The Annals of the World
To Mithridates Euergetes King of Pontus was born that famous Mithridates, surnamed Dionysius or Bacchus, and Eupator, whereupon he called the City which he built Eupatoria. [Appia • . in Mithridat. p. 176. & 251.] But he was both born and bred in the City Sinope, and therefore held it always in high esteem, and made it the Metropolis of the whole kingdom. [ Strabo lib. 12. pag. 545.]
In the same year that Mithridates was born, there appeared a great Comet, [ Justin lib. 37. cap. 2.] The very same which Seneca speaks of in lib. 7. cap. 15. of his natural Questions. In the time of Attalus his reign, there appeared a Comet, at the first but small, but afterwards it elevated and spread itself, and came as far as the Equinoctial circle, so that its extent equalized that region of the heaven, which we call the milky way. For we allow (with Eutropis [ lib. 6.] and Orosius, [ lib. 6. cap. 5.] who usually follow Livy) to Mithridates 72 years of life: but if we had said with Appian, [ pag. 249.] that he he lived only 68 years, or 69 years, then this Comet had appeared after Attalus was dead, and not in his reign.
Simon the High Priest, [The Julian Period. 4579] and ruler of the Jews, [Year before Christ 135] traversing the Cities of Judea, and providing for their orderly government, came down with his sons, Mattathias and Judas to Jericho, in the 177 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, the eleventh month, which is called Sabal. There Ptolemy the son of Abubus (Simon the High Priests son in law) entertained them in Doc Castle which he had fortified. This Ptolemy being by his father in law appointed over the province of Jericho, and a very wealthy person, had a great mind to get the government of the Country to himself: whereupon, whilst he was treating Simon and his sons with a banquet, where they had drank somewhat freely, he with his army of Ruffians, whom he had placed in some private place, entered into the house, and treacherously slew Simon and his sons, and some of his servants. [1 Maccab. 16. 11, 17.] Josephus relates, how that Simon was slain at a banquet by the treachery of his own son in law, after he was set over the Jews just eight years. [ lib. 13. cap. 14,] But we gather out of the story of the Maccabees, that he, after the decease of his brother Jonathan discharged the High Priests office for the space of eight years and about three months.
Ptolemy immediately after acquainted Antiochus Sidetes the King with this Villany, desiring him that he would send an army to his assistance; and he would soon deliver the Country and Cities of the Jews into his hands. [1 Maccab. 16. 18.] This so sudden intimation of that fact to the King, and the promise of resigning up the Country unto him, gives occasion to suspect, that this business was not undertaken, but with the Kings privity; and that that place of honor which the traitor so much aspired after, was before engaged unto him by the King, as a reward of the enterprize, as Jacobus Salianus observes in the epitomy of his Annals: to which is to be reserved that passage in the Pologue of the 36 book of Trogus Pompeius. Antiochus, after Hircanus was slain, subdued the Jews. Hircanus the son, falsely put for Simon the father; as on the contrary, Eusebius in Chronic, touching upon the history, of the conquest of Judea by Antiochus, writes, That he forced Simon the High Priest to conditions, putting Simon the father, instead of Hircanus the son.
This Perfidious Ptolemy sent other villains to Gazara, to supprize John (Hircanus) and to kill him: He trucked also with the Colonels of the Jewi • sh Militia, and wrote letters unto them, whereby he made large promises to them, if so be they would revolt to his side. He dispatched others also, to seize upon Jerusalem, and the mountain of the Temple: but one ran before to Gazara, and told John, that his father and his brethren were slain, and that others were sent to do as much to him. John, although much astonished at the sad news, persecuted the murderers, by falling upon them first; and so was made High Priest in the room of his father. [1 Maccab. 16. 19, 24.]
He •• ends the first book of the Maccabees, containing the History of XL years, which Josephus continuing onwards, begins with an improbable relation: for says he, John Hircanus escaped in the very nick to the City, and was received in by the people, who shut out Ptolomei, attempting to enter in at another gate; that John after he had discharged the holy services, led his army out of the City against Ptolomei, and shut him up in the Fort Dagon, situate above Jericho, that whilst John was endeavoring to reduce the fort, Ptolemy commanded to bring both Johns mother, and his two brothers, who were with him in the Fort, and to scourge them soundly with whips, threatening moreover to throw them down over the wall, except he desisted. That John touched with commiseration of their hard usage, grew somewhat cool and faint in his opposition: and although, the mother very resolutely exhorted the son not to relent out of affection to her, but to do what in him lay to take vengeance of the traitor, yet the hard usage of his mother made such a deep impression in his affections, that he surceased his batteries as often as he beheld his mother whipt. But the Sabbathical year coming on, in which the Jews rested from their works, as on the seventh day John raised his siege, and Ptolemy was set at liberty: who, after he had killed Hircanus his mother, and brothers, flew to Zeno, surnamed Cotylas, who was governor of Philadelphia. [ Josephus lib. 1. of the war, cap. 2. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 14, 15.]
All which Salianus in the sixth Tome of his Annals, convinces of a great deal of variety, considering the persons, time and place, [ ad Ann. Mundi. 3919. Sect. 5, 6, 7. & 3920. Sect. 5, 6.] Where he well adviseth to take notice, That in the Sabbatical year, the waging of war, or besieging of Cities, or raising of sortifications, was nowhere prohibited to the Jews, by the Law of God. To which we add moreover, That this year indeed was the Sabbatical year, but it began not after, but four months before, Simon's death, viz. in the beginning of the CLXXVII year of the account of the contracts, as appears by the list of the Sabbatical year, kept by the Jews themselves to their very times.
In the 43 year of the third Calippick Period, on the 29 day of the Egyptian month, Mechis (on the beginning of the 24 day of the Julian March) after midnight, the Vernal Equinox was observed by Hipparchus, [ Potlem. lib. 3. cap. 2.] and at the end of the same year of the same Period, the summer solstice was also observed by him, [ Id. ibid. ]
Antiochus Sidetes, in the end of the fourth year of his reign, and in the beginning of the first of Hircanus, entered with an army into Judea, and having wasted the Country, forced Hircanus to retire to the City Jerusalem and then laid siege to it, at seven places, having divided his whole army into seven brigades, that so he might obstruct all the passings to and fro of the besieged. [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 16.]
Scipio Africanus, and the other Roman Ambassadors, having travelled through very many parts of the world, were received generally with a great deal of affection and love: wheresoever they came, they did their utmost to compromise differences, by reconciling some, and persuading others to yield to what was just and equal: those that were impudently refractory, they forced to a condescension, and when they met with any causes, which were somewhat difficult to be decided, those they referred to the Senate. And having had this commerce with divers Kings and people, and renewed their ancient friendship and alliance with all of them, they returned home: Those whom they had visited, dispatching Ambassadors to Rome, who applauded the Senate for sending such men unto them. [ Diodorus Siculus. Legat. 32.]
The siege of Jerusalem was prolonged, through the strength of the walls, and courage of the defendants: At last, on the other side of the wall, where the passage was more level, Antiochus erected an 100 Towers, three stories high, and having placed in them bands of soldiers, daily attempted the walls. He made also a double trench, both long and broad, so that the Jews were so straightly begirted, that they could not get out any way. On the contrary, they within made often sallyes forth, and if at any time they found the enemies Camp any whit neglected in their guards, they fell upon them, but if ready for resistance, they retreated back to their holds. [ Josephus lib. 13. cap. 16.]
Hircanus, after he had considered how prejudicial the multitudes of them in the City would be unto him, by reason of the unprofitable consuming of the victual, cast the infirmer route out of the walls, reserving only such as were able to bear arms: But Antiochus would not suffer them to pass, so that being • orced to wander about the walls, many of them miserably perished by famme. [ Id. Ibid. ]
When the feast of tabernacles was come, [Year of the World 3870] they took pity upon the excluded, and received them again into the City. They requested also Antiochus, that he would for their feast sake grant a cassation of hostility for seven days, which he did not only indulge unto them, but also brought, in great pomp, to the very gates of the City, Bulls with guilded horns, and gold and silver Cups filled with all manner of spices: and having delivered sacrifices to the Priests of the Jews, and made a feast to the army, he returned to the Camp. [ Id. Ibid. cum Plutarch in Apothegm. ]
When upon the setting of the Pleiades, plentiful showers had supplied the besieged with water, (for want whereof they were much distressed before,) and the Sabbatical year being now ended, if the Jews were hindered from sowing their grounds, a famine must undoubtedly have followed: Hircanus, considering Antiochus his justice and piety, sent Ambassadors unto him, requesting him, that he would give them leave to live according to the laws of their forefathers. Many of the Kings friends pressed him to demolish the City, and to put the whole nation of the Jews to the sword, as being a people unsociable, and severed from all other nations by their peculiar constitutions: or if not so, yet they urged him at least to abrogate their laws, and force them to change their manner of life. But the King, who was of a high spirit, and gentle in his behavior, rejected their counsel, and approving the Jews piety, commanded, that the besieged should deliver up their arms to him, dismantle the City walls, pay all customs due from Joppe, and the other Cities without Judea, and moreover, receive a Garrison into them: upon their conditions he would conclude a peace with them. They consented to all the Kings propositions, excepting that one of receiving in a Garrison amongst them, in regard that they would avoid all commerce with strangers. In leiu of that, they chose rather to give hostages, amongst whom Hircanus his own brother should be one, and 500 talents besides; whereof, 300 were paid down presently after; so they threw down the battery from the wall, and raised the siege, and discharged the Jews of all impeachments. [ Joseph. ibid. cum Diodorus. Sicul. lib. 34. in Bibliotheca. Photii. • cod. 244.]
Hircanus having opened the Sepulcher of David, which was the richest of all the King, took thence 3000 talents: in confidence of this treasure, he began to entertain foreign auxiliaries, which never any of the Jews did before: so Josephus, [ lib. Bell: 1. cap. 2. lib. 3. Antiquit. cap. 12. & lib. 13. cap. 16. & lib 16. cap. 11.] of this, [see Salianus his censure, Tom. 6. of his Annals in the year of the World, 3921, Sect. 8, 9,]
In the first year of Hircanus Matthias, surnamed Aphlias the son of Simon Psellus, Priest of the course of Joarib, had by the daughter of Jonathan the High Priest, Matthias surnamed Curtus, the great grandfather of Josephus the Historian, as he himself shows in the beginning of the book of his life.
P. Africanus, [The Julian Period. 4580] and Gaius Fulvius, [Year before Christ 134] being Consuls, there arose a servile war, from the servants in Sicilia, [ Liv. lib. 56. Julius Obsequens, de prodigiis. ] It was commenced by one Eunus a servant, a Syrian, born in the City Apemea, a man much addicted to magical incantations, and juggling. He feigned himself to have received the knowledge of future events, by the inspiration of the gods, first appearing to him in his sleep, but afterwards, when he was awake. And although he failed in many of his prognostications and predictions, yet because in some he hit right by chance, nobody objected his errors, but for his true predictions, they were diligently noted and applauded, so that his name began to be cried up more and more amongst men. At last, feigning himself mad, whilst he pretended the ceremonies of the goddese of Syria, and gave out, That she had appeared unto him in his sleep, and promised to promote him to kingly honor, he stirred up the servants to appear for their liberty, and to take up arms, by the command of the gods; and to prove that this was no design of his own head, but proceeded first from the instigation of the gods: he concealed in his mouth a nutshell, crammed with sulphur and fire, so that his breath caused him to send out a flash of fire as often as he spake. This very miracle raised him two thousand men at first, of the ordinary sort, which he improved in an instant to an army of 40 thousand, having broken open the prisons by law of arms. Hereupon, Eunus was by the slaves created King, who after the Crown was set upon his head, and his wife (who was also a Syrian, and his fellow Citizen) proclaimed Queen, chose out of the whole company, some that seemed wiser than the rest, to be of his council, styling himself Antiochus, and his associates, the revolting Syrians. These fellows succeeded so fortunately, that Cleon, another slave, was encouraged by these successes, to raise an army also, he was born in Silicia, not far from Mount Taurus, an high-way robber from his youth. But he submitted himself upon Eunus his bare command, who as King made him his General, in regard he had an army of 5000 of his own soldiers (or as it is in Livy his Epitomie, 70000.) This was done about 30 days after the first breaking out of the rebellion: which because the Pretors were not able to quell it, was turned over to C. Fulviu the Consul. [ Diodorus. Sicul. lib. 34. in Photii. Bibliotheca. cod. 244. & Excerptis. II. Valesii, pag. 369, 370. Liv. lib. 56. Florus, lib. 3. cap. 19.] This president caused the like descention of slaves in some other places, particularly at Delos, [ Diodorus. Sicul. ut sup. ] in which Island there was such a shop of slaves, that it could take in and put off again myriades of them in a day; insomuch, that it grew into a proverb, Merchant, put in h • there, set forth your slaves, you shall sell them all off immediately. [Strabo. lib. 14. 668.]
Scipio Africanus, the other Consul, was marched into Spain, to put an end to the Numantine war, whither 'King Attalus sent unto him out of Asia very costly presents, as we find it in Ciceros Oration, in the behalf of Dejotarus, which Scipio took in the • ight of his army. The like was done by Antiochus Sidetes, as appears in the Epitome of Livies 57 book: Though it was the fashion of other Generalls to conceals Kings gratuities, yet Scipio said, he would receive the rich gifts which Antiochus Sidetes sent him in open Court: and commanded moreover the treasurer to register them all in the public Tables, that so he might have wherewithal to reward the gallantry of his Soldiers.
Attalus, [Year of the World 3875] the last King of Pergamos in Asia, [The Julian Period. 4581] called Philometor, [Year before Christ 135] having given himself over to the working in art of brass, and being much delighted in making of instruments, and melting and stamping of brass; at last, set upon making a Sepulcher for his mother: but being too intent of the work, he caught a surfeit by reason of the violent heat of the furnace, and died the seventh day after, [ Justin, lib. 36. cap. 4.]
Eudemus of Pergamos brought Attalus his Will to Rome, and delivered to Tiberius Gracchus the tribute of the people, the King of Pergamos his Crown, and Purple Robes, [ Plutarch in Tiber. Gracch. ] In the Will was written; Let the people of Rome be the heir of my goods. So that the people of Rome, reckoning the kingdom as part of the Kings goods, held that Province, not by force of arms, but by virtue of the Will, [ Florus, lib. 2. cap. 20.] Whereas Asia by the Will of Attalus the King, was so bequeathed to the people of Rome (if so be it was bequeathed) that it ought to be free, [ Liv. lib. 59.] Indeed the Romans are charged with the counterfeiting of this Will in Mithridates his letter to Arsaces, in the fourth of Salusts History. And that they were not lawful heirs to Attalus, Horace himself gives a private hint: as Acron hath observed in his notes upon the 18 Ode of the second book of Verses.
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, desirous to purchase unto himself the people's favor, ordained by the agrarian law (which from him was called the Sempronian law ) that land in Asia should be framed out by the Roman Censors: and to that end published a law to the people; That as soon as the money bequeathed by King Attalus was come, it should be divided amongst the Citizens, who were by the Sempronian law to rent the lands, towards the managing of their farms, and providing instruments of husbandry. As for the Cities of the kingdom of Attalus, he denied that the Senate had anything to do with them, and that he intended to refer them to an assembly of the people, [ Cicero, Verrin. 2. Liv. lib. 58. Plutarch, in Tib. Gracch. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 8.] But because in an assembly of the tribunes held that Summer, it was moved, that he might be continued Tribune of the people for the year following, he was stabbed in the Capitol, by the designment of P. Cornelius Nasica, the Pontifex Maximus, [ Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 358.] Scaevola and Pison being Consuls, [ Ascon. Pedian. in Verrin. 2.] the same Summer in which Attalus died.
Aristonicus falsely pretending his descent from the Blood Royal, [Year of the World 3872] as says Vellius Paterculus; indeed the son of King Eumenes, and the brother of Attalus deceased, though not by lawful wedlock, but by an Ephesian Curtesan, the daughter of a Musician, invaded Asia in right of his father. Most of the Cities (living formerly under kingly government) he easily persuaded to be of his side; and those few which for fear of the Romans stood out against him, he reduced by force, [ Liv. lib. 59. Velles. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 4. Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 646. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 20. Justin. lib. 36. cap. 4. Plutarch, sub. fin. Vitae. T. Q. Flaminin. Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 360. & Muhridatic. pag. 212. Eutrop. lib. 4.]
The first place which he wrought to a revolt, was a little Town called Leucas: but he was soon thrust out thence upon a defeat given him by the Ephesians in a sea-fight near Cuma, [ Strabo, ut supr. ]
From then Aristonicus marched into the midland, [The Julian Period. 4582] where he drew together a numerous company of beggarly persons, [Year before Christ 132] and slaves, whom he incited to stand up for their liberty, and whom he called Heliopolitans, [ id. ibid. ] Whatsoever slaves had the hap to live under hard masters, quitted their services, and ran away to him: and gave great overthrows to many Cities, [ Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesti, pag. 362.] Aristonicus first set upon Thiatira, next seized upon Apollonias, and afterwards the other Garrisons, [ Strabo, ut supr. ] Myndus, Samos, Colophon, he took by storm, [ Florus lib. 2. cap. 20.]
To stop his careere, all the Cities round about sent their Forces: Nicomedes king of Bithynia, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, Phylaemenes of Paphlagonia, and Mithridates of Pontus, brought their supplies to the Romans against him. Moreover, five Legates came from Rome, [ Strabo, ut supr. cum Justin. lib. 37. cap. 1 & Eutrop. lib. 4.]
In the 38 year under king Euergets, (the second, or Physcon, the Epoch of his reign, being taken from the time he began to reign with his brother Philometor, concerning which see above ad ann. Mundi, 3835.) Jesus the son of Sirach born at Jerusalem, coming into Egypt, and residing there, translated the book of his Grandfather Jesus (called by the Greeks Panaretos, and Eeclesiasticus ) out of Hebrew into Greek, as he himself shows in the Preface to his translation: which very book, Heirome in his 115. Epist. says, he hath seen in the Hebrew, with this inscription. The parables of Jesus son of Sirach.
P. Rupilius, being raised from the condition of a Sicilian Publican, to the honor of Consulship, quelled the insurrection of the slaves in Sicily, [ Liv. lib. 59. Ascon. Pedian. Verrin. 4. Va • er. Maxim. lib. 2. cap. 7. & lib. 6. cap. 9.] At his besiege of Taurominium, he took prisoner Comanus, Cleons brother, as he was stealing out of the City: and a while after, upon Sarapion the Syrians betraying the Fort unto him, he seized upon all the fugitives in the City: whom after he had put upon the rack, he tumbled down headlong. From thence he marched to Euna, where he encountered with Cleon the General, who marched out of the City to fight him: Cleon behaved himself very gallantly, and received many a wound before he fell: as soon as the General was slain, that City also was betrayed unto the Consul. As for Eunus, the king of the Rebels, he took along with him 600 of his men and escaped as fast as he could to the craggy mountains for his security; where for fear of the pursuers they crept into caves, from whence, he and four more of his company were dragged out, and cast in prison at Morgantina, where he lay so long, until his body purified and resolved into lice. A lamenable death it was, but his rash enterprises deserved no better, [ Diodorus. Sicul. lib. 34. in Photii, Bibliothec. cod. 214.]
In the 8 year of Antiochus Sidetes, [Year of the World 3873] about 10 of the clock in the forenoon, [The Julian Period. 4583] on the 21 day of the month Peritius, [Year before Christ 131] or February, there happened an earthquake at Antioch in Syria; as may be gathered out of the Chronicles of John Malela of Antioch.
L. Valerius Flaccus, and P. Licinius Crassus, being Consuls, it was propounded to the people, whom they would be pleased to assign for the managing of the war against Aristonicus: Crassus the Consul, and Pontifex Maxim. threatened to set a fine upon Flaccus who was his Colleague in the Consulship, and Mars his Flamen, if so be he left the holy services. The people took off the fine, yet enjoined the Flamen to observe the Pontilex: Yet for all that, the people would by no means give their consent, that the managing of the war should be committed to a private person: although Scipio Africanus were the man they pitched upon, who the year before had triumphed over the Numantians: but voted the war should be entrusted rather to Crassut the Consul, than to Africanus who was but a private person, [ Cicero, in Philippic. 11.] And so the Pontifex Max. (which was more than ever was done before) went out of Italy, Liv. lib. 59.]
Antiochus Sidetes marched with his army against Phraates, who succeeded his brother Arsacides, or Mithridates, in the kingdom of Parthia: his design was to fetch back his brother Demetrius Nicator. Phraates had twice taken him as he was fleeing away, and sent him back into Hircania to his wife Rhodoguna and his children: not out of commiseration towards them, or respect of his own alliance to them, but because he aspired to the kingdom of Syria, and therefore might make use of Demetrius against Antiochus his brother, as occasion should serve, and the event of the war require. Whereupon Antioch • s thought it best to begin first, and therefore led his army, which he had already hardened in the wars which he had with his neighbors, into Media against the Parthians, [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 9, 10. & lib. 42. cap. 1. Liv. lib. 59. Athenaeus, lib. 10. cap. 12. & lib. 12. cap. 19. Appian. Syria • . pag. 132.]
But his preparation for luxury was not less, than that for the wat: for 300 (Orosius 200) • housand scullions followed his army, which consisted of 80 (Orosius saith 100) thousand men: The greater number of them were Cooks, Bakers, and Stage-players, [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 10.] Antiochus entertained constantly every day such a multitude of guests, that besides what was eaten at table, and taken off by heaps, everyone of the guests carried away with them whole joints of meat untouched; flesh of sour-footed beasts, fowls, sea-fish, ready dressed: there was moreover provided much sweet-meats, made of candid honey, many coronets of frankincense and myrrh, with knots and ribbands of Gold, which being let down at length, were as high as a man, [ Posidon. Apamous, Historiar. lib. 14. apud Athenaeum, lib. 5. cap. 9. & lib. 12. cap. 19.] The soldiery imitating this his blind and mad profuseness, drave silver nails into the soles of their shoes: they prepared also silver vessels for kitchen service, and adorned their tents with woven Imagery. All which might rather seem a booty to encourge the enemy, than be a means to retard and slacken the hands of a courageous man to pursue a victory, [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 1. & Justin. lib. 38. cap. 10.]
As soon as Antiochus was come into those parts, many of the Eastern Kings tendered themselves and their kingdoms unto him, cursing and devoting the insolencies of the Parthians: Neither was it long before he engaged the enemy. Antiochus having had the better in three several battles, and being seized of Babylonia, began to be in some repute: so that the Parthians had nothing left but their own Country, the people generally falling off from them to Antiochus, [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 10.]
In this expedition, John Hircanus the Jews High Priest and Ruler, followed Antiochus with his supplies: of whom Nicholaus Damascenus hath related this passage in his general History. Antiochus having erected a Trophie near the River Lycus, where he overthrew Indaetes, the Parthians General, tarried there two days upon Hircanus the Jew his entreaty, because it happened that one of the Jews solemn festivals fell out at that very time, during which, it was not lawful for the Jews to travel. It was the feast of Penticost, which drew on after the Sabbath: all which time the Jews were prohibited to take any journey. [ Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 16.] When that was over, John having overthrown the Hyrcani, in battle, and from thence obtained the name Hyrcanus, (as is supposed by Eusebius in his Chronicle, and Severus Sulpitius, in the second Book of his Holy History.) returned home again with a great deal of honor.
P. Crassus the Consul, coming into Asia, to quell King Aristonicus, by his great industry, grew so expert in the Greek tongue, that he knew it most exactly, as it is divided into its five Dialects, which procured him a great deal of favor and love amongst the Allies, when they saw he returned answer to their demands, in the very same Dialect that they themselves made their addresses in. [ Valer. Maximus, lib. 8. cap. 7. Quintilian. lib. 11. cap. 2.]
When the same Crassus was preparing to lay his siege to Leucas, and wanted a strong and large beam to make a Ram of, to batter the walls of the Town; he wrote to the chief Carpenter of the Moleatenses, who were confederates and Allies of the Romans, That of two Mastes which he had seen there, he should be sure to send him the biggest. The Carpenter, understanding wherefore he desired the Maste, did not, as he was bid, send the greater, but the less, supposing it more fit for the purpose, and easier for carriage: Crassus ordered him to be sent for, and when he had demanded, how chance he had not sent that Maste which he required, not weighing his excuses and reasons, commanded him to be stripped, and whipt: being of opinion, that all regard and respect due to superiors would soon decay and vanish, if so be a man might be suffered to answer a command, not with that obedience which is expected, but with an officious giving his advice. [ A. Gell. lib. 1. cap. 13.]
Antiochus Sidetes, [Year of the World 3874] in regard of his great number, divided his army into winter quarters through the Cities: which upon the exacting of free quarter, and the misdeamours of the souldery, fell off from him, [ Justin lib. 38. cap. 10.] where above all others, Athenaeus, one of Antiochus his Captains, was intolerably insolent into whatsoever quarters he came. [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 374.]
P. Crassus, Proconsul of Asia, notwithstanding he was very strong, what with his own forces, and the supplies sent him from the Kings of Bithynia, Pontus, Cappadocia, and Paphlagonia, yet at the end of the year, adventuring to engage the enemy before he had put his men in a posture to fight, was overcome, and after a great slaughter of his men, his army was forced to fly: As for himself, he fell into the hands of the enemy, being taken near Leucas, between Elea and Smyrna, by an ambush of Thracians, whereof Aristonicus had good store in Garrison. But the Consul, remembering of what family he was descended, and that he was a Roman, thrust the stick, with which he used to guide his horse, into the eye of the Thracians, who had the charge of him, who being enraged by reason of the pain and anguish, run his sword into Crassus his side: thus by contriving a way to die, he avoided both disgrace and servitude. His head was presented to Aristonicus, and his body interred at Smyrna. [ Liv. lib. 59. Vellei Patarcul. lib. 2. Strabo. lib. 14. pag. 646. Valer. Maxim. lib. 3. cap. 2. Flo. lib. 2. cap. 20. Justin, lib. 36. cap. 4. Julius Obsequens de prodigiis Europ. lib. 4. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 10.]
M. Perperna Consul, [The Julian Period. 4584] who succeeded Crassus, [Year before Christ 130] hearing of his death, and the overthrow of the Roman army, made what speed he could into Asia: where he surprised Aristonicus, keeping, as it were, holyday for his late conquest, and put him to flight, not having at that time his forces about him. He escaped to Stratonice, whither the Consul hasted after him, and laid such close siege to the City, that he forced it to resign for want of provision; he took Aristonicus prisoner, and kept him in bonds, [ Liv. Patercul. Strabo, Florus, Justin, Oros. Eutrop. ut supra. Valer. Max. lib. 3. cap. 4.]
Belosius Cuma, who after the death of Tiberius Gracchus, (whom he so highly esteemed, that if he had commanded him to set fire to the Capitol, he professed he thought it no shame to have put it in execution) went from Rome to Aristonicus into Asia: when he saw how Aristonicus his affairs, went backwards, he slew himself. [ Plutarch in Tib. Graccho. ]
Just before the taking of Aristonicus, news was brought to Rome, how the image of Apollo at Cuma wept for four days together: the southsayers were so apalled at the prodigy, that they had thrown the image into the sea, had not the old men of Cuma interceded; but the more expert southsayers answered, that thereby the fatality of Greece was portended, from whence that image was brought. Hereupon the Romans sacrificed, and brought offerings into the temple. [ Iul. Obsequens, de prodigiis, Augustine. de Civit. Dei, lib. 3. cap. 11.]
Phrygia was recovered by the Romans, [ Iul. Obsequens, ibid. ]
Phraates sends Demetrius Nicator into Syria, with a company of Parthians to seize upon that kingdom, hoping thereby to draw Antiochus out of Parthia, to save his own Country; in the mean time, not being able to annoy Antiochus in open war, he endeavored by all means to surprise him with stratagems. [ Justin, lib. 38. cap, 10.]
The Cities, where Antiochus his army had taken up their winter quarters, taking it very ill that they were oppressed with the quarter, and not brooking also the incivilities of the soldiers, revolted to the Parthians: and upon a set day, all of them fell upon the army as it lay dispersed in their several quarters, having so placed ambushes, that they could not come to assist one another. As soon as Antiochus had notice hereof, he marchto the relief of those that were next to him, with that company which quartered with him. [ Id. ib. ]
The Swallows built nests in Antiochus his pavilion, but he neglecting the prodigree, encountered the enemy, [ Jul. Obsequens, de prodig. ] And truly, for his own part, he expressed more gallantry in his engagement with Phraates, whom he met in the way, than his army did; but at the close, his party cowardly ran away, and deserted him, [ Justin ut sup. ]
The first man that took himself to his heels, and deserted Antiochus, was Athenaeus, who flying to some of those villages, which he had provoked by his insolencies, when he was quartered amongst them, had the doors shut against him, and was denied victuals by all: so that he was forced to wander up and down the Country, till at length he died for hunger. [ Diodorus Siculus. in Excerptis Valesii, pag. 374, 377.]
As for Antiochus himself, Julius Obsequens, [ lib. de prodigiis. ] Justinus, [ lib. 38. cap. 10. & 39. cap. 1.] Josephus, [ lib. 15. cap. 16.] Eusebius, [ in his Chronicle. ] and Orosius [ lib. 5. cap. 10.] relate, That he was slain by the Parthians in that fight. Appian reports, That being worsted in the battle, he laid violent hands upon himself. [ in Syriac. pag. 132.] Elianus tell us, That upon his ill success, he threw himself down headlong from a steep place. [ lib. 10. de Animalib. cap. 34.] Some Modern Writers think he was stoned to death by the Priests of the Temple Nannea in Persia, whither he came with the remainder of his army, with an intention to ransack the Temple: Supposing with Rupertus Tuitiensis, [ lib. 10. de victoria Verbi Dei, cap. 6. 16. 24.] that this was the same Antiochus, of whom mention is made in the Epistle of the Jews at Jerusalem to their brethren in Egypt. [2 Mac. 1. 10, 17.]
When Arsaces (so Phraates was called by the general name of the Kings of Parthia) interred the dead corps of Antiochus, Posidonius of Apamea, in the 16 book of his Histories, [ according to Athenaeus, lib. 10. cap. 12.] reports that he said, reproving his debauchery; Thy wine, O Antiochus, and thy two great confidences have deceived thee: for thou hopeast in thy great cups, to have swallowed down the kingdom of Arsaces.
After Antiochus his funeral was over, which Phraates discharged in a Princely manner, he was enamored with Demetrius his daughter, whom Antiochus had brought along with him, and took her to wife: and now he began to repent of his sending Demetrius away: wherefore he dispatched in all hast some troops of Horse to fetch him back again; who found Demetrius, fearing some such thing, seated in the kingdom, so that having attempted all in vain, they returned back to the King. [ Justin lib. 38. cap. 10.]
Antiochus and his army being overthrown in Parthia, his brother Demetrius being freed from the siege of the Parthians, and restored to his kingdom, though all Syria at that time bemoaned the loss of the army, yet he seemed to resent the accident no otherwise than if he had managed his own and his brothers wars against the Parthians, with all the good luck that might be, (wherein the one of them was taken prisoner, the other was slain outright.) [ Id. lib. 36. cap. 1.]
Antiochus being dead and gone, the Jews never after suffered a Macedonian King to be over them; but creating magistrates amongst themselves, they pestered Syria with continual wars. [ Id. lib. 36. cap. 1.] and subdued many parts of Syria and Phoenicia. [ Strabo. lib. 16. cap. 761.] For Hircanus, after the death of Antiochus, revolted from the Macedonians, and never after sent them any supplies, either as subject, or friend. But at the first brute of Antiochus his death, he led his whole army against the Cities of Syria, supposing (which was true) that he should find them bereft, and void of defendants: he stormed Medaba (of which 1 Maccab. 9. 36.) and took it, though with some difficulty, having lain six months before it: next he possessed himself of Samega, and the towns adjacent. [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 17.]
In the mean time Phraates, resolving to commence a war in Syria, in vindication of Antiochus his attempting the kingdom of Parthia, was taken off his design, and called home to defend his own, by reason of some commotions of the Scythians in the Country. For the Scythians, the ground of the quarrel was this, The Scythians were hired by the Parthians, to assist them against Antiochus King of Syria: but they came not with their supplies, till the business was over, so that the Parthians cut them short of their pay, objecting their coming too late. The Scythians being vexed, that they had taken such a long march to no purpose, moved, That they might be either allowed their pay, in consideration of their tedious march, or that they might be commanded upon some other service: the Parthians returned them but a rough answer, which, they taking exception at, became their own carvers, and fell to plundering the Country, [ Justin. lib. 42. cap. 1.]
Whilst Phraathes was gone against the Scythians, he left behind him as viceroy, one Himerus, an Hircanian by birth, a great favourit of his, upon the score of the flower of his youth. But he forgetting his former condition, and not considering he was but another's deputy, proceeded with a great deal of tyranny, and vexed the Babylonians, and many other Cities upon no occasion. [ Id. ib. ] For he made many of the babylonians his slaves, and dispersed them with their whole families into Media. He set also the market place on fire, and some Temples of Babylon, and pulled down all the most beautiful places of the City. [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 377.] Posidonius of Apamea also mentions the exorbitant government of this Himerus, in the 26 book of his Histories, [ Athenaeus, lib. 11. c. 4.] where he relates, how that one Lysimachus a Babylonian invited him and 300 more to supper; and when meat was taken off, presented to everyone of those 300, the silver cup of four pound price, in which they had drunk.
In Egypt, Ptolemy Euergetes the second, or Physcon, having reigned 15 years after his brother Philometor [ as Diodorus. Sicul. show in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 350.] having already, by his cruelty, rendered himself so odious to those very foreigners he had invited to Alexandria, that they set his royal palace on fire, stole away privately into Cyprus, with his son Memphites, whom his sister Cleopatra bore unto him, and with his wise the daughter of the same Cleopatra. And whereas the people conferred the kingdom upon Cleopatra his sister and divorced wife: he hired an army, and waged war both against his own sister and native Country, [ Livy. lib. 59, Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis. Justin lib. 38. cap. 8. Orosius lib. 5. cap. 10.]
John Hircanus took Shechem and Garizim, [Year of the World 3875] and demolished the Temple of the Cuthites two hundred years after it had been built by Sa • ballat. [ Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 17.]
M. Perperna took care to get Aristonicus, and the treasure which Attalus lost in legacy to the people of Rome, to be shipped away thither, which was ill taken by Manius Aquilius Consul his successor, who forthwith made what hast he could to Perperna, intending to get Aristonicus out of his hands, as belonging to his triumph rather than to Perperna's: But Perperna's death decided the controversy; who upon his return • ell sick at Pergamos, and died of that disease. [ Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 646. Valer. Maximus, lib. 3. cap. 4. Justin, lib. 36. cap. 4. Eutrop. lib. 4. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 10.]
Aqullius Consul, [The Julian Period. 4585] completed the remainder of the A • iatick war, [Year before Christ 129] forceing some Cities to resign, by poisoning their waters: which though it occasioned a speedy victory, yet it withwall rendered it in famous and dishonorable. [ Florus, lib. 2. cap. 20.]
Most of the Asians, who for four years entire had assisted Aristonicus against the Romans, for fear returned to their loyalty. [ Sylla, apud Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 212.] And so Lydia anciently, the Senate of the Kings, Caria, Hellespont, and both Phrigia's by joint resignation put themselves under the power of the Romans. [ Sextus, Rufus in Breviario. ]
The Massilians sent their Ambassadors away to Rome, to mediate in behalf of their founders the Phocensians, whose City and name the Senate had ordered to be quite rased out, because both now in the war with Aristonicus, and formerly with Antiochus the great, they had borne arms against the people of Rome, the Senate granted them their pardon. [ Justin lib. 37. cap. 1.]
The Romans gave the greater Phrygia to Mithridates Euergetes King of Pontus, as a gratuity for assisting them against Aristonicus. [ Id ibid. & lib. 38. cap. 5.] Although it is generally believed that Manius Aquilius being well bribed for his pains, gave it unto him. Wherefore, after the death of Mithridates, the Senate took Phrygia away from his son, in his minority, (as he himself complains in Trogus Pompeius) and made it a free State and independent. [ Appiau. in Mithridatic. pag. 177. & 208. & lib. 1. Bell. Civil. pag. 362, 363. compared with Justin. lib. 38. cap. 5.]
Aquilius with ten Legates, reduced Attalus his Dominion into the form of a Province, and made it tributary; and called it by the common name of the Continent, Asia, [ Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 624. & lib. 14. pag. 646.]
Ariarathes, King of Cappadocia, was slain in the war against Aristonicus, leaving behind him six sons, by his wife Laodice, to whom the people of Rome gave Lycaonia and Silicia, for their fathers good service. But Laodice, being jealous of her sons, and fearing least when they came to age, she should not enjoy the kingdom long after, poisoned five of them: one young one escaped the mothers cruelty, by being secured in the hands of some of the kindred; who, after the killing of Laodice (for the people had dispatched her for her cruelty) had the kingdom to himself, [ Justin. lib. 37. cap. 1.]
John Hircanus took Adora, and Marissa, Cities of Idumea: and having subdued all the Idumeans, enjoined them circumcision, under penalty of quitting their mansions: But they, out of love to their native Country, admitted both circumcision, and all other Jewish constitutions: and from that time forward, they were reckoned amongst the Jews, [ Joseph. Antiquit. lib. 13. cap. 17. lib. 15. cap. 11. pag. 531. compared with lib. 4. Bell. cap. 16. all. cap. 6.] Strabo relates that these Idumeans were Nabateans originally; but being driven thence upon some sedition, they joined themselves to the Jews, and submitted to their laws, [ lib. 16. pag. 760.] He adds, that Herod the King of the Jews, came from thence, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , virum indigenam; A stranger born, [Ibid. pag. 765.] Whereas Antigonus said he was an Idumean; that is, an half Jew, [ Joseph. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 27. pag. 501.] For although Stephanus Byzantinus writes [ in voc. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] that the Idumeans were Hebrews originally; yet Ammonius the Grammarian in his book de differentiis verborum, out of Ptolemeis first book, de Rege Herod, (perhaps that Ptolemy who was Herod's Lieutenant, Joseph. lib. 16. Antiquit. cap. 11.) hath noted this difference betwixt the Idumeans and the Jews. The Jews are such as were so naturally from the beginning: But the Idumeans were not Jews from the beginning, but Phoenicians and Syrians: who being conquered by the Jews, were compelled to be circumcised, to unite their nation to the Jewish, and to be subject to their Iawes; And therefore were called Jews: not in respect of their Descent, but in regard of their Religion and manner of life: For there were other men which were called Jews, though they were strangers born, because they lived according to their rites and constitutions; as Diod. hath noted in his 37 book of his Roman History. And hence it is, that, from the Hebrews, the kingdom of Herod and his posterity is styled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Kingdom of the Proselytes (not Hagarens, as it is rendered by Munster in Seder Olam minore, and by Scaliger in Judaici Comput. Spic. legio, lib. 7. de Emendatione temporum: ) For amongst the Jews, the Proselytes of righteousness, or the righteous Proselytes (as they termed them) such as since that time the Idumeans are thought to be, were always reckoned in the same place and account with the Jews.
Ptolemy Physcon, having fetched his eldest son out of Cyrene, put him to death, for fear the Alexandrians should set him up King against him: whereupon the people pulled down his Statue, and his Images, [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 8.] Ptolemy supposed that this was done by the instigation of his sister Cleopatra, and not well knowing how to be avenged any other way, commanded his son Memphitis, who was of an ingenuous countenance, and a very hopeful child, and which he had by her, to be slain before his eyes: and cutting off his head, hands and feet, put them into a chest covered with a soldiers coat, and gave them to one of his servants to carry to Alexandria, and to present them to Cleopatra on the Festival of her nativity, when she was in the height of her jollity, for a Birth-day gift. This was a grievous and sad spectacle, not to the Queen only, but to the whole City, and it struck such a damp upon the merry meeting, that the Court of a sudden was overcast with a general sadness. The Nobles turning their Festival into a Funeral, shown the mangled limbs to the people: to let them see what they themselves were to expect from their King, who had thus murdered his own son. [ Id. ibid. Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesil, pag. 374. Liv. lib. 59. Jul. Obsequens, de prodigiis, Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 2.]
Ptolemy, perceiving how detestable he was grown to his Country, and fearing somewhat might follow thereupon, went about to secure himself by a new piece of cruelty: supposing, that if the common people were put to the sword, he should sit the faster in his Throne; At a time when the common place of exercise was full of the young men, he begyrted it round with fire and sword; and destroyed them all by one of those two, [ Valer. Maxim. ibid. ]
Phraates led the army of Grecians (which he had taken in the war against Antiochus, and since behaved himself very imperiously and tyrannically towards them) along with him to the war against the Scythians: not considering, that their captivity had not abated anything of their hostile minds; and moreover, how he had exasperated them with fresh injuries and indignities: As soon therefore as they espied the Parthian army to give ground, they wheeled about to the enemy, and at last put in execution the long desired revenge of their captivity: the Parthian army and Phraates himself being put to the sword, [ Justin. lib. 42. cap. 1.]
Artabanus his Uncle succeeded him in the kingdom of the Parthians: As for the Scythians they being contented with their victory, after they had pillaged the Country of the Parthians, returned home again. But Artabanus, having commenced a war with the Thogarii (or Tochari, a people descended from the Scythians) received a wound in his arm, and died presently after: He left for his successor his son Mithridates the great; who (not long after) waged a war with Ortoadistes King of Armenia, [ Id. ibid. cap. 2.]
In the 50 year of the third Calippick Period, or the 16 day of the Egyptian month Epiph (August the fifth according to the Julian account) at the Equinoctial hours, at 6 in the forenoon in the Island of Rhodes, Hipparchus observed the Sun in degree 8. minute 35. of Leo, and the Moon in degree 12. minute 2. of Taurus, [ Ptolem. lib. 5. cap. 3.]
In the same 50 year, [Year of the World 3876] on the first day of the Egyptian month Phamenoth (23 day of the Julian March) the vernal Equinox was observed by Hipparchus, [The Julian Period. 4586] [ Id. lib. 3. c. 2.]
The same Hipparchus, in the same year observed the Star in the heart of Leo to be distant from the point of the Summer Solstice 29 degrees, and 50 minutes, [ Id. lib. 7. cap. 2.]
Hegelochus, Ptolemy Physcons General, being dispatched against Marsias the Alexandrians General, took him prisoner alive, but put all his Forces to the sword. When Marsias was brought into the Kings presence, all believed the King would have adjudged him to some cruel death: but Ptolemy, beyond all expectation, spared him. For he now began to repent of his former bloody proceedings, and was very desirous by such acts of grace, to reconcile himself to the people, extremely alienated from him, [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 377.]
Queen Cleopatra (the days of mourning for her son being over) seeing her brother Physoon was marching against her, sent by her Ambassadors to entreat assistance from Demetrius Nicator King of Syria, her son in law, (for Cleopatra wife to Demetrius, was daughter to this Cleopatra, and Philometor) promising him, that he should have the kingdom of Egypt for his pains: In hopes of that prize, he marched into Egypt, and made his first attempt upon Peleusium, [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 9. & lib. 39. cap. 1. Porphyrius, in Graci • , Eusebianus Scaligers, pag. 227.]
In this year, [Year of the World 3877] Alxander Jannaeus, son to John Hircanus was born, afterwards King of the Jews, who lived 49 years, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 23. fin. ] As soon as he was born, he grew out of favor with his father: For it is reported, that Hircanus inquired of God appearing to him in his sleep, concerning his successor: being very solicitous on the behalf of Aristobulus and Antigonus, whom he loved far above the other brothers: upon God's representing unto him this Jannaeus, he was much perplexed, that he should succeed him in all his fortunes; whereupon he sent him into Galilee, to receive his education; neither did he ever admit him into his presence as long as he lived, [ Id. ibid. cap. 20.]
About this time, Simon son of Dositheus, Apollonius the son of Alexander, and Diodorus son of Jason, were sent Ambassadors from Hircanus and the people of the Jews, to renew their friendship and amity with the Romans. Faunius son of Marcus, the City Praetor, procured them a meeting of the Senate for their audience VIII. Id. February; which, as the Roman year then went, falls upon the Julian November: And it was ordered by a Decree of the Senate, That Joppe and the parts thereof, Gazara and the Springs, and the other Cities, which Antiochus Sidetes had taken from them, contrary to the Decree of the Senate, should be restored. It was further ordered, That the Kings soldiers should not travel thorough their Country, or thorough any Country under their command. That whatsoever Antiochus had attempted in that war, should be null. That the Ambassadors which the Senate sent, should take care to see restored whatsoever Antiochus had carried away, and to give an estimate of the damage the Country had sustained in that war. That letters commendatory should be given the Ambassadors to the Kings and free people, that so they might return more secure into their Country. Moreover, Faunius the Praetor received order, to supply the Ambassadors with monies out of the common Bank, to provide necessaries for their return homewards, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 17.]
In the 197 year after Alezanders death, and 621 of Nabonasar, on the 11 day of the Egyptian month Pharmuth (2 day of the Julian May) in the forenoon, Equinoctial hours 5, minutes 20. Hipparchus in the Island of Rhodes observed the Sun in 7 degrees, minuts 45. of Taurus: the Moon in degrees 21. minute 40. of Piscis, [ Ptolem. lib. 5. cap. 5.]
In the same year, on the 17 day of the Egyptian month Payn (the seventh of the Julian July) in the afternoon, in the hours Equinoctial 3. minut. 20, Hipparchus observed in the same place, the sun in degree. 10, minut. 54. in Cancer, the moon in degree, 21, minut. 40, of Pisces. [ Id. Ibid. ]
In the ninth year of Hircanus his High Priesthood, and reign, Alexander the son of Jason, Numenius, son of Antiochus, and Alexander, son of Dorotheus, Ambassadors for the Jews, presented the Senate with a Vial and Buckler of gold, valued 50 thousand Crowns in estimation, as a testimony of their ancient amity with the people of Rome: who, after they had received letters to the free Cities and Kings, to pass securely thorough their Countries and Ports, returned home. A Copy of this decree of the Senate is extant in Josephus, [ lib. 14. cap. 16.] upon a far different occasion: For whereas, Josephus had said before, That upon Julius Caesar's letters, a Decree was obtained, giving license to Hircanus the second, for the repairing of the walls of Jerusalem, which Pompeus had demolished; I know not through what oversight he subjoined this Decree instead of the other, which did no whit concern the repair of the walls of Jerusalem: and yet he says, this was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus his High Priesthood and reign, in the month Panem, when as the Acts themselves confirm this Decree to be published in the Ides of December, (which fall upon the Julian September, and the Macedonian Hyperberetous.) But if Caesar had procured that Decree in favor of Hircanus the second, then the 27 year of Hircanus should have been set down, rather than the ninth, and of his reign none at all: for Josephes himself shows in the tenth Chapter of the same book, that Gabinius had deprived him of his soverainty, and left him only the High Priests office. That Decree therefore is to be referred to the ninth year of Hircanus the first, at which time the Jewish Common-wealth was a free state, and confederate with the people of Rome, and not to the ninth year of the second Hircanus, in whose time it was conquered, and made tributary unto them.
In the absence of King Demetrius Nicator, first the Antiochians, for his pride, which was grown intolerable by his conversation, with the cruel Parthians, and presently after the Apameans, and the other Cities of Syria, encouraged by their examples, revolted from them. [ Justin, lib. 39. cap. 1.] Demetrius having received intelligence of the revolt was forced to quit Egypt, and march back into Syria.
Cleopatra the Egyptian Queen, having lost her best bulwork, (Demetrius Nicator) shipped all her goods, and made what hast she could into Syria, unto her daughter Cleopatra the Syrian, and Demetrius her son in law. [ Justin ut supra. ]
And because Demetrius was every whit as odious to the Syrians, generally, as he was to the souldery, they sent unto Ptolemy Physcon, desiring him that he would assign someone descended from Seleucus, whom they might appoint as King over them. [ Joseph. l • b. 13. cap. 17.] He sent unto them an Egyptian youth, the son of Protarchus a Merchant, who was to seize upon the Kingdom of Syria by force of Arms, having made a very formal story, how he had been adopted into the blood-royal by King Antiochus: as for the Syrians, they would very gladly submit to any King whatsoever, rather than live any longer under Demetrius his insolency, [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 1.] Porphyrius relates, how that this youth was sent as the son of Alexander, (Bala, viz. who was reported to be the son of Antiochus Epiphanes) and that he was called Alexander himself, but the Syrians surnamed him Zabina, because he was generally reputed to be one of Ptolemies slaves, which he had purchased, [ in Graec. Euseb. Scalig. pag. 227.] to speak truth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 amongst the Syrians, signifies both bought and redeemed: neither did this substituted King disdain the memory of his being bought, but always retained it upon his coin, which bare this inscription, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
When this new King was come with his numerous supplies out of Egypt, [Year of the World 3878] it is reported, That the relics also of Antiochus Sidetes, who was slain by the King of the Parthians, were sent into Syria in a silver Coffin, to be interred there; which were received with a great deal of observance both by the Cities and King Alexander himself. This ingratiated him very much with the Countrymen; who verily believed the tears he shed at the solemnity were not counterfeit but real. [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 1.]
Both the armies engaged about Damascus, [The Julian Period. 4588] and Demetrius Nicator was worsted, [Year before Christ 126] who observing how he was environed with difficulties, withdrew out of the fight, and made what hast he could to his wife Cleopatra, at Ptolemais, but she shut the gates against him. Being thus deserted by his wife and his sons, with a very small retinue he made to Tyrus, hoping the Temple might be his Sanctuary, and protection. [ Id. ib. with Josephus and Porphyrius, in the places above cited. ]
Porphyrius gives out, how that he, being denied entrance thither, was slain as he was taking shipping to some other place, four years of his reign being completed after his return out of Parthia. Justin, That he was slain upon command of the Governor, as he was first landing. Josephus, That he was taken prisoner by the enemy, upon whose hard usage he ended his life. Livy, That his wife Cleopatra killed him, [ lib. 60.] And so Appian also [ in Syriac. pag. 132.] Indeed, it is very probable, that he was killed at Tyrus and she accessory: and that, the Tyrians for so doing obtained either of her, or of Alexander Zebinas, their freedom, and liberty, to live according to their own constitutions. For that they derived from this very year, a new Epoch of their times, appears both out of Eusebius his Chronicle, where the 402 year of the Tyrians is joined with the second year of the Emperor Probus, which is the 4990 year of the Julian Period; as also by the Tyrian judgment inserted into the ninth action of the Council of Chalcedon, where the year after the consulship of Flavius Zeno, and Posthumianus, which is the 5162 year of the same Period, is computed the 574 year of the Tyrians account. Moreover we find the City of the Tyrians, in the Inscriptions set out by Grotius, pag. MCV. honored with the commendation of being the Religious, the Sacred, and the Independent Metropolis of Phoenicia.
Alexander Zebinas, having got possession of that kingdom, entered into League with John Hircanus the High Priest: and things went very well with Hircanus, during his reign, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 17.]
Manius Aquilius, Proconsul, returned in triumph out of Asia upon the third of the Ides of November (which at that time fell upon the Julian August) as may be gathered out of the fragments of the triumphal Tables of Marble: concerning which, Mithridates in an Epistle to Arsaces, ( Salust. Historiar. lib. 4.) hath this passage. The Romans, pretending a Will. (viz. King Attalus his Will) though unjustly, led Aristonicus, Eumenes son, in triumph, who had attempted to recover by force of arms, his fathers kingdom. Velleius Paterclus, [ lib. 2. cap. 4.] intimates, how that Aristonicus was led in triumph by Manius Aquilius, and afterwards beheaded. For he was strangled at Rome in the prison by an order from the Senate, [ Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 646. Eutrop. lib. 4. Orosius lib. 5. cap. 10.]
Manius Aquilius, being questioned for bribery, and knowing himself faulty, corrupted his Judges, and so got off, [ Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 362. & 363.]
M. Plautius Hypsaeus, [Year of the World 3879] and M. Fulvius Flaccus, [The Julian Period. 4589] being Consuls: [Year before Christ 125] A great company of Locusts in Africa were by the wind blown into the sea, and by the waves cast up again at Cyrene: which caused such an intolerable stanch, that by reason of that pestilent vapor, there ensued a lamentable mortality of cattle: and it is reported also, that 800000 men died upon the same infection, [ Julius Obsequens, de prodigiis, cum P. Orosio. lib. 5. cap. 11.]
Whilst Dorylaus of Pontus (a man very expert in ordering of an army) was busy in Crete, being sent thither by Mithridates Euergetes King of Pontus, about hiring of foreign soldiers: a war was commenced in those parts by the Cnossii against the Gortynii. The Cnossii made Dorylaus their General, who quickly put an end to the war; yet not with more speed than good luck. And having had great honor conferred upon him by the Cnossii for his good service, he resided amongst them with his whole family, having a little after, received intelligence of Mithridates his death: Dorylaus was great Grandfather to the mother of Strabo the Geographer, [ Strabo, lib. 10. pag. 477, 478. & lib. 12. pag. 557.]
In the 188 year of the account of the contracts, [Year of the World 3880] the Jews of Palestine, and the Senate of Jerusalem and Judas, being about celebrating the Feast of the Dedication of the cleansing of the Temple on the 25 day of the month Chasleu, wrote to Aristobulus Ptolemy (Physcons) master (who was descended from the Royal stock of the Priests according to Aaron) and to the Jews in Egypt, that they should do the same likewise, [2 Mac. 1. 10, 18.] Repertus Tuitiensis, [ lib. 10. de victoria verbi, cap. 15.] conceives that Judas, to be the same Judas the Essean, whom Josephus reports, 19 years after this, to have foretold the sudden death of Antigonus (son of John Hircanus,) and seldom failed in his prophesies, [ lib. 13. cap. 19.] And as for Aristobulus, Clemens Alexandrinus, [ lib. 5. Srom. ] and Eusebius Caesariensis, both [ in the 8 lib. Praeparat. Evangel. c. 3. and in his Chronicle, ] suppose him to be that Jewish Philosopher the Peripatetic, of whom mention was made by us afore at the end of 3854 year of the World.
Seleucus Demetrius, [The Julian Period. 4590] Nicators son, [Year before Christ 124] without leave of his mother Cleopatra, seized upon the Crown, and reigned one year in Syria, [ Liv. lib. 60. Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. pag. 227.]
Alexander Zebinas, with much ado, vanquished Antipater, Clonius, and Aeropus, three of his most eminent Commanders, who had revolted from him, and seized the City Laodicea. Yet he expressed a great deal of gallantry towards them, after he had taken them prisoners, and in the close, pardoned the apostasy of them all, for he was naturally of a mild disposition, and pleasing temper, and of a wonderful affability in all his meetings and discourses; so that hereby he was extremely beloved of all men, [ Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 377.]
Mithridates Euergetes, [Year of the World 3881] King of Pontus, and Armenia the less, made away by the treachery of some of his intimate acquaintance, left his wife and his sons to succeed him in the kingdom. But Mithridates, surnamed Eupator, the elder brother of the two, laid claim to the whole kingdom for himself, [ Strabo, lib. 10. pag. 477. cum Justin. lib. 37. cap. 1.] For soon after, he clapt his mother (whom his father had designed joint partner with him in the kingdom) into prison, and kept her there in bonds, who, by reason of that hard usage, and long imprisonment, ended her days there. So Memnon [in Excerpt. Photii, cap. 32.] As for Mithridates himself, Salust reports in his History, That he was a very child when he first entered the kingdom, having made his way, by poisoning of his mother, [ Servius in Virg. lib. 6. Aeneid. ]
Strabo affirms, That Mithridates was eleven years of age, when he succeeded his father in the kingdom; Memnon thirteen: we have chosen the middle year, and account him 12 years old; following Eutropius, who tells us, That he reigned 60 years, and lived 72. although Pliny, [ lib. 25. cap. 2.] allots him but 56 years of reign, and Appian 57, [ Vid. supr. ann. Mundi 3868.]
As there appeared a Comet in the year in which Mithridates was born, so there appeared one also in the first year of his reign, which shined so night and day for 70 days together, that the whole heaven seemed to be all a fire. For both the tail of it covered the fourth part of the heaven (or 45 degrees of the upper Hemisphere) and out vyed the Sun in brightness: and also its rising and setting took up the space of four hours, [ Justin. lib. 37. cap. 2.]
In Syria, [The Julian Period. 4591] Cleopatra struck her son Seleucus thorough with a Dart, [Year before Christ 123] either because he had seized upon the Crown without her consent, or fearing least he should in time revenge his father Demetrius his death, or because she herself managed all things with the same fury and violence as he did. Having thus dispatched Seleucus, she set up in his room her other son by Demetrius, Antiochus Grypus, whom she had sent to Athens to receive his education: investing him with the Title of King, but reserving to her self the whole power and authority, [ Liv. lib. 60. Justin. lib. 39. cap. 1. Appian. Syriac. pag. 132.] But Porphyrius hath intimated, how that Seleucus being deposed by his mothers treachery, Antiochus the younger brother succeeded in the kingdom, in the second year of the CLXIV Olympiad, [ in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger. pag. 227.] adding withal, that he was not only called Grypus, but Philometor also: which later surname, Josephus also gives unto him, [ lib. 13. cap. 20.]
Alexander Zebinas, [Year of the World 3882] puffed up with prosperous successes, [The Julian Period. 4592] began now by his insolency to despise Ptolemy himself, [Year before Christ 122] by whose means he was advanced to the kingdom. Whereupon Ptolemy reconciled himself to his sister Cleopatra, and endeavored what in him lay, to ruin Alexanders kingdom, which he had never been able to obtain, had not Ptolemy sent him supplies out of his malice to Demetrius. To that end, he sent a very considerable force to Grypus, and proffered his daughter Tryphena to him in marriage, that so he might draw several people to side with his son in law; not only because of the confederacy and association which had formerly been between them, but also by virtue of this his new relation and alliance, which proved accordingly: for when all saw how Grypus was furnished with as much strength as Egypt could levy, they began by degrees to fall off from Alexander, [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 2.]
Alexander, not being very confident of the multitude, both in regard of their rawness in martial affairs, as also their natural inconstancy, and hankering after innovations, would not adventure upon a pitched field: but having first collected the Kings Treasuries, and pillaged the Temples, resolved by night to steal away into Greece. But, whilst he attempted, by the help of some of his Barbarians, to plunder Jupiter's Temple, he was seized upon, and himself and his whole army had like to have been cut off. But he soon escaped out of their hands, and made towards Seleucia: but the Seleucians having heard aforehand the brute of his sacrilege, shut their gates against him: failling there of his purpose, he went to Pisidium. and never after departed from the sea coast, [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 378.]
At length Antiochus Grypus, and Alexander Zebinas engaged in a fight, in which Alexander was worsted, and forced to escape to Antiochia. As soon as he came thither, being in distress for monies wherewith to discharge the soldiers pay, he gave order to take out of Jupiter's Temple, the Statue of Victory which was of beaten gold, varnishing his sacrilege with a jest; for, said he, Jupiter hath lent me Victory. A few days after, having set his soldiers to pull down the Image of Jupiter himself, although so, as not to make any hubbub; yet he was surprised by the common people in the act, and forced to flee for it: Being in a grievous tempest at sea, and divided from his company, he fell amongst Pirates, who took him prisoner, and delivered him upto Grypus, by whom he was put to death, [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 2.] Josephus reports, that he was slain in a fight with Grypus, [ lib. 13. cap. 17.] Porphyrius, That he poisoned himself upon discontent for the loss of his army, in the fourth year of the CLXIV Olympiad, [ in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger. pag. 227.]
Cleopatra upon regret that her honor was likely to be somewhat impaired by the victory which her son Antiochus Grypus had obtained over Alexander Zebinas, presented him as he came ab exercitatione (an ab exercitu? ) from the exercise, (or rather from the army) with a cup of poison. But Grypus, having had some intimation of the treachery before hand, pretended respect to his mother, desired her to drink first, and upon her refusal, urged her with much importunity. At last he charged her with the design of poisoning him, and sets before her the party that discovered it to him: telling her, That she had no other plea left for her innocence, then to drink herself, what she had prepared for her son. The Queen was forced to yield, so that she herself perished by that same poison, which she had tempered for another. She being removed, Grypus was pretty fast seated in his Throne, enjoying an eight years peace, without any disturbance in State, [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 2. compared with Appian. in Syriac. pag. [Year of the World 3883] 132.]
The 27 Jubilie. [The Julian Period. 4593]
Lucius Opimius, [Year before Christ 121] Consul in the year in which C. Gracchus (brother to Tibecius Gracchus) the Tribune, was slain as he was encouraging the commons to sedition, the air was so temperate, that Pliny reports, how wines then made, lasted to his time, which was about 200 years, being brought to a form of candid honey, [ Plin. lib. 14. cap. 4. and 14.] In the same year also there appeared a bow about the body of the Sun, [ Id. lib. 2. cap. 29.]
Ptolemy Euergetes the II, [Year of the World 3888. a.] or Physcon, [The Julian Period. 4597] died 29 years after the decease of his brother Philometor, [Year before Christ 117] [ Ptolem. in Regum Canone. Clem. Alexandrin. lib. 1. Stromat. Euseb. Chronico. Epiphan. de Ponderib. & mensur. Hieronym. in cap. 9. Daniel. ] He left behind him three sons. One was called Ptolemy Apion, a By-blow by a Harlot; to whom was bequeathed by his father in his Legacy, the kingdom of the Cyrenians, [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 5. cum Appiano in Mithridaticis, pag. 255.] The other two sons Cleopatra bare unto him, the daughter of the former Cleopatra, who was both his sister and wife: the younger of the two was called Alexander; but the Senior, by Ptolemy in Regum Canone, as also by Porphyrius, Eusebius, Jerome, and Epiphanius, called Soter; by Strabo, [ lib. 17. pag. 795.] Trogus Pompeius, [ Prolog. lib. 39. & 40.] Pliny, [ lib. 2. cap. 67. & lib. 6. cap. 30.] Josephus, [ lib. 13. cap. 18.] and Clemens Alexandrinus, [ lib. 1. Stromat.] Lathurus, or Lathyrus: by Athenaeus, [ lib. 6. cap. 6.] and Pausanias in Atticis, Philometor: which last surname (viciously rendered Philopater by Natalis Comes who translated Athenaeus (was given him by way of derision, as Pausanias hath observed: for never was there any of the Kings, that more hated his mother than he did, [ Pausan. Attic. pag. 7.]
Physcon, upon his death-bed, left the kingdom of Egypt to Cleopatra his wife, and to one of the sons, whom she should make choice of. As if it were likely the State of Egypt should be more quiet, and free from commotions than the kingdom of Syria; when the mother by making choice of one of the sons, was sure to make the other her enemy, [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 3.] She, supposing that Alexander the younger son would prove more pliable and flexible to her commands, moved the Egypcians in his behalf: But seeing she could not prevail with the commons to receive him for their King, she was forced to elect her eldest son Lathurus (who was banished to Cyprus by his father upon her instigation:) They two reigned together in Egypt ten years, [ Id. ibid. Pausan. in Atticis, pag. 7, 8. Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger, pag. 225.]
Cleopatra, [Year of the World b.] before she would give the kingdom to Lathurus, [The Julian Period. 4598] took away his wife from him; [Year before Christ 116] and having forced him to divorce his most endeared sister Cleopatra, commanded him to marry the younger sister Selene: In which action she shown more partiality towards her daughters, than was befitting a mother, whilst she took away the husband from the one, and gave him to the other, [ Justin. ut supra. ]
After Antiochus Grypus had enjoyed to himself the kingdom of Syria 8 years entire without any interruption, [Year of the World 3890] up started his brother Antiochus of Cyzicenus as his rival in the kingdom; [The Julian Period. 4600] they both had the same mother, [Year before Christ 114] but Cyzicenus came by the Uncle Antiochus Sidetes: Grypus had a design of removing him by poison, which was the cause he appeared sooner in arms in competition for the kingdom than he thought to have done. This Antiochus was sent away by his mother Cleopatra (for fear of Demetrius Nicator her former husband whom she had forsaken) to Cyzicum, and was brought up by Craterus the Eunuch, and from thence received the surname Cyzicenus, [Justin. lib. 39. cap. 2. Appian. Syriac. p. 132. Porphyr. ut sup. p. 227. Joseph. lib. 13. c. 17.] But Grypus, hearing of his brothers levying of forces against him at Cyzicum, laid aside his intended expedition against the Jews, and prepared to meet him, [ Josephus, ibid. ]
Cleopatra, [Year of the World 3891] formerly the wife of Ptolemy Lathurus, [The Julian Period. 4601] but afterwards divorced from her husband by Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, [Year before Christ 113] as hath been said, was married to Antiochus Cyzicenus in Syria: who, that she might not seem at her marriage to bring to her husband the bare name of wife, trucked with the army which lay at Cyprus, and brought it over to her husband as her dowry. By the access of those forces, he thought himself to be upon pretty even terms with his brother, so that he gave him battle, but he was foiled in the field, and forced to fly away to Antioch. Grypus made after him to Antioch, and besieged it: Cleopatra the wife of Cyzicenus was in the Town: which as soon as taken, Tryphena, the wife of Grypus, commanded in the first place, that her sister Cleopatra should be sought for, not out of any mind she had to release her now she was prisoner, but least she should chance to escape the miseries which commonly attend Captivity, who had invaded this kingdom chiefly out of emulation to her, and who by her espousals with the sworn enemy of her sister, had made herself her enemy also. Moreover, she laid to her charge, That she was the cause of bringing in the foreign forces, upon the differences betwixt the two brothers, and also, that upon her being divorced from her brother, she married out of the kingdom to one who was no Egyptian, contrary to her mothers will. But Grypus endeavored what in him lay to stave off his wife from her intended cruelty, and told her that it was against the law of arms, after victory obtained, to proceed violently against women, especially such as are allied in blood to us, as Cleopatra was, who was her own sister, his Cousin German, and Aunt to her own children. To these relations of blood he added the reverence which was due to the Temple, where she had taken Sanctuary, winding up all with this, That he should neither impair anything of Cizicenus his power, by putting her to death, nor advantage him if he should send her back to him inviolate. On the contrary, Tryphena, deeming these speeches to proceed from downright love rather than from pity and commiseration, sent some soldiers into the Temple, who killed Cleopatra, having first cut off her hands, as she embraced the image of the goddess, that no less hostility might appear to be betwixt the two sisters, than there was betwixt the brothers. [ Justin, lib. 39. cap. 3.]
Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, the mother of these two sisters (in the fourth year of her reign) having made Alexander her younger son King of Cyprus, sent him thither in person, that by his means, she herself might seem more formidable to her eldest son Lathurus, who was her partner in the government of the kingdom. [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 7, 8. Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. p. 225.]
Alexander Jamnaeus, [Year of the World 3892] in the 16 year of his age, had by his wife Alexandra a son, called Hircanus, whom upon the tidings of Caesar's victory at Actium, Herod put to death, when he had passed the age of 80 years. [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 9.] From whence we gather, that this Alexandra, called also Salian, by the Ecclesiastical Writers (as is above, the year of the World, 3862.) was not the same with that Salome, wife of Aristobulus, whom the Grecians call Alexandra; and who, after the decease of her husband, constituted this Alexander Jamnaeus, at that time 22 years old, King in his room, (for Josephus computes that he reigned 27 years, and lived 49) as is to be seen in Josephus, [ lib. 13. cap. 20.]
Upon a second clash between the two brothers, [The Julian Period. 4602] Antiochs's, [Year before Christ 112] Cyzicenus and Grypus, Cyzicenus won the day, and withal, took Tryphena, Gryphus his wife, prisoner; who a little before had killed her sister, & by serving her the same sauce, sacrificed to the ghost of his wife. [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 3.] He chased his brother also out of his kingdom, and reigned over the Syrians in his room. [ Appian. Syriac. pag. 132.] Grypus upon this his deprivation, withdrew to Aspendum, and from thence he took upon him the surname Aspendius. But Cizicenus entered upon his kingdom the first year of 167 Olympiad. [ Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. pag. 227.]
In the second year of the same Olympiad, [Year of the World 3893] Antiochus Grypus returned from Aspendum, [The Julian Period. 4605] and regained Syria, [Year before Christ 111] but Cyzicenus held Coelosyria; so that the Empire was shared between them. [ Id. ib. ]
Antiochus Cyzicenus, as soon as he got into possession of the kingdom, applied himself to revellings and luxury, and courses altogether unbeseeming Kings. For being extremely addicted to Anticks, Stage-plaiers, and all sorts of juglers, he learned their arts with a great deal of vehemency: he applied himself also to Poppit-playing, and placed his chifest delight in making the images of living creatures, in bulk five cubits, covered over with gold and silver, to move of themselves, and other Engines of that nature. Moreover, he was much addicted to unseasonable huntings, and often times would steal forth privately by night with a servant or two to hunt Boars, Lions and Leopards. Many times he was in danger of his life, by his rash encountering with wild-beasts. [ Diodorus. Sicul. lib. 35. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 385.] Concerning the luxury of the other brother Antiochus Grypus, see what Athenaeus reports of him, [ in lib. 5. cap. 9. & lib. 12, cap. 19.] out of the 28 book of Posidonius of Apamea his Histories.
The war, [Year of the World 3894] with which those two brothers wore out one another, [The Julian Period. 4604] prov • d a great advantage to John Hircanus; [Year before Christ 110] for by this means he secured the incoms and revenues of Judea, and had the conveniency of hording up great sums of money in banco: so that, observing what pitiful havoc Cyzicenus made in his brothers Country, and how Grypus received no supplies out of Egypt to give him a check, but that he and his brother by their mutual encounters did receive many overthrows one from the other, in a while he began not to care a rush for either of them. [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 17.]
Hereupon he marched with his army against the Samaritans, who were under the dominion of the Kings of Syria, upon regrett of some injuries offered by them to the Marisieni (were now Idumeans reduced but a little before under his command) farmers to the Jews, and in league with them. Having therefore besieged Samaria, a City very well fortified with a trentch and double wall, for the space of 80 furlongs, he left his sons, Antigonus and Aristobulus to manage the leagure: by whose plying them so fast without, and by the famine raging within the Samaritans were driven to such extremity, that they were forced to feed upon such things, as were scarce man's meat: and at the last, glad to beg assistance from Antiochus Cyzicenus. [ Id. ibid. cap. 18.]
Cyzicenus coming as fast he could to relieve the Samaritans, [Year of the World 3895] was routed by Aristobulus his soldiers, and the two brothers pursued him so close at the heels as far as Scythopolis, that he hardly escaped. Upon which very day it is reported, That Hircanus the High Priest, as he was alone offering incense in the Temple, heard a voice, relating unto him the late victory which his sons had obtained over Antiochus. After they had beaten Antiochus they returned back to Samaria, and forced the Samaritans to retreat within their walls, so that they were constrained once more to beg Antiochus his relief, [ Id. ib, ]
Antiochus Cyzicenus, with about 6000 soldiers, which Ptolemy Lathurus had sent him in spite of his mother Cleopatra's teeth (for he was not as yet deposed by her) at the first stragled up and down Hircanus his dominions, plundering with his Egyptians, where so e're he came, not as yet daring to meet him in the field, being overmatched, in strength, yet hoping by his pillaging of the Country he should draw off Hircanus from the siege of Samaria. But after he had lost many of his men by an ambushcado which the enemy had laid, he marched away to Tripolis, and committed the managing of the war with the Jews to two of his Commanders, Callimander and Eupicrates; of these, Callimander encountering the enemy with greater resolution than discretion, had his party routed, and himself was slain in the place. As for Epicrates, it appears plainly, he betrayed Scythopolis, and some other Towns to the Jews, having been well greased in the fist for his pains: neither did he in any one particular advantage the distressed Samaritans, whilst he was in power: so that, Hircanus, after he had spent a full year about the reducing Samaria, not content with the bare surrender of the City, levelled it to the very ground. [ Id. Ibid. ]
The Seleucians, who were seated near Antioch in Syria, having obtained a liberty of living after their own laws) make their computation from hence. [ Fasti Siculi. anno 4 Olympiad 167.]
Hircanus, [Year of the World 3896] of the sect of the Pharisees, [The Julian Period. 4606] (both a disciple and a great favourer of theirs) having invited some of the most eminent amongst them to a feast: [Year before Christ 108] took exception at one Eleazar, who confronted him with a false imputation, how that his mother, being taken prisoner in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, was fain to enter into service for a livelihood: and because the scandal was not so deeply resented by the rest of the company, as he expected it should have been, he grew enraged against the whole sect of the Pharisees, by the instigation of Jonathan a Sadduce, and deserting the Pharisees, turned Sadduce. Now, the Pharisees commended to the people many traditions, which they received from their ancestors by hand, which are not found written amongst Moses his Laws. Therefore the Sadducees abrogated them, and invalidated their authority, saying, That those constitutions were only obligatory which are found in writing. And from hence arose the great contestation betwixt them both: whilst that the richer sort sided with the Sadducees, the Pharisees made use of the populacy. Whereas therefore Hircanus would have punished some of the Pharisees, who were tenacious of their constitutions (notwithstanding, he had abrogated them) there arose a sedition amongst them: which although at that time he soon appeased, yet did both he and his sons thereby incur the odium of the common people. [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 18.]
John Hircanus died, having executed the High Priests office 29 years, as Eusebius tells us out of Josephus, lib. 8. Demonstrat. Evangelic. cap. 2. and Jerome. translating him into Latin, repeats it in his commentaries upon the ninth Chapter of Daniel: although in our books, and in the old translation of Ruffinus, Josephus sometimes allows him 33 years. [ as in lib. 1. Belli. cap. 3.] sometimes 31 years. [ as in lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 18. & lib. 20. cap. 8.] His Father Simon died in the 177 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, in the 11 month, Sabat, [1 Maccab. 16. 14.] about February, viz. of the 4579 year of the Julian Period. His wife Alexandra (as we shall see hereafter) deceased about November of the 4644 year of the Julian Period: There is 65 years and almost nine years difference: So that deducting that 37 years which Josephus assigns to the reign of his sons and his wife, there remains to Hircanus only 28 years, and about nine months.
Some of the Modern men are of opinion (but upon no good ground) that this John was the Writer of the first book of the Maccabees: giving out withal, that these words in the latter end of the book were added by somebody else. Concerning the other things of John, both of his wars, and his noble acts, wherein he behaved himself manfully, and of his building the walls, (viz. of Jerusalem, which demolished by command of Antiocus Sidetes) and of other of his deeds, Behold they are written in the Chronicles of his Priesthood, from the time he was made High Priest after his father. Probably, in that fourth book of the Maccabees, which Sixtus Senensis in the end of the first book of his Bibliothecae Sanctae avows, that he saw translated out of the Hebrew into Greek, in a Manuscript at Lions, in Sontes Pagninus his Library amongst the Predicants, beginning after this manner: And after Simon was slain, John his son was made High Priest in his room. Out of which book it is supposed, that Josephus himself took his relation: who reckons up three special dignities which Hircanus held all at once, namely, the sovereign authority over the nation, the High Priesthood, and to be a Prophet: for he tells us, that by reason of his often entercourses with God, he attained to so great a foresight of future contingencies, that he long fore-told the short enjoyment which his two eldest sons should have of the kingdom which their Father left them. [ Josephus, lib. Belli. 2. cap. 3. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 18.]
Concerning the Tower which Herod afterwards called Antonias Tower) built by him, and wherein he laid up the robe and the rest of the High Priests ornaments: thus the same Josephus writes in the the 20 lib. of Antiquit. cap. 6. Hircanus, the first High Priest of that name, built a Tower near unto the Temple, and lived in it most part of his name. And because he kept in his own custody this High Priests robe, which nobody used but himself, he put it off in that place, when he went to resume his ordinary apparel; which custom of his was observed by his sons also, and their posterity. After Hircanus his decease, the stones which were set in the High Priests breast-plate, and the Onyx stone upon his right shoulder, (by whose radiation the will of God was wont to be intimated to the people of the Jews) upon God's displeasure for their prevarications and transgressing his laws, grew dim and lost their luster, as the same Author signifies, [ lib. 3. Antiquit. cap. 9.] 200 years before he began to compose those his books, concerning the Jewish Antiquities, which as he in the close of that work declares, completed in the 13 year of Domitians Empire (that is in the 4807. year of the Julian Period.
Judas, eldest son of Hircanus, otherwise called Aristobulus, and surnamed Philellen (from his familiarity and commerce with the Greeks or the heathens) succeeded his father in the government and the High Priesthood, but he enjoyed them but for a year: and he was the first of any, who after the return from the captivity in Babylon, set the Crown upon his head, and reduced the State to a monarchy, [ Joseph. lib. 1. Belli. cap. 3. Antiquit. lib. 13. cap. 16. & lib. 20. cap. 8.] Although Strabo hath writ, that his brother and successor. Alexander, was the first that made himself King, [ lib. 16. pag. 762.] making likely no account of Aristobulus, in regard he lived so short a time after he had engrossed the sovereignty to himself.
Aristobulus advanced his second brother Antigonus, whom he affected far above the rest, to a partnership in the kingdom, but committed the other three, and kept them bound in prison. He cast his mother also into prison, who contested with him for the principality (for Hircanus had left her sovereign of all) and he proceeded to that height of cruelty, that he famished her to death in the prison. [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bel. cap. 3. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 19.]
Cleopatra in Egypt being much troubled that her son Ptolemy (Lathurus) was joined with her in the government of the kingdom; stirred up the people against him. [ Justin, lib. 39. cap. 4.] For having culled out from amongst her Eunuchs, such of whose loyalty and affection she was most confident she brought them into the public assembly pitifully cut and slashed, charging Ptolemy, as if he had both suborned men to lie in wait for her, and also mangled and disfigured her Eunuchs. The Alexandrians were so enraged at that spectacle, that they had like all of them to have fallen foul upon Ptolemy: but seeing he had conveyed himself privately away out of the danger, and taken shipping: they saluted Alexander King, who was returned from Cyprus, not very long after this accident fell out. [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 8.]
Before he was thus banished the kingdom, his mother Cleopatra had taken from him his wife Selene: the indignity was the greater, in regard that he had had two sons by her, [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 4.] As for Alexander, who was called in by his mother, and made King of Egypt in his brothers room, he at that time reckoned upon the eighth year of his reign in Cyprus, and his mother upon the eleventh year of her reign in Egypt, [ Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger, pag. 225.] Athenaeus [lib. 12. cap. 27.] notes how that Alexander grew at last every whit as fat and swagbellyed as his father Physcon: where he brings in this passage concerning him, out of Posidonius Apamenus in the 47 book of his Histories. The King of Egypt out of favor with the commons, blinded with the insinuations and flatteries of his familiar acquaintance, and living in continual luxury, could not walk a step, unless he were supported by two men. But in the dancing which were usual at the Feasts, he would leap bare-foot from the higher beds, and move his body in dancing as nimbly and with as great activity as the best.
Aristobulus marched with an army into Itruraea, [The Julian Period. 4608] and laid a great part of it to the confines of Judea: [Year before Christ 106] forcing the inhabitants under penalty of banishment to admit of circumcision, and other Jewish ceremonies: which Strabo also confirms in these words out of Timagenes the Historian. He (Aristobulus) was an upright man, and one who drave on the Jews interest very much; for he enlarged their territories, and annexed part of Itruraea unto them, and made it sure under the covenant of circumcision, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 19.]
When Antigonus was upon his return from the wars in triumph, [Year of the World 3899] at what time the Jews held their solemn Feast of Tabernacles; It happened, that King Aristobulus fell sick and kept his bed in the tower which in aftertime was called Antonius tower: But his brother Antigonus, intending to be present at the holy solemnities, went up to the Temple very gloriously attired; but the main end of his going thither was, his devotion for the sick Kings recovery. Aristobulus having been advised by some pickthanks (who meant no good to Antigonus) that he should beware of his brother who had a design upon him, placed some of his guard in a dark vault under ground near the tower, commanding them, that if his brother came unarmed, no one should dare to meddle with him; but if otherwise, they should fall upon him and slay him: yet did he send underhand, one to desire him not to come with his arms. But Salome the Queen, and the rest of Antigonus his back-friends, persuaded the messenger to deliver unto him a clean contrary errand, and to tell him, that the King had a great mind to see him as then he was, in his warriors garb: By chance, one Judas of the sect of the Essens, a person famous amongst them for prognostications of future contingencies, had foretold, that Antigonus should die that very day in Stratons tower: not knowing that there was any other Stratons tower besides that which afterwards was called the Cesarean tower, and was distant from Jerusalem 600 furlongs. When therefore he espied Antigonus going up to the Temple on that day, he wished he might die immediately, fearing least thereby, he might be proved a false impostour, who hitherto had the repute of a true Prophet. But presently after, Judas heard that Antigonus was killed in that aforesaid place under ground, which was called by the same name of Stratons tower, as was that other Cesarean upon the sea coast, [ Joseph. lib. 1. Belli, cap. 3. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 19.]
Aristobulus his distemper, upon remorse for his horrid murdering his brother, grew worse and worse, and at last his pains were so violent, that he vomitted blood. As one of his servants was carrying forth the blood to empty, it happened, that his foot sl • pped, so that he spilled Aristobulus his blood upon the very same place which was stained with Antigonus his gore. Aristobulus, having notice given him of the accident, acknowledged the just judgment of God therein, and immediately gave up the ghost, in extreme anguish both of body and mind, [ Id. ibid. ]
After Aristobulus his decease, his wife Salome (whom the Grecians call Alexandra) released his brothers whom he had kept prisoners a long while, and made Alexander Jannaeus King, in regard he was both elder than any of the rest, and did also exceed them in modesty. Who, as soon as he was possessed of the kingdom, put one of his brothers to death, upon discovery of some treasonable design against him; But he expressed a great deal of civility to the other, who contented himself to live a retired life, and at ease, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 20.] He was called Absalom, and was taken prisoner at Jerusalem by Pompey 42 years after, [ Id. lib. 14. cap. 8.]
Alexander Jannaeus, [The Julian Period. 4609] having ordered the affairs of the kingdom in such wise as seemed most behooful to himself, [Year before Christ 105] marched with an army against Ptolemais: and having won the field, he forced the enemy to retreat within the walls, and then besieged them, and made his batteries. At the same time, the two brothers Philometor or Grypus, and Cyzicenus in Syria, weakening one another's strength by their mutual encounters between themselves, minded not the extremity the Ptolemaians were in. Zoilus a Tyrant, who, observing the dissensions between the two Brothers, took an opportunity to seize upon Stratons Tower and Dora, stood the besieged in some stead, but it was very inconsiderable. Ptolemeus, Lathurus thrown out of the kingdom of Egypt, by his mother Cleopatra, possessed himself of Cyprus. To him the Ptolemaians made their addresses by their Ambassadors, beseeching him, that he would come and rescue them from the danger they were in by Alexander. Upon their engagements, that as soon as he was entered Syria, he should have the Gazaeans, and the Ptolemaians on his side, Zoilus also, and the Sidonians, and many other assistants, encouraged by the their fair promises, he prepared for the voyage. [ Id. Ibid. ]
In the mean time Demenaetus, a person popular, and of eminent authority, persuaded the Ptolemaians, to alter their resolutions; telling them, That they had better undergo the uncertain chance of war with the Jews, wherein happily they might get the better, than to submit to a certain bondage by calling in a Lord over them: and moreover, thereby not only undergo the brunt of the present war, but also they were to expect another from Egypt. Cleopatra would not fit still, and suffer Ptolemy to glean up forces from the parts adjacent, but would quickly be upon her march, with a strong power to hinder his levies; for the Queen endeavored to drive him out of Cyprus also. [ Id. ibid. ] Neither did his conjecture fail him in this particular: for Cleopatra, after she had banished her son, did not rest satisfied in that, but persecuted him up and down with war, and not only chased him out of Cyprus, but killed the General of her own army, for that he let him escape, when he had taken him prisoner. Although Ptolemy did not quit the Island, because he thought himself not able to match her in power, but because he was ashamed to engage against his mother in a war, if we will credit Justin herein. [ lib. 39. cap. 4.]
Ptolemy thorefore, although he had heard upon the way, that the Ptolemaians had changed their minds, yet he sailed forwards; and arriving at Sycaminum, he landed his forces there, which consisted of about 30000 Horse and Foot. From thence he marched to Ptolemais with all his forces, and encamped there: but when he saw the Ptolemaians would neither admit of his Legates into the Town, nor hear them so much as speak, he was put into a great perplexity: but after that Zoilus and the Gazaeans were come to him, desiring his assistance against the Jews, and Alexander who pillaged their Country, the siege of Ptolemais was raised for fear of Ptolemy. [ Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 20.]
Alexander Jannaeus, [Year of the World 3910] having lead home his army, began to play tricks, calling in Cleopatra privately against Ptolemy, but in public professing him his Friend and Allye. He promised him also 400 talents of silver, if in lieu thereof, he for his sake would remove Zoilus the Tyrant, and give his Country to the Jews. Ptolemy very willingly struck up the bargain with him, but when he saw afterwards, how that Alexander trucked underhand with his mother Cleopatra, he broke off the league which he had made with him. [ Id. ibid. ]
When the Senate had given leave to Marius (who was upon an expedition against the Cimbrians) to demand supplies from the nations beyond the seas: he wrote to Nicomedes King of Bithynia to that effect: Nicomedes replied, That the Bithinians were most of them carried away, and kept slaves by the custom-gatherers in several places: whereupon there issued out a decree from the Senate, prohibiting any free man of the Allies of the people of Rome to serve as slaves, in any province; with further order given to the governors of the provinces to set them at liberty, where any such were forced. [ Diodorus, Siculus, lib. 38. in Bibliotheca, Photii. cod. 244.]
This Decree of the Senate at the first promulgation of it, [The Julian Period. 4610] was duly and strictly observed; [Year before Christ 104] but afterwards neglected by Licinius Nerva, Pretor of Sicily, which occasioned the second servile war in Sicily, in which the revolters made one Salvius, a southsayer and a minstrel, their King, whom afterwards they called Tryphon. [ Id. ib. cum Dion. in Excerptis Valesii. pag. 633, 634.]
C. Marius, and C. Flaccus (or rather Flavius, being Consuls, about three of the clock, there was a defect of light in the sun. [ Jul. Obsequens, de prodigiis. ] Which almost total Eclipse of the sun the Astromicall calculation counts unto us as happening in this 4610 year of the Julian Period, on the 19 day of July.
The Ascalonites (having obtained to be a free State) compute the time thereof from hence, as hath been noted in the Sicilian Chronicles, at the CLXIX Olympiad, to which agrees the Chronicle of Eusebius, in which the 380 year of their account is joined with the second year of Probus the Emperor, falling in with the 4990 year of the Julian Period.
Ptolemy Lathurus, leaving his Commanders with a Brigade of his army, to besiege Ptolemais, which had shut her gates against him, who also at last won the City; marched away himself with the residue of his Forces against Judea, to pillage and reduce it. Alexander Jannaeus having received intelligence of his coming, carried out of his own Dominions about 50 (some Writers rather think 80) thousand men, and thus provided, marched to meet him. But Ptolemy, coming unawares on the Sabbath day upon Asochis a City of Galilee, stormed it, and took it: and carried away with him about 10000 prisoners, besides other great booties. Next he fell upon Zephoris not far distant from Asochis; having lost many men before the place, he drew off, to encounter with Alexander Jannaeus, whom he met at the River Jordan over against Asophos, not far situate from the River. As for Alexander, he had 8000 which were wont to fight in the Van bearing Targets of Brasse, whom he called Hecatontomachi: These were faced by Ptolemeis Van, who used Targets of Brasse likewise. They were something back ward at the first to charge the enemy; but in conclusion, they were persuaded by Philostephanus, a person skillful in ordering martial affairs, to pass over the River, where the Jews were encamped. The victory for a while was banded from one side to the other: but at last, Ptolemeis soldiers routed the Jews; and in the pursuit did execution on them so long, that their arms were wearied, and the edge of their swords blunted. It is said, that 30 thousand, (or as Timagenes hath computed in his writings 50000) Jews fell in that battle: all the other being either taken prisoners, or escpaed by flight. As for Ptolemy, when after the victory he had roved all the day about the Country, at even retreated into some of the villages belonging to the Jews: which, when he saw they were thronged with women and children, he commanded his soldiers to fall on, and to slay them promiscuously, and after they had chopped them in pieces, to cast them into scalding cauldrons, to the end, that those which had escaped out of the fight, might believe that the enemy fed on man's flesh, and so might thereby become more dreadful and formidable to the beholders. This piece of cruelty, both Strabo and Nicholaus Damascenus recite in their Histories, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 20, 21.]
Cleopatra, [Year of the World 3901] Queen of Egypt, [The Julian Period. 4611] observing how her son Lathurus his power increased every day, [Year before Christ 103] by his subduing the City of the Gazeans, and his uncontroled plunderings in the Jews Country: held it small policy to let him go on as he did; especially when as he played most about the entrance into Egypt, and gaped after that kingdom: wherefore to check him, she forthwith raised forces both for sea and land: entrusting Chelcias and Ananias with the command of them, Jews both, and sons of that Onias who built the Temple in the Seigniory of Alexandria, [ Id. ibid. cap. 18. & 21.] For, that the Queen did all things by the advice of those two favorites, Josephus confirms, by this testimony taken out of the History of Strabo the Cappadocian. Most of those which entered Cyprus with us at the first, and of those also who afterwards were sent thither by Cleopatra, revolted presently to Ptolemy [Lathurus.] Only those Jews which were of Onias his side remained constant in their loyalty, in regard that their country-men Chelcias and Ananias, were in high esteem with the Queen.
Cleopatra, having deposited a considerable part of her wealth in the Island Cous, where also she left her grandchildren and her last will and testament: ordered Ptolemy Alexanders son, to arrive at Phoenicia with a great Fleet, and upon the countries revolt, and flocking in to her, she came to Ptolemais; but being denied entrance, she resolved to storm it. In the mean while, it happened that Chelcias one of her chief Commanders died, as he was in the pursuit of Lathurus about Coelosyria: as for Lathurus he quitted Syria, and made what haste he could to get into Egypt, supposing that the Garrisons there were all drayned by Cleopatra, and so fancying to himself fair hopes of surprizing them unawares; but he found it otherwise. [ Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 21.]
The Egestan and Lilybetane fugitives in Sicilia, created themselves a King, one Athenio, a shepherd, a Cilician by birth, who feigned that the gods by the stars had intimated unto him, how that he should be King of all Sicily; and that therefore it behooved him to favor the Country, and to spare the cattle and fruits therein as his own. Notwithstanding all this, as soon as Tryphon sent for him, he submitted himself to him as King, contenting himself with the Generals place of the army under him, [ Diodorus. Sicul. lib. 36. ut supr. compared with Cicero, in Verr. lib. 2. with Flrous, lib. 3. Histor. cap. 19. and with Dion. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 637.]
Cleopatra, [Year of the World 3902] hearing of her son Lathurus his endeavors, [The Julian Period. 4612] and how his attempts upon Egypt had not succeeded to his hearts wish, [Year before Christ 102] sent a Brigade of her army thither, and chased him clean out of the Country: And now he, being once more driven out of Egypt, spent the following Winter at Gaza, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 21.]
In the mean while Cleopatra won Ptolemais, with its Garrisons: Thither repaired unto her Alexander Jannaeus, with presents in his hands; who was entertained by her after such manner, as was befitting one that had been oppressed by Lathurus, and had no other refuge to betake himself unto. And when certain of the Queens favorites would have persuaded her to seize upon that Country also, and not to suffer such a number of good Jews to lie at the beck of one single person: Ananias advised the contrary; telling her, what a high piece of unjustice it would be, for her to strip a man of his fortunes, who was both her fellow-warrior, and the kinsman of Ananias himself: for if she did so, she would in short time, by offering injury to Alexander, lose the affections of the whole Nation of the Jews. Cleopatra followed his counsel, and did not only at that time refrain from doing him any injury, but shortly after, renewed the League which was formerly betwixt them at Scythopolis a City of Coelosyria, [ Id. ibid. ]
Alexander Jannaeus being now secured from the fear he had of some imminent danger from Ptolemy Lathurus, undertook an expedition into Coelosyria, and besieged Gadara, [ Id. ibid. ]
L. Licinius Lucullus, being sent by the Senate against the slaves that had revolted, came into Cicily with an army 17 thousand strong, consisting of Italians, Bithynians, Thessalonians, Acarnans, and Lucans. Athenio the Cilician marched out to meet him with 40 thousand men: who having lost 20 thousand of his men, slain outright, and being himself desperately wounded, yet made a shift to escape, by lurking amongst the dead carcases, [ Diodorus. Sicul. ut supr. ]
The Jews and the Arabians infested Syria with robberies by land: The Cilicians occasioned a war at sea, by their piracy, which the Romans waged in Silicia by Antonius, [ Prolog. lib. 39. Trogi. ] Marcus Antonius (the Orator, grandfather of M. Antonius the triumvir) at that time Praetor, sent to that war instead of the Consul, and staying at Athens many days, in regard it was bad sailing, heard Mnesarchus, Carneades, and Menedemus, 3 most learned men disputing there, as he did afterwards Metrodorus Scepsius in Asia. Then being come unto the Province by the assistance of the Byzantians he encountered the pirates with good success; yet in the engagement he lost M. Gratidius his Admiral, [ Cicero in lib. 1. & 2. de Oratore, & in Bruto. Liv. lib. 68. Corn. Tacit. lib. 12.] To which that passage of Julius Obsequens, about the consulship of C. Marcus, and Q. Luctatius, is to be referred. The Pirates in Cicily (lege Silicia) were vanquished by the Romans: and another passage in lib. 68. of Livies Epitome: Antonius the Praetor in Sicily (it must be read Silicia, as in the former citation) chased the Pirates at sea. From whom also he rid in triumph, as Pighius tells us in the third tome of his Annals at the DCLI year Vrbis, (of the City) about the end.
The fourth Calippick Period begins.
Alexander Jannaeus took Gadara after he had spent ten months in the siege, [ Josep. lib. 13. cap. 21.]
Marius and Catulus, being Consuls,—Archias the Poet of Antiochias, who afterwards described the Mithridatick war in Greek Verse (and many of whose Epigrams are extant in the Greek Anthology) came to Rome: where he had the chief hand both in Ciceroes first applying himself to any studies, and also in putting him into a method, [ Cicero, pro Archia, Poeta. ]
C. Marius, though in a posture ready to fight the Cimbrians in Gaule, delayed the engagement, pretending how that by the advice of certain Oracles, he did only lie at catch for a convenient time and place for a victory: For he carried about with him in a Litter a certain Syrian woman, called Martha, who was reported to have skill in prophesying: He had her in great reverence, and never sacrificed but upon her intimation. She had formerly been with the Senate to treat of those matters, and foretell what should happen, but the Senate put her by, and would not vouchsafe her an hearing, [ Plutarch in Marius. ]
Near upon the same time, Battaces, or Batabaces, Priest of the great Mother Idea, came to Rome from Pessinunt in Phrygia; and coming into the Senate, he told them, he was commanded thither by his Goddess with t • ings of a great victory which should happen to the people of Rome, and the high renown they should get in a war: adding withal, that the religious rites of the Goddess were profaned, and therefore public expiation ought to be made of them at Rome. He brought also along with him a garment, and other ornaments of the body, new, and such as were never seen by any Roman before that time: he brought also a golden Crown of an unusual bulk, and a long Robe interwoven with flowers, and gilded, all very glorious and royal. After he had made a speech to the people from the Orators pleading desk, and persuaded them to receive his superstitious worship, he was entertained at the public places of receipt for strangers: but was prohibited by Aulus Pompeius Tribune of the people, to bring his Crown with him: Being by the other Tribune brought unto the Court, and questioned concerning the expiation of the Temple, he returned a very superstitious answer. As for Pompeius, after he had called him an hedge-priest, and an Imposture, and driven him out of the Court, dissolved the assembly and went home, where he fell suddenly sick of a violent fever; so that soon after he became speechless, and was most grieviously tormented with the squinacy; and upon the third day (or as others, the seventh day) he died. All which some interpret to have happened unto him by a divine providence, for the indignity and injury he offered to the Priest, and to the goddess herself: For the Romans were naturally inclined to superstitions. Thence it was, that Battaces in his holy dress, was treated so magnificently by the men and women, and that when he left Rome, he was atteended out of Town in such great pomp. [ Id. ibid. & Diodorus Siculus, lib. 36. in Photii Bibliotheca, cod. 244.]
A servant belonging to Servilius Caepio, gelding himself for the worship of Mother Idea, was transported over seas, and never to return back again to Rome. [ Julius Obsequens ut supra. ]
Alexander Jannaeus wan Amathus the best fortified Castle of any near Jordan; [Year of the World 3903] where Theodorus, Zenons son, deposited what ever things he had in highest estimation. But Theodorus, coming suddenly upon him, recovered what he had lost, p • llaged Alexanders carryages, and slew ten thousand Jews. But Alexander, as soon as he had recurited his loss, set upon the Countries along that sea coast, took Raphia, and Anthedon, which Herod afterwards named Agrippias. [ Joseph. lib. 1, Belli. cap. 3. lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 21.]
Manius Aquilius, [The Julian Period. 4613] the Colleague of C. Marius, [Year before Christ 101] in his fifth Consulship, was sent as General against Athenio the Cilician, who after the decease of Tryphon, was made King of the Runagadoes in Sicily: He behaved himself so gallantly in the service, that he got a most famous conquest over the Rebels: For he encountered with their King Athenio himself, and at last, got the better of him. Whilst the soldiery strived amongst themselves, whose prisoner he should be, he was torn in pieces by them in the contest. [ Diodorus. Sicul. ut sup. Florus, lib. 3. cap. 19.]
Ptolemy Lathurus quitted Gaza, and returned again to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra into Egypt. [ Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 21.] whose hard usage of Lathurus affrightned her young son Alexander so far, as that it occasioned him to leave him, preferring a secure and safe life before an hazardous kingdom. Wherefore Cleopotra, fearing least her eldest son Lathurus might procure Antiochus Cyzineus his helping hand towards the recovery of Egypt, dispatched away supplies to Antiochus Grypus, and sent unto him also Selene (Lathurus his wife) to be married to the enemy of her former husband; and called back, by her Ambassadors, her son Alexander into the kingdom. [ Justin lib. 39. cap. 4.] And this was the ground of their civil wars which arose betwixt the Kings of Syria, which Livy recites in lib. 68.
That the Fugitives in Sicily were all put to the sword in several battles, [Year of the World 3904] in the time of C. Marius, and Lucius Valerius, Consuls, Julius Obsequens notes in his little Book de prodigiis: For Aquilius the Proconsul pursued the remainder of the Fugitives (ten thousand whereof yet were left) until he had reduced them all under his power, and thereby put an end to the second servile war, after it had continued almost four years. [ Diodorus Siculus, ut supra. ] In which wars Athenaeus gives up a tally of ten hundred thousand slaves that were lost. [ l • b. 6. cap. 7.]
C. Marius, [The Julian Period. 4614] then the sixth time Consul, [Year before Christ 100] chiefly by the assistance of L. Apuleius Saturninus, tribune of the people, banished Q. Metellus Numidius, who came to Rhodes, and there addicted himself to the studies of philosophy, and was at leisure to read Authors, and hear the discourses of the most eminent scholars. [ Cicero in Pison & pro Sextio. Livy, lib. 69. Plutarch. in Mario. Appian. Belli. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 367, 369.]
Ambassadors came to Rome from Mithridates with a good round sum of money, with hopes of corrupting the Senate therewith. Saturnius, Tribune of the people, a sworn enemy to the whole order of Senators, taking notice thereof, and supposing that he had them now on the hip, bespattered the Embassy, with reproaches and obloquies. The Ambassadors called him in question for this, and so musled him by the instigation of the Senators, who clapped them on the back, and promised them their helping hand. Saturninus was in great danger of his head for this his violating the Ambassadors, whose privileges the Romans always held in a most religious esteem: But the people did not only rescue him in this extremity, but also declared him again Tribune of the people. [ Diodorus Siculus, Legat. 34.] Yet that Incendiary being engaged in a fresh mutiny, was slain therein, this very year of C. Marius, (now the sixteenth) and Valerius Flaccus Consuls. [ Cicero in 8 Philippica, & pro Rabirio. Appian. belli. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 369. 360. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 17.]
When as in every assembly, for the space of two whole years together, Q. Metellus his restoring from banishment was taken into debate: Q. Metellus his son traversed the market-place, having his beard and hair over-grown, and in a nasty garment; where with tears in his eyes, he prostrated himself to the Citizens, beseeching them to recall his father home again. The people, although they would by no means put the banished in hopes of returning, by doing anything on their behalf, which was contrary to law, yet in compassion to the young man, and being moved with the importunity of his entreaties, they recalled Q. Metellus from banishment, and gave to his son the surname of Pius, for his singular affection and care he had of his father, [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi, p. 390.] Yet Aurelius Victor, in his hook de viris Illustribus, cap. 62. writes, how that the father, ( viz. Q. Metellus) being banished to Smyrna, and recalled home by the Calidian law, when the letters to that purpose were brought unto him, as he sat accidently in the theater, beholding the pasports, he would not vouchsafe to read them, until such time that the show was over.
C. Marius, not brooking to look Metellus in the face after his return home, sailed into Cappadocia and Galatia, pretending a piece of devotion, in which he stood engaged to the Great Mother Idea, but in very deed to raise and foment new wars: and to bring his design about, he thought good to egg forward Mithridates (by whom he was received with all civillity and respect, and who at that time, as it appears plainly, was busy about taking up arms) with these words: Either endeavor, O King, to put your self into such a condition that you may be too hard for the Romans, or else quietly submit unto their commands. This saying amazed the King, as one who often heard of the name, but never till now of the freeness of the Roman tongue, to vent what it pleased. [ Plutarch in Mario. ]
Alexander Jannaeus, being enraged against the Gazaeans, because they had called in Ptolemy Lathurus to their assistance against him, both assaulted their City, and wasted the Country. In the mean time Apollodorus, Commander of the Gazaeans, with 2000 mercenaries, and 10000 which he armed out of the Townsmen, sallyed forth by night into the Jews Camp; and whilst it was a night-fight, the Gazaeans had the better of it, the enemy supposing that Ptolemy was come to their relief: but as soon as daybreak, and the truth of the business appeared, the Jews rallyed forth into a body, and falling upon the Townsmen with all their might and main, killed about 1000 of them: yet for all this, and though victuals also grew scarce, would not they stoop to a resignation of themselves, but were ready to undergo any hardship, rather than they would be brought under the power of the enemy. Aretas also, King of the Arabians, bare up their spirits a while, by giving out, and putting them in hopes (though in vain) of some great matters he would do for them, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 21.]
Lysimachus, [Year of the World 3907] envying the great favor his brother Apollodotus was in amongst the Gazaeans, [The Julian Period. 4617] killed him, [Year before Christ 97] and then drawing together a band of soldiers, delivered up the City to Alexander Jannaeus; who at first marched in very calmly, but presently after let loose the soldiers to fall upon the Townsmen, to kill and slay without control. The Gazeans indeed lay slaughtered in every street; yet did they not die unrevenged, but struggling with their assailants, killed as many of the Jews: but others of them quitted their houses, and set them on fire, to prevent the enemies plunder; others killed their wives & their children with their own hands, that they might not be led away into captivity. The Senators, 500 in number, had retired themselves into Apollo's Temple; for it happened that at that very time, that the enemy was let into the City, a Senate was held there. But Alexander cut the throats of them all, and after he had dismantled the City, returned back to Jerusalem, a year after his drawing up his forces to block up Gaza. [ Id. ibid. ]
At the very same time also Antiochus Grypus was put out of the way, by the treachery of Heracleon, having lived 45 years, and reigned 29. [ Id. ibid. ] or rather 26, as it is read in Porphyrius his fragment; eleven of those 26 years, he reigned alone, the other 15, joint partner with Cyzicenus. He died in the fourth year of the CLXX Olympiad. [ in Graec. Euseb. Scalig. pag. 227.] Grypus left behind him five sons, the first Seleucus, whom Josephus will have to succeed his father, the second and third twins, by Tryphaena, daughter to Ptolemy Physcon, King of Egypt, Antiochus and Philip▪ the fourth Demetrius Eucaerus; the fifth, another surnamed Dionysius.
To Mithridates Eupator, [Year of the World 3908] King of Pontus, was born a son, called Pharnaces, who lived fifty years. [ Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 254.]
Cn. Domitius and C. Cassius being Consuls, [The Julian Period. 4618] Ptolemy King of the Cyrenians (Physcon's son by a Curtesan) died, [Year before Christ 96] and left the people of Rome his heir. [ Liv. lib. 70. Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Cassiodorus in Chronica.] The Cities of that kingdom were enfranchized by a decree of the Senate, as Livy testifies, although Plutarch in Lucullo shows, how that the Cyrenaeans soon after were miserably harrased with continual usurpations and wars.
Anna the Prophetess, [Year of the World 3909] daughter of Phanuel, [The Julian Period. 4619] of the tribe of Aser, [Year before Christ 95] being married, lived with her husband seven years from her virginity. [ Luc. 2. 36.]
Tigranis, son of Tigranes who was delivered up to the Parthians, as hostage, was restored by them into his fathers kingdom of Armenia, upon their receipt of 70 portions of lee land of his Country, as a gratuity, [ Strabo. lib. 11, pag. 532. Justin, lib. 38. cap. 3. Appian. in Syriac. pag. 118.] as is gathered out of the 25 year of his reign, mention whereof will be made hereafter out of Plutarch’s Lucullus, at the year of the World, 3934.
Q. Mutius Scaevola, [Year of the World 3910] being sent Proconsul into Asia, made choice of his most intimate friend, P. Rutilius Rufus for his Legate, (whom Pomponius in D. de orig. Juris, erroneously makes the Proconsul of Asia) and used his advice and counsel in managing the affairs of the province, and making laws: he also had a great hand in restraining the injuries and exactions of the Publicans, who did extremely oppress those of that province: For as often as any who had been pinched by those tole-gatherers, made their address unto him, he condemned them wheresoever he came, by upright Judges, purposely commissionated, and delivered over the parties condemned to the persons whom they had injured, to be them confined to prison. Moreover, by his discharging both his own expenses, and the expenses of his retinue, out of his own private purse, he soon inclined the hearts of all in the province towards the people of Rome. [ Cicero. lib. 2. de oratore. Diodorus▪ Siculus, in Excerptis Valesii, pag. 393, 394.]
Seleucus, [The Julian Period. 4620] son of Antiochus Grypus, [Year before Christ 94] having gotten together a considerable force, marched against his Uncle Antiochus Cyzicenus. Cyzicenus came with his army from Antiochus, and gave him battle, but was overcome: and being by his horse's running away with him, hureyed into the enemies Camp, seeing no possibility of getting off again, slew himself, after he had reigned 18 years: And Seleucus, having won the kingdom, retreated to Antioch. [ Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. pag. 227.] Josephus relates, how that Cyzicenus was taken prisoner in the fight by Seleucus, and afterwards put to death. [ lib. 13. cap. 21.] But Trogus, that he died in the battle which was fought betwixt him and Grypus his sons. [ lib. 40. Prolog. ]
Cn. Domitius, and C. Coelius being Consuls, a Decree of the Senate came forth, whereby all persons were prohibited to lend any money to the Cretans. [ Ascon. Pedianus in argument. orat. pro C. Cornelio. ] See ann. Mundi 3935. out of Dion.
Q. Mutius Scaevola, having held the government of Asia not above nine months, for fear he should be chargeable to the Exchequer, resigned that honor. [ Cicero ad Atticum, lib. 5. epist. 17, cum Asconio Pediano in orat. Cicer. contra L. Pisonem. ] The while he held his employment in Asia, so uprightly and so stoutly did he manage it, that the Senate ever after by their decree propounded Scaevola's administrations as a model and form to be imitated by all those that should succeed in that province. [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. 15.] The Grecians also inserted in their Calendar a festival day, in honor of him, which the Asian called Mutia. [Ascon. Pedian. in 3 tiam contra Verram, & Divinationem contra eundem ] concerning which Cicero thus, in Verrem 2 dâ . Mithridates in Asia, whereas he was Master of all the whole Province did not put down the Mutia, although he was not only an enemy, but such an enemy, as was too Violent and cruel in other matters, yet would he not violate the honor of the man, which was hallowed with the ceremonies of the gods.
Yet was his Legate Publius Rutilius Rusus, a person of high innocence, who had joined with him in vindicating Asia from the exactions and injuries of the Publicans, called in question as a receiver of bribes, by a factious party of the Gentry, (which he with the Proconsul had punished for acting exorbitantly, in gathering the rents.) But he was of such an entire trust, and innocence, that from the day that his accusers set to implead him, to the cognizance of the cause, he neither let his beard or his hair grow, not put on an unfashionable garment, nor laid aside his Senators robes, nor cringed to his adversaries, nor inclined the Judges: neither when the Praetor had granted him leave to make his apology, did he make a speech which might seem beneath his spirit, (such a spirit as would become every good man, whose chance it is to be loaden with calumnies, and who rather pitied the case of the Common-wealth, than his own condition) or let a word drop from his mouth, which might seem to derogate from the splendor of his fore-past years. [Liv. lib. 70, Ascon Pedian. in Divinatione contra, Verrem. Valer. Maxim. lib. 6. cap. 4. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 637. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 17.] Concerning whom, M. Cicero in his first Diolgue de oratore, speaks thus. Seeing that man was the very pattern of innocence, and not one person in the whole City of greater integrity or sanctimony: he would not only not petition the Judges favor, but would not so much as suffer his advocates to plead his cause with greater flourishes and amplifications, than the bare account of the truth itself would permit: some few particulars of his defense, he put over to Cotta, an eloquent man, and his sisters son. Q. Mutius also pleaded something on his behalf, after his old manner, without any flourishing, plainly and clearly. And in Bruto. At what time, that most innocent person was called to trial (by which judgment we know the Common-wealth to have been shaken) although there were then in the City, those two eloquent men, L. Crassus, and M. Antonius; yet would he not entertain either of them for his advocate: But he pleaded his own cause himself, and C. Cotta spake some few things, in regard he was his sisters son, who though but a youth, yet shown he himself an Orator. Q. Mutius, also spake in Court, clearly indeed and smoothly, as he always did, yet not with such ardour and volubility, as that kind of process, and the greatness of the cause required.
And thus the Gentry of Rome, having by the virtue of the Gracchian laws gotten into their hands the power of sitting in Judgment, condemned (to the great grief of the City) Rutilius, a person not only surpassing any of his time, but any that ever lived, upon the act of bribery, [ Vellei. Paterculi. lib. 2.] No sooner was sentence past upon him, and an estimate made in money of what he stood charged in Court, but he forthwith parted with all he had; whereby he evidenced, that he was altogether clear from the crime objected against him. For all he could rap and rend, came not near to so much, as his accusers said he got in Asia by his extortion: and every particular of his estate was by him shown to have been conveyed unto him upon just and lawful titles. The envy of this man's condemnation, fell upon C. Marius, to whom his virtue was a great eye-fore: which was the reason that Rutilius, not liking the carriage of things in the City, not enduring to live and converse any longer with such a fellow as Marius, left his Country of his own accord, and went into Asia, and lived there an exile at Mitylene, [ Dio. ut. supr. pag. 637, 638.] And whenas one of his friends thought to have comforted him and cheered him up in his banishment, by telling him, That civil wars would shortly break forth, and then all the banished might return home. What injury (said he) did I ever to you, that you should wish me a worse return home, than I had going into banishment? I had rather that my Country should blush at my banishment, than grieve at my return home, [ Seneca. in beneficiis, lib. 6. cap. 37.] His banishment did no whit impa • re his former glory and wealth: for all the Cities of Asia sent their Ambassadors to wait upon him: And not only Q. Mutius, but whatever Cities and Kings had formerly been beholding unto him for any courtesy, sent unto him very many presents: so that now, in respect of wealth, he was in a far better condition, than ever he was before his banishment, [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 2. cap. 10. Dio ut supr. pag. 638.]
Antiochus Eusebes, [Year of the World 3911] or Piu • , [The Julian Period. 4621] son of Antiochus Cyzicenus, [Year before Christ 93] having, by the means of a Curtezan who fell in love with him for the comeliness of his person, escaped a plot which Seleucus his Cousin German had laid for him (although the Syrians ascribe his preservation to the merit of his piety, for which he got the surname Eusebes) came to Aradus, and having set a Crown upon his head, commenced a war against Seleucus, to whom in one battle he gave so great an overthrow, that he never after was able to stand in the field but was chased out of all Syria, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 21. Appian. in Syriac. pag. 133.]
Seleucus, fleeiug into Silicia, after he had been a while received by the Mopsuestians, began to exact Tribute of them; but they took that his exaction so ill at his hands, that they set fire on his Palace, and burnt both him and his friends, [ Joseph. ibid. ] That he was burnt in the common place of exercise in regard he had carried himself so, beyond all measure, violently and tyrannically, Appian relates, [ pag. 132.] That he was burnt alive by Antiochus Cyzicenus his son, Eusebius in Chronico: but Porphyrius writes, That after he had betaken himself to the City, and perceived that the Mopsuestians had a design to burn him alive, that he laid violent hands on himself, [ ut supr. pag. 227.]
The two Seleuci twins, Antiochus and Philippus, drew up their Forces against Mopsuestia and took it, and levelled it even to the ground, in revenge of their brothers death: which was no sooner done, but Antiochus Pius, son of Cyzicenus came upon them on the sudden, and discomfited them. As for Antiochus, he fleeing on horseback out of the battle, and attempting to get over the River Orontes, was drowned in the stream. But his brother Philip (to whom Scaliger attributes a Coyne to belong, which did bear this Inscription: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) and Antiochus Pius, beginning their reigns together from the third year of the CLXXI. Olympiad, and having both of them considerable Forces, contested between themselves which of them two should be sole Lord of all Syria, [ Porphyr. ut sup. pag. 227.]
Ptolemy Lathurus, [Year of the World 3912] having sent for Demetrius Eucaerus, [The Julian Period. 4622] fourth son of Antiochus Grypus from Cnidus, [Year before Christ 92] made him King of Damascus. Antiochus Pius joining his Forces with his brother Philip's, opposed him very valiantly for a while, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 21.] But at length, Antiochus was worsted, and forced to flee for refuge to the Parthians, [ Porphyrius, ut supr. Eusebius in Chronic. ]
When as Mithridates King of Pontus had seized Cappadocia, [Year of the World 3913] having made away both the sons which the King of the Cappadocians (son of that Ariarathes, which died in the war against Aristonicus, and of another Laodice, of whom formerly) had by his sister Laodice: he resigned up the kingdom to his own son but 8 years of age, to whom he gave the name of Ariarathes, appointing Gordius for his Guardian. Nicomedes Philopator, King of Bithynia. being somewhat jealous least, having now gotten Cappadocia, he might happily attempt to invade Bithynia which bordered upon it, suborned a youth marvelous handsome, as if Ariarathes had had three, and not only two sons, who was to be a petitioner to the Senate about the restoring him to his fathers kingdom. He sent also his wife Laodice (Mithridates his sister, who after the decease of her former husband Ariarathes, was married to Nicomedes) to Rome to testify, that Ariarathes had three sons. As soon as Mithridates had notice hereof, he also with the like impudence, dispatches Gordius to Rome, whose errand was to avouch to the Senate, how that the youth to whom he had delivered the kingdom of Cappadocia, was descended from that Ariarathes, who in the war of Aristonicus, had brought supplies to the Romans, and died in the service, [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 1, 2.]
The Queen of the Galadeni waged war with the Parthians. [The Julian Period. 4623] Josephus writes, [Year before Christ 91] how that Antiochus Pius, Cyzicenus his son, being called to her assistance, behaved himself gallantly, but had the mischance to miscarry in the fight; so that after his decease, the kingdom of Syria remained in the power of the two brothers, Grypus his sons: Philip, and Demetrius Eucaerus, [ lib. 13. cap. 21.] Whereas Eusebius in Chronico terminates the reign of Seleucus his race in the two years, which he attributes to Philip Grypus his son. But seeing that after this time Appian in the end of his Syriacks teacheth us, that both Antiochus Pius was driven out of his kingdom by Tygranes; and Josephus, that Philip also with his two brothers, Demetrius Eucaerus, and Antiochus Dionysius, waged war with the Kings of Damascus, and possessed themselves of the kingdom of Syria, [ lib. 13. cap. 22, & 23.] It seems more probable, that Antiochus Pius, being returned from the Parthians (to whom Porphyrius and Eusebius confirm, that he went not against his enemies, but as to a Sanctuary and Refuge for himself) recovered that part of Syria which Philip had usurped for the space of two years: and that Philip to repair that loss, contested with his two brothers, Demetrius and Antiochus, about the joining of the kingdom of Damascus to his Principallity, (which commotions between the Kings of Syria, seem to be those which Livy hath described in his 70 book) and claimed to himself all the remaining parts of Syria, which were not in the hand of Cyzicenus his son. The Syrians being at last quite wearied out with the various skirmishes which Philip had, sometimes with Antiochus Pius, sometimes with his brothers, for the space of eight years together, they deserted the Seleucians, and voluntarily put themselves under the command of Tigranes King of Armenia; as Justin shows in the beginning of his 40 book. And as for that surname of Pius, which was given to Antiochus, Appian (in the forecited place) is of opinion, that it was given him in derision by the Syrians; because he had married Selene, which had formerly been the wife both of his father Cyzicenus, and his Uncle Grypus: and therefore plainly tells us, That he was by the just judgment of God, thrown out of the kingdom by Tigranes.
The Senate of Rome, being well acquainted with the endeavors of the two Asiatic Kings, and their design to steal away other men's kingdoms by obtruding false titles; took Cappadocia away from Mithridates, and to cheer him up, Paphlagonia from Nicomedes: And because it might perchance be thought a disparagement to deprive those two Kings of that, which they were resolved ef • soones to give away unto some others; the Senate made both people a free State. But the Cappadocians refused this proffered liberty, and sending Ambassadors to Rome, told them, That it was utterly impossible for them to live without a King: The Romans wondering thereat, gave them leave to elect a King out of their own body: so Ariobarzanes was made King, [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 2. Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 540.] The Romans, having renounced Gordius, whom Mithridates had commended unto them, [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 5.]
L. Cornelius Sylla, [Year of the World 3914] after his Praetorship was expited, (which as Velleius Paterculus intimates in • lib of his History, he discharged the year before L. Caesar, and P. Rutilius were Consuls) being appointed over Silicia, was sent Embassador into Cappadocia; his expedition was glossed with the specious pretence of settling Ariobarzanes the new elect in his kingdom: but the true occasion of his going thither, was to crush Mithridates his designs, whose head was full of plots. Sylla brought no great force with him thither, but by means of the Allies who readily proffered their service, he slew a great company of the Cappadocians, but a far greater number of the Armenians, who came to assist Gordius; threw out Gordius himself, with the new obtruded young King Ariarathes, to whom Gordius was assigned Governor by Mithridates) and proclaimed Ariobarzanes King, according to the decree of the Senate, Mithridates saying not one word all the while against it. [ Livy. lib. 70. Plutarch in Sylla. Appian. in Mithridatic, pag. 208. & lib. 1. Bell. Civil. pag. 396.]
The Parthian Ambassadors came to Sylla, [The Julian Period. 4624] from their King Arsaces, [Year before Christ 90] to entreat amity with the people of Rome, [ Livy. lib. 70. Sextus Rufus, in Breviario. ] There never being before that any correspondence held between those two nations. Orobazus the Parthian had the chief managing of the Embassy; who, meeting with Sylla, residing about Euphrates: Sylla is said to have caused three Seats to be placed, one for Ariobarzanes, another for Orobazus, and a third for himself: so seating himself in the midst betwixt them both, he gave audience to the Ambassadors; wherefore the Parthian King shortly after put Orobazus to death: Others gave out, that he flew Sylla, as if he had exposed the Barbarians to open derision; whilst others exclaimed against him, as being an arrogant person, and one who had discovered his ambition very unseasonably. It is recorded also, how that a certain Chalcidian of Orobazus his retinew; after he had viewed Sylla's countenance, and very curiously observed the temper bent and motions, both of his mind and body, and examined his disposition by the wiles of art, declared openly, That it was impossible, but Sylla must needs come to be some great man ere long; and that he wondered extremely, that he himself could endure to make a stand where he was, and not already to be head of all. [ Plut. in Sylla. compared with Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. cap. 24.]
No sooner was Sylla returned home to Rome, but Censorinus impeached him of bribery, as one who against law had taken a great sum of money of a kingdom in friendship and amity with the Romans: but he did not prosecute the accusation, but let it fall. [ Plutarch. ibid. ]
Mithridates inveagled Tigranes, King of Armenia, (not dreaming that the Romans would take any exception thereat) to side with him in the war which he had been a long while hammering out against the Romans; persuading him by Gordius to engage in war. Ariobarzanes, whom the Romans had set as King over the Cappadocians; buzing him in the ear, as if he were but a dull fellow, and such an one, who had neither spirit nor life in him at all: And to seem to play fair play, he proffered him his daughter Cleopatra in marriage. [ Justin lib. 38. cap. 3.]
Mithridates, [Year of the World 3915] and Bagoas, Tigranes his Commanders, having driven out Ariobarzanes, who upon their first approach, took up bag and baggage; and made what hast he could towards Rome, placed Ariarathes in the kingdom: and so by Tigranes his assistance, Cappadocia began again to be under Mithridates jurisdiction. [ Id. ib. Appian. in Muithridatic. pag. 176.]
At the same time, Nicomedes Philopator, being deceased, the Senate of Rome made his son Nicomedes, whom Nisa, (a common dancer, as Mithridates in Justin, lib. 38. cap. 5. calls her) bore unto him, King of Bithynia. Mithridates sent his elder brother Socrates; who also himself was called Nicomedes, and surnamed Chrestus, or the Thrifty, against him with an army; who, after he had beaten out his brother, seized upon the kingdom himself. [ Justin, ibid. Appian. pag. 176. & 178. Memnon in Excerptis Photii, cap. 32.]
Nicomedes, then devested of his kingdom, made his humble addresses to Rome: whereupon it was decreed in the Senate, that both he and Ariobarzanes should be restored into their kingdoms. To effect this, Ambassadors were presently dispatched away; Manius Aquilius (who quelled the servile war in Sicily) and Malthius, or (as it is read in the MS.) Marcus Altinius [ Justin & Appian. ut supra. ] Lucius Cassius also, who held Asia Pergamena, with a small army, and Mithridates himself was ordered to assist them. But Mithridates sat still, and helped them not, because that the title of Cappadocia was then in dispute, and the Romans had taken away Phrygia from him. [ Appian. ibid. pag. 176, 177.] but put them off with a long story of his grievances, and showing the Ambassadors at what vast expenses he had been at, both upon public and private accounts. [ Dio. Legat. 30. in edit. Graeca, vel 31. in Graeco latina. ] Although he himself in an oration of his, which Trogus Pompeius hath put upon the file, affirms, that both his son was turned out of Cappadocia, which by the law of nations appertained to him, [The Julian Period. 4625] as Conquerer; [Year before Christ 89] and also that he had slain Chrestus, King of Bithynia, in favor to the Romans. [ Justin, lib. 38. cap. 5.]
Mithridates, resolving ere long to encounter the Romans, engaged Tigranes in his quarrel, upon mutual covenant, That Mithridates should have the Cities and the fields for his share, and Tigranes, the people and the plunder. And Mithridates, understanding well enough how great a task he had undertaken, sent his Ambassadors abroad, soliciting assistance: some he sent to the Cimmerians, other to the Gallogrecians, to the Sarmatans, and the Basternans; for, by his presents and favors, he had made sure of everyone of those nations before hand, when his design of engaging the Romans came first into his head. He commanded also an army to repair to him out of Scythia. [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 3.] All those which inhabit Tanais and Ister, and the lake Maeotis, being ready at his beck. He sent also into Egypt and Syria, to draw the Kings there into an association with him. He had already 300 ships with decks, and built more every day, having sent for Masters and Pilots out of Phoenicia and Egypt. He had also his fathers kingdom which was twenty thousand furlongs in length: he drew also to his side with him, many of the adjacent Countries, and amongst the rest the Colchi a warlike Nation, [ Appian. in M • thridatic. pag. 178, 180.] He was seized also of that Country which is bounded with the River Halys, as far as the Tibarens and the Armenians: and within the River Halys as far as Amastris, and some parts of Paphlagonia: Moreover he annexed to his Dominions, the Sea coast towards the West, unto Heraclea: and on the other side, he laid unto Pontus, all the Country betwixt that and Colchis, and Armenia the lesser, [ S • rabo, lib. 12. pag. 540, 541.] Aulus Gellius writes how that he had twenty five Nations which did homage unto him as subjects, [ lib. 17. cap. 17.] Valerius Maximus 22. [ lib. 8. cap. 7.] So Quintilianus, [ lib. 11. cap. 2.] Pliny, [ lib. 7. cap. 24. & lib. 25. cap. 2.] and that he was thoroughly skilled in every one of their several languages, so well, that he never used any Interpreter, whensoever he had occasion to speak with the people. We read also in Sextus Aurelius Victor, his book de viris illustribus, cap. 76. how that he could speak 22 several languages: although in this place for 22. the Manuscripts compute fifty.
As soon as the Roman Legates with Cassi • s his soldiers, and some other supplies levied out of Galatia and Phrygia, had re-inthroned Nicomedes in Bithynia, and Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia; they presently advised them both, by their often incursions, to pester Mithridates his Country which bordered upon them, thereby seeking occasion of a quarrel, upon confidence of the assistance they were like to find in case Mithridates should resent the provocation. Yet had neither of the so much spirit, as to dare to provoke so potent a neighbor, by downright acts of hostility. But the Legates importuning Nicomedes (who upon covenant was engaged in deep sums of money to the General and Legates themselves for his restitution, and in other sums of money, which he had taken up upon interest of the Romans in Asia, which was now called in) he was forced at this pinch, though much against his will, to make his enrodes into Mithridates his Dominions: so that he destroyed and pillaged the Country as far as the City Amastris, without the least control or check from anybody. For Mithridates, though he was sufficiently provided at this time, yet did he decline to fight, and suffered the enemy to range at pleasure; that so all the World might see, that he did not commence the war against the Romans, but upon many, and those very just, grounds, [ Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 177. cum Liv. lib. 74. & Dione. Legat. 30, vel. 31.] Of which insolencies of the Romans Salust (in the 4 book of his History) brings him in thus, complaining in an Epistle of his to Arsaces. For why should I name myself, who being on every side by kingdoms and Principalities divided from their Empire, because it was reported that I was rich, and resolved against their service; they provoked by the war of Nicomedes, that was privy to their wickedness, and testified before the Kings that afterwards ensued, &c.
As soon as Nicomedes was returned home with his rich booty, Mithridates sent Pelopidas the Orator to the Roman Generals and Legates (knowing well enough that Nicomedes did what he did by their abetting and instigation) to expostulate with them concerning the injuries and violencies offered unto him by Nicomedes. And when as Nicomedes his Ambassadors laid all the blame upon Mithridates, as giving the first occasion of those his proceedings: The Romans replied, That they were neither well pleased that Nicomedes should any ways molest Mithridat • s; neither would they suffer Mithridates to right himself by waging war with Nicomedes. Mithridates receiving no better satisfaction, but rather conceiving himself plainly baffel'd by the Romans, sent his son Ariarathes with a great host to seize upon the kingdom of Cappadocia: who soon beat out Ariobarzanes, and reigned himself in his stead, [ Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 179. compared with Livy, lib. 76. and 77. Eutrop. lib. 5. and Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.] Maltius also, or M. Altinius, the Roman Legate, was defeated there at the same time, [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 4.]
Mithridates sent his Agents to Rome, to desire the Romans, that if they accounted Nicomedes their friend, that they would either persuade him, or else compel him whether he would or no, to do what was just and right: But if they held him an enemy, that they then would give him leave to avenge himself of him. The Romans, did not only not gratify him in any one particular demanded, but proceeded to threaten him, if he did not straitwayes resign back Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, and conclude a peace with Nicomedes: They commanded also his Em • assadours to depart the Town the same day, laying a strict prohibition upon him, that unless he submitted to their injunctions and did accordingly, he should never send Ambassadors again to Rome. [ Dio. Legat. 31. vel. 32.]
In the mean time, Mithridates dispatched away Pelopidas to the Roman Generals, whose errand was to acquiant them, how that he had sent some Ambassadors to complain of them to the Senate, and therefore warned them to be present, to justify their actions; and that they should not dare to begin, or act, anything, until they had received a decree from the Senate and people of Rome, to authorize them. This sounded something harsh and insolent, whereupon they enjoined Mithridates not to meddle with Nicomedes, and to quit Cappadocia: (for they would themselves take care to see Ariobarzanes restored) as for Pelopidas, they charged him forthwith to depart the Camp, and never to return, but upon the Kings execution of what was commanded: with this answer was he dismissed, yet not without a convoy, in case he should attempt to corrupt any by the way. [ Appian. ]
The Roman Generals (not staying for the determination of the Senate and the people, concerning this so great war) presently drew up their forces out of Bithinia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and Gallograecia; and to those L. Cassius his army, which he kept for the securing of Asia, joined themselves. They put their forces into several divisions. Cassius pitched about the confines of Bithinia, and Galatia. Manius Aqui • lus had his brigade to make good the passage, by which Mithridates was to enter Bithynia. Q. Oppius lay in the borders of Cappadocia, each of them had 40000 Foot and Horse. They had a fleet also riding about Byzantium; Minutius Ru • us, and C. Popilius being Admirals, to keep the entrance into Pontus. Nicomedes also sent 50000 Foot, and 6000 Horse to their assistance. [ Idem. ]
Mithridates had in his own army 250 thousand Foot, and 40 thousand Horse, 300 ships with decks, 100 Gallies with two oars on a bank, and other preparations answerable to so numerous an army. Neoptolemus and Archelaus, two brothers, had the command of these forces, the King himself also took the charge of many things on his own person, Amongst the auxiliaries, Archathias, Mithridates his son, brought 10000 Horse out of Armenia the lesser: Dorylaus was over the Phalanges of foot (armed cap a pe) Craterus had the command of 130 Chariots with Sithes. [ Ibid. ]
As soon as Nicomedes and Mithridates his Generals (for he was not there himself) discovered each other in the Campaigne near the river Amnias, they presently put their bodies in batalio: Nicomedes all the men he had; Neoptolemus and Archelaus, only their light hatnessed Foot, Arcathias his Horse, and some Chariots, for the Phalanx consisting of 8000 men, was not yet come up, but was upon the march. The victory kept not constant to one side, but sometimes one, sometimes the other had the better: till at last Mithridates his Commanders (though their soldiers were far inferior in number) with their Chariots armed with Sithes, did so mowe the enemy off, that it is not to be believed how many were slain in the place, Nicomedes himself was forced to fly, with his company, in Paphlagonia; so that the enemies Camp being deserted, the plunder and the monies fell to the Conquerors. [ Id. compared with Memnon. cap. 33. and Strabo lib. 12. pag. 562.]
Nicomedes thus chased out of the field, pitched near the place where Manius Aquilus lay, with his brigade. Mithridates got upon the mountain Scoroba, which divides the Bithynians and the Ponticks. He sent out 100 Horse of Sarmatans, as his Scowts, who lighting upon 800 of Nicomedes Horse, took some of them prisoners. Neoptolemus and Nemanes an Armenian, having upon his first entrance into the Village Pacheus, about seven hours after the fight, overtaken Manius Aquilius, as he was drawing off his forces, (when Nicomedes was gone to Cassius) forced him to fight, having at that time with him 4000 Horse, and ten times as many Foot: whereof 10000 were slain outright, and 3000 taken prisoner. As for Aquilius himself, after this disaster, he made as fast as he could towards the river Sangarius, and by night got over, and so escaped to Pergamos. [ Appian. compared with Livy. lib. 77.]
Cassius, Nicomedes, and all the Roman Legates, removed their Camps, and marched to Leontocephale, the best fortified Castle in all Phrygia: where they exercised a company of fresh-water soldiers, which they had raked together from amongst the trades-men, husbandmen, and the scum of the people, and made a new muster of Phrygians also: but seeing that all of them seemed backward to their service, they dismissed them all, and retreated thence. Cassius marched away with his sorces to Apamea, Nicomedes to Pergamos, and Aquilius towards Rhodes. As soon as tidings hereof were brought to those that were set to keep the entrance into Pontus, they dispersed themselves, having delivered the inlets of Pontus and Nicomedes his ships, as a prize to Mithridates. [ Appian. ]
Mithridates sent all the prisoners he had taken in this war home, with provision in their snapsacks; hoping by that act of Clemency, to get the good opinion of his enemies. [ Id. ] This mild passage was so cried up everywhere, that all the Cities generally came flocking in to him, and sided with him; in such wise, that Ambassadors came to him from all Cities, inviting him by their public decrees, to come into them: calling him their god and deliverer. And upon notice of the Kings approach, the people came huddling out of the several Cities, in white garments, to salute him, and received him with great joy and acclamation. [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 401.] The Titles of honor which they conferred upon him, were so notable and so high, that they suited not with one that was but a mortal man, they called him their God, and implored his assistance. [ Athen. lib. 5. cap. 11,] their Lord, Father, Preserver of Asia, Evius, Dionysius, Nysius, Bromius, Bacchus, [ Cicero. pro. Flacco. ] And why the Title of Bacchus was given above all the rest, Plutarch gives the reason in the first book of his Symposiacs.
Mithridates hereupon, (Nicomedes having shifted for himself, and withdrawn into Italy) at his very first coming, seized upon all Bithynia, so that he had nothing else to do there, but to ride in circuit from City to City, to settle and compose things, and put them in order. [ Memnon. cap. 33. Liv. lib. 76. & 77. Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 502. Appian. pag. 183.] From thence he marched with a considerable army into Phrygia, a province belonging to the people of Rome, [ Liv. lib. 77.] where he took up the same quarters to lodge in, which Alexander formerly had done: taking it for a very happy Omen, that it should so fall out for Mithridates, to lodge at night where Alexander himself had taken a nap. And so he ran over all Phrygia, My • a, and Asia, provinces but lately fallen to the Romans, as far as Caria and Lycia. [ Appian. pag. 183.]
Mithridates, [Year of the World 3916] having sent his Commanders round about, subdued Lycia, Pamphylia, and other places as far as Ionia. [ Appian. pag. 184.] he invaded Paphlagonia also, and drove out thence Pyloemen the King, who was a confederate of the people of Rome. [ Eutrop. lib. 5. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. compared with Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 209.]
The Athenians sent an Ambassador to Mithridates, one Athenio, son by an Egyptian slave, to Athenio the Peripatetic (who being after the decease of his Master left heir, and enrolled a free denizon of Athens, took upon himself the name of Aristion, and taught young boys Rhetoric, and the Peripatetic Philosophy) He had no sooner shuffled himself into the list of the Kings favorites, but he forthwith solicited them by his letters, to new inventions in State. [ Atheneus, lib. 5. cap. 10. & 11. Ex Posidonii Apameni Historia. ] He was a person compounded of impudency and cruelties, and one, who had as it were raked the kennel of Mithridates his vices, and picked out the most vile of them for his own imitation. [ Plutarch. in Sylla, and his transcriber Dio, in Valesii Excerptis, pag. 649.]
Mithridates, having promised security and protection to the Laodiceans, inhabiting near the river Lycus, to whom Q. Oppio, Proconsul of Pamphylia had retreated with his Horse and Mercenary soldiers, upon condition that they should deliver Oppius up into his hands: they dismissed the Mercenaries indeed; but as for Oppius, they brought him to Mithridates, ordering the lictors to go before him in derision. Mithridates received him at their hands, and carried him about him withersoever he himself went, priding himself extremely in this, that he had taken a Roman General prisoner. [ Livy. lib. 78. Athenaeus ut supra, cap. 11. Appian. pag. 184.]
Mithridates his party, sweeping all before them in Asia, as they went, without control, all the Cities strangely revolting from the Romans: the Lesbians resolved not only to yield up themselves to the King, but to deliver up Aquilius also unto him, who flew away to Mitilene, and lay there, to be cured of a disease. Whereupon they sent to his lodging, a company of choice youths, stout and resolute; who came rushing into the room where Aquilius was, and took him and bound him, supposing that he would be a most rare present, and very acceptable to Mithridates. [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerptis Valesii, pag. 401.] together with Aquilus the M • tylenians, delivered other prisoners to Mithridates.
The King carried Aquilius (who had been the chief promoter of the Embassy, and the prime author in this war) bound upon an Ass, whithersoever he went, and forced him with his own mouth, to proclaim to the lookers on, that he was Manius Aquilius: And the same Manius, coupled to one Bastarnes, a tall fellow, sive cubits in stature, was sometimes led on foot in a chain, by a Trouper. At last after he had been scourged, and put upon the Rack at Pergamos, Mithridates commanded melted gold to be poured down his throat; in exprobration of the Romans corruption and bribery, [ Athenaeus & Appian. ut supr. compared with Cicro in Orat. pro lege Manilia, & lib. 5. Tusculan. quaest. Liv. lib. 78. and with Pliny lib. 33. cap. 3.]
The King, after he had appointed Governors of the several places he had subdued, went to Magnesia, Ephesus, and Mitylene; and finding a cheary welcome amongst them all. The Ephesians upon his coming, took down all the Statues of the Romans which they had set up amongst them, [ Appian. ]
Mithridates Generals, received of the Cities with favor and good liking, found amongst them a good bank of gold and silver, which the former Kings had horded up, and a good provision for war: by this he thought himself sufficiently stocked, so that he forgave the Cities their arrears both public and private, and a release of tribute or taxes for the space of five years, [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 3.] I, in revenge of the injuries done unto me, drave Nicomedes out of Bithynia, recovered Asia, King Antiochus his spoil, and eased Greece of that heavy burden under which it groaned: ] says he of himself, in an Epistle of his to Arsaces. [ lib. 4, Histor. Salust. ]
Mithridates, upon his return from out of Ionia, took Stratonicea, set a fine upon it, and placed a Garrison in it; where, casting his eye upon a very beautiful Virgin, called Monima, Philopome • es his daughter, he took her along with him, and put her amongst his women: But as for the Magnetians, he continued the war with them and with the Paphlagonians, and with the Lycians also, because they made some resistance, and would not suffer him to lay his Garrison amongst them, [ Appian. ] In which dispute the Magnetians about the mountain Sipylus, wounded Archelaus Mithridates his General, who lay pillaging upon their borders, and slew many of his men, [ Pausanias in Atticis, pag. 18.]
Cleopatra the Egyptian Queen, thinking by some secret plot to have circumvented her son Alexander, and to have worked his overthrow; was taken herself by him, and put to death. Neither was she ever a whit to be pitted, who had played such notable pranks, as to drive her own mother from her marriage-bed; made her two daughters widows, by forcing them to barter their husbands; engaged in a war against one of her sons, and never left till she had banished him: and for the other, deprived him of his kingdom, and after plotted his destruction, [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 4. compared with Pa • sanias in Atticis, pag. 8. with Athenaeus, lib. 12. cap. 27. and with Eusebius in Chronico. ] Yet he had reigned, together with his mother, 18 years, [ Porphyr. in Greek Euseb. Scaliger, pag. 225.]
As soon as ever it came to be known, that Cleopatra was slain by her son Alexander, the people presently were in an uproar; which made Alexander shift away for himself: After whose withdrawing, the Alexandrians dispatched away Ambassadors to Cyprus to Ptolemy Lathurus the elder brother, and delivered up the kingdom of Egypt unto him: who held it for the space of 8 years (or as Porphyrius hath more exactly computed the time) 7 years and 6 months, [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 5, Pausan. Porphyr. & Euseb. ut supr. ]
Anna the Prophetess, [The Julian Period. 4626] daughter of Phanuel (her husband being deceased, [Year before Christ 88] a widow) went not out of the Temple, but served God with fastings and prayers night and day for 84 years together, until such time as she saw Christ himself in the Temple, [ Luc. II. 37.]
The Italians which had revolted from the Romans, sent unto Mithridates, to solicit him to march with his Forces into Italy against the Romans: for by that means it would prove no great piece of business by their united Forces to shatter the Roman power. Mithridates replied: That he was resolved to march into Italy, but not until such time he had completed his Conquest over Asia, with which his hands were now full. The Italians upon Mithridates his refusal of associating at present, began to despair, and grew quite out of heart: whereby it came to pass, that the war with the confederates, or the Marsian war, was laid asleep, [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Bibliotheca, Photii, • od. 244.] In which, amongst the supplies sent unto the Romans from foreign parts (mentioned by Livy in his 72 book) there were sent from the Heracleots of Pontus, two gallies with four oars on a bank; whereof Memnon makes mention in his History of them, [ cap. 31.] And on the Italian side, amongst others, Agamemnon the Cilician Pirate appeared, [ of whom Diodorus. Siculus speaks in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 398. and P. Orosius, in lib. 5. cap. 18.]
Mithridates, finding how that the Citizens of Rome which were dispersed thorough the Cities of Asia were an hindrance, to the accomplishing of his design, sent private letters from Ephesusto the Governors, and Magistrates of the Cities, giving order to them, that they should all of them upon the same 30 day, set upon the Roman and Italian sorjourners, with their wives, children, and all other free-borne inmates of the Italian Race, kill them, and let them lie unburied: One moyety of their goods were to go to the King, the other to the assacinates. He threatened also by a common crier, to lay a fine upon any that should dare to bury any of the slain, or should conceal any of them that had escaped the massacre: propounding a reward to those that should discover them; engaging to a slave his liberty, if he would murder his Master, and to the debtor one half of his debt, to kill his Creditor. Their instructions being privately sent to all of them; when the day appointed was come, it is not possible to express or comprize in words, what a multitude of Roman Citizens were massacred at that time, in what a sad condition most of the Provinces were in: how pitiful a plaint there was both of those that were to be slain, and those that slew them; whereas every one was compelled either to betray his innocent guests and friends, or they themselves lie obnoxious to the penalty and fine imposed upon those that should secure them, [ Appian. in Mithridatic, pag. 185. 206, 209, 212. compared with Cicero, in Orat. pro lege Manilia, & pro Flacco, and with Memnon in Excerpt. cap. 33. with Livy, lib. 78. with Velleio Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 18. with Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. with Eutrop. lib. 5. and Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.]
Then the Ephesians dragged such as had taken sanctuary in Dianas Temple, from the very embraces of their shrines, and put them to the sword: the Pergamenians in their quarters, struck them through with darts, as they clang to the statues in the Temple of Esculapius, whither they had flown for succor, when as they could not by any means be persuaded to come forth. The Adramyttians killed them with their children in the waters as they attempted to swim over sea: the Caunians (who after the conquest gotten over Antiochus, were assigned over to the Rhodians, and a little before, restored by the Senate to their privileges, hailed the Italians (who had escaped to the sacred Court of that City) from the very Altars; and after they had slain the infants before their mothers eyes, proceeded in the same cruelty against them, and last of all, put their husbands to the sword. [ Appian. ut supra, pag. 185.] The Trallians indeed slew not one man with their own hands, but (to avoid the scandal of imbruing themselves in the blood of such as had put themselves under their roofs) hired a bloody fellow, one Theophilus, a Paphlagonian to do the feat: who acted so savagely, that he shut them up in the Temple of concord, and then fell upon them with his sword, cutting off their hands, as they embraced the statues. [ Id. ibid, compared with Dion. in Excerptis Valesii, pag. 642.]
P. Rutilius Rufus, a person who had been Consul, living in banishment amongst the Mitylenians, escaped the Kings fury against all Gown men, by taking upon him the Philosophers buskin and mantle, [ Cicero. pro. C. Rubinio Posthumo. ] so that the fiction of Theophanes the Mitylenian (he that wrote the affairs of Pompei the great) is not at all to be credited; who reported, how that in the sort 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which was taken by Pompei, there was, amongst other precious secrets of King Mithridates his, found an oration of Rutilius his making, whereby he put the King upon this cruel massacre of the Romans. [ Plutarch in Pompeio. ] For other Romans besides Rutilius, were put to this shift of changing their garb, the better to escape the danger which was at that time so imminent. [ Athenae. lib. 5. cap. 11.] The floating Islands, Calaminae, in Lydia, saved many of the Citizens lives. [ Plin. lib. 2. cap. 95.] yet for all that, there was slain in that one day fourscore thousand of them, [ Memnon. cap. 33. Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 2.] and not 150, as the tally is given up by Plutarch, [ in Sylla ] and by Dion, who trode in his steps. [ Legat. 36. vel. 37.]
Mithridates wafted over into Cous, where he found a party willing to receive him; the Coians presented unto him the son of that Alexander, who had reigned in Egypt formerly (who was called also Alexander) whom his grandmother Cleopatra had left in Cous, with a great stock of monies: he received him at their hands, and brought him up like a Kings son, and he was well supplied out of Cleopatra's treasures with wealth, exquisite pieces, made by the Artificers, Jewels, all things belonging to women's dresses, and a great hord of monies, all which he sent away into Pontus. [ Appian, in Mithridaticis, pag. 186. 252, 253. & Bell. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 414.] Josephus from the books of Strabo his Histories avoweth, how that Mithridates (besides those treasures belonging to Cleopatra) carried away with him 800 talents of the Jews money; which he supposes was desposited by the Jews in Asia in that Island, out of fear of the Mithridatick war, and that that money was designed for the Temple of Jerusalem. [ lib. 14. cap. 12.]
Alexander, the father of the aforesaid young Alexander, in the 19 year of his reign in Egypt, (on Cyprus 26.) was foiled in a sea sight by the Egyptians, Tyrrus, one of the Blood-Royal being Admiral: in such manner, that he was forced with his wife and daughter, to fly to Myra; a City in Lycia: from whence, as he was bending his course towards Cyprus, he was enconutred by Chaereas, a sea Captain, and was slain. [ Porphyr. in Graec. Eusebius, Scaliger, pag. 225.]
Athenio, or Aristio, Ambassador, upon his return home to the Athenians out of Asia from Mithridates, was driven by tempest to Carystia in Eubaea, to fetch him thence the Athenians sent some long ships, and a chair supported with silver feet: the greatest part of the City running out of town to salute him. He had no sooner got the power of the City into his own hands, but he acted the Tyrant; either killing those that favored the Romans, or else delivering them up to Mithridates. Many, to avoid their falling into his clutches, escaped to Amisus, a Colony of the Athenians in Asia, and were received into the City, [ Possidonius, Apamenus, apud Athenaeum, lib. 5. cap. 11. compared with Plutarch in Lucullo, and with Pausanias in Atticis, pag. 18.]
Whatsoever Italians escaped out of Asia, found a sanctuary at Rhodes, and amongst those was L. Cassius the Proconsul of Asia. The Rhodians fortified their Walls, and Ports, and placed their Engines: some Te • missians and Lycians affording their assistance. Upon Mithridates drawing near with his Fleet, they pulled down the Suburbs, that they might not be as a shelter to the enemy, or serviceable to them; and put their ships into a posture of fighting, some in the front, others on the sides, [ Appian. ] The Rhodians were over-matched in nothing but in the number of ships: in all other things they had the odds by far: as being the better Pilots, knew better how to order their ships, plye the oars, had the more sprightly soldiers, the more expert and valorous Commanders: When as on the contrary, the Cappadocians were but fresh-water soldiers, seldom exercised at sea fights, and which commonly proves the bane of all, did all tumultuously and without any order, [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 402.]
The Cappadocians being now ready to engage with the enemy at sea in the presence and eye of their King, desired to approve their loyalty and affections unto him; and seeing that their advantage lay only in that their ships were more in number than theirs, they endeavored all they could to surprise and intercept the enemies Fleet, [ Diod. Sicul. ibid. ] But at length, Damagoras the Admiral of the Rhodians Fleet, after Sun-set, with six ships fell upon 25 of the Kings: two of which he sank, and forced other two to flee into Lycia: and so having spent the night at sea, returned back again. In this encountet, one of the Chian ships, an associate, in the route fell foul upon Mithridates his ship as he was encouraging his soldiers: so that the King himself had like to have fallen into the enemies hands, for which he afterwards punished the Master and Pilot, and was displeased with all the Chians. After this, as Mithridates his land Forces were upon sail to him out of Asia, in ships and gallies, a sudden storm drove them upon Rhodes. The Rhodians fell upon them as they were disordered and dispersed by the tempest; boarded some of them, sank others, and fired othersome: and brought away 400 prisoners. At last Mithridates, having brought his engines and scaling-ladders to take the City, was beaten off, and forced to retreat from Rhodes in disgrace, [ Appian. compared with Memnon cap. 33. and with Livy lib. 78.]
From hence he went to Patara and besieged it; where wanting materials for engines, he began to cut down Latona's grove: but was by a threatening dream commanded to desist, and not to meddle with those consecrated trees: Leaving Pelopidas to carry on the war in Lycia, he sent Archelaus into Greece to draw either by fair or soul means, as many Cities as he could into his association: Whilst he himself, entrusting his Commanders with many great businesses, employed himself in levying of soldiers, making arms, and sporting himself with his Stratonicean women: He also busied himself in the examination of all such persons as were impeached of treason, either by attempting somewhat against his own person, or innovation in state, or any which were but in the least manner inclined that way, [ Appian. pag. 188.]
Archelaus the Kings General, being sent before into Achaia with 120 thousand Horse and Foot, had the City of Athens delivered up into his hands by Aristo the Athenian, [ Liv. lib. 78. Eutrop. lib. 5. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.] From whence he went out with his Fleet and provisions to Delos, which had revolted from the Athenians, and reduced other Castles. He also seized upon some monies which had been dedicated to Apollo, and sent it away by Aristo to the Athenians, appointing a convoy of 2000 soldiers to secure it upon the way, [ Appian. pag. 188, 189.] But it happened, that Apellicon Teius, [ as Appian. reports it, lib. 5. cap. 11.] an Athenian Citizen, and a most intimate friend of Athenion, or Aristo, (in regard they were both Peripatetics) came with all speed with some companies of Foot to Delos: where he stayed a while, thinking himself safe enough; whenas he had neither placed the guards with that care he ought, nor yet secured the hinder part of the Island with Garrison or Trench: Orobius (or Orbius) the General of the Roman army, to whose trust Delos was committed, observing the man's negligence and imprudence in that particular, came with his Forces in a dark night, and fell upon them, heavy with sleep and drink; cut the throats of the Athenians and their auxiliaries, to the number of six hundred, as if they had been so many sheep: about 400 of them he took alive; but Apellicon, who so worthily commanded the Party, gave them the slip: Many of them for their security flew to the villages adjacent; but Orobius pursued them, set fire to the houses, and burnt both them, their Helepolis and other engines, belonging to a Leagure: And when all was done, erected a Trophie and Altar with this Inscription.
Methrophanes sent by Mithridates with another band of soldiers, [Year of the World 3917] made great depopulations in Eubaea, and the Country of Demetrias, and Magnesia: Cities extremely averse to the Kings faction. Bryttius (or Brutius Sura, Sentius, Praetor of Macedonias, Legate, as Plutarch shows) with some small forces which he brought out of Macedonia, set upon him, and encountered him at sea: and having sank one great ship, and one friggot called Hemiolia, put to sword all the men that were in them, Metrophanes standing by and looking on. But the spectacle seemed so dreadful to him, that he hoysted sail and made away with all speed: Bryttius after him as fast as he could drive, but the wind so befriended Metrophanes, that Bryttius was glad to give over the chase, and fall upon Sciathus an Island which was the common receptacle for the Barbarian thieves and robbers. As soon as he became Master of the place, he hung up all the slaves that were found therein, and the free-men he punished with the loss of their hands, [ Appian. ]
Of the sons of Mithridates, one of them held that ancient kingdom in Pontus and Bosphorus, as far as the waste above the Lake of Maeotis: not one body offering to appear against him. The other Ariarathes, proceeded in the conquest of Thracia and Macedonia. The several Generals which Mithridates sent forth with armies domineered also in other quarters: Archelaus the chief of them having with his Fleet got the command almost of the whole sea, brought the Islands Cyclades under his jurisdiction, and as many others as did lie within Malea, [ Plutarch in Sylla. ] Eretria, Chalcis, and all Eubaea coming in, and siding with Mithridates, [ Memnon cap. 34.]
Lucius Sylla (L. Cornelius Cinna the Consul, [The Julian Period. 4627] pressing forward his march) went as Proconsul into Greece with 5 legions, [Year before Christ 87] and some other companies, to manage the Mithridatick war, [ Plutarch, in Sylla, Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 642. Appiaa. in Mithridatic. pag. 390. & lib. 1. Civ. Bell. pag. 399.] Mithridates at that instant resided at Pergamos, where he was very busy in distributing amongst his friends, his wealth, principalities, and places of command. Amongst the many prodigies which presented themselves to Mithridates whilst he abode at Pergamos, it is said, that at the same instant, that Sylla put to sea with his Fleet from Italy, the Pergamenians in the Theatre were letting down with an engine a Statue of victory, bearing a Crown upon Mithridates his head: but it chanced, that when the Crown was just come to his head, it fell to the ground, and was burst in pieces. This accident being no good omen, struck the people with a strange kind of horror, and Mithridates himself was in great amazement thereat, although at that time, all things had succeeded well to him, [ Plutarch in Sylla. ]
Amongst the other strange visions which appeared to Mithridates upon his first designing his war against the allies of the people of Rome, these are recited; at the time of the Consulship of L. Sylla, and Q. Pompeius, by Julias Obsequens, these following. At Stratopedo, where the Senate usually sat, the Crowes killed a Vulture, with their beaks; The form of Isis seemed to assault with thunder an huge Star fallen from heaven upon the same place. At what time Mithridates was busy in firing the Grove dedicated to the Furies, a great laughing was heard, but nobody found to whom it might be ascribed as the author: and when by the advice of the Soothsayers, he would have sacrificed a Virgin to the Furies, a sudden fit of laughing burst forth from the throat of the Damosel which disturbed the sacrifice.
M. Cicero, at Rome, applied himself close to Molon the Rhodian, who was both the most eminent for pleading of causes, and the best instructer. [ Cicer. in Bruto. ] this was that Alabandensian Orator out of Caria, as hereafter shall be declared out of Strabo, in the year of the World, 3927.
Sylla, being entered Attica, having sent away part of his forces to oppose Aristion in the City, marched in his own person straightway to Piraeum, where Archelaus, Mithridates his General, had retreated within the walls. [ Appian. ]
Winter season drawing on apace, [Year of the World 3918] Sylla encamped near Eleusine, where he drew a deep trench from the mountains to the sea; and wanting ships, he sent to Rhodes to fetch them. [ Id. ]
Sylla, at last, took Athens, having been a long while pinched for provision, and that in the Calends of March, as he himself relates in his commentaries, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as Plutarch hath it. Comparing that day with the beginning of the month Anthesterion, of which time the memory of Ogygis his flood is celebrated by the Athenians. But howsoever the Athenians lunary Anthesterion in Plutarch’s time, may sometimes answer the Julian March, yet in the false computation of the year, observed at this time by the Romans, the Kalends of March might seem rather to fall out upon the Attick Posideon, and the Julian December,
The Rhodians, finding it altogether impossible for them to bring supplies to Sylla by sea, [The Julian Period. 4628] in regard that Mithridates fleets lay straggling about, [Year before Christ 86] advised L. Lucullus, a man of great repute amongst the Romans, and one of Silla's Ambassadors, to sails privately into Syria, Egypt, and Libya; and from the Kings and Cities there, which used the art of navigation, to gather together what ships he could, and so join that fleet with their Rhodian fleet: He in the midst of winter, not at all dismayed at the present difficulties at sea, with three Grecian banks, and as many Rhodian Frigats, put himself upon the hazard of the wide sea, and the enemies ships, which (in regard they were masters at sea) lay straggling thick up and down the main; yet for all this, he arrived at Crete, and got that Island to side with him. [ Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 192. Plutarch in Lucullo. ]
Aristio the Tyrant, and others, who upon taking of the City, retreated into the fort of Athens, after they had been a long time besieged by Curio, were forced at last to resign up for want of water. And upon the same day and moment, on which Curio brought the Tyrant out of the fort, the Sky over-cast on the sudden, whereupon issued such a violent storm of rain, that the fort was supplied afresh with water. Sylla proceeded by Capitall punishment against Aristion and his company, and all such who had borne any office amongst them, or had any manner of ways violated the constitutions which the Romans settled amongst them, after their conquest of Greece: to all the others he granted his free pardon. [ Appian ibid. pag. 195. 196. Plutarch in Sylla. Strabo. lib. 9. pag. 398.] Pausan reports, That upon Aristions flying to the Temple of Minerva for sanctuary, Sylla commanded him to be dragged thence, and put to death. [ in Attic. pag. 18.] Others say that he was poisoned by Sylla. [ Plutarch. in Sylla. ]
Magnesia, which was the only City in all Asia, which remained loyal, valiantly defended itself, and held out against Mithridates. [ Liv. lib. 81.]
Lucullus, observing how that the Cyrenians were always infested with Tyrants, and continually embroiled in war, settled the affairs of their Common-wealth, and enacted laws, whereby to secure the peace of the State for the future. [ Plutarch in Lucullo. ] For after their infranchisement by the Romans, which was ten years before, they had been grievously oppressed by Nicocrates and his brother Leandri, and lately eased and relieved from under that pressure by the industry of Aretaphila, Nicocrates his wife, as Plutarch shows in his little book of women's virtues. And another ten years after, Cyrene was made a province by the Romans, as shall hereafter be made to appear out of Appian, ad annum Mundi 3928. But Josephus affirms, out of the books of Strabo his Histories, that Cyrene was at this time disturbed by a mutiny of the Jews, and that Lucullus was dispatched thither in all hast by Sylla to pacify it. [ lib. 14. cap. 12.]
As Lucullus was bending his course from Cyrene, into Egypt, he very near lost all his ships, by a sudden incursion of Pirates: yet he himself escaped safe in person to Alexandria, where he was received with a great deal of honor; for the whole fleet gloriously trimmed, and adorned, went to meet him, as their custom was to do unto their King, when he at any time returned from sea. Ptolemy also (Lathurus, whom Plutarch very unfitly in this place calls a youth) treated him very courteously; for he appointed him his lodging & his table at Court, which was never before known to be done to any foreign Commander, and for the discharge of his expeences, and defraying his cost he allowed him not as usually he did to others, but four times as much: yet did not Lucullus admit of anything but necessaries, neither did he receive any presents, although some of them were worth 80 talents. It is said, that he neither went to Memphis, nor stepped to see any of the famous wonders of Egypt; those things being sights for some idle spectatour, or one that travels for pleasure, and not for such as he, who had left his General in the open field marching against the Garrisons of the enemy, [ Plutarch in Lucullo. ]
Aurelius Victor writes, that Lucullus wrought Ptolemy King of Alexandria, to side with Sylla the Consul, [ de. vir. illustr. cap. 74.] But at that time, neither was Sylla Consul, but Proconsul: neither would Ptolemy then be brought to admit Sylla into his association, for fear he should draw a war upon his own head. Yet did Ptolemy grant unto Lucullus ships to convoy him into Cyprus: and when he was upon his imbarquing, saluted him, and courted him, and tendered him an Emerald set in gold; which Lucullus at the first profer refused, but when as the King shown him his own picture cut upon it, he dared not but take it; lest, if he should be thought to depart in some discontent, he might chance to be way-laid at sea, [ Plutarch, ut supr. ]
Lucullus with those ships he had gathered from amongst the port Towns as he sailled by, renouncing all such as had been engaged in piracy, crossed over into Cyprus: upon intelligence that the enemy lay lurking under the promontories to catch him, he thrust his Fleet into harbor, and wrote to the Cities there about to provide him Winter quarters, and provisions, pretending he would abide there with his Fleet till Spring. But as soon as ever the wind served, he put to sea again. In the day time he sailed with low sails, in the night he spread all the canvas he had, and by that stratagem arrived safe with his Fleet at Rhodes, [ Id. ibid. ]
Cinna the Consul, sent his Colleague Lucius Valerius Flaccus with two legions into Asia, to govern the Province, and to manage the war against Mithridates. He was but a raw soldier, and therefore C. Fimbria, one of the Senatous went along with him, who was a man of repute amongst the soldiers. Livius, Aurelius, Victor, and Orosius, call him Flaccus his Legate, Dio his Lieutenant General, Strabo Quaestor, Velleius Paterculus, General of the Horse. When they took this employment upon them, the Senate gave them in charge, that if they saw Sylla stood entire to the Senate, then they should assist him, but if they found him otherwise inclined, they should first fight him. But it happened that soon after they had put to sea from Brindisi, many of their ships were shattered and torn with a tempest; and a party also from Mithridates fired the ships which were upon the forlorn, [ Memnon, cap. 36. Liv. lib. 82. Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 594. Vellei Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 24. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 650. Appian. lib. 1. Bell. Civil. pag. 396. & in Mithridatic. pag. 204. compared with Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.]
Taxiles, Mithridates his General, marching out of Thracia and Macedonia with 100 thousand Foot, and 10 thousand Horse, and 90 Chariots with sithes, solicited Archelaus to side with him: these two uniting their Forces led under their colors 120 thousand men (Memnon acknowledgeth more than 60 thousand) consisting of Thracians, Ponticks, Scythians, Cappadocians, Bithyninas, Galatians, Phrygians, and others which came out of Mithridates his new Provinces. Sylla, taking along with him L. Hortensius, who had brought 6000 men out of Italy, engaged with Taxiles his forces near Chaeronea, although he had not at that time above 1500 Horse, and not less than 15000 Foot, as Plutarch gives up the tally: but Appian says, that his whole body was so small that it answered not to so much as the third part of the enemies. Yet Sylla wan the day, having killed upon the place 110 thousand of the enemy, (or 100 thousand, as in Livies Epitome) and pillaged their Camp. Archelaus made shift to escape to Chalcis with not many more than 10 thousand men. Sylla gives out, that he missed of his army at this bout, not above 14, (or as others, 15) men: and that two of those also, returned towards evening to the Camp, who were supposed to have been dead, [ Memnon, cap. 34. Liv. lib. 82. Plutarch in Sylla. Appian. in Mithridatic. Eutrop. lib. 5. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]
Sylla, having received intelligence how that Flaccus (who being of the other faction was made Consul) was sailing over the Ionian Sea with some legions, pretending that he came against Mithridates, but indeed against himself: marched into Thessalia to meet with him, [ Plutarch. ] Flaccus was a person very ill qualified, covetous, rigorous and cruel in punishing, which made him so detestable to the soldiery, that part of those which were sent by him into Thessalie, ran away to Sylla's Camp: and it is probable, the rest had followed, had not they been kept from revolting by Fimbria, who was reputed the better soldier, and of a softer temper. [ Appian. pag. 204.]
Archelaus (in regard the Romans were unprovided of a Navy) roved about the Islands securely, making what havoc he pleased all along the coast; and which is more: He adventured ashoar, and laid siege to Cerinthus; but being way-laid in the night by some Romans which were strangers in those parts, he made what hast he could to get aboard again, and so loosed from thence, and returned back to Chalcis, more liker an Archpyrate than a Warriour. [ Appian. ]
Mithridates was much apalled at the news of his parties overthrow, as well he might: yet was he not so much discouraged, but that he would make new levies out of all the nations under his dominion. And bethinking himself, how that there were not wanting such, who (seeing him once going down the wind) would either now, or upon some other occasion, design his ruin; he thought it policy to secure all those he suspected, before the war brake out afresh. [ Appian. ]
He began with the Tetrachs of the Galatians, as well those of them which he had about him, as his friends, as those which were not as yet subdued unto him; killing them all with their wives and children, except three, which saved themselves by flight, of these, some he surprised by treachery, the rest he massacreed in one night at a revelling; being jealous that not any one of them, would remain loyal unto him, if Sylla should chance to come into those parts. And after confication of their gods, he thrust Garrisons into their Cities, and constituted Eumachus over the whole nation. But presently after the Tetrarchs, which escaped, having drawn together a band of their Clients out of the Country, ejected both him and his Garrisons out of Galatia; so that Mithridates had nothing out of that nation, but money. [ Idem. ]
And being incensed against the Chyans, ever since that time a ship of theirs in the sea fight with the Rhodians, chanced unadvisedly to fall foul upon the Kings Vessel: he first set to sale the goods of all such Citizens, who were gone away to take part with Sylla: and after that, sent some persons, to take cognizance of the Roman faction amongst the Chians. At last, Zenolius (or as Memnon will have it, Dorylaus) arriving there with an army, under color of passing into Greece, by night surprised the walls of the Chians, and their most considerable forts, and after he had placed guards at the gates of the City, he assembled the Citizens together, and compelled them to deliver up their arms, and the best men's sons for hostages, all which he sent away to Erithrae. After this, letters came from the King to the Chians, about levying an imposition upon them, of two thousand talents: to defray this, they were forced to take down the ornaments from their Temples, and make their women club their attyring implements, to make up the sum. Yet did Zenobius pick a quarrel with them, pretending that their money was not down-weight: whereupon he ordered the men apart themselves, the women and children by themselves, to be carried a ship-board: and so after he had divided their lands amongst the Ponticks, plucked the Chyans miserably from their native Country, and sent them into the Euxine sea, to Mithridates. [ Id. Ib. compared with Memnon. cap. 35.]
But the Heraclians, (betwixt whom and the Chians, was great correspondence and friendship) set upon the Pontick ships, which carried the captives upon the way, and brought them into their City, they not making any resistance at all, for indeed they were over-matched, and truly at that instant, they relieved the Chyans, and very freely supplied them with necessaries: but in process of time, they restored them to their own Country also, having first expressed a great deal of bounty towards them, by gifts and largesses. [ Memnon. ut supra. ]
The Ephesians commanded Zenobius approaching the City with his soldiers, to lay down his arms at the gate of the City, and to enter with a very small company. He was contented so to do, and went to Philopoemenes (father to Monima, one of Mithridates his concubines) from whence by a Beadle he summoned the Ephesians together. But they expecting no pleasant propositions from him, deferred that convocation till the next day: and at night, having met together, they exhorted one another to set upon Zonobius, so they cast him into prison, and killed him there. And then having placed their guards about the walls, they armed the common people, and drew them up into companies, fetched home the corn out of the fields, and secured the youth of the City from making any combustion. The Trallians, Hypaepenians, Mesopolites, and some others, (amongst whom the Smyrdeans, Sardians, and Colophonians, are reckoned by Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.) terrified with the sad disaster, that had lately befallen the Chians, hearing of the Ephesians exploits, followed their example. [ Appian. ]
Fimbria, [Year of the World 3919] having out-ran Flaccus, and gotten a long way before him in his march, thought he had now lit upon a most convenient season, for some commotion or other: and therefore, that he might endear the souldery unto him, he permitted them to make incursions into the Countries of their Allies, and make what havoc they pleased therein, and to take captive everyone they met withal. The souldery very readily embraced this license, so that within few days, they had scrambled together abundance of wealth by their plundering. But those that had been spoiled of their goods, went to meet the Consul, and made bitter complaints to him of the injuries they had received: who being much troubled at the business, commanded them to follow him, and he himself would see restitution made to everyone that had suffered: and with threats commanded Fimbria to return forthwith to the owners, whatsoever had been taken away from them. He laid all the blame upon the souldery, who did this without any commission from him, but covertly, he advised them not to regard the Consuls commands, not suffer that to be taken from them, which they had gotten by law of arms: upon this, when Flaccus commanded restitution to be made of their rapine, adding threatenings to his commands, the soldiers refused to obey; so that there followed a great mutiny in the Camp. [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 406, 409.]
When Sylla (upon his march to meet Flaccus) was come as far as the Town Melitea; intelligence was brought from sundry places, how that the Country which he left behind him was over-run with another army of the Kings, no less, than that which was there before. For Dorylaus (who had arrived at Chalcis with a great fleet, in which he carried 80 thousand armed men, of the most exercised and best experienced of all Mithridates his soldiers) presently brake into Baeotia, and having gotten that coast, marched on-wards to fight Sylla. [ Plutarch in Sylla. ]
This Dorilaus, son to Philaetor, brother of that Dorylaus the Muster-master, (of whom mention was made at the year of the World 3879.) was brought up with Mithridates: And the King all that while was so taken with his company, that when he came to man's estate, he did not only advance him in particular, to the highest places of honor, and endowed him with the Priesthood of Comana in Pontus, but also invited his kinsmen, the sons of Dorylaus the Muster-master, and Sterota, a woman of Macetis, Lageta (whose daughter was mother to Strabo the Geographer) and Stratarcha, after their fathers decease, to come to him at Cnossus. [ Strabo. lib. 10. pag. 477, 478. & lib. 12. pag. 557.]
Dorylaus with his 80 (as Plutarch and Appian, or with 70, as Eutropius and Orosius have it) thousand choice soldiers: and Archelaus (who in vain had dissuaded him from the fight) with the ten thousand (which were the remains of his former forces) falling upon Sylla near Orchomenus, lost 15000 of their men (as Appian and Orosius, or 20000 as Eutropius) amongst whom was slain Diogenes, Archelaus his son. Soon after, they had a second encounter, and in this, the whole residue of Mithridates his forces were cut off. For 20000 were driven into a moore close by, and there put all to the sword, they all the while crying quarter in their barbarous gibbridge, not understood by them that slew them, as many more of them were forced into a river, wherein they all perished: the rest, miserable wretches! were slain on all hands. [ Appian, compared with Livy. lib. 82. with Eutropius, lib. 5. and Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.] Plutarch relates, how that the marshes were all overflown with the blood of the slain, and that a pool was filled up with dead carcasses: In such wise, that in his time, though almost 200 years after this fight, many of the Barbarians bows, helmets, pieces of coats of males, and swords, were found buried in the mud.
As for Archelaus himself, he having for two days (as Sylla saith in Plutarch) or three days (as Eutropius hath it in his fifth book) lurked in the Marshes of the Orchomenians stripped and naked, at last, lit upon a little Vessel, and in it wasted over into Chalcis; and wheeresoever he met with any of Mithridates forces, he drew them hastily up together into a body. As for Sylla, he pilled and made what havoc he could in Boeotia: It being used to revolt upon every fresh emergency: from thence he passed into Thessaly, and there took up his winter quarters, expecting Lucullus his arrival with shipping. And because he heard no news of his coming, he built other ships. [ Appian. ] Although Livy gives out, [ lib. 82.] how that Archelaus delivered up himself and the Kings fleet unto Sylla; and Aurelius Victor writes, That by Archelaus his treachery, Sylla intercepted the fleet. [ de vir. illustrib. cap. 76.] and that it was evident, that there was frequent intercourse privately betwixt Sylla and Archelaus, as well for other reasons, as for that he had given unto that Cappadocian, a certain piece of ground, consisting of 10000 acres in Eubaea (where Chalcis was) yet both Sylla endeavored to wipe off all those suspicions in his commentaries. [ Pluta. in Sylla, and Dio followed him. Legat, 33. or 34.] although some expressions in a letter of Mithridates to Arsaces intimates, That those suspicions were faster rivetted into men's judgments, than that they could be so easily taken off. [ in the fourth book of Salusts Histories.] Archelaus the unworthiest of those that were under me, gave a check to my enterprises, by his betraying my army. And what is delivered by Strabo, That same Archelaus, who waged war against Sylla; grew afterwards in high estimation with the Romans, and with Sylla himself, and the Senate. [ lib. 12. pag. 558, & lib. 17. pag. 796.]
In the interim, Flaccus came to Byzantium, where Fimbria caused a mutiny against him: Flaccus had given command to his soldiers to abide without the walls, whilst he himself entered the City: whereupon Fimbria began to accuse Flaccus for receiving money of the Byzantins: boasting by way of obloquy, that he was gone to pamper his genius in the City, whilst they abroad in the field under their skins, endured the roughness of the Winter. These passages so highly enraged the soldiers, that they brake into the City, and killing some few which they met by chance on the way, they dispersed themselves into several houses, [ D • o. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 650.]
L. Valerius Flaccus, passing thorough the confines of the Byzantins into Bithynia, encamped at Nicaea, [Memnon cap. 36.] whereof Cicero (in his Oration for Flaccus, this man's son ) It was one and the same time when all Asia shut her gates upon L. Flaccus the Consul ( or now rather Proconsul ) but did not only receive that Cappadocian ( Mithridates ) into their Cities, but sent purposely to invite him to come unto them.
Upon some difference betwixt Fimbria and Flaccus his Treasurer, [The Julian Period. 4629] Flaccus was chosen Umpire: [Year before Christ 85] who had so small regard of Fimbria's honor, that Fimbria threatened (as Appian hath it, to return home to Rome) or (as it is in Dion) Flaccus threatened to to send him to Rome whether he would or not. Whereupon Fimbria so vilely reproached Flaccus, that Flaccus took away his command from him, and assigned another to succeed him, [ Appian. pag. 204. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 650.]
Fimbria thus upon that variance cashiered, [ Aurelius Victor, de vir. illustrib. cap. 70.] repaired to the soldiers at Byzantium; where he saluted them as if he were going to Rome, and desired letters from them to their friends there: complaining moreover of the great injury done unto him, and advising them to bear in mind the good turns he had done them, and that they should take heed and look to themselves; covertly hinting hereby, as if Flaccus had some design upon them. When he found his words had made some impression upon them, and that they wished him well, but were jealous of Flaccus: then he ascended the pulpit, and in plain terms stirred them against Flaccus: and amongst other things, he laid to his charge, that he received money to betray them, [ Dio. ut supr. ]
Fimbria, having again crossed the Hellespont, animated his soldiers to rapines and all kind of villainies, exacted monies from the Cities, and divided it amongst the soldiers: who having obtained an uncontrolled license to do what they listed, and allured moreover with the hopes of a large income, loved Fimbria as one who had deserved extremely well of the whole army, [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 409.]
Flaccus being gone towards Chalcedon with his fleet, Fimbria took the advantage of his absence; and first began with Thermus who was left Propraetor, and took from him the Fasces, or Ensigns of his authority, as if he had taken that Magistracy upon him from the army: This put Flaccus into a chafe, and fetched him back again, but Fimbria made him ply his heels, and take sanctuary at a private man's house: whence in the night he scaled the walls, and stole away first to Chalcedon, and thence to Nicomedia, and caused the gates to be shut. But Fimbria following him close at the heels, made the Roman Consul (or rather one that had been Consul, as Velleius stiles him) and the Commander in chief in this war, to hide himself in a well, whence Fimbria dragged him and slew him. After he had cut off Flaccus his head, he threw it into the sea, but left the corps lying upon the ground unburied, [ Appian. pag. 204, 205. compared with Memnon, cap. 36. and 42. Liv. lib. 82. Velleius, Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 24. Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 594. Aurelius, Victor, de viris illustrib. cap. 70. and Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.] As for Nicomedia, that became the soldiers booty by Fimbria his concession, [ Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 409.]
Mithridates, having sent an army against those that had revolted from him, after he had reduced them, proceeded most rigorously against them, [ Appian. pag. 202.] He forced all the Cities in Asia, and miserably pilled the Province, [ Liv. lib. 82.] But fearing least others should prove disloyal: he made the cities of Greece free; promised by the public Cryer to all debtors, a cancelling of their obligations: to all inmates enfranchisement in their several Cities they dwelt in: and to servants their liberty; hoping (which indeed happened not long after) that by these his acts of grace, he might engage all that were in debt, all inmates and servants, to stick close to him, and tooth and nail help to maintain that power he was now in, [ Appian. ut supr. ]
In the mean time Mynio, and Philotimus, Smyrneans, Clisthenes, and Asclepiodotus Lesbians, (everyone of them the Kings intimate friends, but Asclepiodotus had also sometimes been Commander of his mercenary soldiers) conspired against Mithridates. Asclepiodotus himself was the first that revealed it: and that he might procure credit to what he said, he caused the King to lie under a bed, and hear what Mynion should say. The Treason being thus discovered, all the Conspiratours died upon the rack: yet many others were shrewdly suspected to have a hand in it. But when as 80 Pergamedians were seized on, as being complices in this conspiracy, and others in other Cities, then the King dispatched his Inquisitors into all parts, who executed about 1600 men upon this account: Everyone of the Inquisitors, charging their enemies with treasonable engagement. The accusers themselves, not long after, were either punished by Sylla, or killed themselves, or accompanied Mithridates in his flight into Pontus. [ Appian. ibid. & pag. 213. compared with Orosius, lib. 6, cap. 2.]
Amongst others, Diodorus, Mithridates his Praetor, who professed himself an Academic Philosopher, and a pleader of causes, and a Rhetorician, slew all the Senates of the Adramitteans, to please the King. And being gone with the King into Pontus, upon his being deposed, he starved himself to death, to prevent the disgrace which was likely to fall upon him, by reason of some great enormities, which were to be charged upon him. [ Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 614.]
L. Lucullus, by the addition of some Rhodian ships, with that fleet which he gathered together out of Cyprus, Phoenicia, and Pamphylia, wasted all the enemies coasts, and now and then by the way, skirmished with Mithridates his fleet. [ Appian. 207, 208.] He persuaded the Coans, and the Cnidians, to thrust out the Kings Garrison, and take up arms with him against the Samians, He drave the Kings party out of Chios. He relieved the Colophonians, and set them at liberty, having seized upon Epigonius their King. [ Plutarch in Lucullo. ] And by Marena his means in Asia, brought off Mithridates his fleet to Sylla. [ Aurel. Victor. de viris illustrib. cap. 74.]
C. Fimbria, (having slain Flaccus in Bithynia, and being seized of his army) now saluted General (as it is in Velleius, lib. 2. cap. 24.] got the Cities under him: some voluntarily submitting themselves, whilst others were forced to stoop whether they would or not. [Year of the World 3916] [ Memnon. cap. 36.] But he put many persons to death, not out of any justice or demerit, but merely to gratify his passion, and out of cruelty. For, having on a time commanded some posts to be fastened to the ground, to which he was used to have men bound, and scourged to death: when he saw that there were more posts provided, than persons adjudged to this punishment; he ordered to lay hold on some of the compny that stood by, and bind them to the posts: lest otherwise they might seem to have been set up to no purpose. [ Dio in Excerptis Valesii. pag. 653.]
The same Fimbria, being admitted into Cizicum, professing himself a friend to the place, as soon as he was got in, began to impeach all the wealthiest of them, and charged them with some crime or other: two of these, the principal men of the City, after he had passed sentence on them, he caused to be whipt with rods, to terrify the rest, and afterwards struck off their heads, and set their goods to sale; forcing others out of fear to give to him all they had. [ Diodorus. Sicul. ibid. pag. 409.]
Mithridates, Mithridates his son, joining with Taxiles, Diophantes, and Menander, three most expert Commanders, and being well provided with an army, marched out against Fimbra: And in regard they surpassed in multitudes of soldiers, Fimbria received some loss in the fight. But they being come to a river, which parted both armies: Fimbria in a great storm of rain (which happened somewhat before morning, passed over the river, and so surprised the enemy, as they lay asleep in their Tents, that they never perceived him: He made such great slaughter amongst them, that very few, only of the Commanders and Horse, escaped. [ Memnon. cap. 36.]
Amongst them was Mithridates the Kings sons, chased out of Asia to Miletopolis, got safe from thence, to his father at Pergamos, with a company of Horse. But Fimbria making an assault upon the Kings ships, as they lay in harbor, drave him out of Pergamos: and after he had taken the City, pursued him as he was flying into Pitance, where he besiged him, and endeavored to draw a trench about the place. [ Id. ibid. Liv. lib. 38. Appian. pag. 205. Plut. in Lucllo. Aurel. Victor. de vir. illustr. cap. 70. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]
Mithridates, being now driven clear out of the land by Fimbria, and penned up by him into a corner, looking seaward, summoned and called together all his fleet, from their several quarters: being somewhat loath to engage in fight with Fimbria, who was both a smart fellow, and a Conqueror to boot. Fimbria observing this, in regard he was himself at present destitute of a fleet, sent in all hast to Lucullus, to desire him by all means, that he should bring his fleet, and join his hand in taking him, who of all the Kings was the most bitter and cruel enemy of the people of Rome. And to speak truth, they had snapped him, if Lucullus would have preferred the weal public, before the gratifying of some private animosities, and would have straightened him at sea, by driving up with his fleet against him, but he not yielding to that advise, gave opportunity to Mithridates to escape by sea, and occasion to Fimbria to delude his army. [ Plut. & Oors. ibid. ]
Mithridrtes being gone with his Fleet to Mitylene: Fimbria went up and down the Province, clapping fines upon the heads of those that were of the Cappadocian faction, and wasted the grounds of such that had shut their gates against him, [ Appian. ut. supr. ] And by reason of the sundry revolts of Cities to the Romans, he recovered a very great part of Asia, [ Memnon, cap. 36. Liv. lib. 83.]
But making the like attempts upon the Trojans, they posted away to Sylla; who after he had engaged himself to come to their relief, and warned Fimbria not to meddle any further with those that had submitted themselves to him, he commended them for returning to that alliance they formerly had with the people of Rome: Yet he told them, it was not much matter to whether of them two they submitted themselves, in regard, that both of them were Roman Citizens, and alike descended from the Trojans. For all this, Fimbria stormed the City, and entered it upon the eleventh day, vapouring how that he, within the space of eleven days, had reduced that City, under his power, which Agamemnon, though provided with a Fleet of a 1000 ships, and the whole power of Greece, had much ado to take in ten years years time. The reason is plain, replied a certain Trojan: Because there was not amongst us an Hector, who would stand stoutly to maintain the City. He killed all he met, making no difference at all: and fired almost the whole City: Those that were employed upon the Embassy to Sylla, he tormented to death. Neither did he forbear the holy things; no, nor from such who had fled unto the Temple of Minerva for sanctuary; but burnt them and the Temple together. Moreover he pulled down the walls, and the day following surrounded the City, espying whether he could find an thing that had escaped his fury: neither did he suffer either any fair court or consecrated house, or statue, to be left in the City, [ Liv. lib. 83. Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 554. Appian. pag. 205. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 653. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]
Although Fimbria commanded Troy to be fired, because they were something slow in opening the gates to him: yet Aurelius Victor writes, how that Minerva's Temple stood untouched, [ De viris illustrib. cap. 70.] Which as he saith, was without all doubt preserved by the Goddess herself. But Julius Obsequens and Appianus, confirm, that both the Temple was then burnt, and that amongst the ruins thereof the Palladium that ancient Image, which was supposed to be taken away by Diomedes and Ulysses in the time of the Trojan war, was found safe and entire: Which Image at that time found out by Fimbria, as Servius upon the second book of the Aeneid, hath noted, was afterterwards carried to Rome. Notwithstanding Strabo informs us, that several like Images of Minerva were shown at Lavinium, Luceria, and Siritis, as though they had been brought from Troy, [ lib. 6. pag. 264.] Appian writes that this destruction of Troy, happened on the CLXXIII. Olympiad, [ pag. 206.] and that some compute 1050 years distance betwixt this and that former overthrow by Agamemnon: whereas according to Eratosthenes, Apollodorus, and Diodorus Siculus, accounts, there were 1099 years betwixt that former destruction of Troy, and the fourth year of the CLXXIII. Olympiad, in which this desolation happened.
Lucullus first routed the Kings Fleet about Lecton in Troas. Again at Tenedos, when he saw Neoptolemus making towards him with a greater provision than before: He rid at some distance, before, off his Fleet, in a Rhodian Frigot with five oars. Damagoras was Master of the ship; one who wished extreme well to the Romans, and was most expert at sea fights. Neoptolemus coming onwards very violently, and commanding the Pilot to direct his forecastle against the enemy: Demagoras fearing the bulk of the Kings ship, and the force of its brazen beak, dared not to close in the front, but gave order to the Pilot to stop the course of the ship by turning her hastily about: and so by breaking the blow off, the enemy running violently on, the ship was not hurt, in regard he struck only against such parts of the ship which were under water. But as soon as the residue of the Fleet came up to him, Lucullus commanded the Pilot to steer about: and then after sundry expressions of his valor, he compelled the enemy to hoyst sail, and drave as fast as he could in the pursuit of Neoptolemus, [ Plutarch in Lucullo. ]
Aretas, King of Coelosyria (invited by the Damascens to take the government upon him out of the ill will they ba • e to Ptolemy Mennaeus) being entered with an army into Judea: after he had given the foil to Alexander Jannaeus at Adida, marched home again upon articles, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 23.]
When Cinna and Carbo began to play their pranks at Rome, proceeding violently against the most eminent persons of the City without control, the greater part of the Nobility stole away first into Achaia, and afterwards into Asia unto Sylla; so that in a short time, there was in his Camp an appearance of a Senate, [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 23. Plutarch, in Sylla, and out of him Dio. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 649.] All of them were instant suitors to him, that he would hasten to the relief of his own Country, which was at present not only in extreme hazard, but in a manner lost already, [ Eutrop. lib. 5. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 20.] Metella also his wife, having hardly escaped with her own life and her children's, came to his house, telling him how that his house and the village pertaining thereto were fired by the enemy, and therefore beseeching him to come and help the City, [ Plutarch. ]
Mithridates, casting up with himself what a number of men he had lost (and in how short a time) since he first advanced an army into Greece, wrote Archelaus to make peace with Sylla, upon as honorable conditions as he could, [ Appi • n. pag. 206.] Sylla was now in a great perplexity, neither enduring to desert his Country in that sad exigence it was now in, nor yet very well knowing how he could leave Asia, having not as yet completed the Mithridatick war: whereupon Archelaus of Delos offered himself to negotiate the treaty, having brought along with him some hopes, and private instructions from Archelaus the Kings General. Sylla was so well pleased herewith, that he in all haste would go himself to confer with Archelaus. They met at Sea near Delos, where Apollos Temple stands. Archelaus beginning his Speech, demanded of Sylla, that he would give over his Asian and Pontick Expedition, and go home to quench the civil war there: That the King, his Master, would supply him with what silver, ships, or men, he pleased. Sylla replying, advised him to disclaim Mithridates, and he himself should reign in his stead: That himself would call him an Ally and friend of the Romans, if he would resign up the Kings Fleet to him: Archelaus seeming to detest so treacherous a motion; at last Sylla propounded some conditions of a peace to be concluded with the King, [ Plutarch in Sylla. ] Amongst which, this was one: That the King should draw out all his Garrison soldiers from all places, except those in which he had soldiers before the violation of the peace. Archelaus hearing this, forth with cleared the Garrisons. Concerning the other Articles, he wrote unto the King to know his pleasure therein, [ Appian. pag. 207.]
The Articles agreed on, Sylla draws off, and comes to Hellespont, passing thorough Thessalie and Macedonia: having Archelaus in his company, who was very civilly treated by him: for Archelaus, falling into a most dangerous disease near Larissa, Sylla stopped his march; and took no less care of him in his sickness, than if he had been one of his own Commanders or Pretors: which thing increased the suspicion that lay hard upon Archelaus; how that he shown none of the fairest play in the battle at Chaeronea, [ Plutarch, in Sylla, and out of him Dio. Legat. 33. or 34.]
Ambassadors from Mithridates came hither to Sylla: their errand was to desire of him, that the delivery up of Paphlagonia and the ships, should not by any means be included in the Articles; adding withal, that they could obtain easier conditions from the other General Fimbria. To whom Sylla in a rage replied, That Fimbria should smart for this, and that he himself would see, as soon as he came into Asia, whether Mithridates stood in greater need of peace or war. But Archelaus interceded to Sylla, and taking him by the hand, allayed his fury with his tears: And at last entreated, that he might be sent to Mithridates; engaging, the Mithridates should either conclude a peace upon Sylla's own terms, or else if he refused to sign those Articles, he would either be the death of Mithridates, or else (for the Greek copies vary in this particular) dispatch himself, [ Plutarch, and out of him Dio. Legat. 34. or 35. Appian. pg. 207.]
Alexander Jannaeus, [Year of the World 3920] after the concluding of a peace with Aretas, (in the sixth year before his death) leading an army against the neighbouring people, took the City Dia by storm, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 23.]
Archelaus being returned from Mithridates, met with Sylla at Philippi in Macedonia: telling him, how that all things fell out according to his hearts wish; but withal, that Mithridatis desired by all means that he would give him a meeting. Whereupon Sylla marched thorough Thracia to Cypsela: having sent Lucullus (who was now come with his Fleet to him) afore to Abydos. Lucullus afforded him a safe pasport out of the Chersonesses, and helped him much in transporting the army, [ Plutarch, in Sylla, & Lucullo. Appian. pag. 207. 208.]
Sylla met with Mithridates at Dardanus, a Town of Troas. Mithridates had there with him, 200 ships with oars, 20000 of land Forces, 600 Horse, and a great strength of Chariots, armed with sithes. Sylla 4 Regiments of Foot, and 200 Horse. There they parled, both of them being gone aside into the field with a small Retinue: each army looking on. Mithridates coming up to him and reaching forth his right hand, Sylla asked him, whether he would accept of a peace upon Archelaus his condition? The King demurring a while, and each of them casting complaints and accusations in one another's teeth, at length Mithridates scared thereunto by Sylla's passionate Oration, consented to those Articles of peace which were tendered to Archelaus. After which, Sylla saluted him, embraced him, and kissed him. [ Memnon, cap. 37. Plutarch, in Sylla, and out of him, Dio. Legat. 35. or 36. Appian. pag. 208, 209, 210.]
The Articles of peace were these. That Mithridates should content himself with what was his fathers, that is, with what command he had in Pontus, and should not have anything to do with Asia, or Paphlagonia. That he should resign Bithynia to Nicomedes, and Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes. That he should release all Commanders, Legates, Prisoners, Runnagadoes, Fugitives, the Chians, & all such as he had carried away captives with him out of the Cities into Pontus. That he should pay to the Romans two, or (as Memnon hath it) three thousand talents. That he should deliver up to Sylla 70, or (as Memnon hath it) 80 ships, pointed with brass, with all their ammunition. And lastly, That the Cities now under the Roman Jurisdiction, should not be questioned for their revolting to the Romans side. Yet did the Romans soon after, bring many of them under slavery, and bondage, contrary to the tenor of the articles for peace. [ Memnon. and Plutarch ut supra, and Dio transcribing Plutarch, Legat. 33. or 34. Appian. pag. 207. Liv. lib. 83. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 23.] And thus was the first Mithridatick war, (begun four years before) ended by Sylla, who in less than three years space, slew 160 thousand of the enemies, recovered Greece, Macedon, Ionia, Asia, and several other nations which Mithridates had seized on, took the Kings fleet, and confined the King himself to the strait tether of his fathers kingdom. [ Appian. lib. 1. Bell. Civil. pag. 396. cum Mithridatic. pag. 206. & 209. & 210.] Nor was there any one thing in all Syllaes several atchievments more remarkable than that, although Cinna and Marius his faction were up in Italy for three years together, yet did he not conceal his intention of coming against them to fight them, nor did he lay aside the business he had now in hand, adjudging it the right Method, first to crush in pieces an enemy, and then to avenge a Citizen: First, to secure from fear abroad, by getting a conquest on a forreigner, and afterwards to repress a rebellion at home. [ Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 24. compared with Plutarch in Collat. Syllae & Lysandri. ]
Mithridates, having resigned up his ships to Sylla, and 500 archers, with other things due upon covenant; he sailed with the remainder of his ships into his fathers kingdom, into Pontus. [ Memnon. ut supra. Strabo. lib. 13. pag. 594. Plutarch, and out of him Dio. Legat. 36. or 37. Appian. pag. 210.] But Sylla, (perceiving this peace was not very toothsome to the soldiery) who thought it hard, to see the King, who was the most bitter enemy they had, and who had slain in one day, so many thousands of such Roman Citizens, who lived in Asia, now with his treasure, and the spoils he had got in the war to sails away out of Asia, which he had almost exhausted for some years together, by plunder and imposition, cleared himself, telling them, he was glad to be rid of Mithridates upon any condition, for fear he should have joined with Fimbria, and then he should have been too weak, to grapple with them both. [ Plutarch & Dio. ibid, ]
From thence Sylla removed within two furlongs of Fimbria, who lay encamped about Thyatira. Sylla demanded of him, that he would deliver up the armies to him, in regard he took that command upon himself against laws. Fimbria in a flout replied, That he himself, did not come very well to the command he was in. Upon this, Sylla laid siege, and beginning to draw his trench, Fimbrias soldiers came running out of their Garrison, to salute Sillaes men, and were very serviceable to them in helping them to cast up the trench, [ Plutarch ibid. Appian. pag. 210. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]
Fimbria, admiting at this sudden alteration, assembled the residue of the soldiery, and desired them to stick to him: but they relusing to be brought by any means to fight against their fellow Citizens, he rent his garment, and shook everyone of them, by the hand begging of them not to desert him. But when that did nothing prevail, and observing, how that very many were stealing away to the enemy, he went about to the Colonels Tents, and having corrupted some of them, summoned the soldiery again, and pressed upon them an oath of allegiance. And when the Venetians cried out, that every soldier ought to be called by name to the oath: he commanded the Cryer, to name only such as he had by his bounty made his own creatures, and afore all, Nonius was cited one, who had been his Camplice in all villanous attempts. But he also resusing to swear, he drew his sword at him, and threated to kill him, but was glad to desist, because the soldiery by a joint shout, seemed to resent it. [ Appian. ut supra. ]
After this, Fimbria suborned a slave, tempting him with monies and hopes of his freedom, to go to Syllas Camp, making show, as if he had been a runnagado, and there to stab Sylla: but his heart beginning to fail him in the enterprize, and being suspected by his trembling, that he came upon no good errand, and thereupon being laid hold on, he confessed the whole business. This filled Syllas army with anger and scorn; so that they standing about Fimbrias trench, by way of reproach, called him Athenio, which was the name of one, who was King for a few days over the sugitives in Sicily. [ Id. ib. ]
Fimbria, seeing this plot would not take effect, and now past all hopes, betook himself to a strong Fort, and from thence invited Sylla to a parley. Sylla would not go himself, but sent Rutilius in his stead. This went to Fimbria's heart, that Sylla should not vouchsafe that to him, which was never wont to be denied, even to common enemies. And after he had craved pardon, if happily he had offended by reason of the rawnesse of his years: Rutilius replied, That Sylla was willing he should pass safe to the sea side, upon condition he would quit Asia (of which he was the Proconsul) to him, and sails away. Fimbria told him, he knew a better way than that, and so returning to Pergamos, went into Esculapius his Temple, and stabbed himself with his sword. But finding the wound was not mortal, he desired his servant to do so much for him, as to dispatch him; who first killed his Master, and afterwards killed himself. Sylla gave his body to be interred by his chief servants. [ Id. pag. 211. compared with Livy, lib. 83. Vellei Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 24. Plutarch in Sylla Aurel. Victor. de vir. illustribus cap. 70. and Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]
Fimbria's army came and tendered their service to Sylla, who entertained them, and joined them to his own body. Soon after, he sent Cuno with command to settle Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes in their kingdoms. He sent also a full narrative of all occurrences unto the Senate, taking no notice at all how that they had voted him an enemy to the State. [ Appian. p. 21.]
Sylla rebuilt Troy, [The Julian Period. 4630] which was demolished by Fimbria. [Year before Christ 84] [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. compared with Strabo. lib. 13. pag. 594.] He also settling the affairs of the Province of Asia, Enfranchized the Trojans, Chians, Rhodians, Lycians, Magnesians, and several other people, and entolled them among the Allies of the people of Rome, either as a remuneration for their assisting him in the wars, or to cheer them up after those great calamities they had undergone out of the great affection they bare to the people of Rome. But to all other Towns he sent Soldiers to see proclamation made, requiring all slaves whosoever had received their freedom from Mithridates, to return immediately to their masters respectively. This edict was slighted by many, and many Cities revolted also upon it, so that there ensued hereupon great bloodshed, both of the slaves, and free born, promiseuously, upon sundry occasions. The walls of many Towns in Asia were demolished, and some of the inhabitants were sold under the spear, and what men or City soever were found to be of the Cappadocian faction, were severely fined; especially the Ephesians, who through a base obsequiousnesse had in a scorn taken down out of their Temples, the Roman offerings. [ Appianus, pag. 211.]
After all was quiet and hushed again, Criers were sent throughout the Province, summoning the chief persons of all the Cities in Asia, to appear before Sylla at Ephesus, upon a set day; who when they were met together, made a speech to them upon the judgment seat; wherein he recited how well the Romans had deserved of the Asians, and what ill requitals the Asians had returned them, and in the close, pronounced this sentence upon them. I amerce you a while five years tribute, which I charge you presently to pay down upon the nail; and moreover, you shall disburse the monies spent upon this war; and what other sum the present state and condition of the Province shall require, I shall lay the tax upon the Cities proportionally, and fix a time for the bringing of it. Such as I shall find to make default herein, I shall look upon them as enemies. Thus said, he distributed the mulct by portions to the Liutenants, and assigned persons also to levy it. [ Id. pag. 221, 213.] And to that end was that division of Asia made by him into 44 regions, which Cassindius in his Chronicle makes mention of, at the fourth time of L. Cinna's Consulship, and the second of Cn. Papyrias. For as Cicero in his first epistle of his first book, Q. Frateus confirms his laying an impost upon all parts alike, so doth he also in his oration, to Flaccus avouch, That he laid it proportionally upon all the Cities of Asia.
Plutarch writes how that Sylla besides this amercement of 20000 talents which he levied generally upon the whole; he plagued them severally also by quartering insolent and unruly soldiers in their private houses: Ordering every Landlord to pay to a soldier quartered in his house, 16 Drachmas a day: and that he should find him not only his supper, but provid also for as many friends as he would bring along with him. A Captain was to have 50 drachmas a day, and two suits of clothes, one to wear at home, and another abroad, [ Plutarch in Sylla. ] The care of collecting the general Tax of 20000 talents, and of coining the money, was entrusted to Lucullus: which seemed to the Cities of Asia some alleveation and easement of Syllas hard usage: in regard he had always demeaned himself, not only harmelessely and uprightly, but mercifully and mildly, in such a sad and pensive Province as this was at present, [ Id. in Lucullo. ]
But the Cities being extremely empoverished, and over head and ears in debt, some of them pawned their theaters to the Usurers, others their places of receipt, or their arsenals, or their ports, or something or other which belonged to the Public: So importunate were the soldiers with them, and pressing for their monies. After payment was made, they carried the monies to Sylla: Asia in the mean while bemoning the sad calamities she lay under, [ Appian. pag. 213.]
At this same time also, the Pirates were busy in all parts of Asia, and they appeared so openly, as if they had been so many true and lawful Fleets. They were first put to sea by Mithridates, who being likely to lose all he had gotten in those parts, was resolved to do what mischief he could: but now they were increased to so great a number, that they were not only dangerous to such as sailed at sea, but grew formidable to the very Ports, Castles, and Towns. It is certain, that Jassus, Samu • , Clazomenae, and Samothrace, were taken when Sylla himself resided in these parts: and it is generally reported, that they took out of the Temple at Samothrace, as many ornaments, as were in estimation worth 1000 talents. But Sylla, either because he thought them unworthy to be protected by him, they having carried themselves so basely towards him: or because he hasted to Rome to quell the commotions there, wasted over into Greece, [ Id. ibid. ]
When as Sylla proffered to carry home again with him P. Rutilius Rufus, who lived an exile at Mitylene: he continued in banishment, lest he might do anything which was not consonant to law; and from thence he removed to Smyrna, [Valer. Maxim. lib. 6. cap. 4. Seneca, epistle 24. Quintilian lib. 11. cap 1. Dio in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 638.] He was made a free Denison of that City, [Cicero, pro Bibli.] and there spent his years in study, [Oros. lib. 5. cap. 17.] Nor could ever be brought to return home to his Country, [Dio ut sup.] Of whom Seneca in lib. de providentia, cap. 3. Is Rutilius to be looked upon as unfortunate, because those that condemned him will plead his cause in all ages? because he more contentedly suffered himself to be plucked from his Country, than to part with his banishment? because he only of all the rrst, dared to deny Sylla the Dictator something, and when he was called home, did not only give back, but flew farther off? And Ovid in Pont. lib. 1. Elea. 4.
But Alexander, son of Ptolemy Alexander, late King of Egypt, who fleeing from Mithridates (to whom he was delivered up by the Choans) to Sylla, was entertained by him, and admitted amongst those of his more familiar acquaintance; and went along with him out of Asia into Greece, and from thence to Rome, [ Appian. lib. 1. Bell. civil. pag. 414. Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger, pag. 225. fin. ]
Alexander Jannaeus led his army against Essa or Gerasa, where Theodorus, son of Zeno, had secured whatsoever he thought most precious, and he esteemed of greatest value. After he had begirthed the place with a triple wall, at length he became Master of it, [ Joseph. lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 23. compared with cap. 21. and lib. 1. Bell. cap. 3. & 4.]
L. Muraena with the two Fimbrian (or Valesian) Legions, was left behind by Sylla to settle and order matters in Asia, [ Appian. pag. 213.] To which is to be referred that passage of Julius Exuperantius concerning Sylla. He left Murana his Lieutenant over the Province, and appointed him over the Valesian Soldiers, whose fidelity as to civil wars he somewhat suspected: and with the other moiety of the army in a passion he marched away to suppress the Marian faction, which was up. Although that Author writes this passage as happening before Sylla commenced the war with Mithridates, at which time there was no Valesian or Fimbrian Legions, and not after the war was ended.
L. Lucullus was left Quaestor in Asia with Munaera the Praetor; who carried himself so discretly whilst he had the command of the Province, that he got abundance of credit by it, [ Cicero in Lucullo. ] So that by reason of his employments in Asia, he was not engaged in the commotions of Sylla and Marius in Italy, [ Plutarch. in civi. Vita. ]
Sylla, putting off with his Fleet from Ephesius, arrived the third day at Pyraeeum; and having discarged the Rites of Religion, he took to himself the Library of Apellicon the Teian, wherein were many books of Aristotle's and Theophrastus which yet were very rare to come by, [ Plutarch in Sylla. ] For Apellicon having a good purse and well lined, had purchased Aristotle's Library, & many other good Libraries beside. He got also into his clutches by stealth out of Metroum (the Temple of the Phrygian Goddess) the Originals of the Decrees which were published by their ancestors, and out of other Cities he scraped together whatsoever was either ancient or secret, and kept close as a rarely, [ Athenaeus, lib. 5. cap. 1. ex Posidon. Apameno. ] For all this, he was a person which was more taken with the sight of the books, than the study of them: for, having purchased of the heirs of Nileus Scepsius, with a great sum of money Aristotle and Theophrastus their books, many whereof were spoiled with wet and worm-eaten, out of a desire he had to repair those places which were gnawn out, he transcribed the books afresh, but was mightily out in filling up the void places; so that the books he set forth abounded with Errata's. Upon the decease of Apellicon Sylla took his Library to himself, [ Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 609.] and enriched his own Library at Rome therewith, [ Lucian. in. lib. adversus indoctum. ]
Mithridates, being returned unto Pontus, reduced in a very short time many of those Nations which, when he was in his low ebb, revolted from him, [ Memnon, cap. 37.] beginning first with the Colchi. But they, when they saw him marching towards them, desired of him that his son Mithridates might be appointed King over them: which was no sooner granted, but they returned to their obedience. The King being jealous that his sons ambition was the cause of that motion, called him to him, and bound him with fetters of gold for a while, and not long after put him to death: Notwithstanding the singular good service he had done him in Asia against Fimbria, [ Appian, in Mithridatic. pag. 213, 214.]
When Sylla lay at Athens, a benumbing distemper fell into his feet, which made him sails to Adipsus, and there he used the hot baths, keeping holyday all the while, spending his time at stage-plays. [ Plutarch in Sylla. ]
Sylla arrived with his army at B • u • dusium, [Year of the World 3921] in the CLXXIV. Olympiad. [ Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 401.] L. Scipio and C. Corbanus being Consuls. [ Liv. lib. 83. Julius Obsequens de prodigiis, Eutropius, lib. 5.] returning into Italy, on the fourth year after his putting out thence, and not after the fifth year, as Julius Obsequens hath delivered it.
The Thebans having revolted from Ptolemy Lathurus, he waged war against them. [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 8.]
L. Lucullus was very desirous to bring the Mitylenians, who had openly revolted from Sylla's side, to acknowledge their fault, and to submit to some easy punishment for following Manius. But when he saw they grew more furious upon it, he set upon them with his Fleet, vanquished them, and forced them to retire within their walls. Whilest he beleagured the Town in the day time he sailed openly towards Elea; but came back again privately in the night, and cast anchor, having placed an ambuseado near the City. The Mitylenians came tumbling out of the Town in great disorder, and very furiously, with an intention of seizing of the Camp, supposing it had been deserted by the enemy: but Lucullus came upon them ere they were aware, and took a great number of them prisoners: of those that resisted he slew five hundred; led away six thousand slaves, and took with him a huge booty, [ Plutarch in Lucullo. ]
Mithridates provided a Fleet and a great army to go against the Bosphoranes, who had shaken off their alleigeance to him. The preparation he made was so considerable, that most thought (as Cicero intimates, in Oratione prolege Manilia) he never intended to make use of it against the Bosphorans, but against the Romans: for neither had he as yet, resigned to Ariobarzanes the whole and entire possession of Cappadocia, but reserved some places thereof to himself; and did also suspect Archelaus, as if (when he was in Greece) he had granted more to Sylla than was meet, in the Articles of peace, [ Appian, in Mithridatic. pag. 214.]
Archelaus posted away in a fright to L. Muraena: and by his instigation prevailed with him to be before hand with Mithridates, and to war upon him first: as Appian hath it in his Mithridatick. And that Archelaus revolted to Sylla (whose Deputy Muraena was in Asia) Dio writes in his 39 book: and that he and his wife and children went to the same Sylla, Otosius delivers, [ in lib. 6. cap. 2.] So that small credit in this particular is to be given to Memnon, who hath delivered, that Archelaus, did not only abide all the while with Mithridates; but that he did also stand stoutly to him in the last Mithridatick war, [ Vid. supr. ann. Mundi. 3919.]
L. Muraena, out of an itching desire he had to ride in Triumph, renews the war with Mithridates, [ Liv. lib. 86. Appian. in Muthridatic. pag. 213.] For passing thorough Cappadocia he made an invasion upon Com • na the greatest City under Mithridates his command, and famous for the Religion and costly Temple that was therein: and besides this, he killed some of the Kings Cavaliers, [