor of Babylon) as a Rebel against him (who besides that, was very faulty in the discharge of his place there) was by the Babylonians first surnamed Soter, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 118.]
Alcimus (who had obtained from Antiochus Eupator, [Year of the World d.] the grant of the High-Priesthood, but was not received by the people, in regard, that in the times of confusion under Antiochus Epiphanes, he willfully difiled himself, 2 Mac. 14. 3.) endeavoring to get the Pristhood confirmed upon him by Demetrius Soter, made his address unto the King, accompanied with other wicked and apostate Israelites, who maligned their country-men, and especially the Hasmoneans, as guilty of cutting off the Kings friends, and banishing them out of the Country. Demetrius resented their complaints; and thereupon sent Bacchides the Governor of Mesopotamia, his intimate and trusty friend, and with him, Alcimus (on whom he had settled the Priesthood) with a great force into Judea: when they had entered the Land, they thought to have over-reached Judas Maccabeus and his brethren by their fair speeches: but they gave no credit unto them, [1 Mac. 7. 5, 11.]
Then there assembled unto Alcimus and Bacchides, a company of Scribes, amongst whom the Hasideans were chief, that desired peace from them; for said they, One that is Priest of the seed of Aaron hath the conduct of this army, who will not do us any wrong. But after that they had put themselves into his hand; that wicked Priest, contrary to the agreement, and his oath, put threescore of them to death, all in one day: to this massacre, the Historian applies that of the Psalmist [ Ps. 79. (all. 78.) 2, 3.] The flesh of thy Saints, have they ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cast out,) given to the beasts of the earth, and their blood have they shed round about Jerusalem, and there was none to bury them: by which perfidiousness many being terrified, fled from the City, [ Ibid. 12, 19.]
Bacchides removed from Jerusalem, and encamped in Bezeth, or Bethzetha; from whence he sent and took many of those which had forsaken him, and certain of the people also (of the Jews) whom he slew, and cast into a deep pit. After, then he committed the Country to Alcimus his care, leaving him a sufficient force to assist him, and he himself returned back to the King. To Alcimus (who neglected nothing that might help to assure the Priesthood unto him) assembled all such as were disturbers of the people; who after they had brought the land of Judah under their power, made great havoc in Israel: Hereupon Judas Maccab▪ went out into all the coasts of Judea round about, taking vengeance of all those that had revolted from him; and he got such a hand over them, that forever after they kept close within their Garrisons, and durst not make anymore incursions into the Country, [ Ibid. 19, 24.]
Ptolemy the younger, coming out of Italy into Greece, hired from thence an army of very stout men, amongst whom he took with him one Damasippus, a Macedonian, who (after he had slain the Governors that sat in Council at Phaco, a Town of Macedonia) escaped thence as fast as he could, with his wife and children. Ptolemy, removing from those parts, came to Peraea, a Continent situate over against Rhodes: who, after he had been courteously treated by the people, he determined to set sail for Cyprus. But Torquatus and the rest of the Roman Legates, when they observed what a great strength of mercenary soldiers he had levied, they began to consider the tenor of their instructions they had received from the Senate, whereby they were expressly charged to reduce him without blows. And at last prevailed with him, to disband his mercenaries, as soon as he had brought them to Sida, and to break off his intended voyage to Cyprus: and that he should do his best that they might meet with him about the borders of Cyprus. They themselves in the mean while were upon going to Alexandria, that they would work the King to a condescension to his requests, and that they would meet him at the place appointed, and bring the King himself along with them. These propositions had such influence upon Ptolemy the younger, that, despairing of reducing Cyrene, he dismissed the mercenary soldiery: And himself went directly to Crete, taking along with him Damasippus and Cn. Merula, one of the Ambassadors: (where as soon as he had hired a thousand soldiers,) he departed to Libyna, and kept them at the Port of Apis, [ Polyb. Legat. 115.]
In the interim, Torquatus, and Titus, being come to Alexandria, did what they could to persuade the Senior Ptolemy, to come to an agreement with his brother, and to yield Cyprus unto him. But upon Ptolemeis grant of some particulars, and lending a slight ear to others, merely to gain him time, his younger brother who lay encamped (as was agreed upon) before Apis in Libyna, much displeased that as yet nothing was concluded concerning the resignation of Cyprus, sent Cn. Merula to Alexandria, hoping by his, and Torquatus his means, to accomplish his designs, [ Id. ibid. ]
Hipparchus Bithynus (never sufficiently extolled by Pliny who attempted to transmit unto posterity the exact number of the stars, [Year of the World 3843. a.] and reduce the constellations into order, by particular instruments of his own invention, thorough which he shows, both their positions, and their magnitudes) [ Plin. lib. 2. cap 26.] wrote in his book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that in the 27 year of the third Calippic Periode, the 30 day of the Egyptian month Mesor, (September. Julian 27.) about sun-set, the autumal equinoctial was observed by him, [ Ptol. 3. lib. 2. cap. 2.]
From this Autumn, began the year CLI. of the account of the contracts: made use of the 2 book of the Maccab. In which year (for so the Greek Copies compute, and my Syriac Interpreter, where the Latin edition reads CL.) Alcimus is said to come to King Demetrius, presenting him with a golden Crown, a Palme, and Boughes also which were thought to be of the Temple, [2 Mac. 14. 3, 4.] For he, observing how greatly Judas Maccab. and the Assideans which were with him increased in power, and also because they would not suffer him to come near the holy Altar; having gotten opportunity, eagerly accused them to the king, as authors of all the commotions, and disturbers of the common peace in Judea, complaining most bitterly; That he was devested of the High-Priesthrod, which was the glory of his ancestors; and as long as Judas was living, he was confident Demetrius should never enjoy the kingdom quietly. This (being avouched by other of his friends, and most implacable enemies of Judas) so nettled Demetrius, that he dispatched away Nicanor, General into Judea, with order to destroy Judas, disperse his associates the Assideans, and to settle Alcimus in the High-Priesthood: as for the Gentiles which fled out of Judea for fear of Judas, they came flocking to Nicanor, accounting the calamities which were like to fall upon the Jews, to be their only happiness, [2 Maccab. 14. 3, 14. cum 1 Maccab. 7. 25, 26.]
The Jews, upon report of Nicanors approach, and of the association of the Gentiles with him, cast dust upon their heads, and made their supplication to God. But after a short skirmish betwixt Simon (Judas his brother) and Nicanor near the village Dessaro: Nicanor, hearing the brute of the prowess and valor of Judas and his company in defending their Country, was somewhat timorous of running the hazard of a war. Therefore he sent Posidonius, Theodotus, and Matthias, to parley with them upon mutual engagements of fidelity, each to the other. When they had well debated the matter amongst themselves, Judas propounded it to the people, who with unanimous consent approved the Articles. The day was fixed, whereon Judas and Nicanor were to meet, the one with the other: yet Judas was somewhat jealous of the enemy, and thereupon disposed of some armed men into several conventent places, which might be as a security, in case any violence should be attempted contrary to engagement. But the conference proved very peaceable, and closed in a league without the kings privity. Nicanor, after this, abode a while in Jerusalem, and dismissed the companies which he had before collected: he lived so friendly and familiarly with Judas, that he persuaded him to marry a wife, [2 Mac. 14. 15, 25.]
As soon as that wretched Catiff Alcimus observed this their mutual correspondence, and meetings together, he addressed himself the third time to Demetrius, and complained of Nicanor, as having in agitation some treacherous design against the king: who was so enraged by these calumnies, that he wrote immediately to Nicanor, to let him know, that he took very ill, those his intercourses with Judas Maccab. comanding him withal, forthwith to send away Judas bound to Antioch: which although he was very loath to do, in regard it was a violation of their Articles of peace, seeing Judas had not in the least manner transgressed; yet, because he knew not to gainsay the king, he watched for a convenient time to execute the kings command by a stratagem, [ ibid. 26, 29.]
Whilst Ptolemy Philometor with his high complements detaines the Roman Legates at Alexandria forty days, rather against, than with, their wills, nothing of business being dispatched: the Cyreneans revolted from Euergetes the younger brother, and with them some other Cities also conspired. The Egyptian Ptolemy (whom Euergetes had appointed over the whole Realm, when he sailed away unto Rome) being no stranger to the business; when tidings hereof was brought to Euergetes, and more also, that the Cyreneans were already with an army in the field, fearing least, whilst he endeavors to add Cyprus to his Dominions, he should loose Cyrene; he lays aside the thoughts of all other matters, and leaving Apis, where his Navy lay in harbor, he sailed to the great Catabathmus, as they call it; intending from thence to reach Cyrene. But finding the strait in Catabathmus kept by the Libynians and the Cyreneans; he shipped half his men, and gave them orders to sail about those narrow places, and to fall upon the enemy unawars: he himself with the other Brigade of his army, charging them in the Van, endeavored to gain the hill. But as soon as the Libynians perceived they were surrounded on all sides, they quitted their stations: so that the king did not only get a free pass to the top of the hill; but also reduced a strong hold, having 4 towers which lay in the bottom, wherein was great plenty of waters, [ Polyb. Legat. 115.]
From thence he marched clean thorough the Wilderness in seven days: the soldiers which were under Mochyrinus following him by Sea; the Cyreneans upon his approach, drew out their army against him, consisting of 8000 Foot, and 500 Horse. For they, guessing what Philometors mind was, by what he had done at Alexandria: and seeing nothing of a king in Euergetes, but that all his administrations were tyrannical, could by no means be persuaded, freely to yield themselves unto him: whereupon they gave him battle, [Year of the World b.] and overcame him, [ Ibid. ]
Judas Maccab. observing how Nicanor was grown more reserved than formerly, and his dealings more rough than usually they had been: he bethought with himself, that this churlishness could not portend any good, and therefore having gathered together many of his associates, he withdrew himself from his sight, [2 Mac. 14. 30.]
Nicanor, coming to Jerusalem with great Forces, and by his fair speeches drew Judas to a treaty. Howbeit, whilst they were saluting one the other civilly, the enemy had designed to seize upon Judas, and carry him away: which thing, when it was known to Judas, he was sore afraid of him, and would see his face no more. When Nicanor saw his purpose was discovered, he marched against Judas, to fight him beside Capharsalama: where there fell of Nicanors party near five thousand men, and the rest fled to the City of David. [1 Mac. 7. 27, 32.]
After this went Nicanor to Mount Zion, where there met him out of the Sanctuary, certain of the Priests, and Elders of the people, to salute him peaceably, and to show him the burnt sacrifice that was offered for the King; but he slighted and scoffed at them, & commanded them to deliver up Judas unto him. And when they professed with an oath, that they knew not what was become of him; he stretched forth his right hand toward the Temple, and swore, unless Judas and his forces were delivered up into his hands, when he returned in peace, he would set the house of God on fire, dignity down the Altar, and erect in the same place another glorious Temple to Bacchus. Whereupon the Priests entered, and stood before the Altar, and the Temple, and with great lamentation beseeched God to frustrate Nicanors threats, and avenge his blasphemies. [1 Mac. 7. 33, 38. 2 Mac. 14. 31, 36.]
There was arrived unto Nicanor one Rhazis, one of the Elders of Jerusalem, who for his love and affection to the Citizens, was called, The Father of the Jews. Therefore Nicanor, (thinking that if he were dispatched out of the way, he could bring what calamities he pleased upon the Jews, sent about five hundred soldiers to take him: who when they had forced the outward gates of the Tower wherein he was, and had commanded to fire the other doors, he stabbed himself with his own sword: but when he perceived, that, by his making so much hast, his would was not mortal, he threw himself headlong from the wall; afterwards, running to a steep Rock, when he was almost dead, he plucked out his bowels, and with both his hands, cast them amongst the throng, and so gave up the ghost. [2 Maccab. 14. 37, 46.] Touching which action, St. Augustine is to be consulted with, in his 61 Epistle to Dulichius, and lib. 2. against Gandentio, cap. 23.
When Nicanor saw that Judas was not in Jerusalem, but in the parts of Samaria, he marched from Jerusalem, and encamped in Bethoron, where a supply of forces met him out of Syria. But Judas pitched in Hadasa (30 furlongs off the enemy) with 3000 men. Nicanor did what he could to engage in battle on the Sabbath day, and when he was presently admonished by some Jews (who were compelled to march with him) to give the reverence due to that day, and to God, the first institutor thereof, he with most horrid blasphemy, put by those that thus persuaded him. As for Maccab. he encouraged his party out of the Law and the Prophets; and moreover, recalling to their minds their former encounters, and declaring unto them a dream of his, wherein there was represented unto him Onias, (who was High Priest, the third of that name) praying for the people, and the Prophet Jeremy reaching unto him a golden sword, he cheered up their spirits. Whereupon, being well armed with prayers and sure confidence in God, on the 13 day of the 12 month Adar, the fell upon the enemy. Nicanor himself was the first that fell in the fight: whereupon, the rest threw away their arms, and betook themselves to their heels. The Jews had the pursuit of them one days journey, even from Hadasa to Gazera, sounding an alarm after them with their Trumpets. Whereat all the Jews, out of the several Towns round about, hasted to the slaughter of their flying enemies: so that no less than 35 thousand of them were slain by the sword, not so much as one single person remaining alive of the whole army. Then they fell upon the spoil, and took the prey, and cut off Nicanors head and arms with the shoulder, and brought them to Jerusalem, where they hung his head upon a high Tower, with his right hand, which he had so proudly stretch forth against the house of God: Judas also commanded the tongue of this wicked fellow to be cut out, chopped in piece, and to be given to the birds of the air. In commemoration of this victory, it was enacted by a general Decree, That a great solemnity should be kept yearly upon the 13 day of the 12 month, called in the Syriac, Adar: the day before the feast of Mordecai. [1 Mac. 7. 39, 49. 2 Mac. 15. 1, 37. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 17.]
Here ends the History continued in the second book of the Maccabees: wherein is comprehended a breviary of the five books of Jason, a Jew of Cyrene. After Nicanors death Judea for a while had rest from wars, [1 Mac. 7. 50.] during which time, Judas Maccabeus, hearing of the great power of the Romans, and their humanity towards any that were in distress; having learned also, in how great fear Demetrius stood of them, sent Eupolemus the son of John, and Jason son of Eleazar, as Agents to the Senate at Rome, in the name of him, his brother, and the Common-wealth of the Jews, to negotiate an association and alliance with the people of Rome, hoping thereby to free their necks from that heavy yoke of King Demetrius, and the Empire of the Greeks. [1 Maccab. 8. 5. 17, 18, 31, 32.]
Cneus Merula, being at length returned from Alexandria to Euergetes, told him, that his brother Philometor would not condescend to any of his demands, urging, That they must hold to the Covenants, which were ratified at first. Euergetes, hearing this, commanded away Comanus, and his brother Ptolemy, as his Legates to Rome, with Merula: who were to treat with the Senate concerning the injury done him by his brother, and to acquaint them with his contempt of the people of Rome. As they were upon their way thither, they met with Titus Torquatus (Cn. Merula his Colleague in the Embassy) who likewise was dismissed from Alexandria, without completing the business he went about. At the same time also Menithylius of Alabanda was sent Agent to the Senate from Philometor, [ Polyb. Legat. 116, & 117.]
After Demetrius heard that Nicanor and his whole army were cut off in the Fight; he dispatched Bacchides and Alcimus, the second time into Judea, and with them the right wing, or the better part of his army, who marching on the way that leads to Galgala; encamped in Maesaloth ( all. Massadoth) which is in Arbela, and having taken it, put multitudes to the sword, [1 Mac. 9. 1, 2.]
On the first month of the 152 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, they removed toward Jerusalem (to seek out Judas Maccabeus) and from thence they marched to Berea (or Beerzath, as it is in the Arundel Copy) with 20 thousand Foot, and 2 thousand Horse. But Judas pitched in Eleasa, having 3000 choice men with him: who seeing the number of the enemy so great, were fore afraid; whereupon many of them conveyed themselves away from him, insomuch, that 800 only remained in the Camp. With these few he charged Bacchides vast army, and fought from morning till night: and at last routed his right wing, in which Bacchides himself was, and pursued them unto Mount Azotus. But those on the left wing following upon Judas, and those which were with him; slew Judas, fighting valiantly, and as soon as he fell, the rest fled away. Then Jonathan and Simon took up the corps of their brother Judas, and buried it in the Sepulcher of their fathers at Modin: and Israel made lamentation for him many days, [1 Mac. 9. 3, 21.] Judas was slain the sixth year, after the death of his father Mattathias.
After the death of Judas, wicked men discovered themselves in all the coasts of Israel, who before played least in sight, for fear of Judas: and by reason of the great famine which happned in those days, the whole Country, joined with them, and submitted themselves to Bacchides, that they might the more commodiously be supplied with provisions. Bacchides advanced those wicked men to be Lord's of the Country, who when they light upon any of Judas his friends, brought them to him to be tormented and reviled: So that, there was great affliction in Israel, the like was not, since the time the Prophets ceased from amongst them, [1 Mac. 9. 23, 27.]
In the mean time the Legates which were sent to Rome from Judas Maccab. concluded a peace and association with the people of Rome, and the Articles were writ in tables of brass, to this effect. That the Jews should assist the Romans, and the Romans the Jews against the common enemy. The Senate also wrote letters to King Demetrius, that he should forbear to oppress the Jews any farther: otherwise they would wage war with him, both by sea and land, in vindication of that People who was now their friend and confederate, [1 Mac. 8. 19, 32.] And to this, relates that passage of Justin concerning the Jews, [ lib. 36. cap. 3.] When they had revolted from Demetrius, (having procured alliance with the Romans) they of all the Eastern people first obtained their liberty; the Romans at that time being very free in giving away that which was none of their own.
Josephus, [ lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 17.] observes that this was the first league that was ever known to be betwixt the Romans and the Jews: which is there expressed in other words, by this forged subscription, also being added thereto. This Decree of the Senate was writ by Eupolemus, son of John, and Jason, son of Eleazar (the Jews Agents) when Judas was High Priest, and his brother Simon General. As if anybody else had been General, whilst Judas was living besides Judas himself: or admit there had been, Had it not been more probable that Jonathan would have been the person, rather than Simon, who had it not till after Jonathan's decease? For what was a little before written by Josephu • , how that upon Alcimus his death, the people by common suffrage gave the High-Priesthood to Judas, appears out of [1 Mac. 9. 54, 55, 56.] to be a clear mistake; for there it is evidently shown, that Alcimus died after Judas: and Josephus himself (recanting afterwards his error) relates, That Jacimus or Alcimus had no successor at all; but that Jerusalem was destitute of a High Priest seven whole years together, [ Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 8. pag. 701.]
After a long debate in the Senate, betwixt the Legates of both the Ptolemeis: when Titus and Cnaeus (who were by the Romans sent Ambassadors unto them) had by their evidence, and with all favor and industery promoted Euergetes his cause; the Senate ordered, That within five days Menithyllus Philometors Legate, should depart from Rome: and the League which was betwixt them and Philometor, should be void. They sent also Publius Apustius, [Year of the World d.] and Gaius Lentulus, Ambassadors to Euergetes: who forthwith went to Cyrene, and with great care informed him what was done. This puffed him up with fresh hopes, so that presently he levied an army, and set all his wits a working, how to get Cyprus into his hands, [ Polyb. Legat. 117.]
All Judas Maccab. his friends meeting together, chose in his room, his brother Jonathan (surnamed Apphus) for their General. Bacchides, as soon as he heard of it, contrived how to destroy him; but Jonathan and his brother Simon, and those that were with him having notice thereof, to prevent him, fled into the Desert of Tekoa, and encamped by the pool of Asphar: then Jonathan sent his brother John, (surnamed Gaddis) with a band of soldiers, to desire the Nabathites (Arabians) that they might leave their carriages with them, for they were very many: But the children of Jambri out of Medaba met with them upon the way, and falling upon them, slew John and his comapany, and having seized on the spoil, went their way. But these pillagers joy lasted not very long: for when Jonathan and his brother Simon heard that those sons of Jambri kept a great wedding, and were bringing the Bride from Nadabath in great pomp, and a long train of Nobles (for she was daughter to a Prince in Canaan) they rose out of the place where they lay in ambush, and falling fiercely upon them, slew 400. made the rest flee to the mountains, and seized on all their spoil. After they had in this manner fully avenged the blood of their brother, they marched back again to the marshes of Jordan, [1 Maccab. 9. 28, 42. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 1.]
Bacchides followed Jonathan at the heels, and came upon the Sabbath day to the Banks of Jordan, with a great army. Both the armies engaged, and in the fight Jonathan reached forth his arm to strick Bacchides, but he warily waved the blow: yet there fell of his men in that day, about a 1000, (or 2000 as Josephus gives up the account) Jonathan, perceiving he was not able to deal with that vast power of the enemy, he and his men leaped into Jordan, and got over to the other side; neither did the enemy attempt to follow him. As for Bacchides he returned to Jerusalem, and built fenced Cities in Judea, and a Fort in Jericho, Emmaus, Bethoron, Bethel, Thamnatha, Pharathoni, Tephon, and strengthened them with high walls, gates, and bars: he garrisoned them all, that by their sallies and incursions, they might prejudice the Israelites. He fortified also Bethsura, and Gazara, and the Tower at Jerusalem; supplying them with men and provision. And having seized upon the chief men's sons in the Country for hostages, he put them in ward in the Tower at Jerusalem, [1 Mac. 9. 43, 53. Joseph. ut supr. ]
When Mithrobuzanes, one of the sons of Zadriades, King of the lesser Armenia had escaped to Ariarathes King of Cappadocia; Artaxias King of the greater Armenia (whom Antiochus Epiphanes had conquered) hankering after his kingdom, by an Embassy to Ariarathes, solicited him to side with him; and by murdering the one of the two brothers, whom he had under his power at that time, that he would divide Sophene between them. But Ariarathes abhorring such a piece of treachery, sharply rebuked the Legates, and by letters to Artaxias, admonished him to forbear such a villanous design: and moreover, he restored Mithrobuzanes to his fathers kingdom, [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. H. Valesii, pag. 325.]
Ariarathes received Tiberius Gracchus, [Year of the World 3844. a.] Lucius Lentulus, and Servilius Glaucius, the Roman Legates in Cappadocia, very royally, [ Polyb. Legat. 119.] Thither Demetrius Soter sent Menocharis, to the end, that he should seriously debate with the Roman Legates about the settling of his kingdom, [ Id. Legat. 120.] He proffered also to King Ariarathes marriage with his sister, (Dowager of Perseus King of the Macedonians) but he refused the motion, foreseeing he might thereby give offense to the Romans, [ Diodorus. Sicul. Legat. 24. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 1.]
After Menocharis was returned to Demetrius at Antioch, [Year of the World b.] and had given account of his conferences with the Roman Legates; [The Julian Period. 4554] the King deeming it very necessary (as his condition was at present) by all means possible to engage and endear unto him the Roman Legates, [Year before Christ 160] laying aside all other matters: first sent to them into Pamphylia, then again to Rhodes; protesting, that he would do whatever lay in his power for the Roman interest, if he could but procure from them, the Title of King. Tiberius, who wished well to him from his heart, helped him much in the grant of his suite, and obtaining the right of Sovereignty, [ Polyb. Legat. 120.]
Leptines (who had stabbed Cn. Octavius the Roman Legat at Laodicea) went to King Demetrius, and entreated him, not to be troubled at the death of Cnaeus, nor to proceed to any extremity against the Laodiceans, upon that account; for he himself had resolved to go to Rome, and avouch before the Senate, that he had done the act, and that with the good liking of the gods. And because he went cheerfully, and of his own accord: he was brought from thence to Rome, without either bond or guard. As for Isocrates the Grammarian, who by his malapert tongue had drawn upon himself that misfortune, as soon as ever information was given against him, he grew distracted, and became stark mad: but when he saw the gyves put about his neck, and the shackles applied, then began he to abridge himself of his daily repast, and wholly to neglect his attire and garb, [ Polyb. Legat. 122.]
In the 153 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, [Year of the World c.] the second month, Alcimus commanded to pull down the wall of the inward court, which severed the court of the people, from that other of the Gentiles: It was built by Zerobabel and the Prophets: But God stopped the mouth of that profane High Priest, by striking him with a sudden Palsy, that he could not speak a word more, not give orders concerning his own house; but died in great torment, [1 Maccab. 9. 54, 55, 56.] the third year after he had usurped the High-Priesthood. Josephus in [ lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 17.] assigns unto him four years; but in the last chapter save one of the twentieth Book of the same Work, three years only: where also he adds, how that after his death, Jerusalem was seven entire years without any High Priest. Betwixt the second month of the 153 year in which Alcimus died, and the seventh month of the 160 year in which Jonathan put on the High-Priests Robe, [1 Maccab. 10. 21.] were seven years, and five months over.
Upon Alcimus his death, Bacchides returned to King Demetrius; so that, Judea had rest two years, [1 Mac. 9. 57.]
About the CLV. Olympiad, [Year of the World 3845] Ambassadors came to Rome from Ariarathes King of Cappadocia with a Crown of the value of 10000 pieces of gold: who signified likewise to the Senate in what manner their Master had received Tiberius Gracchus, and how for their sakes they refused the proffers of friendship with Demetrius, and the tender of marriage with his sister: adding withal, that he was very ready to serve the Romans, in whatever they would be pleased to command him: When Tiberius Gracchus, and the rest of the Ambassadors had by their testimony confirmed this his propensity and affection towards the people of Rome: the Senate accepted of the Crown, and took it for a great favor; which they requited with a Staff, and a Seat of Ivory; which sort of Presents, are of high estimation amongst the Romans. These Ambassadors were dispatched home by the Senate without delay, before the beginning of Winter, [ Polyb. Legat. 119. & 121. Diodorus. Sicul. Legat. 24.]
Upon the coming in of the new Consuls (Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, and Marcus Fulvius Nobilior) the joint Embassy of Prusias King of Bithynia, and the Gallogrecians, complaining against Eumenes King of Pergamos, was heard in the Senate. Attalus also had his audience, who was sent thither by his brother Eumenes, to plead his cause: who was not only quitted from the accusations that were against him; but had honor conferred upon him, and was received and dismissed with great courtesy. For observe, how far the hearts of the Senators were alienated and averse from King Eumenes, whom they perfectly hated, so near did their affections close with Attalus, being always enflamed with ancient desires of his promotion and advancement, [ Polyb. Legat. 119, 121.]
Menocharis, and other Ambassadors, came to Rome from Demetrius Soter King of Syria, bringing with them for a Present, a Crown worth 10000 pieces of gold, (which the king sent as a token of his gratitude for his civil usage when he was hostage amongst them) delivering up also Leptines who had killed Cn. Octavius the Embassador with his own hand, and Isocrates the Grammarian, who defended openly the murder. Isocrates was a strange spectacle to all beholders, his countenance was terrible and fierce, as a man's must be, who in a whole years space had neither washed his face, nor pared his nails, nor cut his hair: the figure and motion of his eyes shown the distemper of his mind to be at that height, that whosoever should chance to have met him, would not so much have dreaded the sudden occursion of any wild beast: On the contrary, Leptines was always the same man, ready at any time to come into the Senate: and whensoever any discoursed with him about the murder, he confessed the fact, and added withal, that he was confident the Romans would do him no hurt: neither did his hopes fail him; for when the Fathers had a long while debated in the Senate, what was best to be done in the business: at last, the Senate gave audience to the Ambassadors, and received the Crown at their hands, but made no account of those two men; as if that was a fault chargeable upon all the Syrians. It was the policy of the Senate to keep this liberty entire to themselves, that as often as they pleased, they might revenge this crime. And upon the very same ground, they gave this answer to Demetrius: That the Senate was ready to do him all friendly offices, provided, that he became their feadary, as formerly he had been, [ Polyb. Legat. 122. Diodorus. Sicul. Legat. 25. Appian. Syriac. pag. 118.]
Orophernes, or (as some call him) Holophernes, made his address to Demetrius Soter, King of Syr •• , complaining of Ariarathes his younger brother's injury, in driving him out of his kingdom of Cappadocia: although, to speak truth, he was not the lawful issue, but either shuffled in by Queen Antiochis, or adopted by her, as Zonaras relates out of Dion, and we before (in the year of the World, 3832.) out of Diodorus. Demetrius, who still bare a grudge against Ariarathes, for slighting the tender of his sister to him in marriage, entertained the suppliant; and, covenanting with him for a thousand talents for his pains, by his advise, and assistance dethroned Ariarathes: Notwithstanding, the assistanne he had from Eumenes King of Pergamos. [ Polybius, lib. 3. pag. 161. Liv. lib. 47. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 1. Appian. Syriac. pag. 118. Zonar. ex Dione. ]
Eumenes, King of Pergamos, upon his death-bed, bequeathed his wife Stratonica, (sister to Ariarathes, who lately lost his kingdom) and also his kingdom, to his brother Attalus, [ Plutarch in Apothegm. & lib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] after his 38 years reign. For, subtracting the years (computed by Strabo) of his brothers and his sons reign, who succeeded him, from the interval (inserted in the Roman History) between his first coming to the Crown, and the ceasing of Pergamos to be a kingdom, there remains over and above. 38. year: so that Eumenes died in the very beginning of the 39 year; although Strabo (but erroneously) assigned him 40 years reign. He left Attalus Philometor, (whom his wife Stratonica bare unto him) to inherit the kingdom after him: but in regard that his son was so very young, he appointed his brother Attalus Philadelphus Protectour of him and the kingdom, who managed the affairs thereof one and twenty years. [ Strabo. lib. 13. pag. 624.]
A second observation of the Autumnal Equinoctial was made by Hipparchus, [Year of the World 3846. a.] in the 20 year of the Calippick Period, on the first day of the Additionalls to the Egyptian year (the 27 of the Julian September) in the morning, about the sun-rising. [ Ptol. lib. 3. cap. 2.]
Orophernes, whom, upon the expulsion of his brother Ariarathes, it behooved much to manage things with great prudence, and ingratiate himself into the people's hearts, by clemency and acts of grace, intended no such matter, but was wholly fixed upon scraping up money together: & having most wickedly put many to death, unto Timothy (whom afterwards he sent Embassador to Rome) he gave 50 talents, to King Demetrius 70, promising to pay the other 400 talents shortly after, and to add six hundred over-pluse: whereas he saw that he had rendered himself odious to the Cappadocians by this action, he began to pill and plunder all the people, and to hook into his own Exchequer the wealth of the nobility. [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 334.]
This same Orophernes, having had his education in Ionia (as hath been intimated in the 3832 year of the World, out of Diodorus) little regarding the constitutions of his Country, set up 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The Ionick, and an arstificial kind of intemperance, [Polyb. lib. 22. apud Athenaeum, lib. 10. cap. 12.] And having heaped together a vast sum of money, he deposited 400 talents in the hands of the Prienians, in case the times should turn: which afterwards were faithfully by them restored unto him again. [ Polyb. & Diodorus, Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 170, 173. & 334.]
After that Jonathan and his company had lived in peace and quietness at their own home two years together, some prevaricating Jews suggested to Bacchides, That there was a fair probability of surprizing them all in one night. Whereupon Bacchides made towards them with a great force, and sent letters privily to all his friends in Judea, to assist him in his enterprize of seizing on Jonathan, and those that were with him. But their plot was discovered to Jonathan and his company, who having taken 50 men of the country, who were found to be contrivers of the villainy, put them to death. [1 Mac. 9. 57, 61.]
Then Jonathan and Simon, and those that were with him, removed to Bethbasi, (or Bethlagan, as Josephus hath it) which is in the wilderness, repaired the walls thereof, which were decayed, and fortified it. As soon as Bacchides had notice of it, he mustered up all his forces, and summoned his adherents in Judea, to repair unto him. Then went he and laid siege to Bethbasi, and fought against it many days, and made his Engines. But Jonathan, leaving his brother Simon within the City, traversed the Country with a small brigade; where he smote Odoarrhes (or Odomern) and his brethren, and the sons of Phasiron, in their Tents: And when he began to smite all that he met with, and break into the enemies body, Simon with his company sallyed out of the City, and fired the Engines. In this fight, Bacchides was worsted; who enraged to see himself thus disappointed in his hopes, converted his anger against those wicked wretches, that were the promoters of this expedition, insomuch that he slew many of them, and purposed to return into his own land. Jonathan having intimation hereof, sent Commissioners unto him to treat with him concerning a peace, and the delivering back the prisoners he had taken out of Judea. Bacchides very readily embraced the motion, protesting he would not prejudice Jonathan all the days of his life: so he returned back into his own land, and never after entered Judea with an army. The wars thus composed in Israel, Jonathan dwelt at Michmash, (in the Tribe of Benjamin) and began to judge the people, and to take away the Wicked out of Israel, [ ibid. 62. 73.]
A third observation of the autumnal Equinoctial, [Year of the World 3847] was made by Hipparchus in the 21 year of the third Calippic period, on the first day of the additionals to the Egyptian year (the 27 of the Julian September) at noon-tide, [ Ptolem. lib. 3. cap. ]
Ariarathes, deprived of the kingdom, came an humble supp • liant to Rome, and applied himself to Sextus Julius the Consul. His garb discovered the great calamity he was in: there came also an Embassy from Demetrius; Miltiades had the prime managing of it, who came provided both to excuse whatsoever Ariarathes should lay to his charge, as also with counter-criminations to render him odious. Orophernes likewise sent his Legates, Timothy, and Diogenes, to present a Crown at Rome, and to renew their alliance and association; but chiefly to be defendants in the judical process for what was acted by his party, and to accuse Ariarathes. And, to speak truth, Diogenes and Miltiades both, at private conferences made the greater flourishes, (as being two to one, and they in their height of prosperity, Ariarathes in an afflictive and miserable condition) and also when they came to treat the matter openly, had far the odds of him: for in that they dared to say anything in defiance of the truth, and answer to all queries, nobody being present which could confute their untruths, they seemed to do what they listed, [ Polyb. Legat. 126.] but in the conclusion, it was decreed by the Senate, That Ariarathes (in regard he was a friend and an associate of the people of Rome) and Orophernes should reign together as brothers, and partners in the kingdom, [ Appian. Syriac. pag. 118. Zonar. ex Dione. ]
Ptolemy Euergetes, endeavoring to reduce Cyprus, in a fight there with his brother Philometor, was worsted: and when Philometor had reduced him, being besieged in the City Lapithus, unto extreme necessity, at last he took, but spared, him; being naturally of a mild disposition, and because of that bond of consanguinity betwixt them, as also out of fear to give distaste to the people of Rome. Neither did he only forgive him, but entered into covenant with him, whereby he obliged himself to resign back unto him, the kingdom of the Cyrenians, and in lieu of Cyprus, to demean unto him certain Cities with a yearly allowance of corn; promising also to espouse his daughter unto him. Thus was that war betwixt the two brothers, after that it had risen to the greatest alienation of affections, and extreme danger, of a sudden composed upon most gentle conditions, [ Polyb. & Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 197. 334, 337. Liv. lib. 47. Zonar. ex Dione. ]
Orophernes, considering with himself that the Romans had cut him short of what he enjoyed formerly, resolved as soon as possibly he could, to pay his mercenary soldiers: least that for want of their pay, they should chance to mutiny. But being at present somewhat bare of monies, he pillaged Jupiter's Temple, situated at the foot of the Mount of Ariadne, which until that time was untouched: and out of that plunder, discharged all the arreares which were due to the soldiery, [ Diodorus. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 337.]
Attalus, Eumenes his brother, and successor in the kingdom of Pergamos, drove Orophernes and Demetrius Soter quite out of Cappadocia, and restored Ariarathes, [ Polyb. ibid. pag. 169. Zonar. ex Dione. ]
Demetrius Soter proffered to Archias 500 talents, upon condition he would betray Cyprus unto him: promising him other gratuities and honors, if he would assist him herein. As Archias was going about the work, he was apprehended by Ptolemy (Philometor) and being questioned for the design, he hanged himself with the rope of the curtain which was drawn before the Hall, [ Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 170. & apud. Suidam, in voc. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .]
Ariarathes, after he was restored unto the kingdom of Cappadocia, demanded of the Prienians the 400 talents, which Orophernes had deposited with them: but they honestly replied, As long as Orophernes was alive, they would not deliver the money to anybody but him, who had entrusted them with it: whereupon Ariarathes sent Troupers to pillage the Country; Attalus assisted him, and indeed incited him to the work, there being a private grudge betwixt him and the Prienians: And notwithstanding the great slaughter that was made both of man and beast, and some were killed at the very gates of the City, yet could not the Prienians relieve them; wherefore they sent their Ambassadors to the Rhodians, but were glad at last to flee to the Romans for Protection: But Ariarathes lightly esteemed all reports, and although the Prienians had faithfully restored to Orophernes the money deposited amongst them, yet did Ariarathes for that very thing, set a great fine upon them, and afflicted them with most sad calamities, and that without just cause, [ Polib. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 173.]
Upon some differences arising betwixt Attalus and Prusias Venator, [Year of the World 3848] King of Bithynia, [The Julian Period. 4558] Attalus sent Andronicus, [Year before Christ 156] Prusias Nicomedes and Antiphilus, Ambassadors to Rome: whereupon, the Senate sent Publius Lentulus to take cognizance of their cause. When Andronicus began to charge upon Prusias, the first invasion, the Romans were not much affected with what he said in that particular; but began to suspect that Attalus had a mind to fall upon Prusias, to seek occasion of quarrel, and to get before hand with him in accusation: Prusias his Ambassadors protested that there was no such matter; which made the Senate give less credit to what was alleged against Prusias. But after a more strict search into the businss the Senate not very well knowing how far they might trust those Agents, sent two Ambassadors of their own, L. Apuleius, and C. Petronius, to see how the squares went betwixt those two Kings. [ Polyb. Legat. 128.]
Prusias, [Year of the World 3849] having gotten a conquest over Attalus, entered Pergamos, and after he had at a great charge provided sacrifices, he went into Esculapius his Temple, and as soon as he had made an end of offering, he returned again to the Camp. The day following, failing in his design and hopes of taking Attalus, he brought his forces to Nicephorium, lying under the walls of Pergamos, began to pillage all the Temples, and rifled and ransacked the Images and Statue, of the gods: and at last, the Image of Esculapius himself, to whom the day before he had offered so many vows and sacrifices, escaped not his hand; which, because it was an excellent piece (made by Philomachus or Phyromachus) he carried away with him, bearing it upon his own shouldiers. From thence he marched with his army to Elaea: and having attempted to besiege the City, when he saw he was not likely to do any good upon it, (because Sosander, foster brother to Attalus, lay in the City with a strong Garrison, and beat him off) he went away by ship to Thyatira: In the way he ransacked the Temple of Diana in Hiera Cume, As for Apollo Cynius his Tempe, about Temnus, he did not only rifle it, but burnt it to the ground: and having so done, returned home. Having lost most of his foot soldiers by famine and the bloody flux: neither had he better luck with his fleet at sea; for by reason of a violent storm in Propontis, most of his ships were sunk in the midst of the sea, soldiers and mariners and all: and others wracked and cast on shore. [ Polyb. & D • odorus, Sicul. in Excerpt▪ Valesii, pag. 169, 170. & 337. cum Soudas. in Voce. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ]
Attalus, after he had been beaten by Prusias, sent his brother Athenaeus along with Publius Lentulus, to acquaint the Senate with what had befallen him. [ Polyb. Legat. 128.]
After these two had made their full declaration in the Senate of Prusias his exploits, the fathers of the Senate forthwith ordered that C. Claudius Cento, L. Hortensius, and C. Aurunculeius should go Ambassadors with the aforesaid Lentulus, with instructions, to charge Prusias to forbear any farther to molest Attalus. [ Id. Legat. 129.]
P. Scipio and Marcus Marcellus being Consuls, the Athenians sent three of the most famous Philosophors of that age Ambassadors to the Senate and people of Rome. Carneades an Academic, a Cyrenian by birth, Diogenes the Stoic, a Babylonian born, and Critolaus the Peripatick, to get a release of the fine of 500 talents (accorded by the judgment of the Sicyonians, but by commission from the Senate of Rome) for their devastation of Oropus. When they were brought into the Senate, they made use of Caecilius, (or C. Acilius rather) a Senator for their Interpreter; although a little before, each of them severally, to show their abilities, had discoursed in a great assembly of people. At that time, say Rutilius and Polybius, it was admirable to hear the eloquence of those three Philosophers in their several strains. Carneades was hot and fiery: Critolaus witty and smooth: Diogenes grave and Sober in his style. Clitomachus in his History written in Greek, relates, how that Carneades (to whom Clitomachus was an Auditor) and Diogenes the Stoic stood before the Senate in the Capitol; A. Albinus, who was then Praetor, said in merriment to Carneades: I seem not (O Carneades) in your eyes as if I were a Praetor, because I am not a Philosopher, nor Rome a City, nor the people therein Citizens: to whom he replied, This Stoic perhaps takes you for no such Person. As soon as Carneades had done speaking, Cato the Censor thought it fitting to dispatch away those Ambassadors incontinently, because, whilst he argued, the truth, could not easily be discerned. And because the brute of those Philosophers spread all over the City, and the Roman youth laying aside all other pleasures and delights, ran as if they were mad after Philosophy: Cato, fearing least the youth should bend all their study that way, and make far greater account of the glory of eloquence, than of action and martial discipline, moved, That all Philosophers should be sent out of the City in a civil equipage: and when he came into the Senate, he checked the fathers, for that they suffered those Ambassadors (who were also to persuade what they pleased) to abide so long amongst them without an answer: wherefore he advised also, That they would without farther delay, conclude and decree something concerning the Embassy, that so they might get them home, and argue amongst their young Grecians; and not to tamper with the youth of Rome, who were to be kept close to the obedience of the laws and magistrates as formerly. [ Cicero in Lucullo. & Tusculan. quest. lib. 4. & lib. 2. de oratore. Plin. lib. 7. cap. 30. Plutar. in Catone. Ma • ore. A. Gellius lib. 7. cap. 14. Maccab. lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 5.]
At the same time that the Senate sent Qu. Opimius Consul, [Year of the World 3850] to wage war with the Oxybians of Ligurea (of which Polybius makes mention in the 134 Embassy) Ptolemy the younger (Euergetes) came to Rome: [The Julian Period. 4560] who as soon as ever he was entered the Senate, [Year before Christ 254] fell foul upon his brother Philometor, charging him as the contriver of those ambushes, by which he had been way-laid: endeavoring withal, by displaying the skars of the wounds he had received to the eyes of the Spectators, and aggravating the business with all the Rhetoric he had, to work upon the affections of the people, and to bring them to a commiseration of his condition: there were present at the same time also Ambassadors from Ptolemy the Savior, Neolaidas and Andromachus, who stood ready to satisfy all impeachments charged upon him by his brother, but the Senate would not suffer them to speak a word, so strangely had his brother prepossessed their minds by telling his tale first, these being suddenly commanded out of Rome, five Ambassadors were designed, amongst whom were Cn. Merula, and L. Thermus, and to each of them were assigned Gallies of five orders of oars: their commission was to go along with the younger Ptolemy, and place him in the possession of Cyprus, They wrote also to their Allies in Greece and Asia, giving way for their assisting of Ptolemy in his recovering of Cyprus. [ Polyb. Legat. 132.]
When the Ambassadors from Rome were come to Prusias, they forbad him in the Senates name to proceed any farther in his hostility against Attalus, an Ally and confederate of the Romans. But upon this they charged him strictly, either to submit to the Senates decree, or to come with a thousand horse to the borders, there to argue the case with Attalus, who with the same number expected his coming thither. He, slighting Attalus his tender retinue, and hoping to surprise him, sent his Agents a little before, as if intending no less, than to follow after with his thousand men. But he drew up his whole army, as if he had come to fight, (not to parley.) Attalus and the Roman Legates, upon notice given them, hasted away: but Prusias seized upon the Roman carriages, took Nicephorum, and demolished it, fired the Temples that were in it, and having forced Attalus with the Roman Legates to fly into Pergamos for refuge, besieged it. [ Appian in Mithridaticis, pag. 172.]
When Hortensius and Aurunculeius were returned from Pergamos to Rome, and had declared with how great contempt Pusias had received the injunctions of the Senate; who had, contrary to the league betwixt them, assayed all violence and injury against them and Attalus, after he had blocked them up in Pergamos. The fathers were so highly displeased, and moved by this affront, that they decreed ten Ambassadors should forthwith be dispatched away, amongst them were L. Anicius, C. Fannius, and Q. Fabius Maximus, with order to make an end of the war, and to compel Prusias to make satisfaction to Attalus for the damages he had sustained by this war. [ Polybius, Legat. 123.]
Whilst it was yet winter, Attalus had got together a considerable army: for, both Ariarathes, and Mithridates his confederates had sent under-hand both horse and foot, under the command of Demetrius, Ariarathes son. Whilst Attalus was busied in these his preparations, the Roman Ambassadors met him at Quada, and after they had conferred of all things with him, they went directly to Prusias: as soon as they came thither, they seriously signified unto him the pleasure of the Senate: Prusias promised he would do some things the Senate required of him, but denied the most: whereupon, the Roman Ambassadors to whom he had given great offense by his obstinacy, renounced that amity and alliance which had been formerly between them, and so all of them took their leaves of him, and set forward to go to Attalus. But Prusias, repenting of what he had done, made after the Ambassadors, begging and beseeching them a long time: and when he saw no good could be done by his importunity, he gave them over, and returned home, not well knowing what course to take. In the mean time, the Romans advised Attalus to lie upon the confines of the kingdom with his army, but should not commit any act of hostility against anybody, only secure his own Cities and Villages from invasion, As for them, they divided themselves several ways; some went to Rome to acquaint the Senate of King Prusias his pertinency: others went into the Country of Ionia, and others of them to the Hellespont, and the Ports adjacent, to Byzantium; all of them went upon one and the same design of working men off alliance and compendance with Prusias, and bringing them to side with Attalus, and to assist him in what they could. [ Id. Legat. 135.]
Atheneus, Attalus his brother, soon after came with a great Fleet, consisting of 80 ships with decks, whereof five were of the Rhodians, and had been employed in the war in Crete, twenty of Cyziceneans, twenty seven of Attalus, the other were of the Confederates setting out. He drave in a direct course to the Hellespont; and wheresoever he sailed by any of the Cities under Prusias command, he put to shore, and wasted their Countries, [ Id. Legat. 136.]
As soon as the Senate had taken an account of their Ambassadors which were now returned from Prusias: they sent three others, Appius Claudius, Lucius Oppius, and Aulus Posthumus: upon their arriving in Asia they concluded the war, and prevailed with both the Kings to agree upon these conditions; That Prusias should forthwith deliver up to Attalus 20 ships with Decks: That he should pay 500 talents within the space of 20 years: That either of them should keep what they had, before the breaking out of the war betwixt them. Moreover, Prusias was to satisfy for the damages which he did to the Countries of the Methymneans, Egeans, Cumai, and Heracleots, and to pay unto them 100 talents. After the Covenants were signed by both parties. Attalus returned home with all the forces he had brought either by sea or land, [ Id. ib. 175,] But Prusias, observing how distasteful he had rendered himself to his Subjects by his enormous Tyranny, and considerig withal, how mightily his son Nicomedes was beloved of them, he grew jealous of his son, and sent him away to Rome, that he might live there. [ Appian. in Mithridatic pag. 173.]
Upon the revolting of the Antiochians from Demetrius Soter, Orophernes entered into combination with them, and contrived how to dethrone him, who had been not long since the principal in restoreing himself to his kingdom. Demetrius, having received intimation of this his design, spared indeed his life, least Ariarathes should be freed from the fear of war from his brother, but seized his person, and commanded him to be kept close prisoner at Seleucia, yet the Antiochaeans, notwithstanding the discovery of the plot, were not so dismayed as to give over their enterprize: But, having drawn into their association Ptolemy King of Egypt, Attalus King of Asia, and Ariarthes of Cappadocia, being provoked by war from Demetrius, they suborn a certain obscure youth, an Aliant, who was to lay claim to the kingdom of Syria, as being his fathers, and to assay the recovery thereof by force of arms; and that the confront might be complete, they called him Alexander, and gave out, that he was son to King Antiochus; such an universal Odium, had Demetrius contracted upon himself, that his rivall had confered upon him by consent of all, not only strength and power befitting a King, but also royalty of extraction. [ Justin lib. 35. cap. 1.]
This Alexander, in the Epitome of the 52 book of Livy, is said to have been an obscure person, and whose descent was not very well known, Athenaeus stiles him, Suppositious son of Antiochus Epiphanes. [ lib. 5. cap. 10.] Appian, one who shuffled himself into the family of those that were descended from Seleucus. [ in Syriac. pag. 31. Sulpitius Severus, A youth bred up at Rhodes, who falsely bragged of himself, that he was son to Antiochus. [Histor. Sacra. lib. 2.] Strabo, [lib. 16. pag. 751.] surnamed Balas, and Josephus, [lib. 13. cap. 8.] Balles.
Heraclides, (whom Antiochus Epiphanes formerly had appointed over the treasury at Babylon) brought this Alexander with him to Rome, together with Laodice (Antiochus Epiphanes his daughter) in the midst of summer. Whilst he stayed at Rome, he bare the guarb of some great person, and did all things very subtly, purposely drilling out the time, hoping to incline the Senate to favor his design. [ Polyb. Legat. 138.]
Attalus son of King Eumenes (in whose name his Uncle Attalus governed the kingdom of Pergamos) being yet a very child, [Year of the World 3851. a.] came to Rome, that he might ingratiate himself with the Senate, and renew that friendship and right of hospitality, which formerly had been betwixt his father and the people of Rome: who after he had been treated with most extraordinary civillity by the Senate; and his fathers friends, had received an answer to his own hearts wish, and had been ennobled with such honors as were suitable to a child of his age, within few days he returned to Rome: all the Cities of Greece, through which he passed, receiving him with great devotion and magninificence. [ Id. Legat. 140.]
Demetrius, (afterward called Nicator, son of the then reigning Demetrius Soter in Syria) was at the same time at Rome. His receptation was but ordinary, being but a child, and his stay not long. [ Id. ib. ]
Heraclides, [Year of the World b.] having tarried somewhat long at Rome, [The Julian Period. 4561] came into the Senate with Laodice and Alexander (Balas) where first the youngster made a short speech, [Year before Christ 153] wherein he desired, That the Romans would be pleased to remember that friendship and alliance which had been formerly betwixt them and his father Antiochus, and that they would further him in the recovery of his kingdom; or, if they had no great mind to that, that at least they would permit him to return into Syria, and that they would not stave off any of those, who were ready to assist him in the regaining of his fathers kingdom. Next spoke Heraclides, who after he had at large recited the worth and merits of Antiochus, and thereto adjoined an impeachment of Demetrius (Soter) at last concluded, That it was right and just to grant unto the youth (Alexander) and to Laodice (who were the lawful issue of King Antiochus) leave to return into their Country. But little or nothing of all he said was liked by sober-minded men, who accounted all he had spoken a fiction, and a tale of his own devising, and did utterly detest Heraclides. But the meaner sort of the Senators, whom Heraclides by his delusions had made his friends, all accorded, that a Decree of the Senate should be drawn to this purport. That the Senate had given way to Alexander and Laodice (children of a King who was a friend and an associate of the people of Rome) pleading in the Senate, to return to their fathers kingdom by right of former inheritance, and withal decreed to assist them, according to their decrees. Hereupon Heraclides presently hired him soudiers, and drew very considerable persons to be on his side: Then came to Ephesus, where he began with all earnestness to set on foot the war he had had so long in his head, [ Id. ibid. ]
In the 160 year of the kingdom of the Greeks, [Year of the World c.] Alexander (Bala) crying himself up for the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, seized upon Ptolemais (a City of Phenicia) which was betrayed unto him by the soldiers therein garrisoned, [1 Mac. 10. 1 Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 3.] who could not endure Demetrius his behavior, being of an harsh disposition and very insolent: for his humor was to immure himself up in one of the Castles royal, fortified with four turrets, not far from Antioch, and to admit no body to come unto him: where, laying aside all care of the public, he trifled away his time in idleness.
Demetrius Soter, hearing that Alexander was received into Ptolemais, and began to reign there, he mustered together a very great force, with a resolution to march against him, and fight him. [1 Mac. 10. 1, 2.] But Demetrius, considering the hazard of the war, and the uncertainty of the events, sent two of his sons (Demetrius Nicator, and Antiochus Sideres; both of whom afterwards were Kings of Syria) with a great weight of gold to his host at Cridus: that there they might be secured out of the dangers of the war, and, if it so fell out, reserved alive to avenge their fathers quarrel hereafter, [ Liv. lib. 52. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 2.]
Demetrius wrote letters also to Jonathan, whereby he renewed peace with him, and gave him authority to levy Forces, and to provide arms, that he might be his assistant in the war against Alexander: he commanded likewise, that the hostages which were kept in the Fort, should be released. Upon Jonathan's reading of the letters openly at Jerusalem; those which were in the Fort, for very fear, resigned up the hostages to him, and he them to their parents, [1 Mac. 10. 3, 9.]
Jonathan, [Year of the World d.] very wisely making good use of this opportunity, dwelt at Jerusalem, and began to re-edify and repair it. He took care also to build up the walls, and the Mount Zion round about with square stones, for the fortifying of it. So that the aliens which were in the Forts which Bacchides built, quitted their hold, and everyone hasted away to his own land: Only, there remained at Bethsura, some of the Apostates and Deserts of the Law; holding this as their place of refuge, [ Ibid. 10. 14.]
Alexander had heard in the mean time, of the fair promises which Demetrius had made to Jonathan in his letters he sent: whereupon he also by letters courts his friendship and association: ordained him High Priest of that Nation, honored him with the Title of being called the Kings friend, and withal sent him a Purple Robe, and a Crown of gold, [ Ibid. 15. 20.]
Jonathan put on the holy vestment on the seventh month of the 160 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, [Year of the World 3852] at the Feast of Tabernacles, [1 Mac. 10. 21.] being the ninth, not the fourth year (as it is in Josephus lib. 13. cap. 5.) after the decease of his brother Judas: For by that account, Judas died not before the 164 year of the Grecians; expressly against the truth of the History of the Maccabees, [1 Mac. 9. 3, 18, 54.] which error sprang from that other, concerning Judas his succeeding of Alcimus in the High-Priesthood: which (as we have shown) was soon after acknowledged by Josephus himself, clearly professing, that no one succeeded after the decease of Jacimus or Alcimus; but that the City was destitute of a High Priest, for the space of seven entire years, [ lib. 20. cap. 8.] which seven years expired, and five months over; Jonathan now discharged the Office of the High-Priesthood. He was first of the Hasmoneans, descended from Jehojarib, the Priests family indeed, but not from Jaddus the High Priest, whose heir Onias, at this instant lived in Egypt with Ptolemy Philometor.
Demetrius Soter, grieving that the Jews were inclined to take Alexanders part, hoped to bring them off again by the relaxation of their arreares, and all the tributes (whereby the Macedonians had hitherto miserably oppressed that Nation) and large promises of other honorable concessions. Jonathan and the people of the Jews were not much affected with those profuse engagements, and proffers; considering, that they came from a man, who had sufficiently evidenced by his former pranks, how perfectly he hated them, and that he would not perform a tittle, if once he got loose from those briars in which he was at present entangled. Whereupon, disclaiming Demetrius, they stuck close to Alexander, who had first articled with them concerning a peace, and from that time forward, they continued his confederates in the War, [1 Maccab. 10. 22, 47.]
One Andriscus an Adramyttean, [The Julian Period. 4562] a contemptible person, [Year before Christ 152] gave out that he was the son of Perseus, the last King of the Macedonians, and changing his name, called himself Philip: He endeavored to breed some disturbance in Macedonia; but when he saw that nobody regarded him, he went into Syria, and made his address to Demetrius Soter (whose Sister was Perseus his Wife) phansying to himself a possibility of craving some assistance thence. (For the better accomplishing of his design) he devised this tale. That he was descended from King Perseus by a Curtezan, and placed out with one Cyrthesa to receive his education: That so, at least a seed of the Royal Stock might be preserved, in case the war, which at that time he had with the Romans, might not prove successful. After Perseus's decease, he was kept in ignorance of his descent, and believed until he came to twelve years of age, that the man with whom he was brought up at Adramyttum, was his father: afterwards the man falling sick, and drawing now his last breath; His descent was discovered, and that a little book was given to his reputed mother signed with King Perseus his Signet, which she was to give to him when he came to age, with the highest protestations, to keep all close and private till then: when he came to age, the book was delivered up to him, in which two treasures were mentioned left him by his father: Then the woman who knew he was not her own, but a suborned son, informed him, being ignorant of it, whence was his true descent; begging him earnestly to withdraw from those parts before the business came to Eumenes his ear, who was Perseus his sworn enemy; least happily they should be put to death. For this lie he was attached by King Demetrius and sent to Rome; where, when it appeared that he was neither the son of Perseus, nor had besides anything remarkable in him, he was slighted and contemned, [ Liv. lib. 48. & 49. Zonar. ex Dione. ]
Alexander Balas, [Year of the World 3854] what with the soldiery which revolted from King Demetrius in Syria, [The Julian Period. 4564] and the auxiliares of Attalus, [Year before Christ 150] Ariarathes, Jonathan, and especially of Ptolemy Philom • tor, having gotten together a considerable army, encountered with Demetrius: And to speak truth, the left wing of Demetrius army routed the adverse Party, and made them flee, and pursued them so hard, that they had also the plunder of their Camp: But the right wing, in which Demetrius himself fought, was forced to give ground: But Demetrius (the rest with all haste betaking themselves to their heels) behaved himself very valiantly, killing some of his enemies out-right, and chasing others of them, who were not able to withstand the violence of his charge: until such time, he happened upon a sl • ugh, deep and unpassable: where, past all hopes of escaping, by reaso • that his horse fell all along, the enemy environed him round, and stroke him thorough with their darts; but he fought very gallantly afoot, until he fell down dead, having received many wounds, [1 Maccab. 10. 48, 49, 50. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 5. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 1. Appian. Syriac. pag. 131.] Thus Demetrius, af • er he had reigned in Syria twelve years, the rest of the Kings conspiring against him, lost both his life and his kingdom together; as Polybius hath it, [ lib. 3. pag. 165.] whom Porphyrius (who well knew Demetrius) [in Graec. Enseb. Scaliger, pag. 228.] Eusebius, and Severus Sulpicius, follow in assigning him 12 years reign: although Josephus allows him but eleven.
Upon Demetrius his death, (who left behind him two sons, Demetrius and Antiochus) a little before the Achaick war; there appeared a Comet, not less than the Sun. At first the Orb was fiery and ruddy, and casting a clear light, whereby the night was enlightened. Afterwards it began to lessen in bigness, and its brightness vanished, and at last quite disappeared, [ Senec. Natural. quaest. lib. 7. cap. 15.]
After Alexander, by the more especial assistance of Ptolemy Philometor (as Appian testifieth) had deprived Demetrius both of his life and kingdom: he sent Ambassadors to Ptolemy, to negotiate a match betwixt him and his daughter. Ptolemy readily assented, and forthwith came out of Egypt to Ptolemais with his daughter Cleopatra (a woman born to ruin the kingdom of Syria) in the 162 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, (in the close of the year;) where the Nuptials betwixt Alexander and Cleopatra were celebrated with such magnificent solemnity, as is commonly observed at the Marriage of Princes, [1 Mac. 10. 51, 58.]
Jonathan was by Alexander invited to this wedding, who presented those, two Kings, and their friends likewise with gold and silver, and many other gifts; so that hereby he insinuated himself much into their favor. At the same time, a pack of malevolent fellows, came out of the land of Israel, to accuse Jonathan: But Alexander was so far from giving any heed to those detractours, that he commanded that Jonathan should be clothed in purple, and that he should sit next to him: and ordered also, the Piers of his realm to attend him into the midst of Ptolemais, and by proclamation inhibit any one to speak against him, or to molest him in any matters; whereupon, his accusers vanished out of his sight. The King also shown him a great deal of honor, by listing him amongst those that were reputed his most intimate friends, and constituting him Generalissimo (of his forces in Judea) and shared the dominion with him (in his own Court:) So Jonathan returned back to Jerusalem in peace and great joy. [ Ibid. 59,—62.]
Onias, son of the High Priest, Onias the third of that name, who lived a runnagado with Ptolemy Philometor at Alexandria, now beyond all hope of recoverning the High Priesthood of Jerusalem (it being transferred upon the family of the Hermoneans) aspiring to get himself a name to all posterity, intimated to King Ptolemy, and Queen Cleopatra (who was both wife and sister to him) by way of petition, that whilst he was employed in the war in divers Countries, he observed how that in Coelosyria, Phaenice, and Leontopolis in the Heliopolitan jurisdiction of Egypt, and in divers other places the Jews had their Temples, which was the cause of all those bickerings and contests which were so rife amongst them. He requested therefore, That he might have leave to purify an old ruinous Temple, (not as yet consecrated to any god,) which he had found standing near the Castle of Bubastis in the plain, and to erect another in the same place to the Almighty God, after the model of that at Jerusalem, both for figure and bulk, that so the Jews living in Egypt, might keep their assemblies there, which would be a great means, both of preserving unity amongst themselves, as also of putting them in a readiness to serve their Majesty's upon all occasions. For indeed, the Prophet Isaiah foretold, That there should be in after ages, an Altar erected unto the Lord God in Egypt: and prophesied many other things besides concerning that place. [ Isoephus, lib. 13. cap. 6.]
Where by the way it is to be observed, first, That Onias did not set upon the building of the new Temple, when he came first to Philometor and Cleopatra into Egypt: but after he had done them good service, both in the Egyptian and Syrian wars: for Josephus in his second book against Appian [ p. 1064.] voucheth, That Philometor and Cleopatra, committing their whole kingdom to the Jews to ravage, appointed Onias and Dositheus (both Jews) over the whole Militia. And again, that Prophesy of Isaiah, which Onias wrested to support his sacrilegious ambition, had respect to the spiritual kingdom of our Lord Christ: the place is to be found in the 19 Chapter of Isaiah, 18, 19. verses, In that day shall there be five Cities in the land of Egypt, speaking the language of Canaan, and sworn to the Lord of Hosts, one shall be called a City of destruction. In that day shall there be an Altar to the Lord in the midst of the land of Egypt, and a Pillar to the Lord at the border thereof: where for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 City of Jerusalem, by reason of the great resemblance of the letters to each other, it was formerly read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is to say, the City of the Sun, as Simmachus hath interpreted it: so also Jerome hath rendered it, One of them shall be called the City of the Sun. The Chaldee Paraphrast puts them together, The City of the Sun which shall be destroyed: Upon which occasion perhaps Scaliger guesseth, that Onias chose the Heliopolitan tract, wherein he might build the Temple.
Onias, having got a grant of the place in the field under that Heliopolitan seigniory 180 furlongs distant from Memphis, erected a Temple there, neither so big nor so costly, as that at Jerusalem: The Tower indeed of this was like to that of the other, of great stones, and 60 cubits high, The fabric of the Altar he made, was in imitation of that in his own Country, and furnished it with the same utensils, excepting the Candlestick: For he made no Candlestick, but in leive of that the golden Lamp, which sparkling as it were with a beam of light he hung upon a chain of gold, he surrounded also the Temple with a wall of brick, in which were made gates of stone. The King also passed a grant of a great proportion of land, and revenue in money, that the Priests might be supplied with necesaries for the worship of God. Onias also found out some Jews, who were like himself ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That inhabited the region of Onias) [ Josephus. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 14. & lib. 1. Belli. cap. 7.] and Priests and Levites, who there frequented divine service: [Josephus lib. 7. of the Jewish war, cap. 37. compared with lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 6. yet in the Meshna, tract. Minhoth cap. 13. Sect. 10.] the Priests which ministered in Onias Temple were accounted (and that not undeservedly) little better than the Priests of the high places, who were not permitted, (as appears out of 2 Kings, 23. 9.) to offer burnt offerings upon the Altar of the Lord at Jerusalem, but only to eat unleavened bread (like to the unclean Priests) among their brethren.
At Alexandria there arose a sedition betwixt the Jews and the Samaritans, concerning their holy Solemnities, the one contending the Temple of Jerusalem, the other that of Gerizim, to be the lawful Temple, and according to Moses his prescription: both parties appealed to Ptolemy Philometor, and a Session of his friends, for the hearing and decision of the cause: in such wise, That the advocates of that part which happened to be overthrown in the process, should be sentenced to death. Sabbeus and Theodosius pleaded on the Samaritans behalf, Andronicus the son of Messalamus was on the Jews side: they took their oaths by God and the King, That they would use no arguments but such as they drew out of the law: and they moved the King, That he would put to death, whosoever of them were taken falsifieing their oath: the King with many of his friends, at the Council tables heard the whole debate: and at length persuaded by Andronicus his allegations, determined that the Temple in Jerusalem was that which was built by Moses's directions: as for Sabbas and Theodosias, they were both of them by him (as was covenanted betwixt them) sentenced to death. [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 6.]
At the same time Aristobulus a Jew, being a Peripatetic Philosopher, grew famous at Philometors Court in Egypt, who wrote a Comment upon Moses, and dedicated it to the same King. Out of the Preface of which book to the King, a famous passage is quoted by Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 1. Stromat, and by Eusebius in Preparat. Evangel. lib. 13. cap. 7. who both there, and in the eighth book of the same work, cap. 3. takes somewhat large fragments out of these same Comments.
In this year began the third Carthaginian war, [Year of the World 3855] to which Mithridates Euergetes, [The Julian Period. 4565] who was the first of the Kings of Pontus, [Year before Christ 149] that would confederate with the people of Rome, brought a supply of ships against the Carthaginians, [ Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 176.] Both the Consuls were sent to manage this war: Manilius had the conduct of the land forces. Marcius Censorinus was Admiral of the fleet, who received private instructions, by no means to give over the war, till such time as they had demolished Carthage. [ Liv. lib. 49. Appian. in Libyc. pag. 42.]
Andriscus or the false Philip, having stole privately out of Rome, levied an army, and seized upon all Macedonia, and the Royal Ensigns, either with the consent of the inhabitants, or by force of arms, in the third year of the 157 Olympiad. He thought also to invade Thessaly, and to bring it under his command, but through the instigation of the Roman Legates, it was defended by the help of the Achaians, [ Livy lib. 49. & 50. Vellei Patercul. lib. 1. Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb, Scalig. pag, 229.]
Prusias Venator, King of Bithynia, understanding that his son Nicomedes was in some favor at Rome, ordered him to go to the Senate, and obtain of them, That the arrears of the money, which was due to Attalus, might be taken off: He sent also an Ambassador, Menas, to be his assistant: to whom under covert, he gave command to respite Nicomedes, if he succeeded in his suit, if otherwise, to kill him at Rome out of hand, [ Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 173.] providing thereby for his younger sons which he had by a second venter. [ Justin. lib. 34. cap. 4.] whereof one, of the same name with his father, had no teeth in his upper mandible, but instead thereof, one continued bone, so evenly growing out, that it neither disfigured him, nor yet was any inconvenience to him in his chewing. [ Liv. lib. 50. Valer. Maxim. lib. 1. cap. ult. Plin. lib. 7. cap. 16.]
Prusias set out his Ambassdor Menas with some large ships, and two thousand soldiers: To oppose him, Andronicus was sent Embassador from Attalus; who made it clearly appear, That the fine which was laid upon Prusias, was far less than the booty he had got by pillaging the Country. Menas, perceiving that he was in small hopes of getting Prusias his fine taken off, and observing also in how high esteem Nicomedes was in Rome, he was at a stand, not knowing what course to take; neither daring to kill Nicomedes, nor yet, failing in that, to turn back to Bithynia. In this suspense, he abode still at Rome, where the young man (Nicomedes) gave him a meeting, which went not much against his stomach: they conspired against Prusias, and drew Andronicus into their confederacy, who was to persuade his master Attalus to help to settle Nicomedes in Bithynia; they all met together at Bernice, a little Town in Epirus, and at night time went aboard a ship, to consult amongst themselves what was fittest to be done in this business: when the debate was ended, they departed several ways the same night. But in the morning, Nicomedes comes ashoar in his purple, and with his Crown on his head, like a King: Andronicus met him soon after, and having saluted him King, attended him with 100 soldiers he had about him. As for Menas, he made as if he wot not that Nicomedes was in company till then: but then he ran to and fro about the two thousand soldiers he had brought with him, and exhorted them to stick close to that Party, which should seem most deserving: intimating withal, That Prusias was now an aged man, Nicomedes in his young blood: That the Bithynians were weary of him, but desirous of this, That the best sort of the Romans affected this youth extremely, and that Andronicus, now Captain of his Guard, had promised assistance from Attalus, a neighbouring King, and one that had wide Dominions, and besides, was a most inveterate enemy to Prusias. He minded them also of Prusias his cruelty, discovering many of his pranks, whereby he had incurrd a general hatred: as soon as Menas espied in these soldiers also a disrellish of his villainies; he carried them all away with him to Nicomedes: He was the second after Andronicus that saluted him King, encompassing him about with a guard of 2000 soldiers, [ Appian. ut supr. pag. 173, 174.]
Attalus was very forward in receiving the youth, and sent to Prusias, commands to assign over unto his son, some Cities to dwell in, and fields for provision: Prusias answered, That he would ere long give him Attalus his whole kingdom; for whose sake he had formerly invaded Asia. Having thus said, he dispatched some away to Rome, to accuse Nicomedes and Attalus, and cite them both to a trial, [ Id. ibid. pag. 174.]
Nicomedes, encouraged by Phaellon, (or rather Phaennis) Epirus's Oracle, which he interpreted by his own emoluments and advantages, upon the instigation of Attalus, waged war with his father Prusias, [ Zosim. Histor. lib. 2.] As soon as he and Attalus with their Forces came into Bithynia, the Bithynians began to revolt: Whereupon Prusias durst not trust himself with anybody (of his own subjects) His hope was, That the Romans would relieve him; in expectation whereof, he shut himself up in a castle of Nicaea: having procured of Dirgylles a Thracian (his father in law) 500 Thracians, which he appointed to be his life guard, [ Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 174.]
The Roman Cities Praetor did not conduct to the Senate the Ambassadors from Prusias, [Year of the World 3856] as soon as they arrived at Rome, intending thereby to do Attalus a courtesy: and after he had ushered them into the Senate, and was commanded to make choice of some Ambassadors, which might compromize the war, he chose three: one of which, having been formerly wounded on the head with a great stone, was much disfigured with scars: a second was lame on his feet, and the third, a very fool and sot: Cato Censorinus (who soon after died in the 85 year of his age) in a jeer to them, said, That the Romans sent an Embassy which had neither head, feet, nor heart, [ Id. ibid. lib. 50. Plutarch. in Catone majore. ]
The Ambassadors, as soon as they came into Bithynia, commanded both parties to lay down their arms: Nicomedes and Attalus made as if they were ready to submit to the authority of the Senate, but the Bithynians (who were put upon the business, and pre-instructed by Nicomedes and Attalus what they should do) said peremptorily, That they were not able any longer to endure Prusias his tyranny, especially now they had evidenced unto him, (by this present engagement) how much they disliked his government. The Ambassadors (in regard that the Bithynians had not as yet made known these their grievances to the Senate) returned home again, having done nothing in the business they came about▪ Prusias, now despairing of any relief from the Romans, in confidence of whom he had hitherto forborne to solicit helps elsewhere, passed over to Nicomedia, intending to fortify that place, and from thence to prohibit the enemies entrance: but the Townsmen deserted their King, and opened the gates to the enemy. Whereupon Prusias betook himself to Jupiter's Temple, trusting the religion and respect due to that place would have been his protection: but Nicomedes sent some of his Party, who killed him in the place, [ Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 174, 175.] Diodorus Siculus relates, That Prusias, fleeing for his own security to the Altar of Jupiter, was slain by his son Nicomedes, his own hand, [ in Photii. Bibliotheca. cod. 244.] Strabo tells us, he was slain by Attalus, [ lib. 13. pag. 624.] Livy, by his son, but with Attalus his assistance, [ lib. 50.] By his own subjects, saith Zonaras, out of Dion. For Polybius reports how he had contracted from his Bithynians such a general dislike, [ in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 174. & Soudas in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ] that they all appeared against him in such multitudes, and with such violence, as if their design had been, not only to revolt from him, but principally to avenge themselves of him for the notable miscarriages in his government.
Andriscus, or the false Philip, in Macedonia, encountered with Juventius the Roman Praetor, who was sent with a legion against him, wan the field, slew Juventius himself, and killed upon the place, the greatest part of the Roman army. From thence he made an impression into Thessaly, wasted most part of the Country, and took the Thracians into association, [ Liv. lib. 50. Flor. Histor. lib. 2. cap. 14. Eutrop. lib. 4. Zonar. ex. Dione, Oros. lib. 4. cap. 22.] Upon these his successes, he betook himself to acts of cruelty and tyrannical insolencies. There was not a wealthy person which he put not to death upon false accusations. He spared not his most intimate friends, but dispatched many of them out of the way: For he was naturally of a fierce and bloody disposition, in his familiar entercourses, proud and haughty, and at last, deeply engaged in covetousness, and all manner of vice. [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 342.]
Alexander Bala in Syria, [The Julian Period. 4566] having quite given himself over to riot and luxury, [Year before Christ 148] his friend Ammonius managed the affaris of the kingdom; who put to death all the Kings friends, Laodice the Queen (the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes) and Antigonus Demetrius his son, [ Livy lib. 50. Josephus lib. 13. cap. 8. Athenaeus, lib. 5. cap. 10.]
In the 165 year of the Grecians, Demetrius the eldest son of Demetrius Soter, now in the flower of his age, hearing of Alexanders degenerating into all luxury, (whom those vast incomes which he scarce dreamed he should ever have arrived unto, and the ornaments of an usurped Sovereignty, kept as it were close prisoner within his own Palace, amongst a company of Curtezans) procured of Lasthenes the Cretian, a considerable force of mercenary souldires, and with them, he loosed from Crete, and sailed over into Silicia. The news thereof so frighted Alexander, that he posted away in all haste from Phenice to Antioch, to settle things before Demetrius his arrival. The government of Antioch he committed to Hieraces and Diodorus, who is the same with Tryphon, [1 Mac. 11. 39. 1 Mac. 10. 67, 68. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 8, Justin. lib. 35. cap. 2. Diodorus. Siculus, in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 346.]
Apollonius (surnamed Daus by Josephus) Governor of Coelosyria, joined with Demetrius: whom he made General of his Forces, which he sent against those Jews which remained loyal and constant in their engagement to Alexander. Apollonius, having gotten together a great army, the terror whereof made many fall off from Alexander to Demetrius, encamped at Jamnia, and sent to Jonathan (the Jews General, and High Priest) a ranting challenge to meet him, if he dared, and fight in the plain field. This enflamed Jonathan so highly, that he forthwith marched out of Jerusalem with 10000 men: where his brother Simon met him, to assist him. They pitched their tents before Joppa; but Apollonius his soldiers which were garrisoned there, shut them out; whereupon they laid siege and began their battries, which so dismayed the Citizens, that they opened their gates immediately, and resigned up the City, [1 Mac. 10. 69, 76.]
As soon as Apollonius heard of the losing of Joppa, he marched away to Azotus with three thousand Horse, and his infantry; (which Josephus says consisted of 8000) having placed in ambush 1000 of his Horse, who were to fall upon Jonathan's rear, as soon as he was past the place where the ambush lay: and Apollonius himself faceing about, would charge the enemies Van; so that the Jews were to be assaulted one both hands. As soon as Jonathan was passed the place, and espied these of the ambush to discover themselves, and to encompass his Camp: He commanded his men to stand still, and receive the enemies darts with their sheilds: When the Horse had quite tired out themselves, and exhausted their quivers, having played their darts from morning till night. Then Simon lead up his Forces against the enemies Foot; discomfited them, and made them quit the field. The Horse upon their routing, made what haste they could to get to Azotus, and they entered into Bethdagon their idol Temple for their safety. But Jonathan set fire on Azotus, and the Cities round about it; took great spoils, burnt Dagons Temple to the ground, and also they that had fled thither perished in the flames: So that near 8000 men were destroyed by the sword and by the fire. Jonathan removed thence and pitched before Askelon, where the men of the City treated him very nobly. After this victory Jonathan returned Conqueror to Jerusalem with his army loaded with great booty and spoils. When King Alexander heard the news of Jonathan's successes, he continued to show his respects to him, and sent him a golden buckler, which was usually given to those of the blood Royal; he gave also Accaron with its territories (a City of the Philistines) to him and his heirs forever, [ Ibid. 77, 89.]
The Carthaginians, after they had got the better in their encounter with Piso the Consul, at Hippo, sent their Ambassadors into Macedonia, to Andriscus (generally reputed the son of Perseus) moving him to persist courageously in his war against the Romans; promising, that he should never want money nor shipping from Carthage, [ Appian. in Libyc. pag. 67.]
Q. Caecilius Metellus, the Roman Praetor (not Consul, as Florus hath it, and the Latin Interpreter of Pausanias his Achaicks ) being sent against Andriscus with a great army, came into Macedonia; There he persuaded the Commissioners (which the Senate had sent to receive information of the affairs in Asia,) that before they passed over thither, they would go to the Commanders of the Achaians, and charge them for a while to surcease the war they had undertaken against the Lacedemonians. They delivered to Damocritus and the Achaians, the injunctions (they received from Mebellas) when they had now led up their army, against the Lacedemonians; so that when they perceived that no discourse of theirs wrought anything upon the resolutions of the Achaians, they went onward into Asia, [ Pausan. in Acha • cis, pag. 218.]
Metellus being entered Macedonia, Attalus brought his fleet to his assistance, by the help whereof he put a stop to Andriscus, who was somewhat fearful of the sea coast, who having brought up his army a little beyond Pydna, though his Cavalry had got the better of the enemy, yet here treated back for fear of the Roman foot, and divided his army into two brigades, one of them he sent into T •• ssaly to wast that Country, the other he kept to himself. Metellus, not much valuing that inconsiderable party, marched towards them; and having beaten their forlorn, discomfited the main body: Andriscus fled into Thracia, where after he had levied a new army engaged with Metelius, but upon the overthrow of his party, he fled to Byzes, a petty King of Thrace, who betrayed him into the hands of Metellus. One Alexander also, who gave out, that he was the son of Perseus, having gathered an army, seized upon part of the Country which lay next to the river Nestus; but Metellus pursued him as far as Dardania. [ Strabo lib. 1. 13. pag. 624. Vellei. Paterculi lib. 1. Flor. lib. 2. cap. 14. Zonar. ex Dione. ] The false-Philip's power by the loss of 25000 of his soldiers thus utterly defeated, and himself also taken prisoner, Macedonia was recovered by the Romans, [ Eutrop. lib. 43.] Spurius Postumius and Lucius Piso being Consuls, [ Jul. Obsequens, de prodigiis. ] in the fourth year of the 157 Olympiad, (in the close of the year) [ Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scalig, pag. 229.]
P. Cornelius Scipio, the Consul, with his own fleet, and five ships of the Sidenses, which Mithridates King of Pontus sent unto him, fought at sea with the Carthaginians before the walls of Carthage. [ Appian. Libyc. page 75, 76.]
The Aradans contriving the ruin of the Maratheans (in Phoenicia) sent privately to Ammonius, (who at that time was Viceroy in Syria under Alexander Bala) • ffering him 300 talents, prevailed with him to deliver them Marathum: Whereupon Ammonius sent Isodore to the Maratheans, who, by his speech, was to pretend some other matters, but really went to excuse the commands he received to seize upon Marathum, and to deliver it up to the Aradians. The Marathiaus, observing how that the Aradiaus were higher than themselves in the Kings favor; denying the Kings soldiers entrance into their City, out of the most aged Citizens, made choice of ten of the most famous amongst them, and sent them as suppliants to the Island Aradus, with some of the oldest images of their gods which they had in their City: hoping therewith to appease the fury of the Aradians. But the Aradians blood being up, and highly provoked, slighted the common law of such humble addresses, cast of all reverence of the gods, brake the images, and trampled them most shamefully under their feet. And when the Ambassadors were stoned by the people, some Senators which interposed themselves, had much ado to convey them safe to prison. Who, when they made their complaints, and pleaded the privilege of suppliants, and the sacred, and not to be violated rites of Ambassadors, they were massacred by a company of impudent young fellows. The authors of this villainy came immediately after into the assembly, and having taken of the rings off those Maratheans which they had killed, they counterfeited letters to the Maratheans in the Ambassadors names; in which they intimated that the Aradians would suddenly send them some supplies: upon this policy, That the Maratheans, ignorant of the plot, having admitted the Aradian forces into their City, in confidence they came for no other end but to assist them, might be surprised unawares. Whereupon they seized upon all the ships belonging to private men, least happily someone might discover their plot to the Maratheans: for all this, a certain Mariner, a friend to the Maratheans, pitying their sad condition, (who usually sailed in the neighbouring sea) took his ship, and by night boldly passed that straight, which consisted of about eight furlongs, and discovered to the Maratheans, how that the Aradians had a design of circumventing them. When the Aradians perceived their plot was revealed, they desisted to deal any longer by letters. [ Diodorus. Sicul. Legat. 29. & in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 349, 350.] But they setting upon Marathum by open force; they took the City, demolished it, and shared the territory amongst themselves. [ Strabo. lib. 16. pag. 753.]
A fourth observation of the Autumnall Equinox. [Year of the World 3858] was made by Hipparchus at midnight, in the 32 year of the third Calippic Period. On the third day of the Egyptian Additionalls (at the beginning of the 27 day of the Julian Septem.) the 178 year from the death of Alexander, or rather 177 ending, the 178, being to begin after two days next ensuing. [ Ptol. lib. 3. cap. 2.]
In the same year of the same Calippic Period, [The Julian Period 4568] the 178 year from the death of Alexander, [Year before Christ 146] on the 27 day of the Egyptian month Mechir, (the 24 day of March Julian) in the morning, Hipparchus writeth, that the Vernal Equinox was most exactly observed by him. [ Id. Ibid. ]
C • . Cornelius Lentulus, and Lucius Mummius being Consuls, Carthage was demolished. [ Vellei. Paterc. lib. 1.] On which occasion, Scipio, considering the revolutions of human affairs, and fearing least some such fate should happen some time or other to Rome itself, pronounced these verses,
L. Mummius the Consul, who was sent from the Senate to make an end of the Achaick war, came to the Camp with a small company, and after he had given orders to Metellus (who managed the Achaick war, as soon as he had accomplished the Macedonian) to march away with his forces into Macedonia, he stayed a while at the Isthmus, until such time as he had drawn up his whole body, which consisted of 3500 Horse, and 23000 Foot. There were in this army some Archers out of Crete, and Philopaemen brought him a brigade from Attalus out of Pergamos, which lies above Caicus. The Consul, having defeated Diaeus at the Isthumus (the last Achaian Praetor, and the first ring-leader in these Achaian commotions) on the third day after the fight, entered Corinth, with trumpets sounding, and after he had taken the spoils of the City, levelled it to the ground, [ Liv. lib. 52. Vellei. P • ercul. lib. 1. Justin. lib. 34. cap. 2. Florus, lib. 2. cap. 16. Pausan. in Achaic. pag. 221. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 3.] In the third year of the 158, (for so it is in Pliny, and not the 156) Olympiad, and according to Varroe's computation, the DCVIII year since Rome was built. [ Pliny lib. 34. cap. 2.]
Polybius, poasting out of Africa, to the relief of his Country, espied some Pictures of the most exquisite artists lying upon the ground at Corinth, and the soldiers playing at dice upon them: two of them he makes mention of in his History, upon one was portraited Hercules tortured in the shirt which Deianira sent him, the other was Bacchus his Picture drawn by Aristides the Theban, of whom some think that proverb was derived, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , This is nothing to Bacchus, (that is, Aristides his Picture of Bacchus. [ Strabo. lib. 8. pag. 381.] When L. Mummius understood that King Attalus had bought this Picture of Bacchus (from amongst the spoils that were set to sails) for six thousand sestercies (or 102 talents, as Pliny hath it, lib. 7. cap. 38. and lib. 35. cap. 10.) He marvelled much at the highness of the price, and suspecting much that there might be some rare virtue in it which he wot not of, revoked the sale much against Attalus his mind, and placed the picture in Ceres her Chapel at Rome. [ Plin. lib. 35. cap. 4.] For he knew so little what belonged to such things, that when he had culled out some exquisite pieces, and statues of the best Artists to be carried into Italy, he told those that had the charge of them, if they lost any of them by the way, they should restore new ones for them. [ Vellei. Pa • ercul. lib. 1.] What hangings, and other ornaments seemed admirable, were sent away to Rome: others of less value were given to Philopaemen, and conveyed to Pergamos. [ Pausanias in Achaic. pag. 221.]
Ptolemy Philometor, having gotten together great forces both by land and sea, came out of Egypt into Syria, under pretence to help Alexander Bala his son in law, but, indeed, to annex the kingdom of Syria (of which Alexander was deprived) to his own dominions: And when, in obedience to the commands of Alexander, all the Cities had received him peaceably, he placed a Garrison of soldiers in everyone of them, pretending Alexanders interest. [1 Mac. 11. 1, 2, 3.]
As soon as Ptolemy was come near Azotus, they shown him the Temple of Dagon, which was lately burnt, and the ruins of Azatus and the Suburbs thereof, and the heaps of the dead bodies of those that were slain in the war, and were burnt by Jonathan's command, for they had laid them on heaps in the way that he was to pass: and although they had made an envious relation of whatever Jonathan had done, on purpose to Maligne him, yet the King replied not a word. But Jonathan met the King at Joppa in great state, and was very courteously received by him. From thence they went together as far as the River Eleutherus, where Jonathan took his leave of the King, and returned to Jerusalem. [ Ibid. 4, 7.]
Ptolomei, having gotten into his hand all the Cities along the sea coasts as far as Seleucia upon the coast, (situate at the mouth of the River Orontes) imagined wicked counsels against Alexander, complaining, how, That, by his means at Ptolemais, Ammonius had laid an ambush to circumvent him: and whereas he had demanded that justice might be done him upon Ammonius for the fact, Alexander would not deliver up his person. Hereupon he took away his daughter Cleopatra from Alexander, and gave her in marriage to Demetrius Soter, promising withal, to restore him to his fathers kingdom, [ Ibid. 8. 12. compared with Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 8. & Liv. lib. 52.]
The Antiocheans deserted Alexander because of Ammonius, from whom they had received very hard usage: Ammonius, thinking to make an escape in women's apparel, was light upon and slain. Ptolemy went into Antioch, and being by the people thereof saluted King; Crowned himself with two Diadems, the one of Asia, (or Syria) the other of Egypt. But telling them that he was for his part, contented with his own Dominion of Egypt, persuaded the Antiocheans to receive Demetrius, professing that he had a far greater resentment of their present civilities, than of the late exasperations and contests which had happened betwixt them and his father Seleucus, [ Joseph. ut supr. compared with 1 Mac. 11. 13.] And so the Antiochia • s (purposing to make amends by their loyal deportments to the son, for the injuries they had formerly done to the father) resign themselves up unto him: The old soldiery also of the father, ravished with love of this young man, and preferring the bond of their former oath before the pride of their new King, went away with their colors to Demetrius, [ Justin. lib. 35. cap. 2.]
Alexander was at that time in Silicia, [1 Mac. 11. 14.] where, upon his consulting the Oracle of Apollo, he is said to have received this answer: viz. That he should beware of that place, which had brought forth a rare sight to be seen, A thing having two shapes: which was generally thought to refer to Abas, a City in Arabia (where Alexander was slain not long after) In this City, there was a certain woman called Herais (having Diophantus a Macedonian for her father, and an Arbian woman her mother, and married to one Samiades) who changed her Sex, and of a woman became a man, taking upon her, her fathers name Diophantus, [ Diodorus Siculus, fin. lib. 32. in Photii Bibliotheca, cod. 244.]
A fifth observation of the Autumnal Equinox, [Year of the World 3859] was made by Hipparchus, in the 33 year of the third Calippic Period, on the fourth day of the Egyptian Additionals (27 day of the Julian September.) in the morning, [ Ptolem. lib. 3. cap. 2.]
Alexander, having gathered together a powerful army, invaded Syria, and wasted all the Territories of Antioch, pillaging and firing wheresoever he came. But Ptolemy with his son in law Demetrius, marched towards him, and defeated his whole power in a fight near the River Oenopara. Alexander himself slipped out of the fight with 500 of his soldiers, and made as fast as he could towards Abas, a City of Arabia, to a great Person of Arabia, whom the Writer of the History of the Maccabees calls Zabdiel, Josephus Zabel, Diodorus • s Siculus Diocles. But the Commanders of Alexanders Party, which were with Heliades treacherously slew Alexander, having covenanted before with Demetrius to that purpose, to whom they had sent an Embassy to treat for their own peculiar advantage, and private interest. In the last fight it happened that Ptolemeis horse, scared with the braying of an Elephant, threw him on the ground, and when he was down, the enemy fell upon him, and wounded him desperately on the head, and had killed him out right, had not his Life-guard interposed, and rescued him: for all that, he lay four whole days so senseless, that he could neither speak himself, nor understand what others spake to him. But Zabdiel the Arabian cut off Alexanders head, and presented it to Ptolemy: who about the fifth day finding some respite from the anguish of his wounds, and pretty well come to himself again, fed both his fancy and his eyes, the one with the pleasing discourse of the death, the other with the beholding of Alexanders head. But the third day after, Ptolemy himself died, whilst his wounds were dressing, and the Physicians endeavored to piece his bones, [1 Mac. 11. 14. 18. Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 194. Diodorus. Sicul. ut supra. Liv. lib. 52. Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 751. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 8.]
Josephus ascribeth five years to Alexandes reign, after the death of Demetrius Soter, [ lib. 13. cap. 8.] from which we suppose about 5 months are to be deducted: So that, from the authority of the Maccabaic Writer, the death of this man appears to be coincident with Philometors. After Alexanders death, Demetrius, son of Demetrius Soter, had the sole government of Syria, in the 167 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, [1 Mac. 11. 19.] who because he had overcome one that was not descended of their family, received the same surname with the first Seleucus author of the Kingly Race, Nicanor, or Nicator, [ Appian. Syriac. pag. 131.]
As soon as Ptolemy Philometor was dead, the soldiers which he had placed in the Forts and Cities for the security of Syria, were all slain by the other soldiers in the same Garri • ons, upon the instigation of Demetrius, [1 Mac. 11. 18.] Demetrius also treated the rest of Ptolemeis soldiers very unkindly, forgetting both the assistance which he had afforded, as also the affinity which was betwixt them, by reason of his marriage with Cleopatra. But those soldiers, abominating the ma • ingratitude, retreated all of them to Alexandria, leaving only the Elephants under his power. [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 8.]
In Egypt, [The Julian Period. 4569] Cleopatra, [Year before Christ 145] the wife and sister of Philometor, lately deceased, countenanced by some Peers of the realm, labored much to get the kingdom settled upon her son. [ Josephus lib. 2. Contra Appian. pag. 1064, Justin lib. 38. cap. 8.] But Ptolemy the younger brother of Philometor, surnamed Euergetes II. and Phiscon, who reigned at Cyrene, was sent for from thence to oppose her in her enterprize. Against him Onias (who lately built the Temple in the Helopolitan Jurisdiction) undertaking the war upon Cleopatraes interest, marched with a small army of Jews to the City Alexandria, at what time Thermus was Leger Ambassador there for the Romans, as Appion the Grammarian relates in his book against the Jews. [ Joseph. ut sup. ]
But Physcon, that he might end the quarrel, forced Cleopatra, who was his elder sister, and had been wife to their own brother, to marry him. [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 1.] And as soon as he entered Alexandria, he commanded all those that favored the young child to be put to death. He slew also the young child himself, as he was in his mothers arms, upon the wedding day in the midst of their feastings and religious solemnities; and so went up into his sister her bed besmeared with the gore of her own son. Neither was his carriage any whit milder to those his Countrymen, which invited him to the Kingdom, and were his advancers into the throne. For, having given license to the foreign soldiers to kill and slay at pleasure, there were great inundations of blood in all quarters. [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 8.] Many he executed with most cruel tortures, faslely objecting matters of treason unto them: Others he proceeded against by confiscation of their estates, and banishment, for no other impeachments than what he himself had forged and drawn up. [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerptis Valesii, pag. 350.]
Jonathan, having drawn together those that were in Judea, and prepared many Engines, laid siege to the Tower that was in Jerusalem: Information hereof was carried to Demetrius Nicator, by certain ungodly persons, and haters of their own nation. The King hereupon, being incensed, wrote to Jonathan, to leave off the siege, and to meet him in all hast at Ptolemais, that they might have some conference together about the matter. Jonathan would not draw off his siege, yet ventured to go to the King, He, the Elders and the Priests, taking along with them some presents, whereby they soon pacified the Kings wrath: and Jonathan made so fair an Apology for himself, that the King dismissed the informers, confirmed the High Priesthood upon him, and counted him as one of his chief friends: Moreover, Jonathan promising to give unto the King 300 talents, procured of him a release for all Judea, and the three siegniories thereunto annexed (of wich mention is made in 1 Mac. 10. 30.) Viz. Apherima, Lydda, and Ramath, from all tithes and tribute, whatsoever which were formerly paid to the Kings. Letters hereof from the King to Lasthenes, (who with the Cretans Auxiliaries brought Demetrius to the kingdom) whom he styled Cousin and Father, are to be seen. [1 Maccab. 11. 20, 37.]
Demetrius, seeing there was now peace throughout the kingdom, and no opposition made against him, disbanded his old hom-bred soldiers, and contined in arms, only those bands of foreigners which he had levied in Crete and other Islands. This turned the hearts of his fathers soldiers against him. [1 Maccab. 11. 38.] who constantly received their salaries from other Kings, his Predecesso • rs in times of peace, so that thereby they might be more ready and more cheerful to serve them upon all dangers, and emergencies. [ Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 8.]
Diodotus, one of Alexander Balas his Commanders, (who after was made King, and took upon him the name of Tryphon) took notice of this alienation of the soldiery from Demetrius. He was born at the Castle of Secoan, in the Apamians Country, and brought up at Apamia. [1 Maccab. 11. 39. Strabo lib, 16. pag. 752. Livy lib. 52. & 55. Josephus lib. 13, cap. 9. Appian. Syriac. pag. 132.] This Tryphon went to Elmalchuel the Arabian (who was entrusted with the education of Antiochus, Alexander Balaters young child) and told him whatsoever Demetrius Nicator had done, and the differences betwixt him and the souldery; urging and pressing him very hard to deliver up unto him the young child, and he would undertake to settle him in his fathers kingdom. But finding the Arabians averse from his motion, he tarried there many days. [1 Maccab. 11. 39, 40.]
In the mean time Demetrius Nicator supposing himself secure and out of Gunshot, proceeded against all those that had appeared against him by unusual kinds of death: Lasthenes, that wicked and rash fellow (who was appointed over the whole kingdom) corrupting the youth, and by his faunings and fair speeches, putting him forward upon most villanous attempts. [ Diod. Sicul. in Excerptis Vales. pag. 346.]
Jonathan sent Ambassadors to Demetrius, [Year of the World 3860] desiring him to remove his Garrison soldiers out of the Tower of Jerusalem, and all other Forts, because they continued to infest the Israelites with war. Demetrius replied, That he would not only grant Jonathan his request, but would also make him and his nation glorious, when he saw convenient time: for the present, he desired him to send him some soldiers to his assistance, in regard his own soldiers were most of them revolted from him. Jonathan gratified him in his request very readily, and sent him to Antioch 3000 stout men, which the King entertained very joyfully. [1 M • ccab. 11. 41, 44.]
Demetrius, well provided with foreign sorces (in whom he reposed greater confidence than in his own) commanded to disarm the Antiocheans: But the Antiocheans did not only refuse to deliver up their arms, but assembled themselves into the midst of the City, to the number of 120000, and attempted to take away the Kings life; they forced him to retreat to his Palace, whereupon they secured all the passages of the City, and began to assault him in the Palace. But the Jews hasted to his relief, who, dispersing themselves about the City, slew on that day near upon 100000 men, fired the City, and took much booty: whereupon the Citizens laid down their arms, and made peace with the King. The Jews having got a great deal of honor in this service both from the King, and the whole kingdom returned richly laden with spoils to Jerusalem. [1 Maccab. 11. 45, 52. compared with Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 346.]
Upon the consuming of the greatest part of Antioch by fire, and the executing of many about the sedition, and confiscation of estates into the Kings Exchequer, many of the Cityzens were forced to escape, what out of fear, what out of hatred to Demetrius, wandering about Syria, catching at all opportunities to avenge themselves of Demetrius. In the mean time, Demetrius, (whose actions had rendered him odious to all men) persisted in his massacres, banishments, confiscations, far surpassing his father in cruelty. [ Diodorus Siculus. Ibid. pag. 349.] Moreover, he did but dissemble with Jonathan: Notwithstanding, his fair speeches, and estranged himself from him, and afflicted him very sorely, [1 Maccab. 11. 53.] he threatened also to wage war with him, unless he would discharge all those tributes, which the nation of the Jews were wont to pay to his Predecessors. [ Josephus, lib. 13, cap. 9.]
Diodotus (who is Tryphon) returned at length into Syria out of Arabia, [The Julian Period 4570] with young Antiochus (son of Alexander Bala and Cleopatra, [Year before Christ 144] the daughter of Ptolemy Philometor) set the Crown upon his head, and vouched him the right heir of the Crown, and surnaming him Theos or Divine. And being provided or a pretty considerable party, in regard all the forces which Demetrius had chashiered came flocking in unto him, he set upon Demetrius in plain field, overcame him in battle, and made him fly into Seleucia. But Diodorus seized on his Elephants, and wan Antio • h. [1 Mac. 11. 54, 55, 56. compared with Livy, lib. 52. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 9. & 12. about the beginning, and Appian. in Syriac. pag. 132.]
Then Antiochus (or rather Diodotus in his name) sent letters and Ambassadors to Jonathan, confirmed the High Priesthood to him, granted him the four Seigniries (Ptolemais perhaps was added to the three which were named in the end of the year before, out of 1 Maccab. 10. 30, 39.) and did him the honor to be one of the Kings friends. He sent unto him also Chargers of gold to be served in, and gave him leave to drink in vessels of gold, and to be clothed in purple, and to wear the golden buckle. Moreover, he appointed his brother Simon General of all the Kings forces, from the tract of Tyre, to the borders of Egypt. [1 Maccab. 11. 57, 58, 59.] Jonathan, being very glad of the favors and honors Antiochus had so bountiful conferred upon him, sent his Ambassadors also to Antiochus, and his Guardian Tryphon, professing that he would be their friend and associate, and join in arms against the common enemy Demetrius, of whose ingratitude he complained, in that he had requited his civilities and courtesies with many shrewd turns, and injuries. [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 9.
Diodotus (all Syria being now in disrelish of Kings) made use of Coracesium a Castle of Silicia, for his head quarters, and moved the Cilicians, to join with him in Pyracy at sea. [ Strabo. lib. 14. pag. 688.]
Demetrius residing at Laodicea, spent his time idly, in revelling and luxury: yet abated nothing of his injurious prosecutions, being no whit reformed by the late calamities which befell him, [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 353.]
At which time Ptolemy Euergetes the second, or Physcon was installed in the Palace at Memphis, according to the solemn Rite of the Egyptians. Queen Cleopatra (who was both sister and wife to him and his brother Philometor) bore him a son: he was so exceeding joyful thereat, that he named him Memphites, because he was born whilst his father was employed in the holy solemnities at Memphis: yet during the celebration of his sons nativity, he abstained not from his cruel practices, but issued out commands to execute some of the Cyrenians (who were the first bringers of him into Egypt) for that they had been somewhat too free and sharp in reproving him for his Curtesan Irene, [ Id. ib. pag. 354.]
When Jonathan had gotten leave of Antiochus, to wage war against Demetrius his Captains, having drawn together soldiers out of Syria and Phenicia, as well as out of other places, he speedily traversed all the Cities situate beyond the River Jordan: and with all his Syrian auxiliaries marched to Askelon, where the Citizens went out to meet him very honourably, But removing from thence to Gaza, he was denied entrance, and the Citizens shut their gates against him; whereupon Jonathan laid close siege to the City, and plundered and fired the Suburbs. This strict proceeding inclined them to petition for peace, which was granted them upon their tender of hostages. Jonathan, after he had sent away the hostages to Heirusalem, marched clean thorough the Country as far as Damascus, [1 Maccab. 11. 60, 61, 62. Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 9.]
The Princes of Demetrius were come to Cades a City of Galilee, upon design of drawing back Jonathan from meddling in Syria, and engaging him in the relief of his own subjects the Galileans. Jonathan marched against them, leaving his brother Simon behind him in Judea: who vigorously assaulted Bethsura many days, and after a long siege, forced them to resign: he threw out Demetrius his soldiers, and put in a Garrison of his own in their room, [1 Mac. 11. 63, 66. & 14. 7. 33. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 9.]
As for Jonathan and his army, they encamped by the Lake of Gennesaret, and betimes in the morning, came to the plain of Asor, where Demetrius his Forces met him, having placed beforehand an ambush amongst the mountains: which as soon as they discovered themselves, the Jews fearing they might be intercepted and put to the sword, betook themselves to their heels: so that all of them deserted Jonathan in this great danger, except Mattathias the son of Abasalom, and Judas the son of Calphi, the two chief Commanders of the army, who stuck to him with a Band of fifty well resolved men: Jonathan, having first humbly implored the Divine assistance, faced about with those few that were with him, charged the enemy, and worsted them: when those that had deserted Jonathan saw that the enemy was put to flight, they returned again into the field, and pursued the enemy to their own Camp, as far as Cades. There fell that day of the Heathens about three thousand men: so Jonathan returned to Jerusalem, [1 Mac. 11. 67, 74. Joseph. ut supr. ]
Jonathan, observing that his affairs were now in a fair way, sent Numerius son of Antiochus, and Antipater son of Jason, Ambassadors to Rome, about confirming and renewing the alliance and association which was formerly begun with Judas Maccabeus, [1 Mac. 12. 1, 16.] To whom also they gave instructions, in their return homeward from Rome to visit the Lacedemonians, and to mind them of the alliance, and ancient League made with the High Priest Onias, the third of that name; sending a letter to the same purpose, wherein the people of Judea amongst other things, signified, how that as a testimony of their continued affection towards them, they constantly remembered them as their own brethren in their solemn sacrifices and devotion, [ Ibid. 2. 3, 18. Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 9.]
Jonathan, having received intelligence how that Demetrius his Commanders were returned with a far greater army, than they had before, to fight against him: drew out of Jerusalem, and marched against them in the Country of Amathis situate in the utmost borders of Canan: And, encamping within 50 furlongs of the enemy, sent out his Scouts to view the enemies posture and fortifications. Jonathan, having learned by some prisoners which the Scouts had brought in, how that the enemy had designed to fall upon them on the sudden, and unawars; commanded his soldiers to stand with their arms all night in a posture ready to receive the enemies charge: placing his guards throughout the Camp. When the enemy heard that Jonathan was drawn up in batalia, and was provided for their onset, they began to be afraid; whereupon they stole away privately by night, having kindled fires throughout the Camp, to deceive the Jews. In the morning Jonathan pursued them, but to no purpose; for they had already gotten to the other side of the River Eleutherus. Jonathan therefore bent his course into Arabia against the Zabadeans (or Nabatians, as Josephus hath it) and smote them, and took their spoils: from thence he removed with his whole body to Damascus, and passed through the whole Country, hunting and chasing the Demetrians from place to place. His brother Simon lay not idle all this while, but was engaged in an expedition as far as Askelon, and the Garrison adjacent, from whence he turned aside to Joppa, and seized on it, and put therein a Garrison of his own soldiers to secure it, for there was a report, that the Citizens had an intention to deliver up that Garrison to Demetrius his party. [1 Maccab. 12. 24, 34. Josephus lib. 13. cap. 9.]
The Ambassados of the Jews were brought into the Senate, where they renewed their amity and league with the Romans; who also gave them letters to the Governors of the several associations, that they should conduct them safe into Judea. [1 Maccab. 12. 3, 4.] In their return homeward, the Lacedemonians likewise created them very civilly, and delivered into their hands the public Decree, concerning the renewing of their amity, and preserving correspondence betwixt them: A copy whereof is recited upon another occasion, [ in the 1 Maccab. 14. 22, 23.] Numenius son of Antiochus, and Antipater, son of Jason, the Jews Ambassadors came unto us, to renew the friendship that was betwixt us. And it pleased the people to receive the men honourably, and to enter a copy of their Embassy amongst the public records, to the end, the people of the Lacedemonians might have a memorial thereof.
As soon as Jonathan was come back to Jerusalem, he assembled the Elders of the people, and consulted with them about erecting of sco • ces and forts in some convenient places of Judea, and about building of the wall about Jerusalem, and a high and strong wall also betwixt the fort (Zion) and the City, to hinder any one from carrying provision from the City to the Fort, for they began their reparations, and when they brought their new work to join with the remains of the old wall towards the East, (where was the brook Cedron) they made up that place which was called Chaphenatha. Simon also went into other quarters of Judea, and built Adida in Sephela, or the plain, and made it strong with gates and bars. [1 Maccab. 12. 35, 38.]
In the 169 year of the account of the Contracts, [Year of the World 3861] in the reign of Demetrius, the Jews in Jerusalem and Palestine, wrote to the Jews in Egypt, concerning the keeping of the feast of tabernacles in the month Chislew. [2 Maccab. 1. 7, 8, 9.] i. e. The feast of the Maccabees Dedication, which was observed according to the prescript of the Mosaic feast of Tabernacles, in the month Tisri. [Vid. supra. Anno Mundi 3840. a. ]
When Tryphon had a design of putting his young pupil Antiochus beside the kingdom, and feared that Jonathan would appear in arms for the right and defense of the young King, he marched with his forces to Bethsane, which by the Gentiles is called Scythopolis, thinking to surprise him: Jonathan, hearing of his coming, made toward him with forty thousand choice men, which so disheartened Tryphon, that he was so far from daring to lay hands on him, that he treated him very nobly, recommended him to all his friends, tendered him many presents, and gave command to his soldiers to be as observant of him, as of himself. In the close, he persuaded Jonathan to dismiss his army, and go along with him to Ptolemais, with a few selected men, promising to resign it up unto him, and what other Garrisons and Forces he had in those parts. Jonathan, giving credit unto him, sent away two thousand of his soldiers into Galilet, and the residue into Judea, reserving only a thousand to himself. But as soon as he was entered Ptolemais, Tryphon commanded the gates to be shut: Jonathan was taken, and all that entered with him were put to the sword: neither was Tryphon satisfied with the massacre of those thousand men, but sent his army and some horse into Galilee, to fall upon those two thousand Jonathan had sent thither: who as soon as they heard of the bloody proceedings against their fellows at Ptolemais, they put themselves in a posture of fight. But Tryphons soldiers, considering with themselves that they had to do with desperate men, retreated back again: And so Jonathan's soldiers came safe into Judea, and all Israel lamented that loss of their Country-men with great lamentation. [1 Mac. 12. 39, 5 • . ]
After this, Tryphon levied a great army to come against Judea, and to wast it. Whereupon, Simon, observing the people much disheartened, went up to Jerusalem, and having assembled the people together, proffered his endeavor to protect them; so they chose him General in the place of Judas and Jonathan his brethren: who gathered all the men of war, made what speed they could to perfect the walls of Jerusalem, and fortified it on every side: He expended vast sums of money out of his own purse, armed all the men of war of his own nation, and received them into pay. [1 Mac. 12. 53, 54. 13. 1, 10. 14. 31, 32.]
Moreover, Simon sent Jonathan the son of Absalom, with a sufficient army into Joppa: who drave out the inhabitants and resided in it himself; and having well fortified it, designing that part for his passage to the Isles of the sea, [1 Mac. 13. 2. and 14. 5, 34.] From whence Strabo also hath noted, that the Jews used this harbor, [ lib. 16. pag. 759.]
Tryphon removed from Ptolemais with his army against Judea, carrying Jonathan along with him his prisoner: as for Simon, he encamped in Adida over against the plain. Tryphon, observing that the Jews had put themselves in a posture of fighting, pretended that he kept Jonathan prisoner, for a debt of a 100 talents of silver: upon discharge of this arrear, he promised to release Jonathan; provided, that he sent two of his sons hostages as a security from Jonathan's attempting to revenge his imprisonment after he got his liberty. But as soon as Simon sent both the money and his brothers sons to him: he falsifyed his engagement, [ Ibid. 12, 19.]
Tryphon upon his march against Judea, bent his course by the way which leads to Adoram (or Doran, a City of Idumea, as Josephus hath it) but Simon's army attended his motion which way soever he went. Those that were in the Fort (Zion) at Jerusalem, sent to Tryphon some Agents, soliciting him very earnestly to make what speed he could to come to them, thorough the Desert, and to supply them with victual. Tryphon was ready with his Horse for the expedition; but there happened such a great fall of snow that night, that he could not possibly get to them. Whereupon he altered his journey, and marched into the Country of Galaad; as soon as he came near Bascama (or Bascha) he put Jonathan to death: who was there buried: which done, Tryphon retreated back into Syria, [ Ibid. 20, 24. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 11.] Jonathan lived after the decease of his brother Judas Maccabeus 17 years, and about 7 months, and enjoyed the High-Priesthood 9 years and a month or two.
Simon sent to fetch away the bones of his brother Jonathan, and buried them at Modin, a City of their ancestors: and all Israel lamented him many days. Simon built a Monument over the Sepulcher of his father and his brothers, all exceeding high, of white stone, polished all over: He erected also 7 Pyramids all of a row, in memory of his father, mother, and his 4 brothers: To these he added a Porch of great Pillars, which were of whole stone, on which he caused the Portraiture of Arms and Ships to be engraven, so lively, that they were conspicuous to all that sailed by that way, [1 Mac. 13. 25, 30. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 11.] Josephus says, this rare Sepulcher at Modin lasted to his time: so doth Eusebius Caesariensis, in his little book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
The Romans and the Lacedemonians very deeply resented the death of Jonathan: but as soon as they understood by Simon's Ambassadors, that he was advanced to the High-Priests Office in his brothers room: They wrote to him in Tables of Brasse concerning the renewing of the amity and league, which they had formerly made with Judas and Jonathan his brothers, [1 Mac. 14. 16, 17.] As for the Romans, they styled the Jews, their Allies, Friends, Brethren, and went forth to meet Simon's Ambassadors in an honorable equipage, [ Ibid. 40.] And the Inscription of the Letters which the Lacedemonians returned by the Ambassadors, (to which also they annexed a Copy of their reply sent before to Jonathan) was this. The Magistrates and Cities of the Lacedemonians to Simon the High Priest, and the Elders, and to the rest of the people of the Jews our Brethren, Greeting, [ Ibid. 20, 24.] The Letters both from the Romans and from the Lacedemonians, were read before the Congregation at Jerusalem, [ Ibid. 19.]
Antiochus, Theos (or the Divine) son of Alexander Bala, was fraudulently slain by his Guardian Diodotus or Tryphon: who corrupted the Surgeons to dispatch him, and to give out that he died of a fit of the stone, whilst they were cutting him. Tryphon began with his own Country, and seized first upon Apamia, Larissa, the Casians, Megara, Apollonia, and the other Cities adjacent: from thence he went onwards to invade the other part of Syria; he put the Crown Royal on his own head, and made a great desolation in the Country, [1 Mac. 13. 31, 32. Livy, lib. 55. Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 752. and Justin. lib. 36. cap. 1.]
Tryphon, having now ascended from a private condition to a Kingly estate, made what haste he could to get his Sovereignty confirmed upon him by the Decree of the Roman Senate. To compass this, he sent by his Ambassadors to the Romans, a golden Meddal of Victory, weighing 10000 crowns: not doubting, but he should obtain from them, the compellation of King, considering the Present which he sent, was not in its self only very rich, and of a good value; but such, whose name carried along with it, the happy prognostication of Victory. But his hopes were deluded by the subtlety of the Senate: who received indeed the Present; but withal ordered, that instead of Tryphons name, the Title of the Princely youth (slain by Tryphons treachery) should be engraven upon it, [ Diodorus. Sicul. Legat. 31.] But he, not one jot dismayed thereat, caused money, whereof some pieces are still extant, to be coined with the Inscription of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : King Tryphon: and, of Tryphon the puissant King. For, having had the confidence to usurp the kingdom itself, he began to take upon him the Title of King also; and to change his old name Diodotus, for that new one of Tryphon, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 132.]
Sarpedon, General of Demetrius his Forces, having received an overthrow by Tryphons army, to whom the inhabitants of Ptolemais associated themselves, retired with his soldiers into the Mediterrean Country: But it happened as the Tryphonian Conquerors marched along the sea coast betwixt Ptolemais and Tyre, that on the sudden a wave of the sea rising to an incredible height, and rushing with a great violence upon the land, soffocated many of them, hurrying some into the sea, and leaving others of them dead in hollow places: and upon its recesse back into its channel, multitudes of fishes were discovered mingled with the dead carcases. Sarpedons soldiers hearing of this disaster, returned thither with all speed: well enough pleased indeed with the destruction of the enemy; but withal gathered up very many of the fishes, and sacriced them before the gates of Ptolemais (where the battle was fought) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 unto Neptune the deliverer, [Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 758. & Athenaus, lib. 8. cap. 2. out of the History of Possidonius, the Stoic. ]
Simon, the Jews General and High Priest, repaired the Garrisons in Judea: fortifying them round with high Towers, great Walls, Gates, and Bars: and supplied them all with victual. His greatest care was to see that B • thsura should be well fortified, which was situate in the confines of Judea, and formerly had been the enemies Magazine: He put in it a Garrison of Jews to secure it, [1 Mac. 13. 33. 14. 7. 33.]
Moreover, Simon, observing how that Tryphons actions were all of them mere rapines, sent by the hands of choice men a Crown of Gold to King Demetrius Nicator; requesting him, that he would release Judea from paying of Tributes, [1 Mac. 13. 34, 37. 14. 10, 33.]
Demetrius, hearing that Simon's Ambassadors were entertained very nobly by the Romans, and that the Jews and the Priests had passed a grant of the government and High-Priesthood to Simon and his heirs, he also confirmed the High-Priesthood unto him, and made him one of his friends, [1 Mac. 14. 38, 41.] He wrote also a letter unto him, thus inscribed. King Demetrius to Simon the High Priest, and friend of Kings, and to the Elders and Nations of the Jews, Greeting: Wherein, he intimated his concluding of a peace with them, a promise of an Amnestie of all past miscarriages, a ratification of all former covenants (made to Jonathan, 1 Mac. 11. 32, 37.) a grant of all the Forts unto them, which they had built, and a release of Tribute to all in general, and of custom arising from commodities put to sale, to those of Jerusalem. Thus was the yoke of the Heathen taken off from Israel, in the 170 year of the kingdom of the Grecians: and the people began to date their instruments, and contracts; In the first year, Simon being the Great High Priest General, and Leader of the Jews, [1 Mac. 13. 35, 42. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 11.]
In those days Simon besiged the Gaz • ans, who upon Jonathan's death rebelled, and compelled them to a surrender, after he had with his battering Engines forced the Tower. He did not put them to the sword, being wrought upon by the importunities of the Citizens, humbly imploring his pity: but drave them all out of the City. After he had cleared the houses of all their idols, and other uncleanness, he entered the City, praying God with Hymns: and after he had placed in the City such as were true worshippers of God: he fortified it, and built a house in it for himself, whereinto he might upon all occasions retire, [1 Mac. 13. 43, 48.]
A sixth observation of the Autumnal Equinox, [Year of the World 3862] was made by Hipparchus in the 36 year of the Calippick Period, on the 4 day of the Egyptian Additionals (September. Julian 26) at evening about sun-set, [ Ptolm. lib. 3. cap. 2.]
Alexandra, afterwards Queen of the Jews, was born at this time, if so be she lived 73 years, as appears out of Josephus, in the last Chapter of the 13 book of Antiquit. and out of the 33 cap. of the Jewish History which is printed at the end of the Paris Bibles of many Tongues, under the title of the second book of the Maccabees. In Arabic we find she was called Salina, out of Eusebius in his Chronicle; Epiphanius in the 29 heresy of the Nazarens, Jerome in [ Dan. cap. 9. and 11.] and Severus [ Sulpitius, in Sacr, Histor. lib. 2.] Eusebius seems to have taken it (as he is wont to do) out of Julius Africanus; and he out of Justus Tiberiensis, or some other ancient Writer of the affairs of the Jews.
When the Garrison soldiers of the Fort at Jerusalem were destroyed, [The Julian Period. 4572] being prohibited from all provision for two years space, [Year before Christ 142] they were forced to yield themselves. Simon turned them all out, cleared the Fort of all the pollutions of the Idols, and went into it himself on the 23 day of the second month (Ijais) in the 171 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, with branches of Palms, Harps, Cymbals, Vials, Hymns, and Songs. He ordained also an anniversary solemnity for this day; in regard thereon they were freed from a pestilent enemy, who annoyed them very much in their going up to the Temple. Moreover, he made the Fort stronger than it was, and the Temple-mount, over which it looked, for the greater security, both of the Country, and of the City, and there he dwelt himself with his company, [1 Mac. 13. 49, 3. 53. & 14. 7. 36, 37.]
Simon seeing his son John (Syrnamed afterwards Hyrcanus) to be a very valiant man, appointed him Captain of all his forces, and dwelt himself in Gazara, [1 Mac. 1 • . 53.] in the confines of Azotus, where the enemies formerly inhabited, but Simon dislodged them, and planted the Jews in their room, [XIV. 7, 34.] namely, that Gadara, which Strabo saith the Jews afterward made their own. [ lib. 16. pag. 759.]
Cleopatra, Ptolemy Philometors daughter, brought unto Demetrius Nicator a young son Antiochuss, surnamed afterwards Grypus, from his hook nose, if so be he lived 45 years, as Josephus computes. [ lib. 13. cap. 21.]
In the 37 year of the third Calippick Period, of Nabonassars 607, on the 20 day of the Egyptian Tyb (January Julian 27 ending) two hours before midnight, an Eclipse of the Moon in Rhodes was observed by Hipparchus. [ Ptolem. lib. 6. cap. 5.]
Demetrius, considering with himself how that now most of his Cities were revolted from him, and had shaken off his command, that he might wipe off the scandal of sloth and sluggishness, determined to engage in a war against the Parthians. Over the Parthians at that time reigned Mithridates, son of King Pampatius, called Arsaces, or Arsacides, (the common name of all the Parthian Kings) nothing inferior to Arsaces himself, his great Grandfather, the founder of the Parthian Monarchy, from whom that surname was derived to all the successors. For he by his prowess extended the Parthian Empire, from the east side, as far as the river Indus, and from the west, as far as Euphrates. [ Justin. lib. 36. cap. 1. and 41. cap. 5, 6. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 4.] Before we treat of Demetrius his Parthian Expedition, it will not be amiss to show how Mithridates arrived to that vast dominion.
At that very juncture of time almost, when as Mithridates began to reign over the Parthians, Eucratides took upon him the command of the Bactrians, gallant men both, but a more benign fortune attended the Parthians, which, under the conduct of Mithridates, led them as it were by the hand, to the highest pinnacle of sovereignty; whilst the poor Bactrians disturbed and tost with several wars, lost in the close, not only their dominions, but their liberty. For after the Sogdians, the Arachats, the Dranganites and the Indians, had well bated them by their continual wars with them: the feeble Parthians set upon them, at last, when they were quite tired, and as it were bloodlesse. [ Justin lib. 41. cap. 6.] Arsaces or Mithridates, having pursued this his victory as far as India, and found no difficulty in subduing the Country, where Porus of old reigned, and the other nations lying between the river Hydaspes and Indus. [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 358. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 4.] These Bactrians were the relics of the Grecians, who having taken Bactriana from the Kings of Syria, the successors of Seleucus Nicator, seized also upon Ariana, and India, and got not only Pattalena into their hands, but all the sea coasts; as well that which is called the kingdom of Tessariostus, as that of Sigartis; and which is more. Apollodorus (against the common opinion indeed) affirms in his book of the Parthian affairs, that they were masters of a greater part of India than ever Alexander himself and his Macedonians were: Adding moreover, That Eucratides had in India under his own jurisdiction 1000 Cities. [ Stra. l. 11. p. 516. & l. 15. p. 686.] As for Eucratides, he in all the wars (for he was engaged in many) behaved himself with much prowess: when he was worn out with the continuance of them, and was closely besieged by Demetrius King of the Indians, although he had not above 3000 soldiers with him by his daily sallies forth, wasted the enemies atruy consisting of 60 thousand: and being at liberty in the fifth month, reduced all India under his command. In his retreat homeward, he was slain by his own son, whom he had made joint partner with him in the kingdom: He did not go about to dissemble or smother his parricide, but drove his Chariot through the blood, and commanded the dead corps to be cast aside into some by-place or other, unburied, as if he had slain an enemy, and not murdered a Father. Whilst these things were acting amongst the Bactrians, a war was commenced betwixt the Parthians and the Medes. The encounters of these two nations had their interchangeable successes for a while: at last, the Parthians got the better. Mithridates, being strengthened by the accession of these forces, appointed Bacasis over Media, whilst he himself marched into Hircania: as soon as he returned from thence, he engaged in a war with the King of the Elymites, beat him, and annexed that nation to his other dominions: so that by his several conquests, he enlarged his Dominion of the Parthians, from the mountain Caucasus, as far as the River Euphrates, [ Justin. lib. 41. cap. 6.] For having conquered Demetrius N • cators Lieutenant, he invaded the City Babylon, and all the borders thereof, [ Oros. lib. 5. cap. 4.]
The Grecians and Macedonians of the upper Provinces, not brooking the insolencies of those strangers the Parthians, sent often Embassages to Demetrius Nicator, engaging themselves, that if he would but come unto them, they would yield themselves up unto him, and join with him in opposing Arsaces the King of Persia and Media. Inflamed with this hope, he made what speed he could towards them: and in the 172 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, having drawn up all his Forces together, marched into Mesopotamia, trusting ere long to get both it, and Babylon, and Media, all at once into his hands: not doubting, but by the association of the upper Provinces with him, he should easily chase Tryphon out of the kingdom of Syria. Upon his arrival into those parts, he was received with great alacrity, and being assisted by the auxliaries of the Persians, Elymites, and Bactrians, gave many an overthrow to the Parthians. But at last, he was over-reached by one of Arsaces his Nobles, who upon pretence of concluding a peace, was sent to seize upon his person. He was surprised by an Ambuscado, and having lost his whole army, fell alive into the hand of the enemy: who led him thorough the streets of the City, shown him to the people which revolted, in mockery of their favor towards him, and at last committed him close prisoner, [1 Mac. 14. 1, 2, 3. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 9. fin. Justin. lib. 36. cap. 1 & l • b. 38. cap. 9.] Gorgius Syncellus adds, how he was kept in irons, and upon that occasion was surnamed Siderites.
Although Arsaces was advanced to such a vast command, yet did he not proceed to luxury and pride, (which is the usual practice of most Princes) but expressed a great deal of Clemency towards his subjects, and valor against his enemies. And when he had brought several Nations under his command, he selected out of everyone of them, the choicest institutions and laws, and communicated them to his Parthians, [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 361.] As for Demetrius who was sent away into Hircania, he did not only freely give unto him the respect due unto a King, but also gave him his daughter to wife, promising moreover, to restore unto him the kingdom of Syria, which Tryphon had disseized him of, [ Justin. lib. 36. cap. 1. & lib. 38. cap. 9.] Although Appian writes that Demetrius lived at Pharaates Court (the Brother and Successor of Mithridates) and married his sister Rhodogu • a, [ in Syriacis, pag 132.]
In the 172 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, on the 18 day of the (6) month Elul, about the ending of the third year of Simon's High Priesthood (commencing from the death of his brother Jonathan, after whom he succeeded in the High Priesthood) in a great assembly of the Priests, and the people, the Rulers of the Nation and the Elders of the Country, an instrument was published, specifying how well Simon had deserved of the Jewish Nation, and the right of Sovereignty granted to him and his posterity, that he should be their Governor, and that he should have the oversight of those that were over the works and reparations of the Temple; over the Governors in the Country, over the Commanders in the army, and the Captains of the Garrisons: That he also should have the charge of the holy things, and should be obeyed of all men; That all writings in the Country should be signed with his name; That he should be clothed in Purple, and wear Gold, That it should not be lawful for any of the Priests or the people, to repeal any of these Decrees, or contradict any thing he spake, or gather any assembly in the Country, without his permission; or to wear Purple, or use the golden Buckle. Simon accepted hereof, and was well contented to execute the High Priests Office; to be General and Commander of the Jews and the Priests, and to be over them all. Then commanded they this writing to be put in Tables of brass, and to be hung on the pillars in the porches of the Temple, in an open place; and that a copy also of the same should be kept in the Treasury of the Temple, that Simon and his sons might take them out upon occasion, [1 Maccab. 14. 26, 49.]
The soldiery growing weary of Tryphons deportment, [Year of the World 3864] revolted from him to Cleopatra the wife of Demetrius Nicator, [The Julian Period. 4574] who at that time had shut herself up with her children in Seleucia. [Year before Christ 140] But she sent to Antiochus brother to Demetrius, her husband (who was close prisoner) offering him marriage, and the kingdom. This she did, partly by the advice of her friends, partly because she feared, least some of the Seleucians would deliver up the City to Tryphon, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 12.]
This Antiochus, son of Demetrius Soter; in Josephus, [ lib. 7. Antiquit. cap. 12. & lib. 13. cap. 16.] is called (because of his religion) the Pious: and [ in lib. 13. cap. 12.] by his fathers surname Soter; in Trogus Pompeius, [ in prolog. lib, 39.] and in Eusebius [ in his Chronicles.] Sidetes, vel Sedetes: either from his hunting (which in Syrick is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) and to which sport he was much addicted, as Plutarch’s Problemes intimate: or from the City Sidon, from whence (as Georgius Syncellus writeth) he came to besiege Tryphon. Justin relates, how that at first he was brought up in Asia, and by his father Demetrius Soter, entrusted, with his elder brother Demetrius Nicator, to an host at Cnidos, [ Justin, lib. 35. cap. 2. & 36. cap. 1.] Appian writes, how that he received at Rhodes, and from the Islands of the sea, the news of his brothers confinement, and what ensued after, [ in Syriac. pag. 132.] We read also in [1 Mac. 15. 1, 2.] that he (after he had assumed upon him the title of King) wrote letters to Simon the High Priest, and Ruler, and to the whole Nation of the Jews.
In these his letters he complained much of the hard usage of his enemies, and shown, that he was now ready to avenge himself, least he might seem to take upon himself the name of a King to no purpose. In the next place, in design of making Simon his friend, he confirms unto him all the immunities and privileges, which other Kings had granted; to which he added a right of coining monies with his own stamp. He decreed moreover, That Hierusulem should be exempted from being under the Kings jurisdiction; promising also, that he would confer more and greater favors, as soon as he was in possession of his kingdom, [ Ibid. 3. 9.]
Numenius, [Year of the World 3865] Antiochus his son, [The Julian Period. 4572] and some other Ambassadors came to Rome from Simon the High Priest and the people of the Jews, [Year before Christ 139] about renewing their League and amity with the Romans: They brought with them a great shield of God of a thousand pound weight. The Present was well taken; and Lucius the Consul gave them letters to the Kings, and to the Provinces, prohibiting them from attempting any thing which might prejudice the Jews, nor abetting and assisting any that should fight against them; and if at any time any Runnagado Jews should flee out of Judea, and come into their parts, they should deliver them up to Simon the High Priest, to be proceeded against according to the laws of their Country, [1 Mac. 14. & 15. 15, 21.]
Lucius was that same L. Calpurnius Piso, the Colleague of L. Popilius Laenas, who was sent into Spain against the Numantines, of whose Consulship mention is made in Valerius Maximus, [ lib. 1. cap. 5.] after this manner. P. Cornelius Hispalus the Praetor, for strangers (Popilius Laenas, and L. Calpurnius. being Consuls) commanded by his Edict, all Chaldeans to depart the City, and Italy within ten days: whose profession it is, by their false interpretation of the influence of the Stars, to cast, thorough their lies, mists upon vain and foolish minds. Although Stephanus Pighsius (out of Cassiodorus his Fasti Consulares ) instead of the praenomen Lucius, hath put Cneus against the authority of the received Copies.
The Kings to whom these Letters were written, were five in number. Ptolemeus Euergetes II. or Physcon of Egypt: Demetrius Nicator of Syria (notwithstanding he was at this time, prisoner to the Parthians.) Attalus Philadelphus of Pergamenine Asia, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, and Arsaces or Mithridates of Parthia. The Cities, Countries, and Islands, were 19. Sampsama, (or as in the Latin, Lampsacus) Sparta, Delos, Mynd • s, Sicyon, Caria, Samos, Pamphylia, Lycia, Halicarnassus, Rhodus, Phaselis, Co os, Sida, Aradus, Gortyna, Cnidus, Cyprus, and Cyrene, [1 Mac. 15. 16, 22, 23.]
In the 174 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, Antiochus Sidetes returned into the land of his fathers, [ Ibid. 10.] where he married Cleopatra, his brothers wife, [ Justin, lib. 36. cap. 1.] who was somewhat vexed for Demetrius his marrying Rhodoguna, daughter to the Parthian King, [ Appian. Syriac. pag. 132.] From this time, Antiochus reigned 9 years, [ Porphyr. & Euseb. ]
Tryphon had but a very small Retinue, almost all his Forces came away to Antiochus. Upon this desertion of the soldiery, he made what haste he could to get into Dora (a maritime City of Phenicia.) Thither Antiochus pursued him, and laid so close siege to the City (both with land Forces, consisting of 120 thousand Foot, and 8 thousand Horse) and also with his Fleet, that he suffered none to pass out or in, [1 Mac. 15. 10, 14.]
In the mean while, Numenius and his company came from Rome, bringing with them letters to the Kings and Provinces, and a copy of the same to Simon the High Priest, [ Ibid. 15, 24.]
Simon sent 2000 choice men with silver and gold, and many Engines of war to Antiochus at the siege at Dora: But he refused them all; brake whatever covenants he had formerly made with him, and wholly estranged himself from him. He sent likewise Athenobius to demand of him, the resignation of Gazara, Joppe, and the Fort in Jerusalem; and to require the Tributs of those places beyond the bounds of Judea which were possessed by him, or in lieu thereof, to demand 500 talents of silver, and in consideration of the hurt he had done, and the Tributes of the Cities, 500 talents more: menacing war ulesse all things were done according to his commands, [ Ibid. 25, 31.]
Athenobius, a friend of the Kings, coming to Jerusalem, as soon as he saw Simon's glory, his cupboard set with gold and silver plate, and other furniture of the house, he was astonished, and told him the Kings message. But Simon denied, that they had seized upon any Towns that belonged to others, but only had recovered from the enemy by law of arms some Towns of their own which were kept back from them. As for Joppe, and Gazara, albeit the people had been much prejudiced by the enemy, yet he offered 100 talents. Athenobius returned back in a rage to Antiochus, and told him both what he had heard, and seen: neither was the King himself less passionate, when he saw that his commands were not submitted unto, nor his great menaces of war regarded, [ Ibid. 32, 36.]
In the mean while Tryphon took shipping and escaped away to Orthosias, another maritime City of Phenicia, [ Ibid. 37.]
Then did Antiochus make Cendebaeus Governor of the sea coast: and supplying him with Horse and Foot, commanded him to build Cedron (or as the Latin edition hath it, Gedor: concerning which Josh. 15. 58.) and to engage the Jews in a war: as for the King himself, he attended Tryphons motion, [ Ibid. 38, 39.]
Cendebaeus being come as far as Jamnia, began to invade Judea, and to take the people prisoners, and to kill and slay: and when he had built Cedron (or Gedor) he placed there some Horse, and some companies of Foot, who were to make outroades into the highways of Judea, as the king had given him order to do, [ Ib. 40, 41.]
John (Hircanus) came up from Gazara, [Year of the World 3866] and signified to his father Simon, what pranks Cendebaeus had played: who now, worn out by old age, committed the whole care and managing of the war to his two elder sons, Judas and John. Whereupon they choose out of the Country, twenty thousand men of war, and with some Horse, marched against Cendebeus, and took up quarters that night at Modin, the place of their nativity. From thence the next morning they took the field, where the enemy met them with a powerful army: howbeit there was a Brook betwixt them. John attempted first to wade over, and then the people followed their Leader apace. He divided his body in such wise, that the Horse being placed in the midst of the Foot, they did mutually protect each other, against the enemies numerous Chevalrly. Then founded they with their holy Trumpets, whereupon Cendebaeus was routed, and many of his army slain; as for the remainder, some of them fled to his Fort (Cedron) which he lately built, and others of them escaped to other places. John (his brother Judas being wounded) pursued them as far as the Towers which were in the fields of Azotus, and in the pursuit, killed about 2000 men: and when he had burnt the Towers to the ground, he lead back his army safe and entire into Judea, [1 Mac. 16. 1, 10.]
Tryphon at last, [The Julian Period. 4576] retired to his own Country-men at Apamea: [Year before Christ 138] at which time that happened which Frontinus relates of him, [ lib. 2. Stratagem. cap. 13.] How that all the way he went, he scattered money, on purpose to retarde Antiochus his soldiers in their pursuit of him, and so escaped out of their hands. But Josephus intimates, That Apamea was taken by assault, and Tryphon killed, in the third year after Demetrius was taken prisoner by the Parthians, [ lib. 13. cap. 12.] Appian writes, That he was at length taken by Antiochus, and slain, though with much ado, [ Syriac. pag. 132.] Strabo, That he was shut up in a certain Castle, and driven to that extremity, that he killed himself, [ lib. 14. pag. 668.] and Georgius Syncellus reports, That being driven out of Orthosias, he leaped into the fire and therein perished.
Hierax, General for the war in Egypt, in regard he was a very expert soldier, and very popular in public assemblies, and moreover of a high spirit, took upon himself the kingdom of Ptolemy Physcon: For, observing Ptolemy in distress for money, and the soldiers for want of their pay ready to revolt to Galaestes, he compressed the mutiny, by paying the soldiers arreares out of his own purse. As for the King himself, the Egyptians plainly vilified and contemned him, when they saw how childish he was in his discourses, how impetuous and prone to the vilest lusts, and how effeminated in his body by his intemperance, [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. H. Valesii, pag. 361, & 362.]
In that part of Asia where Pergamos is, Attalus Philadelphus, brother to Eumenes, grew so dissolute thorough long idleness and peace, that Philopoemen, one of his friends swayed him which way he pleased: in such wise, that the Romans in a jeer to him, would often ask of those that sailed out of Asia; whether the King had any interesse in Philopoemen, [ Plutarch in lib. whether the managing of a Common-wealth ought to be entrusted to an old man ] yet would not Attalus leave his kingdom to any of his own sons; but in his life time, set the Crown upon the head of his brother Eumenes his son (whose Guardian he was) now come to age, and transferred upon him the Title of King, [ Id. in Apophthegm. & in lib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .]
After the death of Attalus the Uncle, Attalus surnamed Philometor, son to Eumenes by Stratonica, daughter of Ariarathes King of the Cappadocians, held the kingdom of Pergamos five years. [ Strabo. lib. 13. pag. 624.]
He no sooner was possessed of the kingdom, but he stained and dishonored it by the massacres of his friends, and proceedings against his kindred; pretending, how that at one time, his mother, an old woman, at another time, Beronice his spouse, died by their enchantments. [ Justin. l. 36. c. 4.] And because he was somewhat jealous of the chiefest and most eminent of his fathers friends, least they should engage in some treasonable act against him, he resolved to dispatch them all out of the way: to that end, out of his barbarous mercenaries, he made choice of the most bloody and covetous of them, and placed them in several private rooms in the palace; and then having called together to Court those of his friends which he had in greatest suspicion, he committed them to the mercy of the barbarians, who slew them, and immediately after issued out his commands to proceed against their wives and children after the same manner: as for his other friends, who had either command in the army, or were appointed over Cities, some of them he removed by circumventions and treachery: others, as fast as he light upon them, he beheaded with their whole families; so that by reason of his cruelty, he became detestable, not only to his own Subjects, but also to his neighbors round about: whereupon all under his dominion harkened extremely after a change in the state. [ Diod, Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 370.]
After this mad furious fit was over, [Year of the World 3867] he put on a nasty garment, let his hair and his beard grow as criminous persons use to do; he appeared not in public, would not show himself unto the people, gave no entertainments at home, or had the least symptom of a man in his wits: insomuch, that he seemed to be haunted by the ghosts of those he had so lately murdered. [ Justin. lib. 36. cap. 4.]
Attalus, [The Julian Period. 4577] having resigned the government of the kingdom to his nephew, [Year before Christ 137] betook himself to diging of Gardens, sowing of herbs, mingling the unwholesome ones with the wholesome; to all of them he gave a tincture of some poisonous juice, and sent them as rare presents to his friends. [ Id. Ibid, ] Neither did he only sow and plant henbane, and hellebore in the Kings Gardens, but also hemlock, woolf-bane, and the herb doryenium, wherewith arrows are wont to be poisoned: He studied also to know the nature of their juyces, seeds, and fruits, and to gather them all in their proper season. [ Plutarch in Demeirio. ] We learn moreover by Varro, [ de re rustic. lib. 1. cap. 2.] Colomella, [ lib, 1. cap. 1.] and Pliny [ lib. 18. cap. 3.] that he writ some books concerning husbandry.
Antiochus Sidetes persecuted extremely those Cities which had revolted in the beginning of his brothers reign, and having mastered them, joined them to his own kingdom. [ Justin. lib. 36. cap. 1.]
Ptolemy Euergetes the second, [Year of the World 3868] (or Phiscon) slew many of those Alexandrians which had called him first into the kingdom, [The Julian Period. 4578] and banished no small number of those, [Year before Christ 136] who in their minority were brought up with his brother Philometor (with whom he had had some differences) and were now come to age. And having given license to his foreign soldiers to kill and slay, as they themselves pleased, all places daily streamed with blood. [ Justin lib. 38. cap. 8. Atheneus, lib. 4. cap. 24. fin. ] Moreover, he divorced Cleopatra herself, who was both his sister and wife, and having first ravished her daughter, a virgin, took her to wife. These strange occurrences so apalled the people, that for fear of death they quitted their Country, and went into banishment, some to one place, some to another, in such wife, that Ptolemy and his company were left alone in so spacious a City: and when he saw that he was a King of empty houses rather than of men, he invited strangers by his edicts, [ Justin ibid. ] And upon that account, replenished the Cities and Islands with Grammarians, Philosophers, Geometricians, Musicians, School-masters, Limners, Physicians, and many other Artizans, who teaching their arts to get their livings, made many excellent men, whereby it came to pass, that the liberal Arts and Sciences, were again restored in those parts; the knowledge wereof was interrupted and grown out of date, by reason of the continual wars and combustions that happened in the times of Alexanders successors, [ Athen. ut supra. ]
P. Scipio Emilianus (who upon the subversion of Carthage, was surnamed Africanus ) Spurius Mummius, and L. Metellus (assigned Ambassadors from the Roman Senate, to • ee in what condition Kingdoms and Cities of their Allies were in, and to comp •• mize their differences) took a strict survey of Egypt, Syria, Asia, and Greece. [ Cicero. in Somnio Scipionis, Strabo lib. 14. pag. 669. Justin lib. 38. cap. 8. Plutarch in Apothegm. Athenaeus, lib. 6. cap. 18. & lib. 12. cap. 27.] Cicero in Lucullo writes, That Scipio was employed in this famous Embassy, before he was made Censor: but in Somn • o Scipionis, the same Cicero saith, it was after he was Censor, a little before his second Consulship: Valerius Maximus vouches this Embassy to be performed by him, after his two Consulships, and his two chief triumphs, the Carthaginian and Numa • tine. [ lib. 4, cap, 3.] Polybius, who in a particular treatise hath made a description of the Numantine war, (as appears out of the 5 lib. of Cicero, ad familiar. epist. 12,) mentioneth this Embassy, (as we gather from Athenaeus, [lib. 6. cap. 8. and out of Soudas in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , compared with Diodorus Siculus, Legat. 32.] not having any fitter introduction to his intented work, then that. Scipio, after he had dispatched that Embassy, was sent out to conclude the Numantine war. And upon that ground, of those three different opinions, we thought it meet to choose the middle one.
In this Embassy, Scipio, out of all his friends, took one companion only along with him, who was not Ca • us Lelius (as it is read in the corrupt Copies of Aurelius victor, de viris illustribus cap. 58.) but Panaetius the Philosopher. [ Cicero in Lucullo, Plutarch in Apothgm. and in lib. de Philosophando cum Principibus, out of Posidonius his History. ] To whom Athenaeus [ lib. 12. cap. 27,] falsely joins Posidonius the Stoic, who was long after him, as shall be made appear in his proper place. Scipio had in his retinue five servants only, by the testimony of Posidonius and Polybius (so that out of them both Valerins Maximus, who assigned seven to him, and Aurelius Victor, who allows two, are to be corrected) and of those one died in the journey, yet would not Scipio buy another servant, but wrote home for another to be sent from Rome to supply his place of the deceased, [ Athenaeus lib. 6. c. 8. Plutarch in Apothegm. ] so that as he passed through the Countries of Allies and Strangers, they did not so much count his slaves as his several victories: neither was notice taken how great a weight of gold and silver he brought along with him, but of the extent of his greatness. [ Valer. Maximus, lib. 4. cap. 3.]
Foreigners repairing to Alexandria upon Ptolemy Euergetes his proclamation, [Year of the World 3869] the Ambassadors of the Romans arrived there. [ Justin lib. 38. cap. 8.] When Scipio came out of the ship to land, he walked with his head covered with his cloak, but the Alexandrians flocking about him, desired him to unvayle his face, and discover himself to the people, for they had a great mind to behold him: which as soon as he condescended unto, they shouted, and made great acclamations. [ Plutarch in Apothegm. ]
As for the King himself, who came to meet the Ambassadors, he seemed somewhat ridiculous to the Romans, for he was of an horrid look, short stature, swag belly, more like a beast than a man: which uncomlinesse he made seem greater, by the thinness of a transparent garment, as if he had contrived on purpose to discover those things, which every modest man would by all means possible endeavor to have concealed; for thus Justin out of Trogus Pompeius, [ lib. 38. cap. 8.] hath described the man, whom Athenaeus out of the seventh book of Posidonius the Stoic, hath represented unto us in this guise, [ lib. 12. cap. 27.] as Natalis Comes hath interpreted him. His body by reason of his luxury was grown gross and foul, and his belly so big, that a man could hardly compass him with his arms, which forced him to wear a long garment, with sleeves down to his ankles nor did he ever walk a foot, unless at this time, in respect to Scipio: who, observing that the King, by reason of this sluggishness and tenderness of body, could scarce with great straining himself, keep pace with him, whispered Panethius in the ear: Now the Alexandrians have re • ped some fruits from our travel hither, who, in civility to us, have seen their King walking. [Plutarch in Apothegm. ] from whence we may perceive, how well Dalechampius, who translated Athenaeus, hath rendered those words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , He never walked on foot, but leaning on his staff.
The King entertained the Legates very nobly, and shown them his Palace and his Treasury. But they, being persons eminent in virtue, contented themselves with reasonable diet, and such as was wholesome, scorning that rich provision as prejudicall, both to the mind and body: as for those things which the King esteemed as rarities and admirable, they only glanced their eyes upon them, and looked on them as things of no value; but what was worth their eying, those things they viewed most exactly, viz. The cituation of the City, and capacities thereof; and particularly Pharos, and what belonged thereto: thence they sailed to Memphis, and took notice of the goodness of the Country, the conveniences of Nile, the number of the Cities, the infinite thousands of inhabitants, the fortification of Egypt, and the excellency of the Country, how well it was provided, both to the security and extent of an Empire. In brief, having sufficiently admired both the populousnesse of Egypt, and the conveniences of the places therein, they were of opinion, that the kingdom of Egypt would easily swell into a vast Empire, if it were so fortunate as to meet with masters answerable. After they had well viewed Egypt, they went to Cyprus, and from thence into Syria. [