The Annals of the World

na the greatest City under Mithridates his command, and famous for the Religion and costly Temple that was therein: and besides this, he killed some of the Kings Cavaliers, [ Appian. ibid. pag. 214.

Mithridates dispatched some Ambassadors to Murena; who, being Grecians by birth, and Philosophers by profession, did rather condemn, than commend the King. Upon their pleading the articles of peace concluded with Sylla; Murena denied that he ever did see any such covenants: for Sylla never wrote any, but contenting himself with the execution of what was agreed betwixt them, left the Country. Thus said, Murena falls presently to plundering, not sparing the monies which was consecrated for holy uses; and so taking up his winter quarters in Cappadocia, he made the kingdom thereof surer to Ariobarzanes, than ever it was, and built the City Ecinina upon the frontires of Mithridates his kingdom. [ Memnon cap. 38. Appian. pag. 214.]

Seeing now by reason of the mutual enmity of the Seleucidae amongst themselves, [The Julian Period. 4631] both the Kings and kingdom of Syria were quite exhausted by a deadly war; [Year before Christ 83] the people thereof ran to strangers for succor, and began to look towards foreign Kings; some judging it most convenient to call Mithridates King of Pontus, others to invite Ptolemy out of Egypt, but considering again with themselves, how that Mithridates was engaged already in a war with the Romans, and that Ptolemy had ever been a professed enemy to Syria, they generally concluded upon Tigranes King of Armenia. who besides his own strength at home, was fortified with the Parthian association to boot, and an affyance with Mithridates. Upon this he was called into the kingdom of Syria, and kept it 18 years, [ Justin. lib. 40. cap. 1. & 2.] until such time that Pompei deprived him of it, and laid it to the Roman Empire.

Fourteen of those 18 years, Magadates was over Syria, with an army, as Tigranes his Vice-Roy, until such time as he was forced to march away with that army to the relief of his King: But upon the defeating of Tigranes, the kingdom of Syria was by Lucullus given to Antiochus Asiaticus. [Appian. in Syriac. pag. 118, 119. & 133.] In the interim, Antiochus Pius (father to this Asiaticus ) who was by Tygranes dispossessed of Syria, as far as from Euphrates to the sea shore, and by him dispossessed also of part of Silicia, kept close a while in another corner of Silicia, which as yet neither Tigranes nor the Romans had meddled with. [ Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 243. Justin. lib. 40. cap. 2.] But his wife Selene, with her two sons, reigned in Phoenicia, and some other parts of the lower Syria; as we gather out of the 13 book of Josephus, cap. ult. and in the fourth of Cicero in Vetrem.

Mithridates sent both to the Senate and to Sylla, to complain of Murena, [ Appian. pag. 214.] And both he and Murena sending Ambassadors one against the other, solicited the Heraclians for supplies. But in regard the power of the Romans seemed dreadful to them on the one side, and that they feared the nearness of Mithridates on the other side, they answered the Ambassadors; That in such a storm of war as this, they had much ado to secure their own houses, much less could they attend the relief of others. [ Memnon. cap. 38.]

Alexander Jannaeus wan Gaulana and Seleucia. [ Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 23.]

L. Murena, [Year of the World 3922] having wafted over Halys, a great river of itself, and at that time swelled with violent rains, took 400 of Mithridates his Villages; the King making no opposition at all, expecting the return of his Ambassadors from Rome. Murena, when he thought he had got booty enough, returned back again into Phrygia and Galatia; where Callidius, who was sent to him from Rome upon Mithridates his complaints, presented him indeed with no decree of the Senate, but denounced in the open audience of all, that he should forbear any farther to molest the King, who was a confederate with the Romans. This said, he took him aside, in the presence of others, and talked with him privately; yet for all this did not Murena abate any whit of his former violence, but at that instant made incursions upon the frontiers of Mithridates. [ Appian, pag. 214, 215.]

Some, [The Julian Period. 4632] and those not a few, [Year before Christ 82] advised Murena to invade Sinope, and attempt the getting of the Kings palace itself; for that being once taken, other places would be subdued without any difficulty. But Mithridates, having well fortified that place with garrisons, begins now to fall to the business himself. [ Memnon. cap. 38.] And having commanded Gordius to fall upon the neighbonring Villages, he himself got together many cattle, and carriages, Countrymen as well as Soldiers, and pitched on the other side of the bank, opposite to Murena his Camp. Neither parties engaged, until Mithridates was come with a greater army, and then there followed a bloody fight betwixt them. There the King got over the river in spite of Murenaes teeth: having also got the better of Murena other ways, the King plied him so hard, that he was forced to retreat to a hill naturally fortified, and make what hast he could through the mountains, to get to Phrygia, having lost many of his men, either in the flight, or in the fight. [ Appian. pag▪ 215.]

This so famous, quick, and (as it were by the By got) victory, and bruited abroad by the nimble wing of fame, brought many to side with Mithridates; who having beaten, even out off Cappadocia, all Muraena's Garrison soldiers, made a great Bonefire on the top of a high Hill, after his country manner offered sacrifices to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or to Jupiter powerful in war, [ Id. ibid. ]

L. Cornelius Sylla, [Year of the World 3923] created Dictatour, that he might seem to continue still the ancient model of the Common-wealth, permitted M. Tullius and Cornelius Dolobella to be made Cossi by the people: although he being evidently sole Monarch over all, was above them too, [ Appian. lib. 1. Bell. civil. pag. 412.] In the beginning of whose Consulship he triumphed gloriously over King Mithridates (as Eutrop us hath it in his fifth book) on the third of the Calends of February (as appears by the pieces of the Marble on which the Triumph was engraved) which day falls upon the Julian November. And although that Triumph was very great in regard of the stateliness of it, and rarity of the spoils they had taken from the King: yet did the show receive a greater luster and splendor from the exuls. For the most eminent men and chief of the City, bearing Crowns on their heads, attended Sylla's Chariot, calling him their Deliverer, and their Father, in regard they were by his means brought back into their native Country, and had their wives and children restored unto them, [ Plutarch in Sylla. ]

This one thing of Sylla deserved commendation; that when upon the laying down the command he had in Asia, he rod in Triumph, he did not bear before him the name of any one Town belonging to the Citizens of Rome, as he did of many Cities in Greece and Asia, [ Valer. Maximus. lib. 2. cap. 8.] Sylla transferred 30000 pound weight of Gold, and 7000 of Silver, under that account; which his son C. Marius had brought from the conflagration of the Capitol and other devoted places to Praeneste. He also the day before transferred of all the other spoils of the Victory 50000 pound weight of Gold, and 150000 of Silver, [ Plin. lib. 33. cap. 1.] From whence it is plain the Triumph held for two days space.

Alexander Jannaeus, having reduced under his power the valley (called Antiochus his valley) and the Fort Gamala, put Demetrius Lord of those places beside his command there, having received many accusations against him; and at the just end of the third year of that his Expedition, led his army home again: the Jews giving him a hearty welcome home for his good success he had had. At this time the Jews kept many of the Cities of the Syrians, Idumaeans, and Plaenicians, near the sea coast. The Town of Straton, Apollonia, Joppe, Jamnia, Azotus, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, Rhinocorura. In the Mediteranean parts, in the Country of Idumaea, Adora, and Mansia, and Samaria: the mountains also of Carmel and Itabyr; besides these; Scythopolis, Gadara, Gaulanitis, Selucia, and Gabala; some Moabitish Cities also: Essebon, Medaba, Lemba, Oronas, Telithon, Zara, Aulon of Silicia, and Pella: the last of which they demolished, because the inhabitants refused to admit of the Jewish ceremonies. They possessed also some other Cities of Syria, and those no obscure ones, all which they lately annexed to their kingdom, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 23.]

L. Cornelius Sylla Dictatour, adjudging it a great shame that Mithridates a confederate should be infested with a war, sent Aulus Gabinius, to charge Muraena in good earnest, to desist from his hostility with Mithridates: and that he should endeavor to reconcile Mithridates and Ariobarzanes one to the other. At that meeting, having given his son about 4 years old, as hostage to Ariobarzanes: and that under that pretence, keeping still to himself that part of Cappadocia which he had garrisoned, and something else over and above: made a general entertainment for the company: At which he designed a certain weight of Gold to those that should get the better at drinking, or eating, jeering, singing, and other solemn sports: Every body had a share herein, but only Gabinius, [ Appian. in Mithridatic. pag, 215. 216.]

Thus was the second Mithridatick war ended, in the third year thereof, [ Id. ibid. ] In which Muraena after he had with a great deal of violences and vigilancy afflicted Mithridates, drew off from him, leaving him rather abated in something, than quite crushed in pieces. As Cicero speaks in his Oration for Muraena his son; whom the Orator adds to have been a help to his father in his difficulties, a comfort in his labors, and a rejoycer in his victories. Who also in his 1. lib. against Verres, teacheth how that the people of Milesia upon Muraena's order, built 10 ships out of the revenues of the people of Rome, as the several Cities in Asia did proportionably; which Fleet was by covenant to serve the Romans in all extremities at sea whatsoever: as Asconius Pedianus hath noted upon the same book, or the Oration against Verres.

L. Lucullus spent the time of his Quaestorship in the peace of Asia, whilst Muraena was waging war in Pontus, [ Cicero in Lucullo. ]

Sylla Dictatour, called Muraena out of Asia, [ Cicero pro lege Manilia. ] M. Thermus succeeded him in the Praetorship of Asia, [ Suetonius in Julio, cap. 2.] It is probable also that Liteullus was called back from his Praetership of the same time with Murena, upon this ground, because he sat upon the bench at Rome, with Aquillus Gallus, the Judge in Quintius his cause; which (as Aulus Gellius lib. 15. cap. 28. and Jerome. in Chronic. tells us) was pleaded by Cicero in the 26 year of his age, M. Tullius, and Cn. Dolobella Consuls.

Alexander Jannaeus, [The Julian Period. 4633] as soon as he had a little respite from wars, [Year before Christ 81] fell into a disease, a quartan ague which held him three whole years, he might thank his intemperance for it; yet for all this, did not remit anything of his warlike employments, [ Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 4. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 23.]

L. Murena, being come to Rome, triumphed very honourably; his son graced his triumph with some military presents; who served under him whilst he was General. and made his fathers victory and triumph, the only end of his taking up his arms. [ Cicero pro Murena. ]

Mithridates, being now at leisure, subdued Bosphorus, and appointed Machares, one of his sons, King over that nation. [ Appian. pag. 216.]

Molo, the Rhetorician, coming Ambassadors to the Senate, concerning the rewards of the Rhodians, was the first of any strangers that had audience without an interpreter: He deserved that honor, in regard the Roman eloquence was beholden to him for that force and vigor, which it hath; at which time Cicero himself plied under him. [ Cicero in Bruto. Valerius Maximus, lib. 2. cap. 2.] as he had done also some six years before, as we have hinted in its due place.

Julius Caesar being sent by M. Thermus Pretor of Asia, sent into Bithynia to fetch the fleet, tarried a while with Nicomedes: It was whispered abroad, how that he had prostituted his chastity for the Kings lust to tire upon: and the brute was improved by his going to Bithynia again in a very short time, under pretence of getting in some monies which were due to a certain free man, one of his clients. [ Suetonius. in Iulio. cap. 2.]

L. Cornelius Sylla, Dictator, wheresoever he found amongst the slaves of those persons he had prescribed a lusty young fellow, he made him one of the commons; and of these he made above 10000. first confering on them their freedom and enfranchisements, and called them Cornelians, after their Patrons name: the policy of this was, that he might be sure of a party of 1000 in the City amongst the commons, to side with him upon all emergencies whatsoever, [ Appian. lib. 1. Bell. Civil. pag. 413. & 416.] Servius upon the tenth of the Eneiods, reckons Polyhistor, to be one of those which were made free Denizons by Sylla. And that Alexander Polyhistor lived in Syllaes time, was made free, and surnamed Cornelius (although he was so called from his Patron Cornelius Lentulus, to whom he was sold, and whose School-master he was made) is confirmed by Soudas in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . For he calls this Grammarian Cratetis his Scholar, Milesium: whom Stephanus Byzantinus avows to be the son of Ascl • piades of Cotyaeum, a City in the lesser Phrigia, and to have written 42 books of all kind of things. Concerning whom, Eusebius is to be consulted, [ lib. 9. Euangelic. Praeparat. cap. 17.] where also he cites many passages out of the book he wrote concerning the Jews.

Ptolemy Lathurus, having reduced the Thebaeans in the third year of their revolt, fined them so extreme rigorously, that whereas before they could outvye the richest Cities in all Greece for wealth; they had not now left them the least print of their former fortune. So Pausanias in his Atticks, [ pag. 8.] relating this, as if it belonged to the Boeotian Thebes, and not to the Egyptians. Whereas we have observed out of Appians Mithridaticks, [ pag. 190.] how that almost at the very same time in which the Thebans revolted from Ptolemy, that greater Thebes of Boeotia, fell off from Archelaus, Mithridates his General, to Sylla the Roman General.

But this Ptolemy Lathurus, died not long after. [ Pausanias ut supra. ] 36 years and six months, after the decease of his brother Philometor. His daughter Cleopatra, wife of Ptolemy Alexander (who was younger brother to Lathurus, and had killed his mother, who was compartner with him in the throne) succeeded him; she reigned six months. [ Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger. pag. 225.] Pausanias avows that of all Lathurus his issue, Berenice was only legitimate, [ ut supra ] who dying before his father, her Bastard issue, Ptolemeus, seized the kingdom of Cyprus, Cleopatra, and after her Novus Dionysius, or Auletes the kingdom of Egypt, unless happily she whom Porphyrius calls Cleopatra, be the same with her whom Pausanias names Berenice.

Sylla Dictator, sent Alexander son of that Ptolemy Alexander, who killed his mother (whom he had admitted to his own familiar acquaintance, and brought along with him out of Asia) to the Alexandrians, to be their King: their issue male failing, and the women being forced to have some of their own blood for their husband: Sylla's drift was, the hopes he had of getting together a good hord of gold out of that wealthy kingdom. [ Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 414.]

C. Julius Caesar in the gaining of Mitylene was rewarded by M. Thermus, with corona civica, [Suetonius in Julio cap. 2.] Mitylene was quite demolished to the ground: It was the only City which kept up arms after Mithridates was defeated, [ Liv. lib. 89.] And so that noble City by the law of War, and right of Conquest, was brought under the jurisdiction of the people of Rome, [ Cicero in Agraria. 2.]

Alexander, [Year of the World 3924] having taken to wife Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, after he had resided 19 days with her, killed her, [ Porphyr. ut supr. ] Appian writes how that this King, being very domineering and insolent upon presumption of his interest in Sylla, was by the Alexandrians on the 19 day of his reign, dragged out of his Palace into the place of exercise, and there put to death. But it will appear out of Suetonius and Cicero, that he reigned 15 years after the death of his wife; against the common error of Historians and Chronologers; who begin the reign of Ptolemy Auletes here, and confound his years with the years of Alexander.

Mithridates, making attempts upon the Achaeans, neighbors to the Colchians, who were (as some fancy) relics of those who, returning from Troy, came thither upon mistake of their way, lost two moieties of his army; partly by being circumvented with an ambush: partly in plain fight, and the hardness of the weather, [ Appian. pag. 216.]

Mithridates, at his return home, sent some to Rome to copy the articles of the League betwixt him and Sylla. Ariobarzanes also sent others, either voluntarily, or by the instigation of others, to inform that Cappadocia was not entirely resigned unto him, and that Mithridates did keep back the greater part of it to himself. But Mithridates was commanded by Sylla to quit Cappadocia, before the Articles should be enrolled, [ Id. ibid. ]

After the Province of Silicia was settled, Cn. Dolobella was sent thither to be Proconsul: Cicero affirms, that there was added to this Province, besides the three Teritories of her own, the Pamphylian, Isauric, and the Cilician, three other Teritories of Asia; the Cibyntic, Synnadensian, and Appameensean, situate in the Regions of Phrygia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia. But when Dolobella bringing along with him C. Malleolus his Quaestor, and C. Verres his Lieutenant, was come as far as Delos: Verres there caused some ancient images in the night time to be taken covertly out of the Temple of Apollo, & to be put aboard the ship that was appointed to carry burdens. Upon the sudden there arose such a violent tempest, that Dolobella could not only not possibly lance forth, when he would, but had much ado to abide at anchor in the haven, so monsterously did the waves beat against the ships. The ship which was fraught with the images being driven and cast out by the violence of the waves, is split; those images of Apollo are found floating upon the shore: by Dolobellas order they are laid up again in the Temple, the tempest abates, Dolobella looses from Delos, [ Cicero act. 2. in Verrem, lib. 1.]

The same Verres carried away very neat images from Chios, Erythrae, and Halicarnasus. He took also from Tenedos (to the great grief of the City) the Statue of Tenes, a very curious piece. It is said that he built the City, and that it was called Tenedos from his name, [ Id. ibid. ]

Verres, having by his importunity prevailed with Dolobella, that he might be sent to the King, Nicomedes of Bithynia, and Sadala of Thrace, Allies of the people of Rome, came to Lampsacus in the Hellespont: where, upon Rubrius his Pages attempting to carry to Verres the daughter of one Philodamus, a most eminent Citizen: the Lampsacens by the persuasion of Themistagoras and Thessalus, came flocking together in the night to protect the Virgins chastity: in the hurly burly Cornelius, Verres his lictour, was slain outright, and some of his servants, whereof Rubrius was one, received some cuts: They had much ado also to save the Lieutenants house from being fired. Dolabella upon Verres his suite, giving over the war (which at that time was by him managed in Silicia) and marching out of that Province into Asia, obtained of C. Nero (who succeeded M. Thermus in the Praetorship of Asia) that Philodamus and his son might after judgment passed upon them, be beheaded, [ Id. ibid. compared with Asconius Pedianus upon the same. ]

Charidemus, [Year of the World 3925] Captain of a ship at Chius, being commanded by Dolabella to attend Verres departing Asia, came with him as far as Samos: where Verres assaulted the most ancient Temple of Juno of Samos, and carried from thence the Pictures and the Images. The Samians went to the Chians and charged Charidemus with the sacrilege: but he made it evidently appear, that what was done, was none of his doings, but Verres his. Upon this, Ambassadors came from Samos to C. Nero into Asia, to complain of him: who received this answer; That such complaints as these, which concern the people of Rom's Legate, ought not to be carried to the Praetor, but to Rome, [ Cicero ibid. ]

The Milesians had a fleet, which upon covenant the people of Rome were to make use of upon any occasion at sea. Verres demanded of them one of those ships to attend him as a convoy to Myndus; they immediately furnished him with a gallant ship, the choicest of ten, and well trimmed. Verres, as soon as he arrived at Mindus, commanded the Soldiers and the Sailors to return to Miletum on foot by land, and sold the ship to L. Magius, and L. Fannius, who left Marius his army, and came to live at Mindus, but afterwards they sided with Sertorius and Mithridates. He that had the command of the ship, declares what Verres had done: the Milesians caused the Declaration to be entered into the public regestrye. But Cn. Dolobella, upon Verres his request, did his best to have him, that made the Declaration, puished, and besides that, gave strict charge to have the Declaration taken out of the rolls again. [ Id. ibid. compared with Asconius Pedianus upon him. ]

C. Malleolus, C. Dolobella's Questor, being slain in the war, Verres forthwith obtained the office of Questor-ship from Dolobella, who, having gotten the guardianship of a Ward, began to finger his goods. [ ibid. ]

When the Provinces were allotted to the Consuls; Silicia fell to Servilius, Macedonia to Appius, Claudius Servilius having gone to Tarentum to visit his Colleague, who lay sick there, took his journey to the City Corycum, [ Salust. Histora. lib. 1. apud Priscian. lib. 15.] being ordered to go to quell the Pirates, who, under the conduct of Isidorus, roved about in the next sea, (betwixt Crees and Cyrenae, Achasa, and the creck of Malea) which from the spoils was called the Golden Sea. [ Flor. lib. 3. cap. 6.] Julius Caesar served under Servilius, but it was for a very short time, [ Suetonius. in Iulio, cap. 3.] and L. Flaccus was Tribune of the Soldiers. [ Cicero pro Flacco. ]

Cn. Dolobella, being called home from his province of Silicia, and accused of extortion at Rome, by a young fellow, M. Emilius Scaurus, was condemned, and sent away unto banishment. The Action was estimated at thirty hundred thousand sefterces, merely upon those particulars. This his Quaestor C. Verres had exacted above measure from the Cities of Lycia, Pamphilia, Pisidia, and Phrigia, corn, hides, hair-clothes, sacks and such wares: and that he did not receive them in kind, but exacted money for them. Verres himself, who was the main actour in the business, and a complice, gave strong evidence against him. For Verres was unwilling to give account of his Liutenants-ship, and his questor-ship, til such time that Dolobella (who only knew where to find fault with them) was condemned and ejected. [ Cicero, act. 2. in Verre lib. 1. Vid. Pighii Annal. Rom. tom. 3. pag. 280, 281. & 286. 287.]

Alexander Jannaeus, [Year of the World 3926] tired out with his quartan ague, and on that consideration, engaging himself in an unseasonable warfare, at length being quite spent, died in the confines of the Gerasens, having reigned 27 years. At that instant he was besieging Ragaba Castle, which is situated beyond Jordan. Upon his death-bed, he advised his wife Alexandra, to conceal his death for a while from the knowledge of the Soldiers: and that after she were returned in conquest to Jerusalem in great state, she should give the Pharisees a little more freedom than ordinary; in regard that those kind of people had a great influence upon the Jews, when they had a mind, either to do a shrewd turn to an enemy, or to pleasure a friend. For the common people did place a great deal of confidence in them, though prone through envy to appeach any man whatsoever: and that he himself got the ill will of that nation for no other cause; but that he had given some offense to that sect. He persuaded her therefore, that she would give way, that they might have the disposal of his corps, and that she would not act anything in state-administrations, but upon their determinations, and good liking; and so it would fall out, that both he should be the more honourably interred, and she and her son should reign without molestation. [ Joseph lib. 1. Bell. Judaic. cap. 4. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 23. compared with lib. 20. cap. 8.]

Queen Alexandra (callled also Selena, [The Julian Period. 4636] by Ecclesiastical Writers) having taken the Castle Ragaba, [Year before Christ 78] according to her husbands intimations, left all things concerning either his Corps, or the kingdom to the discretion of the Pharisees, and thereby reconciled them so to her, that they became her friends, who before were her most implacable enemies. Hereupon did the Pharisees assemble the common people, and made a speech to them, crying up the famous exploits of Alexander, and bemoaning what a good King they had lost. They so wrought upon the people, that they sadded all their hearts, and caused them to put finger in eye: neither was there any King before him, for whom they made so stately a funeral. [ Id. lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 24.]

It seemed, that Alexander drawing on towards his end, had in his last will and testament both left the administration of the kingdom to his wife Alexandra, and also the election of the High Priest to her discretion. She declared Hyrcanus her eldest son High Priest, not so much for the prerogative of his years, as for that she saw he was a mere slug, one that had no metal in him, and so less fear of his attempting anything against that power she had gotten into her hands. As for her younger son Aristobulus, she was very well contented that he should live a private life, in regard he was of a more fiery and sprightly disposition than his brother. She governed the kingdom nine years, her son Hircanus holding the High-priesthood all that while. She was very gracious with the people, both because of the favor she was in with the Pharisees, as also because she seemed to be much troubled at her husbands exorbitances. To speak truth, she was only honored with the bare title of Queen: the Pharisees had the managing of all State-affairs, to whom also, the people were expressly charged to give obedience: So that, if it appeared that Hircanus her father in law had abrogated any of the ordinances, which the Pharisees had brought in according to the traditions of their Elders, whatsoever it was, she caused it forthwith to be restored, and put in force again: the Pharisees also gave order for the calling back of exiles, and for the release of prisoners. Yet some things there were which the woman herself ordered and disposed: and besides she maintained a great number of hired soldiers, and did so mightily improve her strength, that she was formidable to the neighbouring Princes, and took hostages of them, [ Id. ibid. compared with lib. 26. Antiquit. cap. 8. & lib. 1. Belli. cap. 4.]

Mithridares, upon an express from Sylla, restored all Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes; and thereupon dispatched away Embassies to Rome to get the Articles of the Peace to be enrolled, [ Appian. pag. 216.]

M. Lepidus, and Q. Catulus Cossi: Sylla died, [ Liv. lib. 90. Appian, lib. 1. Bell. Civil. pag. 416.] He made an end of the 22 book of his Commentaries, two days before his death: he said, That the Chaldeans had foretold him, how, that after he had lived very splendidly for a while, he should die in the flower of his felicity. [ Plutarch in Sylla. ] He bequeathed in his Will those his Commentaries to Lucullus, whom moreover, he nominated upon his death-bed, as Guardian to his son; passing by Pompey: which one thing, was thought to be the very source from whence sprang all that grudge and emulation which ensued betwixt those two, both of them being youths, and their bloods boiling with a desire of glory, [ Id. in Lucullo. ]

M. Cicero, after he had been six months at Athens with Antiochus Ascalonita, a most Renowned and most Sage Philosopher of the ancient Academies, and with Demetrius Syrus, a well experienced, and no mean Orator, hearing of Sylla his death, sailed into Asia: and travelling clean thorough that Country, exercised his faculty with the choicest Orators in those parts. The chief of them were, Menippus a Stratonician (surnamed Catocas, of Caria) Dionysius Magnes, Aelchylus a Cnidian, and Xenocles an Adramyttean, [ Cicero in Bruto, & Plutarch in Cicerone: compared with Strabo lib. 13. pag. 614. & lib. 14. pag. 660. and with Diogenes Laertius in Menippo. ]

At the same time also, a certain woman of Miletum was sentenced to death, for that she had caused an abortion to herself by potions; being hired thereunto for a piece of money by those which were the second heirs; neither had she more than she deserved: who had by that one fact of hers destroyed, the hope of a parent, the memory of a name, the support of a kindred, the heir of a family, and in all likelihood, a Citizen of the Common-wealth, [ Cicero pro Aulo Cluentio. ]

P. Servilius Proconsul, subdued Silicia: He so disordered the Pirates light and flying Barks with his heavy men of War, that he got a bloody victory over them, [ Liv. lib. 90. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 6. Eutrop. lib. 6.] He set upon Silicia and Pamphylia with that violence, that he almost utterly ruined them, being desirous only to bring them under, [ Oros. lib. 5. cap. 23.]

Julius Caesar, upon the brute of Syll's death, left Silicia, and returned in all haste to Rome, [ Suetonius in Julio, cap. 3.]

In regard that Mithridates (Sylla being now dead) could hear nothing from the Magistrates at Rome, concerning his Embassy to the Senate: the King suborned Tigranes his son in law, to make an invasion upon Cappadocia, yet was not the plot carried so covertly, but the Romans had an inkling of it, [ Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 216] Amongst whom, Salust (in lib. 1 histor.) brings in L. Philippus, (in an Oration of his at that time before the Senate against Lepidus) speaking in this manner. Mithridates in latere vectigalium nostrorum quibus, &c. idest: Mithridates lies upon the borders of our revenues, which we yet enjoy, watching an opportunity to make war upon us.

Tigranes, [Year of the World 3927] having encompassed Cappadocia round as it were with a net, that no one could escape him, brought away with him from thence about 300000 men, and carried them into Armenia, assigning them places with others to inhabit: where he first put the Crown of the kingdom of Armenia upon his head, and called the place Tigranocerta, that is, the City of Tigranes. [ Id. ibid. ] He built the City betwixt Iberia and Zugma, which lies near Euphrates, and peopled it, with those men he brought out of the twelve Cities of Greece, which he had wasted. [ Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 532.] In that City there were abundance of Greeks, driven out of Silicia, many Barbarians running the same fortune with them Greeks, Adiabenians, Assyrians, Gordyens, Cappadocians, all whom he brought thither, having ruined their several Countries, and forced them to replant there. [ Plutarch in Lucullo. ] At this very time also, at which he wasted Cappadocia thus with his incursions, he drove the Mazacenians out from their habitations, and carried them into Mesopotamia, and stocked the greater part of Tigranacerta with those inhabitants. [ Strabo, lib. 12. cap. 539.]

Geminus, an excellent Mathematician, wrote his book of Astronomy, out of which Proclus his Sphaere is taken) 120 years after that the Egyptians Isia fell on Eudoxus his winter Solstice, or the 28 of December; as he himself shows in [ cap. 6. Vid. ann. Mundi 3807. a. ]

M. Cicero being come to Rhodes, [The Julian Period. 4637] applied himself to the same Molon, [Year before Christ 77] whom he had formerly heard at Rome; he was both an excellent pleader in true causes, and a good writer, and also very discreet in taxing and noting of faults, and wise in instructing, and in teaching, he did the best he could to keep Cicero within the Channel, and to repress him in regard that he did, by a kind of youthful licentiousness, commonly over do, and as it were, overflow. [ Cicero in Bruto. ]

At the same time Apollonius, a great master of Oratory, grew in great esteem; whom Strabo surnames 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or the Soft, and others Molo: which is the reason that some (amongst whom Quintilian is one, lib. 12. cap. 6.) confound him with the other Molon. They were both of them Alabandians of Caria, Scholars of Menecles the Alabandian, and both coming out of his School, professed the same art at Rhodes; although Molon came thither later than the other: which was the ground of Apollonius his applying that of Homer to him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . [ Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 655, 660, 661.] Cicero always calls one of them Molon; the other in lib. 1. de oratore, he calls Apollonius the Alabandian: where M. Antonius is brought in thus speaking of him. For this one thing I always liked that famous teacher, Apollonius the Alabandian; who although he taught for money, yet did he not suffer any whom he thought incapable of being made an Orator, to loose their labor with him, but sent them home again; and that his custom was to exhort and persuade everyone to buckle himself to that art, he in his judgment thought him most fit and inclinable unto.

It is reported of this Apollonius, that in regard he was not through paced in the Roman tongue, he desired Cicero to declaim in Greek: Cicero was well enough contented with the motion, supposing that Apollonius could the better correct him in case he should do anything amiss, whilst others stood in a maze admiring him, and others strived to eutvye one another in applauding him, Apollonius was observed neither to look cheerfully any time of that while he was speaking, and after he had done, to sit a good time, as it were musing, and pensive. But at last, perceiving Cicero took some regret at this his carriage, he said thus: Truly Cicero I commend and admire thee; yet I cannot but pity Greece her condition: when I see the two only ornaments which were left us, Learning and Eloquence: that they also should be by thee carried away to the Romans. [Plutarch in Cicernoe. ]

Cicero heard Posidonius the Philosopher at Rhodes, as Plutarch affirms, and Cicero himself reckons him in the list of those which instructed him; [in lib. 1. de natura Deorum, & lib. de fato. ] As for this Posidonius, Philosopher of the Stoic Sect, he was indeed born at Apamea in Syria; but being in process of time made a Citizen of Rhodes: he was called a Rhodian, as appears by Strabo, [ lib. 14. pag. 654.] and out of Athenaeus, [ lib. 6. cap. 6.] where this also is to be noted by the By: that, whereas Josephus writes, how that Posidonius and Apollonius of Malon, or Molon (as it is writ elsewhere) afforded to Apion the Grammarian, matter for those his fables, concerning the Jews and their Temple, [ lib. 2. contra Apion, pag. 1065.] by the name of the first he means this Posidonius the Apamenian, Cicero's Master in the Stoic Philosophy; out of the books of whose Histories, we have quoted so many passages above: but by the name of the later, that Apollonius we last spoke of, or rather that Molon his equal, who (as above said) is reckoned by Cicero [in his Bruto] amongst the Writers, and by some deemed to be one and the same person with that Apollonius.

P. Servilius, Proconsul in Silicia, subdued the Isaur's, and wan some Cities of the Pirates. [ Liv. lib. 93.] He demolished the City Isaura itself, and dismantled many forts which the Pirates held along the sea coast. [ Strabo; ] who saith, that he had seen Servilius, [ lib. 12. pag. 568, 569. & lib. 14. pag. 665.] He took Lycia also, and the Cities of note therein, having besieged them, & forced them to resign. Besides, he roved all over the mountain Olympus, and levelled to the ground three great Cities: Olympus, Phaselis, and Corycum. He was the first of any Romans that led an army through Taurus, he made it the bound of his march, and having taken a strict view of the side of the mountains which incline towards Silicia, he brought the Isauri, quite worn out with the wars, under the power of the Romans. [ Oros. lib. 5. cap. 23. compared with Florus, lib. 3. cap. 6. with Salust. lib. 1. Histor. apud Priscianum lib. 15. with Asconius Pedianus, in 3. Verrinam. and with Eutropius. lib. 6.] Cicero in his first and second Agraria, confirms, how that the Countries of the Attalians, Phaselians, Olympians, and the Country of the Agarenses, Orindians, and Gedusians were brought in to the people of Rome, by Servilius his victory. Cicero also [ in 40 contra Verrem lib. ] adds this passage particularly concerning Phaselis. That Phaselis which P. Servilius took, was not at first a City of Cilicians and Thieves; Lycians, who were Grecians, inhabited it: But in regard it was situated in such a place, and lay so high and strong, that the free booters which came out of Cicily, necessarily had recourse thither: the Pirates associated with that Town, first by commerce, and after by alliance.

L. Magius, [Year of the World 3928] and L. Fannius, both runnagados out of Fimbria's army, joined themselves with Mithridates, and persuaded them to enter into an association of wars with Sertorius, who at that time was up in arms in Spain against the Romans, Mithridates sent these two as his Ambassadors with letters to Sertorius, promising him a supply of money and ships for the war, and requiring of him in lieu thereof his confirmation of all Asia unto him, which he had resigned up to the people of Rome, upon the articles of peace betwixt him and Sylla.

The Ambassadors being come into Italy in that bark which the Mindians bought of Verres: and from thence hasting away to get to Sertonius: The Senate noted them enemies to the State, and ordered to attach them: yet, for all that they could do, they got safe to Sertorius: who, having called together an assembly of his own friends about him, which he called his Senate; he would by no means allow of those conditions, although all the rest were generally for them: For he denied that he would ever give way that the Province of Asia, which he had unjustly taken from the people of Rome, and which, after Fimbria had wrested it from him again by force of arms, he had returned back upon articles with Sylla, should ever relapse into Mithridates his power again. But as for Bithynia and Cappadocia, which had ever been under his command, and did not at all belong to the people of Rome, he did not envy him these; yet, upon these terms, the league was concluded betwixt them, and confirmed by mutual oaths; That Mithridates should supply Sertorius with 3000 talents, and forty ships; and that Sertorius on the other side should make him a grant of Cappadocia and Bithynia (to which two Appian adds, not only Paphlagonia, and Galatia, but Asia itself also) and that he should send him a General and Soldiers accordingly. Mithridates dispatched into Asia the General which was sent him; M. Marius, (Appian calls him, Varius) one of the Senators which were banished; and joined with him the two Lu • i • , Magius and Fannius, to be as his Counselors, who, loosing from Dianium, a sea town of Spain, arrived at Sinope of Pontus, where Mithridates then was; upon their telling the King how that Sertorius had denied him Asia: the King said to his friends, What will Sertorius sitting in his Palace enjoin hereafter, who, though as far distant from us as the Atlantic Ocean, takes upon him already to prescribe bounds to our kingdom; and to denounce war against us, in case we should attempt anything upon Asia? For all this, Marcus Marius concluded a league with him to Sylla's content. The King kept Marius with himself, and in a very short time preferred him a General into Archelaus his place, who had deserted him, and turned to Sylla. [ Cicero, pro lege Manilia. & pro Murena, item. act. in Verrem, lib. 1. compared with Asconius Pedianus in eundem. Livy lib. 93. Plutarch in Sertorio. Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 216, 217. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

After the Capitol was rebuilt (together with which (some seven years before) the books of Sybilla were burnt) C. Curio the Consul motions the Senate, That some Ambassadors should be sent to Erythrae, who were to take care to get the Sybills verses again, and bring them to Rome. P. Gabinius, M. Otacillius, and L. Valerius were sent upon that errand, who got those verses transcribed by private hands, and brought them to Rome: and Curio and Octavius, the Consuls, laid them up in the Capitol, which then was repaired again by Q. Catulus. [ Fenestella, quoted by Lactantius, lib. 1. institut. cap. 6. & lib. de ira Dei cap. 22.] Upon which grounds Varro says that Etythraea was believed to have writ those books of the Sybils, which the Romans have recourse unto; because those Verses were found in the Island Erythaea, after the firing of Apollos Temple, in which those books were laid up: if we may credit Servius, [ in Ae • oid. 6.] For the Temple which was burnt was not Apollos, but Jupiter Capitolinus his: and although after the Temple was repaired, Ambassadors were sent by order of the Senate to Erythrae in Asia, to get those Verses transcribed: yet those books which were afterward extant and brought to Rome, were not got out of Erythrae only, but procured from other Cities besides, both Italian and Grecian; and out of private men's Libraries also, under what name soever of the Sybills those books went: in which also many things are found to be suppositions, as appears by the difference of those which they call Acrostickes. As we find out of Varroes own books of divine things: to be related by Dionysius Halicarnasseus, [ lib. 4. antiquit. Roman. ] and by Lactantius Firmianus, [ lib. 1. in Instit. cap. 6.] and Tacitus also in [ lib. 6. Annal. ] hath declared how, That the Verses of Sybilla, whether one or more, were sought for in Samos, Troy, Erythrae; and thorough all Africa also, and Sicily, and the Italian Colonies: and that the Priests had in charge, with all the care that mortal men could take, to discover the true from the false.

Pliny in the 2 book of his natural History, cap. 35. reports, how that in the time of Cn. Octavius, and Cn. Scribonius Curio Cossi: Licinius Syllanus Proconsul, and his company saw a spark fall from a Star, which increased in bulk as it came nearer the earth; and being grown to the bigness of the Moon, gave as much light as if it had been some cloudy day: and when it withdrew up towards heaven again, it grew into the fashion of a lamp. But seeing that Syllanus is nowhere found amongst the Roman surnames, Pighius is of opinion, that instead of Licinius Syllanus in Pliny; it should be L. Junius Syllanus: So that Junius (who about this time was sent with the Proconsuls authority into Asia in the room of Cn. Nero) might seem with his company to have been an eye-witness of this Prodigie.

Nicomedes King of Bithynia dying without issue, [Year of the World 3929] made the people of Rome his heir by testament: whereupon his kingdom was reduced unto the form of a Province, [Liv. lib. 93. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 4. & 39. Appian. lib. 1. Bell. civil. pag. 420. & Mithridatic. pag. 175. & 218.] To this relates Mithridates his complaint of the Romans in an Epistle of his to Arsaces, [lib. 4. Salust. histor.] After Nicomedes was dead, they rifled all Bithynia: notwithstanding his son Musa, whom he nominated King, was without all question then born.

In the same year also (with which ended the CLXXVI Olympiad) the people of Rome had their bounds widened by the access of the Province of Cyrene unto them: Ptolemy Apion the King thereof, of the Family of Lagidarus, having bequeathed it as a Legacy to them; as Appian writes [in his 1. lib. Bell. civil. pag. 420.] adding moreover in the end of the Mithridaticks; that this King was a bastard of the Family of the Lagi: which character of Appian, shows that he was the same person with him whom Justin related in lib. 39. cap. 5. to be the son of a Curtezan, and who passed over the inheritance of the Crown of Cyrene to the Romans: where notwithstanding he adds, That that part of Libya was made a Province: whereas we have heard before out of Livy (at the year of the World 3908.) how that after Ptolemy Apions decease, the Senate of Rome enfranchized all the Cities of the kingdom of the Cyreneans: So that, at that time they might seem to have received their grant of freedom, but now to be reduced into the form of a Province. And that then Ptolemy King of Cyrene upon his death • bed, did make the Romans his heirs in his last testament, in the first year of the CLXXI. Olympiad: and that afterwards Libya was left to the Romans as a Legacy by King Apion in the fourth year of the CLXXVIII. Olympiad Jerome hath noted [in Chronico Eusebiano:] placing this later almost eleven years later than Appions accounts here require, Eutropius hath related this very thing nine years later, viz. To that Caecilius Metellus's Cretian triumph. At which time (as saith he in the sixth of his Breviary) Libya also was annexed to the Roman Empire by the last will of Apion, who was King thereof: in which Berenice, Ptolemais, and Cyrene, were the Cities of greatest note. Jornandes, [in lib. de regn. & tempor. succes.] hath thus written concerning this matter. Libya, that is to say, all Pentapolis, was granted under its liberty to the Romans by that first Ptolemy: and afterwards rebelling, Apions decree subdued it to the people of Rome. And before him Sixtus Rufus in his Breviary. We were beholden to Ptolemy the elder his bounty for Cyrene, and the other Cities of Libya Pentapolis: Libya came to be ours by King Apions last will and testament, And Ammianus Marcellinus followed him. The dryer Libya we got into our hands by King Appians last Will: Syrene and the other Cities of Libya Pentapolis, by Ptolemeis liberality. See the learned Valerius his notes upon the place, who so explains this History, that he denies that there were two Ptolemy Apions. besides, Cicero [in 2 Agrarias] mentions the Cyrenian lands which were Apions: as Cornelius Tacitus [in 14 annal. lib.] does the land which were once King Apions and by him bequeathed to the people of Rome, together with his kingdom.

The remainder of this Summer, and the whole Winter following, Mithridates spent in preparation of wars against the Romans: in felling of Timber, building ships, and making arms. [ Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 217.] He contracted his forces to a right and meet scantling; for he dismissed the tabble multitudes, the hideous Barbarians, took away the provision of such arms as were guilt, and set with precious stones: instead of these, he made swords after the Roman fashion, composed good substantial Shields, and made a muster rather of well managed and experienced horses, than of those which were neat and hansome. Moreover, he provided ships that were not adorned with Cabbins guilt over, or baths for Curtezans, or delicate Chambers to keep his women in, but such as were strowed with arms, darts, and money. [ Plutarch in Lucullo. ] he carried to sea 200 Myriads of Medimna's of corn. He had supplies ready at hand, besides his old forces, Chalibians, Armenians, Scythians, Taurians, Acheians, Heniochians, Leucosyrians, and those that inhabit about the river Thermodoon, commonly called the land of the Amazons. There came in to him in Asia his old forces. He had supplies also beyond sea out of Europe, Sarmatians, Basilians, Jazygians, Corallians, Thracians, and all the nations which inhabit about the river Ister, and the mountains Rhodope and Aemus, and the Basternians also, who were the gallantest men and stontest of them all, [ Appian ut supra. ]

Julius Caesar, [The Julian Period. 4639] a very youth, [Year before Christ 75] (about 25 years of age) resolved to withdraw to Rhodes; with an intention, at his leisure to apply himself to Apollonius Molon, the most eminent teacher of Oratory at that time: as he was sailing hither in the winter quarter, the Pirates (who now were so well furnished with ships, that they pestered the sea) took him prisoner about the Island Pharmacusa, (which lies near the Asiatic shore above Miletum.) When the Pirates demanded of him 20 talents for his ransom Caesar laughed at them, as being ignorant who it was that was their prisoner, and promised that he would give them 50 talents; and sent forthwith his companions and servants to the Cities of Asia, to procure the money for his release; keeping only with him one Physician, and two others to attend him in his Chamber. Being left with these three for 38 days together amongst a company of Cilicians, the most savage people in the World, he behaved himself after that manner, that he struck both a terror and a reverence into them: neither would he all that time suffer his shoos to be plucked off, or ungirt himself; that, in case there should happen some extraordinary alteration, he might not be suspected by them, who had clapped no other guard upon him, but that of their eyes: wheresoever he went to repose himself, and take his rest, he sent one to them to be hush, and keep no din: and he would familiarly play and exercise with them, as if they had been of his retinue, and not he their prisoner. he wrote verses also and orations, which he pronounced in the midst of them. If any of them did not admire and applaud them, he would call them openly dull fellows, Barbarians; and often in a merriment would threaten to hang them. They were very well pleased with his humor, ascribing that freeness of his tongue to his simplicity and years. [ Vellei Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 41. S • eton in Julio. cap. 4. Plutarch in Caio. Caesare. ] It is reported, that whilst he was in hold, he cried out, O Crassus, how wilt thou be tickled at the heart, when thou shalt receive tidings of my captivity. [ Plutarch in Maneo Crasso. ]

The monies of all the Cities was brought from Miletum to Caesar, but Caesar would by no means pay down the 50 talents, until he had forced the Pirate, to deliver up hostages to the Cities: After this, being set on shore, the night following he gets a fleet, such as he could scramble together of the sudden, and with it, loosing out of the port of the Milesians, he made towards the Island, before which the Pirates as yet lay at anchor: part of their fleet he forced to hoyst and away, others of them he sank, and the residue of the ships he boarded, and became master both of them and the men that were in them. Overjoyd with the triumph of the nights expedition, he returned to his company: the Pirates money he seized upon, as his own booty, and the Pirates themselves he committed to prison at Pergamos. When he had done that, he went to Junius the Proconsul of Asia, into Bithynia (for he at that time had the command both of Asia and Bithynia, lately reduced into a Province) demanding justice might be done upon the Captives, and crucified them; as in mertiment he had often in the Island foretold them he would do. [ Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 42. Sweton. & Plut. ut supr. ] But because, before their yielding themselves up, he swore he would crucify them: he first commanded their throats to be cut, and then to be fastened to the Cross. [ Suetonius. cap. 74.]

The Spring coming onwards, the third Mithridatick war was commenced; which after it had continued for eleven years and an half, was at last ended, by the death of Mithridates himself. Mithridates, having now called in all his fleets together, sacrificed (as his custom was) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or to Jupiter, powerful in battle, and drowned his Chariot and Horsos in the Sea, as a sacrifice to Neptune; and thus done, made what hast he could into Paphlagonia: with Taxiles and Hermocrates, Generals of his army, [ Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 217, 218.] He had in his army 120. (or 140. as Appian hath it) thousand Foot, trained up after the Roman model, 16. thousand Horse, besides a hundred Chariots with Sithes: There followed also the Camp, another great company of such as were to guard the ways, carry burdens, and of such as did traffic also, [ Id. ibid. in Lucullo. ]

Mithridates, as soon as he was arrived at Paphlagonia, made a high vaunting speech to the soldiery; and when he saw he had sufficiently stirred them to a detestation of the Romans, he made an invasion upon Bithynia, which had lately been bequeathed to them by Nicomedes his testament, [ Appian. pag. 218.] Livy says, that Mithridates got it all into his hands, [ lib. 93.] and Plutarch in Lucullo, that he was very willingly entertained by all the Cities of Bithynia.

Asia also, by reason it was most intollerably oppressed by the hard usages of creditors and publicans, lapsed to Mithridates, [ Plutarch ibid. ] He with M. Marius, or Varius, (whom Sertonius had sent to him out of Spain to be his General) took some Cities thereof: and when they entered the Cities, the King put Marius foremost with the rods and axes, as if he were the supreme Magistrate, and then the King followed, as one of his Officers. Some of the Cities he enfranchized upon his own score; To others of them, what immunities he granted, he said they came not from him, but were Sertorius his acts of grace. Thus Asia, which before was plagued with the Publicans, and opressed by the covetousness and abuses of the garrisoned soldiers, begins to pirck up again, and did heartily wish, that alteration of Government which was expected, might take effect, [ Id. in Sertorio. ]

Julius Caesar, observing what havoc Mithridates made in the adjacent countries, being ashamed to sit still with his hands in his pockets, when the Allies were in that distress: left Rhodes, whither he was gone, and passed over into Asia: where, getting together what supplies he could, he drave the Kings Lieutenant clean out of the Province, and by that means kept the Cities, which before were wavering and ready to revolt, constant in their loyalty, [ Suetonius, in Julio, cap. 4.] although he (Junius) whom the people of Rome had appointed their chief Magistrate in Asia, did out of cowardliness put some remora to his undertakings, [ Vellei Patercul, lib. 2. cap. 42.]

Eutropius and Orosius (out of Livy, as their manner is) relate, how that P. Servilius ended the war in Silicia and Pamphylia within three years, and thereupon was called Isauricus. In Cicero lib. 3. in Verrem (which Oration is called Oratio Frumentaria ) he is said to have commanded the army seven years. Whereupon we have referred his first going into the Province to the year before this fifth year, in which also he was Consul. Cicero in lib. 5. contra. Verem, affirms, that this one man took more of the robbers Commanders alive, than all they had done, which had been before him: and how amongst the rest, he recovered one Nico, a famous Pirate, who had broken his chains and escaped, with the same gallantry that he first took him prisoner. Ammianus Marcellinus [in lib. 14. Historiar.] writes, how that Silicia and Isauria mutually engaged in a war of pyracy, and having some troops of land robbers, were by Servilius the Proconsul made to pass sub jugum, and after that made tributary. Jornandes in lib. de regnorum ac temporum succession, writes, how that he overcame Pamphylia, Lycia, (or rather Silicia, and Pisidia) and reduced them all into Provinces: And that Octavius this years Consul, was sent into the Province Silicia, we gather from Plutarch in Lucullo.

Which way soever Servilius marched, it was a very pretty sight to see the several prisoners and captives he carried along with him: People came flocking unto him from all parts, not only out of those Towns thorough which they marched, but from all the places adjacent, purposely to see: which made the people of Rome take more delight, and to be more pleased with this triumph, than with any that ever had been before, [ Cicero, in Verrem, lib. 5.] In this triumph also the several images, and ornaments, which he brought away from the City Olympus after he had taken it, were carried on Chargers in State before him that rod in Triumph: all which he afterwards caused to be entered into the common tables, and brought into the Treasury: wherein the number of those images were not only specified and described, but the bulk, figure, and condition, of each one in particular, [ Id. in eundem, lib. 1. & Ascon. Pedianus ibid. ] Valerius Maximus mentions this Triumph of Servilius, [ lib. 8. cap. 5.] Eutropius, Sextus Rusus; and Claudian the Poet, [in lib. 1. in Eutropium,] thus speaks of him:

M. Antonius (father to M. Antonius the Triumvir.) having by the favor of Cotta the Consul, [The Julian Period. 4640] and Cethegus his faction, [Year before Christ 74] obtained of the Senate, an unlimited commission for guarding of all the sea coasts, wheresoever the people of Rome had any command; and being a most vile person himself, had his companions sorted accordingly, wasted Sicily, and all the Provinces. [ Cicero, act. 2. in Verrem. lib. 2. Lactant. Institut. lib. 1. cap. 11. Ascon. Pedianus in Divinationem, and and upon the forecited place of Cicero, contra Verrem. ]

The Province of Gaul Cisalpina, fell to L. Lucullus the Consul, but Octavius, dying, who held Silicia. Lucullus having by the means of Praecia, a common strumpet, made Cathegus his friend, who at that time bore all the sway at Rome, got the Province Silicia assigned to him; and in regard that Cappadocia lay near to Silicia, they generally voted that Lecullus should undertake the Mithridatick war. Yet M. Cotta his Colleague in the Consulship, after much importunity, prevailed with the Senate, that he might be sent with a fleet to guard the Propontis, and defend Bithynia. [ Plutarch in Lucullo. ] And so both the Consuls were sent to this war: the one was to make good Bithinia, the other to follow Mithridates in Asia. [ Cicero pro Muraena, Memnon cap. 39. Eutrop. lib. 6.] For that Lucullus the Consul had not only Silicia, but Asia also, (properly so called) allotted unto him, and that he had the command of it for the space of seven years, is evident out of Velleius Paterculus. [ lib. 2. cap. 33.]

Lucullus, having listed a Legion in Italy, passed over with it into Asia; where he takes to him the Fimbrian Legions, and two others besides; which, to a man of them, were long since corrupted through luxury and covetousness. The Fimbrians, in regard they had lived a long while, as it were, masterless, and uncontroled, were the more intractable, and malapert; yet very warlike, and both skillful and patient in military labors and undertakings. But Lucullus reformed the one, and calmed the fierceness of the other. [ Plutarch ut supra. compared with Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 219.] He did the best he could also by inflicting punishments upon the Userers, and the Roman Publicans, by whose exactions the Asians were brought to revolt, to make them more moderate in their dealings: and he quelled all insurrections of several people, when as there was scarce a nation but was up in arms. [ Plutarch ibid. ]

Mithridates, having both another numerous army upon the march, and also 400 ships of 30 oars, besides a great company of lesser ships, which they commonly called Penteconteri and Cercurae, sent away Diophantus Matharus, with a considerable force into Cappadocia, to thrust in Garrisons into the Cities; and if Lucullus intended to enter Pontus, to interpose and stop his passage. As for Mithridates himself, he kept with him 150 thousand Foot under colors, and 12 thousand horse, and 120 Chariots with Sithes, which followed the Horse: and good store of all sorts of warlike Engines. Thus provided, he making a flying march through Timonitis, Cappadocia and Galatia: within nine days he reached Bithynia. Lucullus in the mean while commanded Cotta to stay with all his fleet in a Port of the Chalcedonians. [ Mem. cap. 39.]

Mithridates his fleet staying by Heraclea in Pontus, were denied admittance, yet the Citizens gratified them so far in their requests, as to afford them the freedom of their market: where after some truckings, and chaffering betwixt them, as are usual in those places, two of the most eminent persons of Heraclea, Silenus and Satyrus were carried away prisoners by them: they could not get off again, but upon this condition, That they should assist Mithridates in this war against the Romans, with five Frigots. This made the Romans fall out with the Heracleans: For whereas the Romans had appointed in the other Cities public sale to be made of the Citizens goods. They exposed Heraclea also to sale. Upon the coming in of these which were commissionated for that business, and their exacting monies, contrary to the customs of the Common-wealth; the Citizens grew much perplexed, who looked upon this action as a hansel of that slavery which would shortly ensue. Whereupon (when as their condition was such, that it required rather an Embassy to be dispatched to the Roman Senate, to beg their favor, and to put a stop to the sale of their goods) they, by the persuasion of a bold desperate fellow in the City, murdered the Publicans, and that with such secrecy, that there was not any one body which had the least intimation of their death. [ Id. cap. 40.]

M. Cotta, upon the brute of Lucullus his coming, and that he was already encamped in Phrygia, making account that he was now cocksure of the victory, made what hast he could to fight Mithridates, before Lucullus was come in to him; that Lucullus might not share with him in the glory of the victory. [ Plutorch. ] Marius (or Varius) and Eumachus, Mithridates his Generals against Lucullus, having in a short time drawn together a great army, engaged with P. Rutilius (M. Cotta his Liutenant) at Chalcedon, in which battle Rutilius was slain, and the best part of his army. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.] the Basternians having routed the Italian foot, and done great execution upon them. [ Memnon. cap. 41.]

Mithridates marching up to Chalcedon, whither the Romans flocked from all parts to Cotta: Cotta being but a raw Soldier, came not out against him: But Nudus, the Admiral of his fleet, with a brigade of the army, took the field, on that part which was best fortified; but being beaten off thence, made back to the gate of Chalcedon, over hedge and ditch. When they came to the gate, there was such a crowding of them to get in, that those that had them in pursuit, could not throw a dart, which was not sure to hit. But as soon as they let down the Port-cullis for fear of the enemy, they drew Nudus and some other Commanders into them with ropes; all the rest were slain in the midst of their friends and enemies, they all the while holding up their hands to both, but to no purpose. [ Appian. ]

Mithridates, thinking that it was best for him to make use of his late good fortune on the same day moves with his Fleet toward the haven: where having broke down, the iron chain which was in the entrance of the haven, fired four of the enemies ships; and carried away the other 60, tying them to one another's sternes: Neither Nudus, not Cotta, making any resistance, but keeping close all the while within the walls. The Romans in the engagement, lost about three thousand men, amongst whom Lucius Manlius a Senator was one. Mithridates lost 20 of the Basternians, who were the first that attempted the haven, [ Idem. ] Plutarch tells us, that Cotta lost upon land 4000. foot besides those 60 ships with their men. Memnon says, that in one day the land and sea were most shamefully filled with the carcases of the Romans: eight thousand of them being slain out right in the sea-fight, and 4500 taken prisoners: and of the army of Foot which consisted of Italians, 5300. were cut off; whereas Mithridates on his side, lost only about 30 Basternians, and 700 others, out of his whole company.

And this was that battle near Chalcedon, in which M. Aurelius Cotta the Consul was defeated, [ Liv. l • b. 93.] of which Mithridates in an Epistle of his to Arsaces, (lib. 4. Histor. Salust.) thus writes. I totaly routed Marcus Cotta the Roman General near Chalcedon on land, and have deprived him of a most gallant fleet at sea. The sad calamitous condition Cotta was now in both at sea and land, mightily advanced both the Kings wealth, and his name, [ Cicero, pro Muraena. ] For by this success of Mithridates, all men's spirits began shamefully to flag. But Lucullus who lay encamped along the river Sangarius, hearing of this greater overthrow, and observing his soldiers courage somewhat damped thereat, quickened them up again with a parcel of good words. [ Memnon, cap. 41.]

When as Archelaus (formerly one of Mithridates his Commanders, but now turned to take part with the Romans) would have made Lucullus believe that he might with his bare look obtain the whole kingdom of Pontus, (Mithridates being now with his army in Bithynia) he replied, That he would not be deemed a greater coward than the common Huntsmen are, that not daring to adventure upon the wild beasts themselves, he should go to their empty dens; Tus said, he marched against Mithridates, having in his company 30 thousand Foot, and 2500 Horse. When he came first to the view of the enemy, he was astonished to see such a numerous body, and therefore desired to wave an engagement, and to gain time: but recollecting, how that Marius (whom Sertorius had sent out of Spain to be Mithridates his General) was marched up against him, and did provoke him to fight, he drew up into battalia. Just as the army were set to engaging, (upon no evident change, but the Heaven cleaving asunder of the sudden) there seemed to fall betwixt both armies, a great flaming body resembling a hogshed in shape, and silver fire hot: this strange apparition so frighted both parties, that it staved them off from fighting. They say this prodigy happened in Phrygia, about Otryae. [ Plutarch. ]

L. Lucullus the Consul, with his Horse had some skirmishes with Mithridates his Horse, and came off with good success: He made also some expeditions, and was fortunate in them; which so flushed his Soldiers, and made them so eager upon fighting, that he had much ado to keep them from mutiny. [ Livy lib. 94.]

Mithridates, looking upon the City Cyzicum as a gate to let him in into Asia, which, if he could but once break open, and pluck up, the whole Province would lie open to him: resolved to remove thither the hot brunt and violence of the war. [ Cicero pro Murena. ] For it was the most famous City of all Asia, and a faithful friend to the people of Rome. [ Id. pro lege Manilia. ] and which in the late overthrow at Chalcedon, had lost 3000 Citizens, and 10 ships. Hereupon the King, meaning to give Lucullus the slip. As soon as he had supped, having the opportunity of a thick and misty night, removed his Camp, and by break of day, gets to the top of the mountain Adrastia (otherwise called Dindymus) which was situated opposite to the City. [ Plutarch. ] Strabo writes how that Mithridates with 150 thousand Foot, and a great body of Horse, made an invasion upon the Cyzicenians, and took the mountain Adrastia, and the Suburbs. [ lib. 12. pag. 757.] Appian relates how that Lucullus, having in all but 30000 Foot, and 1600, Horse, encamped over against Mithridates about Cyzieum; and that he learned from the runnagadoes, that Mithridates had about 300000 men, Nay it is reported that he lost in the siege of Cyzicum. above 300000 men, by famine and sickness; as we read in Orosius. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.] Moreover it is given out (as we find in Plutarch) That of the whole rabble of Scullions, and Soldiers Lucullus slew no less than 300000 men. Whereas Eutropius in the sixth book of his Breviary hath writ far more modestly. The following Winter and Summer, Lucullus slew of the Kings party very near an hundred thousund men.

Mithridates, having begirthed the Cizicenians with ten brigades, assaulted them also by sea with a fleet of 400 ships. [ Strabo pag. 757, 576. compared with Plutarch. ] And seeing the Cyzicenians, knew not what was become of Lucullus: The Mithridatians gave out that those his tents which were pitched before their eyes, were supplies of Armenians and Medes, which Tigranes had sent to Mithridates. Demonax, sent from Archelaus into the City, was the first that informed them of Lucullus his being nigh at hand: but they gave no credit to him at all, supposing what he said was a mere forgery, whereby to alleviate their present sufferings: until a boy, who had been taken prisoner by the enemy, and made an escape, pointed out to them with his finger the place where the Romans lay encamped. [ Plutarch. ] Lucullus sent a messenger to them, one of his souldieus, who had the command of his tongue, to bid them be of a good courage; this Soldier bearing himself up above water with two bottles.

Lucullus, [Year of the World 3931] falling upon Mithridates his rear, defeated the Ponticks, and got a glorious victory, in which he slew something more than 10 thousand of them in the fight, and took 13000 prisoners. [ Memnon. cap. 42.]

Lucullus espied a mountain very convenient to pitch his Tents in; which if he could but once get into his hand: he was sure to get provision enough for his army, but to starve the enemy: There was but one passage to come to it, and that a very narrow one; which also Mithridates had clapped a guard upon to secure it, being thereunto advised by Taxiles and some other of his Commanders. L. Manius or Magius, the Umpire of the league betwixt Mithridates and Sertorius, sent privately a messenger to Lucullus and then persuaded Mithridates to permit the Romans to pass by, and to encamp where they thought best themselves; buzzing him in the ear, that the Fimbrian Legions, which formerly had served Sertorius in the wars, would leave their colors and turn away to him; and this they would do within a day or two: and that that might spare the expense of sweat and blood, when they were sure of a victory without striking a blow. Mithridates, suspecting nothing was so unwise as to lissen to his counsel, and thereupon suffered the Romans quietly to enter the passage, and to fortify the mountain against him; by which reason the Romans might have a plentiful supply of provision from all those parts which lay behind them, when as Mithridates on the contrary being shut out by a lake, mountain and river, was debarred from all importation by land, and therefore could expect but slender incomes to his Camp. Seeing that there was no way for him to get out, neither could he by force of arms make Lucullus retreat, merely because he neglected the passage. The winter quarter also drawing onwards, was likely to hinder all importations to him by sea. [ Appian. ]

Plutarch writes, that Lucullus encamped about Thracia, which they called, Comes; as deeming it the most fit place to obstruct all ways and quarters from whence Mithridates could hope for a supply of provisions. As for that party which Mithridates sent to bring in the Fimbrian Legions to him, who made show as if they intended to turn to his side, Memnon tells us, that they were all put to the sword by the same Legion.

Nicomedes, [The Julian Period. 4641] a Thessalian, [Year before Christ 73] had framed notable Engines to batter the City, [ Plutarch. ] amongst which the Helepolis, as they called it, about a hundred cubits high, was the most remarkable one. Upon this another Tower was erected, planted with Engines, to sling out stones, and several sorts of weapons: But before they planted the Engines, Mithridates gave order that three thousand of the Cizicenians, whom he had taken prisoners, should be brought in the ships to the walls of the City: if happily the City, out of pity to them, and relenting at their cries, would give up. But seeing that essay was to no purpose, (there being by the command of Lysistratus their General, a Cryer appointed, who from the walls exhorted them, That seeing that it was their hard fortune to fall under the power of a stranger, to bear it out as well as they could) Mithridates used all the strength he could both by sea and land, to reduce the City: the Townsmen all the while within being as industrious to defend it: yet, do what they could, they could not perfect their walls entire, but that part of them being fired, fell down about evening: but the heat of the fire was so scorching, that the enemy was not able to enter. The Cyzicenians themselves by night repaired the breach. [ Appian. ]

At last Lucullus found a way in the night to send into the City some Auxiliaries. [ Strabo. ] For finding that in the lake Dascylite, there were pretty big boats: he took away one of the biggest of them, and carried it in a Wagon to the sea side, and put as many Soldiers in it, as it could well hold; who privily by night got into the City, the enemy knowing nothing thereof. [ Plutarch. ]

Now was the time of Proserpina's festival, in which the Cyzicenians were wont to offer a black Hei • er. Tshey being unprovided with such an one at this time, made one of dough, and brought it to the Altar. The Hei • er which was designed for Proserpines festival, was feeding with the rest of the Cyzicenians Herds on the other side the sea. Upon the day of the Festival, she left the other Herds, and swimmed over alone to Cyzicum, passing all the way through the enemies fleet, and by diving under water, got through the bars which are at the mouth of the harbor, and so passing through the midst of the City, came to the Temple of Proserpina, and presented herself before the Altar. The Cyzcicenians sacrificed her, and upon this grew mightily enlivened in their hopes. [ Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Plutarch, & Appian. ]

It is reported that Prosepina appeared by night in a vision to Aristagoras (who was the chief Magistrate, as saith Julius O • sequens) for Plutarch gives him no other title, but that of his being the people's tutor; and told him, that she had provide a piper against the pipers: or, as Plutarch renders it, that she forthwith sent a Libyan piper against the Pontick trumpeter. The Cyzicenian wondering with themselves what this voice should be, about break of day it began to be foul weather at sea, as if it had been a tempestuous wind. The Kings engines which were now drawn up to the walls, by their creaking and crashing first discovered what was ready to insue: Presently after there arose an extreme violent South wind, which in the moment of an hour did so shatter the rest of the Kings engines, that they were made utterly unserviceable; and did so shake the wooden tower which was erected upon the Engin, that it overturned it on the ground, [ Id. ]

It is Chronicled also, that at Troy Minerva appeared to many in their sleep, dropping with sweet, and showing how that part of her veil was cut off: telling them, that she came from the relief of the Cyzicenians. The Trojans were wont to show the pillars whereon the decrees and letters concerning this accident were engraven, [ Plutarch. ]

Mithridates was advised by his friends to loose with his Fleet from before the City: but he not one whit dismayed at what had happened, got up to the mountain Dindymus, and from thence cast up a bank all along to the walls of the City; upon which he erected Towers. He caused also Mines to be made under the very walls, [ Appian. ] The Cyzicenians notwithstanding all this, held out so stoutly, that they had very near taken Mithridates alive in one of the Mines, which he himself had digged, by counterm • ning him: but he got away safe, having espied the danger he was in, [ Strabo. pag. 576.]

The Winter being come, Mithridates was cut short also of victual by sea; if so be he had any at all. The army therefore being in great distress for necessary provision, many of them died by famine, some were glad to feed on man's flesh, others using herbs for their constant food, fell into diseases, and the dead carcases lying all the while unburied, ushered in the plague to boot, [ Memnon, cap. 42. Strabo, pag. 576. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Plutar. Appian. Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.]

Whilst Lucullus was gone to gain some castle or other, Mithridates strives to make some use of this opportunity: Hereupon, commanding part of his Forces to march home with their arms; but with this item, That they should be sure not to come in sight of the enemy, he sent almost all his Horse, those also which were for burden, and of his Foot; such as were less serviceable, unto Bithynia: for the horses were now grown weak for want of provender, and stark lame by reason their hoofs were beaten and worn away for want of shoos. Lucullus hearing of this, hasted to the Camp, again by night as fast as he could; and by break a day, made after them with 10 companies of Foot, and all his Horse. Although at that instant there fell such a violent storm, that many of the soldiers, what with the Snow, and other inconveniencies, for very cold were forced to lie down, not being able to follow: with the rest he overtook the enemy at the passage of the River Rhyndacus, where he did such execution on them, that the women of Apollonia came out and plundered the carriages, and stripped the slain. There were taken at this fight 6000 Horse, and an infinite number of beasts for burdens, 15 thousand men: all which Lucullus carried away with him, besides the pillage of the enemies Camp. Lucullus at this bout killed more than 15000 men; if we may credit Orosius. Salust is of opinion, that this was the first time the Romans ever saw any Camels: as if those, who under Scipio their General defeated Antiochus, and those who fought with Archelaus at Orchomenon and Cheronea, had not known well enough what kind of beasts Camels were, [ Plutarch, Appian. Oros. ]

Fannius, who clapt in with Mithridates, and Metrophantes the Kings Pretor, having received a blow from Mamercus, escaped with two thousand Horse into Moesia: and removing from thence unto Moeonia, fell upon the dry and parched hills and champian of Inarime: where being weldred for a long while, at last they got out, and arrived at the Kings Camp, without any notice taken of them, [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

Eumachus the general, and other of Mithridates his Colonels, up in arms in Phrygia, killed many Romans, with their wives & children. They subdued the Pisidians also, the Isauri, and Silicia, until Dejotatus, one of the Tetrarchs of Gallograecia, lighting upon them as they were roving about, killed them and many of their soldiers, and so gave a stop to proceedings, [ Liv. lib. 94. Appian. pag. 222. Oros. ut supr. ]

Jubilie the XXVIII. [Year of the World 3932]

The Cyzicenians having undermined those mounts which the King had cast up all along from Dindymus to the City, and fired his Engines, and knowing well enough that the enemy was much weakened by famine, did so pester them with often sallyes, that Mithridates was resolved to draw off and be gone, [ Appian. ] Of which he himself in a letter of his to Arsaces, [ Salust. lib. 4. histor. ] thus: At my laying siege to Cyzicum with a great army, I wanted provision, and in regard I could get none from all the parts about, and that the winter also had blocked up the sea that none could be expected that way; I was forced (not by any compulsion of the enemies) to march back into mine own kingdom. For Plutarch tells us out of Salust, how that Lucullus, first at Cyzicum, and afterwards at Amisus, lay encamped with his soldiers two whole Winters. Concerning the raising of the siege of Cyzicum, see Cicero [ in orat. pro lege Manilia, pro Muraena, & pro Archia poeta. ]

Mithridates resolving suddenly to be gone, that he might keep off Lucullus from following too fast upon his rear: sent Aristonicus a Grecian Admiral of his Fleet to sea: but Lucullus by some foul play, took him prisoner just as he was putting off from shore; and withal seized upon 10000 crowns which he carried along with him to inveigle part of the Roman army, [ Plutarch. ]

The King left his land Forces with the General to march with them away to Lampsacus: Hermaeus and Marius (the Generals which Sertonius sent) conducted thither 30000 men. But Lucullus following hard upon the rear, at last overtook them unawares as they were passing the River Aesepus, whose waters at that time were higher than ordinarily they were wont to be. He took very many of them prisoners, and killed 20000 of them outright (above 11000 of which were reported to have been Marius his soldiers) so that the two Rivers, Granicus and Aesepu • , were all ove • coloured with blood. But one of Mithridates his Nobles, knowing how mightily the Romans were addicted to covetousness, commanded the soldiers to scatter their snapsacks and money about, purposely to retard the pursuers in their march, [ Memnon, cap. 42. Polybaeus stratagem. lib. 7. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Plutarch, Appian. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

As for Mithridates himself, he, purposing to return by sea, sailed by night to Parium, [ Appian. ] whilst his soldiers intending to put off with him crowded on every side so thick into the ships, whereof some were already filled, others were to be filled presently after, that it happened, that, by reason of the multitude striving to get a ship-board, some of the ships were sunk, and others overturned. The Cyzicenians observing this, assaulted the enemies Camp, where they cut the throats of the sick that were left behind, and carried away whatsoever they found there, [ Memnon, cap. 42.]

Lucullus entering Cyzicum, was received with a great jollity, and magnificence, [ Plutarch. ] In honor of whom they afterwards instituted some plays which they called, Lucullea, [ Appian. ] The Romans conferred a great deal of honor upon the City, and granted them their freedom, [ Strabo lib. 12. pag. 576. Tacit. annal. lib. 4. cap. 36.]

Mithridates, after his men were driven to Lampsacus, and besieged there by Lucullus, sent his Fleet thither, and transported them and the Lampsacenians together: And having left fifty ships with 10000 men aboard them unto Marius or Varius, the Sertorian General, Alexander a Paphlagonian, and Dionysius the Eunuch, himself with the greater part of them made for Nicomedia: But it happened that many of these and the others, were cast away in storm, [ Ibid. ]

Mithridates, having scrambled up together as well as he could some forces in Pontus, sat down about Perinthus, and made some attempts against it: but seeing he could not master it, he sent his forces away into Bithynia. [ Memnon. cap. 42.]

Antiochus (the Asiatic) and his Brother, the young sons of King Antioochus, (Pius) who kept in their hands part of the kingdom of Syria (which was not seized on by Tigranes) came to Rome, to request the kingdom of Egypt which they thought did of right belong to them and their mother Selene; and there they tarried almost two whole years, keeping all the wile a Princely guarb and retinue. [ Cicero lib. 4. in Verrem. ]

Antipas, [The Julian Period. 4642] or Antipater, [Year before Christ 72] the Idumean, the prime of his Nation, both for birth and wealth (son of the other Antipas or Antipater, who they say was by Alexander King of the Jews, and his wife Alexandra appointed Governor of all Idumea) had by his wife Cyprus, (who was born at an eminent place, amongst the Arabians) his son Herod: afterwards King of Judea, for he was 25 years old when his father set him over Galilee, of which more is to be said at the year of the World, 3957. [ Vide supra. ann. Mundi. 3875.] although Nicolaus Damascenus to curry favor with Herod (whose life he writ whilst he was yet alive) hath derived Antipaters pedigree from the Princes of the Jews, who came from Babylon into Judea; [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 2.] as also in the 35 Chapter of the Arabic History of the Jews, (set out at the end of the Parisian Bibles, with many tongues) we read, how that Antipater was a Jew, descended from the loins of some of them which came up out of Babylon with Ezra the Priest; and that he being appointed by Alexander Jannaeus, Governor of the Country of the Idumeans, took a wife from thence. But Julius Africanus in a letter of his to Aristides, ( in Euseb. l. 1. Histor. Ecclesiast. c. 6. & 7.) and Ambrosius, who followed him, [ lib. 3. comment. in Luc. cap. 3.] reports upon a tradition of those who were called the kinsmen of our Savior, according to the flesh, how that Antipater was the son of one Herod, an Ascalonite, who had the charge of Apollos Temple there; and that being by some Idumean robbers carried away captive from Askelon, he was instructed in the manners and disciplines of the Idumeans. And this is the most received opinion of all the Christian Fathers.

Borba, coming with a strong band of Italians and Triarius, one of Lucullus his Commanders, laid siege to Apamea. The Citizens, for a good while, stood it out as well as they were able against the enemies, but in conclusion opened the gates, and let them in; as Memnon hath it: Although Appian writes, how that Triarius, being arrived there, took the City by storm, and put to the sword abundance of the Apamenians in their Temples, whither they flew for sanctuary. Soon after the Roman army took Prusa, a very well fortified City, under the mountain Olympus: and after they had wan it, pillaged it. From hence Triarius removes with his army to Prusias, which lay upon the sea. Prusias King of Bithynia took it from the Heracleans, and called it after his own name, being formerly called Cierus (or Chius) from the river which glided by it. As soon as he drew the City, the Prusians thrust out the Ponticks, and received them in. Thence they came to Nicaea, which was a Garrison of Mithridates: But the Ponticks, understanding full well, how that the Citizens hearts inclined to the Romans, stole away by night to Mithridates at Nicomedia; so that the Romans got that City under their command without any trouble at all. [ Memnon. cap. 43. & 49. Appian. pag. 223. compared with Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

Lucullus being come to Hellespont, got his fleet ready, and arriving at Troas, stepped aside into the Temple of Venus. The same night in his sleep he fancied to himself that he saw the goddess standing by him, and saying,

Whilst he was telling this his dream to his friends, day not yet broke, some came from Troy and told him how that there appeared 13 of the Kings ships, with five oars a bank, at a port of the Achaians, and that they were bound for Lemnus. Lucullus presently puts off from Troas, took all the 13 ships, and killed Isodorus their Admiral. [ Plutarch, compared with Appian. ]

Lucullus, in pursuit of his victory, made after Marius, or Varius (who was sent by Sertorius to be General) Alexander and Dionysius; and overtaking them about Lemnus, in the desert Island (where Philoctetes his Altar, with the braze • Serpent is to be seen) bare up to them, using all the while, but came language to them: for before the engagement, he gave order to to his Soldiers, that they should by no means kill any one that had but one eye: meaning Marius who had lost an eye, whom Lucullus had designed first to vex with obloquies & reproaches, and then to kill. Lucullus observing how that they stood still in a place, and had drawn all their ships to the shore, held still his oars, and sent two ships out of his company, to try if he could make them launch forth. But they made not towards them; but defending themselves from their hatches, did mightily gaul the Romans. The place was such, that they could by no means wheel about, nor was it possible for the ships which were tossed by the waves, and floating to make any considerable impression upon the enemies fleet which leaned to the land, and had as it were good sure futting: wherefore Lucullus sent a squadron of ships another way, by which there was a passage into the Island, and landed all his chief Foot there. Who coming upon the backs of the enemy, killed some of them, and made the others retreat to ship-board: they were so fearful of Lucullus, that they dared not adventure to launch into the deep, but sailed along the coast; so that now they were played upon, both from sea and land, to their great slaughter and confusion, striving to get away. [ Plutarch. ] Lucullus either sunk, or took two and thirty of the Kings ships, besides a number of ships for burdens. Among those that were slain, there were very many of them who had been prescribed by Sylla. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]

The day following, the three Generals were drawn out of the cave, where they had hid themselves. Marius (or Varius) was by Lucullus his order put to death. [ Id. ibid. compared with Appian. ] Alexander was reserved for that solemnity; but Dionysius soon after died of a draught of poison, he carried about with him. [ Appian. ]

These were the two sea victories which Lucullus got, one before Tenedus, the other in the Egean sea, both indeed distinctly mentioned by Memnon, [in 44 chap.] but celebrated by Cicero in diverse places, as but one. For in Orat. pro lege Manclia he says, That the great and well trimmed fleet which Seriorius his Commanders were in all fury hauling into Italy, was overcome and vanquished by Lucullus, and pro L. Murena. Do you think that that sea fight at Tenedus, when the enemies fleet heightened in their hopes and spirits, made a direct course for Iatly, under most spiritly Generals, was ended after small bickering, or a light skirmish? and in Orat. pro Archia poeta. Where he cries up Lucullus his defeating the enemies fleet, and that incredible sea fight at Tenedus.

Lucullus dispatched his letters laureat to the Senate, with a recital of his archievements as was the, manner of conquerors. [ Appian. ] And when as the Senate decreed to send him three thousand talents to procure him a fleet, he wrote them word back again, That he had no need of the money; vauting withal, That he was also to drive Mithridates out of the sea, with the ships of their Allies. [ Plutarch. ]

After this, he posted with all speed to to chace Mithridates, being in hopes to find him about Bithynia, secured there by Voconius, whom he had sent with a squadron of ships to Nicomedia, to attend upon Mithridates in his flight. But Voconius, being engaged at Samothrace, in the religious ceremonies, and solemnizing the festival days there, came too late. Mithridates hoist sail, and made what hast he could to get to Pontus, ere Lucullus should come up to him, but was taken with a tempest, so that his fleet was partly shattered, partly sunk, that all the coasts about, for many days together, were spread with the wracks cast up thither by the waves. They say, that this tempest was raised by Diana Priapina, against the Ponticks, in revenge of their • ifling her Temple, and taking down her image out of its place.

Dio writes, how that Mithridates was twice wracked, as he was sailing to Pontus, and that he lost by this unhappy accident about 10000 men, and 60 ship: The remainder of them being dispersed severally as the wind took them. Mithridates himself in a letter of his to Arsaces in Salust, says, That he lost his best Soldiers and his fleet by two wracks, at Para and Heraclea. Orosius saith, That Mithridates, having manned his fleet, and sailing against Byzantium (whither Eutropius saith he was chased by Lucullus) was caught by a tempest, and lost 80 ships with brazen beaks. To conclude, Florus reports, That a tempest beating upon this fleet of above 100 ships, and a very great preparation for war in the Pontick sea, did so tear and shatter it, as if it had been done by a formal sea fight.

Whereas the hulk in which Mithridates was, by reason of its great bulk, was judged by the Pilot not possible to be brought to shore in so boisterous a storm, in regard it already leaked, and was almost filled with water: Mithridates, though persuaded by his friends to the contrary, leaped into the ship of one Selemus a Pirate, the Pirate himself helping him: trusting himself with Pirates, who brought him safe to Heraclea in Pontus, (as saith Plutarch;) first to Sinope, and afterwards to Amisus, as Appian and Orosius.

Cotta, willing to salve up his former losses, removed his forces from Chalcedon, where he then lay, to Nicomedia: and encamping 150 furlongs off the City, was something wary how he engaged the enemy. There Triarius of his own accord in all haste, and as it were with running marches, comes in to Cotta, and then, both the Roman armies prepared to go against the City. But the King, knowing that Lucullus had obtained already two notable Victories over the Ponticks at sea, and seeing himself at present over-matched by the Roman Forces, removed back his Fleet into the River: where he lost some ships with 3 oars a bank, in a tempest: yet he himself got away with most of his ships to the River Hypius, [ Memnon, cap. 44.]

Mithridates, staying here because of the tempest, heard say, that Lamachus of Heraclea (a trusty old friend of his) sat at the helm of the Common-wealth: whereupon he trucked with him by many fair promises, to receive him into the City, and to do the best he could for him: he sent him also some monies upon this account. Lamachus, having prepared a great Feast for the Citizens without the City (during which he had engaged upon his word to Mithridates that the gates should not be shut) made the people drunk, that so Mithridates (which was plotted) might upon that very day come upon them unawares, and catch them napping: So that the City became his own, nobody, so much as, dreaming of his coming. Next day the King summoned the City together, spake very friendly to them, and after he had exhorted them to remain loyal to him, committed the City to be kept by Connacoriges, placing a Garrison therein of 4000 men. His pretence was, merely to defend and protect the Citizens, in case the Romans should attempt anything against it. From hence he sailed directly towards Sinope: having before his leaving the City, distributed some monies amongst the Citizens, but especially the Magistrates, [ Id. ibid. ]

Lucullus, having recovered Paphlagonia and Bithynia, passing thorough Bithynia and Galatia, made an invasion upon Mithridates his kingdom: and joined his Forces at Nicomedia with Cotta and Triarius his Brigades. that so they might break in into Pontus. [ Eutrop. lib. 6. Plutarch, & Memnon, cap. 45.] But news being brought of the taking of Heraclea, when as yet they knew nothing of the plot, but supposed it to be resigned up upon a voluntary desertion of the whole City; Lucullus thought it the best way, that he, with the whole power of his army, should march thorough the Mediterranean and Cappadocia, against the King and his whole kingdom; that Cotta should endeavor to regain Heraclea, and that Triarius should take the Fleet and intercept Mithridates his ships which were sent into Crete and Spain, in their return, about the Hellespont and Propontis, [ Memnon, ut supr. ]

Mithridates, having received intelligence hereof, applied himself for new preparation of war, and thereupon sent for supplies in all haste to his son in law Tigranes the Armenian, and to his son Macharus then reigning in Bosphorus, and to the Parthians. He ordered also Diocles to go to the bordering Scythians, to solicit them with many gifts, and a great weight of gold: but he run away with the gifts and the gold to Lucullus: The other also refusing to meddle. Tigranes, though he hung back a great while (a letter of Mithridates his to Arsaces inserted in the 4. book of Salusts Histories, confirms that this war was begun upon his denial to be an assistant therein) yet at last he promised to sent supplies being wearied thereunto by the importunity of Mithridates his daughter, [ Id. ibid. compared with Appian. ]

The Ambassador which Mithridates sent to Tigranes, was Metrodorus Scepsius, who left his Philosophy and turned Politician: Mithridates had promoted him to that degree of friendship, that he was called the Kings father: and being made a Judge, it was not lawful for any man to appeal from his sentence to the King. Tigranes, asking the Embassadous what he thought of this business of sending supplies against the Romans: the Ambassador replied; As I am an Ambassador I advise you to send, as I am a Counsellonr I am against it. Tigranes sent Metrodorus back to Mithridates, whether he would or no; but he died by the way, either by the Kings contrivement, or falling into some disease; for there is talk of both. For Tigranes had informed the King, of what he had said, supposing that Mithridates would think never a whit the worse of Metrodorus. Tigranes, to express his sorrow for what he had done, interred his corps very nobly, sparing for no cost for him, now dead: whom he had betrayed when he was alive, [ Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 609, 610. Plutarch, in Lucullo. ]

Mithridates sent several Generals against Lucullus; [Year of the World 3933] there happened many bickerings betwixt them, with interchangeable successes, but in most of them the Romans got the better, [ Memnon, cap. 45.] At the first Lucullus was in such a distress for victual, that there were 30 thousand Galatians which followed the Camp, whose work it was to bring each of them a measure of corn upon their shoulders. But after he had marched a little farther, he subdued and spoiled all the way: and presently after, as being in a fortunate Country, and such as for many years had not felt the dint of war, a slave was sold for 4 Drachmaes, an ox for one Drachma; goat, sheep, clothe, and other things, at the same cheap rate. And because they were not able to carry away all the booty, there being such abundance of all things: some of them left it behind them; others spoiled it, [ Plutarch & Appian. ]

After this, Lucullus attempted to reduce Amisus, and Eupatoria, which Mithridates built near to it, and called by his own surname, and made it his Palace Royal: but a Brigade of his army he sent to take Themiscyra, situated upon the River Thermodoon. They used towers against the Themiscyrians, and cast up works, and digged such large mines, that the parties often fought under ground: The Townsmen opened their mines on the top, and thorough the holes let down Bears and other wild Beasts, and swarms of Bees amongst the pioneers. They met with other hard services at Amisus: The Amisians fighting stoutly in their own defense, sometimes by sallyes, sometimes by provoking them to single duels, [ Appian. ]

Lucullus, spinning out the time before Amisus by a lingering siege; his army began to cry out of that his loitering: and grumbled extremely, that all the Cities they had taken were taken by a free surrender, and not one of them by storm, and that he as yet had not given the plunder of any one City to the Soldiery. Lucullus replied, That as for his ecking out and prolonging the siege, it was done upon good grounds: for he hoped thereby to wear out Mithridates his Forces, by little and little: neither would he willingly compel him, despairing of his own strength, to repair to Tigranes for succor, and so make him his enemy also. Concerning whom Plutarchus brings in Lucullus, speaking thus. It is but a few days march out of Cabirae into Armenia, where Tigranes resides, that lazy king of kings; who is so powerful, that he wrests Asia from the Parthians, carries the Grecian Cities into Media; holds Syria and Palestine, dethrones the kings, Seleucus his successors, and plucking their daughters and wives from their mansions, carries them along with him prisoners. This Tigranes is a neighbor to Mithridates, and his own son in law.

Cotta, removing his Camp, marched with his Romans first to Prusia, formerly called Cierus: and from thence went down to the Pontic Sea, and passing by the sea coast, pitched before the walls of Heraclea, which stood upon the top of an hill. But the Heracleans did trust much to the strength of the situation, and joining with the soldiers which Mithridates had garrisoned amongst them, resisted Cotta, who made valiant attempts against them. And to speak truth, more fell of the Roman side, that of the other; yet the Heracleans received many a wound from the Romans Darts. Wherefore Cotta gave over the storm, and sounded a retreat to his soldiers: and pitching somewhat farther off, set himself wholly to obstr • ct the coming out of the besieged for to fetch victual in to them. Whereupon the Heracleans being in a distress for victual, sent their Ambassadors to the Colonies about, desiring that they would let them have victual for their money: and the Embassy was gladly entertained, [ Memnon, cap. 49.]

A little before this, Triarius, furnished with the Roman Fleet, out of Nicomedia, had made an assault upon the Pontic ships which Mithridates had sent towards Crete and Spain: But when he had notice given him, that the rest of the ships were gone back unto Pontus (for many of them were lost by storm, and sea fights in several places) he made after them, and overtaking them at Tenedus, fell upon them: Lucullus had with him 70 ships, the Ponticks somewhat fewer than 60. After they had ran violently upon one another with their forebeaks; the Royalists for a while endured the enemies brunt pretty well: but soon after, they were made to run, and the Romans obtained a complete and famous victory: And this made an end of that great Fleet which Mithridates brought with him into Asia, [ Id. cap. 50.]

Mithridates sent provisions, arms, and soldiers, very plentifully to the besieged Amisians from Cabriae: where having taken up his winter quarters, he levied another army, [ Appian. ] There came to him thither, 40 thousand Foot, and 4 thousand Horse, as Plutarch and Appian gives up the number: or 40 thousand Foot, and 8000 Horse, as Memnon computes them.

Olthacus, (whom Appian calls Olcabas, a Scythian) Prince of the Dardarii, who inhabit about the Lake Maeotis, a person highly commended for warlike exploits, counsel, and civil deportment, being in some of Mithridates his Garrisons, and contesting with some of the Princes, his countrymen for superiority, promised to do a great exploit in the behalf of Mithridates: viz. That he would kill Lucullus. The King highly commended him; but made as if he had been angry with him for it, and very formerly reproached him, whereupon he takes his Horse, and rides away to Lucullus, and was very friendly treated by him. [ Plutarch. ]

The first year of the CLXXVII. Olympiad now at hand, in the spring time, Lucullus, leaving Muraena with two Legions to continue the leagure at Amisus, with three other Legions, marched through the mountains against Mithridates. [ Phlegon Trallianus. Chro. lib. in Bibliotheca Photii. Cod. 97. Plutarch, Appian. ] This Muraena was Liutenant to Lucullus the General, and son to that Muraena, whom Sylla had left Praetor in Asia. During the time of his Liutenantship, (as Cicero declames in an Oration on his behalf) he led an army, fought battles, defeated the enemes forces, took many Cities, some by storm, others by siege: he behaved himself so in Asia, which at that time was well provided with all delicacy, that he left not the least impress of his covetousness or luxury. He demeaned himself so gallantly in that great war, that he did many noble acts, without the Generals assistance, the General nothing without him.

Mithridares had so ordered his guards, that they might both keep off Lucullus, and give notice also by fires, in case anything should happen extraordinary. Phoenix, one of the Blood-Royal, had the charge of them; who indeed, according to agreement, gave a sign of Lucullus his approach, but he himself and all his forces run away to Lucullus; and the mountains being hereby now made securely passable, Lucullus marched down to Cabirae. [ Appian. ]

Mithridates, having passed the river Lycus, and come into the wide Champain, provoked the Romans to fight. [ Plutarch. ] Having sent Diophantus and Taxiles against them. At the first their armies, by their daily skirmishes, did but try one another's strength. [ Memnon. cap. 45.] But afterwards, their bodies of horse engaged, in a fight, wherein the Romans turned their backs, and Lucullus was forced to retreat back to the mountains. In this fight Pompeius or Pomponius, General of his Horse, was taken prisoner, and brought to Mithridates grievously wounded. When Mithridates asked him, Whether if he should grant him his life, he would become his friend for the future: Truly, saith he, I shall, if so be you will conclude a peace with the people of Rome, but if not, he should still persist to be his enemy. Upon this reply, the Barbarians would have killed him, but the King would not suffer them; Saying, That he would not express any cruelty upon valor, merely because unfortunate. [ Plutarch & Appian. ]

After this, Mithridates drew up his forces into Battalia, and stood in that posture for many days together; but seeing Lucullus would not come down to fight, he looked every way about, which way he might march up to him. [ Appian. ]

In the mean time Olcabas, or Olthacus the Scythian, being, in regard he had been a means in preserving many Romans in the last engagement of the Horse, admitted to the society of the Table, counsails, and secrets, came to Lucullus, as he was at noon sleeping in his Tent; having, as usually, a short dagger by his side, as if he had had some matter of moment to impart unto him. But being put back by Menedemus, Lucullus his Chamberlain, fearing least he might be questioned, stole out of the Camp, and getting a horse-back, rode away to Mithridates. [ Plutarch & Appian. ] He discovered to the King also another Scythian, named Sobadacus, who intended to run away to Lucullus, who was presently seized upon. [ Appian. ]

Lucullus, being afraid to come down into the plain, in regard the enemy was too hard for him in horse, and yet much troubled how to pass through that mountainous region, which was both long, full of woods, and cumbersome: he light by chance upon some Grecians, who had hid themselves in a certain Cave thereabouts; The ancientest of them, Apollodorus (who, as Appian says, was an Hunter, and well versed in the tracts of the mountains) undertook to be his convoy, and to bring him down to a place where he might safely encamp; which also had a Castle hanging over Cabirae. Lucullus, making use of this guide, kindled fires in the Camp, and matched away: and having got through the woods, without any inconvenience, through a path never yet trode by any, arrived at last at that Castle. At day break, he was espied pitching his Tents over the enemies heads, in such places, where, if he had a mind to fight, he might fight; but if minded to sit still, he could not be forced to fight: yet for all this, he avoided the fields, for fear of the enemies horse, and encamped behind a sowers full of waters. [ Idem. ]

Whereas neither of the armies thought of fighting at present. It is reported, That as the Kings party were in pursuit of a deer, the Romans crossed the way, and stopped their chase. Here begun the quarrel, more flocking in on both sides. At length the Romans were made to fly: but Lucullus coming down into the plain himself alone, and running up to the formest of those which were running away, commanded them to stay and march back again with him against the enemies. These submitting to the General, the others stopped also, and so rallying together, they easily made the enemy to fly, and pursued them to their very Camp. Lucullus, being returned from pursuing the enemy, put them to the wonted disgrace, viz. took away their arms, commanded them to dig a Trench of twelve foot, all the other soldiers standing by and looking on. [ Plutarch. ]

Victual beginning to fail, Lucullus sent a party into Cappadocia to fortage: He often skirmished with the enemy, until at one time the Royalists beginning to ply their heels. Mithridates run from the Camp, and, railing at them for flying, forced them back again; and did put such a dread upon the Romans, that they ran back without any stop to the mountains: yea, though the Royalists gave over the pursuit, yet every one flew from his fellows, supposing the enemy had been still at their heels, such a strong fear had possessed them all. Mithridates sent messengers to all parts, to signify this his victory. [ Appian. ]

Sornatius, being sent by Lucullus with ten companions of foot to fetch in provision, (seeing Menander, one of Mithridates his Commanders following after him) stopped till they came up to him, fought them, and killed many of them, and put the rest to flight. [ Plutarch. ]

After this, Adrianus was again sent by Lucullus with some forces into Cappadocia, that so the army might be provided plentifully with victual. Taxiles and Diophantus, Mithridates his Generals, sent Menemachus, and Miron, against him, with 4000 foot, and 2000 horse, hoping, by placing an ambuscado in the way, they might intercept their carryages on their return homwards. [ Memnon. cap. 45. Phlegon. ann. 1. Olymp. 177. & Plutarch. ] For, seeing that Cappadocia was the only place from whence Lucullus might expect supplies of provision for his Camp, Mithridates was in good hopes to reduce him to the same distress, he himself was put to at the league of Cizycum. [ Appian. ]

But the Kings party, falling by chance upon a party of the forragers, in some narrow passages, and not tarrying till they came into more open places, could not make use of their horse in those straits. Whereupon the Romans, drawing themselves up as fast as they could into rank and file, the cragginesse of the places where they were befriending them, set upon the Kings party, slew some of them, forced others of them down the precipices of the rocks, and the rest they made run away by whole troops. [ Id. ] The Romans, having received some supplies from Lucullus, pursued them to the very Camp of Diophantus and Taxiles: where followed a stout encounter, and the Ponticks stood to it for a while: but as soon as their prime Commanders began to give ground, the whole army slunk back, and the Commanders themselves were the first that carried the tidings of this defeat to Mithridates. [ Memnon. cap. 45.] Plutarch says, That all the Horse and Foot which came with Menemachus and Myron, were cut off, excepting two only. Eutrop • us writes, That 30000 of the Kings choicest Soldiers were routed by 5000 of the Romans. [ lib. 6.] Livy hath given out, That Lucullus fought in Pontus against Mithridates with very good success, having slain more than 60 thousand of the enemy. [ lib. 97.] taking into the account those also, who a little after were slain, when Mithridates was made to fly.

The news of this defeat came not so soon to Lucullus his ears, as it did to Mithridates. [ Appian. ] And Adrianus had marched by Lucullus his Camp in great pomp, carrying along with him a great number of Waggons laden with provision and spoil; at the sight whereof Lucullus began to dispond, and his Soldiers to fear and tremble, [ Plutarch. ] But the King, being confident Lucullus would suddenly be upon the bones of him, now he was dastitute of Horse, began to be afraid, and think of flying: which resolution of his he strait discovered to his friends in his pavilion. But they, not waiting so long till the Trumpet sounded to truss up bag and baggage, removed all their goods out of the Camp before break of day; there were such a company of them, that the Sumpter-beasts crowded one another: which was no sooner espied by the army, who knew the drivers of the Sumpter-beasts, but they, then fear improving their suspicions, taking it very unkindly, that they had not notice given them, as well as the rest, rushed violently out of their Trenches. [ Appian. ] And running in a great chase to the gates, rifled the packs, and fell foul upon those that were carrying them away, putting them all to the sword. Amongst whom Dorylaus the General was one, who having about him but a purple garment, which he had upon his back, was killed for that very garment. Hermaeus also a southsayer, was trod to death in the gates. [ Plutarch. ]

The Soldiers run away over the fields, observing no order, but everyone making the best shift for himself; not staying till they received order from their Generals and Commanders. As soon as the King perceived in what disorder they ran, and what hast they made, he came running out of his pavilion, thinking to have said something to them, when so body would lend him an ear, but pressed so hard upon him, that he fell down in the crowd. [ Appian. ] Memnon writes, That he lay close for some time at Cabira, and afterwards made his escape. [ cap. 46.] but Appian reports, That he presently took horse, and away to the mountains, having but a small retinew with him: Plutarch tells the story thus; Mithridates, having not so much as a Serjeant or a Groom staying with him, went out of the Camp with the other throng, neither was there any of the Kings party which had a Horse ready at hand. But at length, though late, Ptolemy the Eunuch, who was provided of a Horse, espying him tossed to and fro in the fight, leaped off, and proffered his Horse to the King.

Lucullus being certified concerning the victory of his victuallers; and seeing the flight of their enemy, he sent a good brigade of Horse to pursue them in their flight: And as for those which remained in the Camp, and had put themselves in a posture of defense, those he environed with his Legions; giving them charge to forbear pillaging the enemies Camp, till such time that they had killed as many of them as might be thought requisite. But the Soldiery, casting their eyes upon the gold and silver vessels, and the rich garments, regarded not the Generals prohibition. [ Appian. ] The King himself had been taken by a company of Galatians, which had him in chase, though they knew not so much, had not one of his Mules, which carried the Kings treasure, cast himself betwixt the King and his pursuers; either of its own accord, or by the Kings policy to stop them: For whilst they were busy in gathering up the gold, and quarrelling amongst themselves about dividing the spoil, the King made a shift to escape their clutches, [ Memnon, cap. 46. Plutarch & Appian. ] And when as they had taken Callistratus the Kings Secretary, and Lucullus had given command to bring him into the Camp; those that conducted him, finding that he had a girdle about him, in which he had saved 500 crowns, killed him by the way. [ Plutarch. ] Cicero writes this escape of Mithridates out of Pontus, thus, Mithridates, flying away, left behind him in Pontus, a very great bank of gold and silver, and other precious things, part whereof he had received from his ancestors, and part raked up together in his first war in Asia, and piled it up together in his own kingdom. Whilst our men were over busy in trussing up all they found, the king himself slipped out of their hands.

Lucullus came as far as Talaura in the pursuit of Mithridates: from whence, because, this being now the fourth day, Mithridates had gotten the start of him, and escaped into Armenia, to Tigranes, (not into Iberia, as it is read amiss in Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 24.) he marched back again, and gave the Soldiers the plunder of the Kings Camp. [ Plutarch. ] He sent M. Pompeius Commander in chief against Mithridates, whilst he himself, with all his forces removed to Cabira. [ Memnon. cap. 47.] But Mithridates, in a letter to Arsaces, [in lib. 4. histor. Salust.] puts this varnish upon the whole business: Having recruited my army at Cabira, and there having passed many battles betwixt me and Lucullus, both of us fell into distress of victuals. He was supplied from Ariobarzanes his kingdom, (Cappadocia) which had not felt the smart of war. And I, in regard that all parts about were wasted and destroyed, withdrew into Armenia.

Mithridates, having got safe to Comana, from thence hyed him away to Tigranes with 200 Horse. [ Appian. ] But he could by no means get his son in law to treat with him; for he would not vouchsafe him, who had lost so great a kingdom, so much as to come into his sight, or acknowledge him his kinsman: yet he procured from him a grant for the protection of his person, and assigned him a princely table in some of his Castles, nor was wanting in such duties of hospitality. [ Memnon, cap. 48. Appian. ] Although Plutarch writes that he put him off with a great deal of contempt and scorn, and that he was in some remote corner, cooped up in morish and unhealthful places.

When Mithridates was upon his flight, he sent Bacchus, or Bacchides, one of his Eunuchs, to kill (it mattered not what way) his Sisters, Wives, and Concubines, which were kept at Pharnacia. [ Memnon. cap. 49. Plutarch. & Appian. ]

Amongst the many that were of them, two of the Kings sisters, were Roxane and Statira; who had lived Virgins almost forty years: and two of his wives Ionians borne, Berenice a Chian, and Monima a Milesian. When Bacchides came to them, and told them that they must die, but they should have the liberty to choose what kind of death they thought most easy, and freest from pain. Monima plucked the diademe from off her head, and made it fit for her neck, and hanged herself by it: but that presently breaking, O thou cursed band, (said she) wilt thou not serve for this use? Then she kicked it about, and spit on it, and presented her bare throat to Bacchides. Berenice took a cup of poison, part whereof she gave to her mother, who was present there, and asked for it: so they drank both together. The poison did work upon the weaker body, but it did not dispatch Berenice, in regard she had not taken her full dose. Wherefore Bacchides seeing her in pangs, and a long while dying, stepped to her, and strangled her. It is reported also, That of those two Virgin-sisters, one of them, after many a curse and reproach against her brother, drank off her poison: but Satiras spake nothing bitter or unworthy of him, but praised him highly in that, when he himself was in jeopardy of his life, should notwithstanding have some consideration of them, as to provide, that they should die free women, and unconfronted. [ Plutarch. ]

Lucullus, having besieged Cabira; the Barbarians resign upon articles, whereupon he takes them into league, and takes possession of their holds. [ Memnon, cap. 37.] Upon the surrender of Cabira, and many other Forts, he found rich treasures, and Prisons, wherein many Grecians, and many also of the Kings acquaintance were bestowed: who, having long since given themselves over as so many dead men; might not so well be said to be presented alive by Lucullus his favor, as to be brought to life again, and as it were receive their second births. Amongst the rest, Nysa, Mithridates his sister, was taken, to her great preservation. [ Plutarch. ]

The Governors of Mithridates his Garrisons, came all unanimously into Lucullus, excepting a very few. [ Appian. ] Amongst these, was Strabo the Geographers Grandfather, by the mothers side (brother to Moaphernes, the Governor of Colchis, under Mithridates, as he shows in lib. 11. pag. 499.) the reason of his falling off, was, because Mithridates had lately killed Tibius his Cousen German, and and his son Theophilus. He was the cause of the revolting of fifteen other Garrisons from Mithridates to Lucullus. [ Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 557.] And thus was Pontus laid open to the Roman Legions, which before was on all sides blocked up, that the people of Rome could not enter it. [ Cicero. pro. lege Manilia, & pro Archia. ]

The Romans, having done their work with Mithridates, fell aboard the Cretains, merely out of an ambition to reduce that noble Island; yet they pretended, as a cause of their so doing, That the Cretans favored Mithridates, and had let him have Soldiers for his money in his army against the Romans, and that for his sake he had entered into an association with the Pirates, which M. Antonius had at that time in chase, and offered Antonius himself the Legate, an affront; and had given him two arrogant answers. Hereupon Antonius presently invades the Island, in such great hope and confidence of a victory, that he carried in his ships, more chains than arms. But the enemies intercepted many of his ships, and binding those that they took prisoners with sails and ropes, hung them up; and in that manner the Cretans hoisting sails, returned back triumphantly to their harbours. As for Antonius himself, he fell into a disease, and so by his death ended the war which he had undertaken with little success: yet for all this he obtained the surname of (Creticus.) [ Livy lib. 97. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 7. Asconius in Oratio. de praetura Verris Siciliensi. Appian. Legat. 30.]

Antiochus (Asiaticus) son of Antiochus (Pius) having tarried almost two whole years at Rome with his brother, and yet not promised from the Senate a grant of those things he demanded concerning the kingdom of Egypt. Upon his return home, took his journey through Sicily, and came to Syracuse; and there lodged in the house of Q. Minucius Rufus. He brought along with him to Rome a Candlestick, very artificially made of bright gems, which he intended to have bestowed in the Capitol: but in regard the Temple there was not yet completed, he resolved to carry it back again with him into Syria; and to send it back to the Capitol, by the hands of his Ambassadors, with some other presents at the time of the dedication of Jupiter's Image, which was done the year following by Q. Catulus. But this Candlestick, and many other cups of gold beset with gems, and another Cup for wine, cut out of one great gemme, which Verres, the Praetor of Sicily, cheated him off; and when he demanded them back of him again, Verres charged him to depart the Province before night, telling him, That he had received advertisement, that the Pirates were coming out of his kingdom into Sicily. [ Cicero in Verina 6. sive lib. 4. in Verrem. ]

Upon frequent massacres in Judea, of the old friends of Alexander (Jannaeus) which were effected by the subtlety of the Phatians, Queen Alexandra dissembling the business; the chief of them with Alexandraes younger son Aristobulus, made their addresses to the Court and beseeched the Queen, that they might either be all slain there, or else that they might be dispersed severally into Castles, where they might pass the remainder of their lives in some security from their enemies treacheries. Whereupon she (for want of better counsel at that time) entrusted them with the command of all the Castles: Excepting Hircania, Alexandrium. and Machaerus, in which places she had treasured up whatsoever things were of highest estimation with her, [ Joseph. lib. 13. Antiq. cap. 24.]

Cotta, lying still at the leagure before Heraclea, had not as yet made an assault against it with his whole army; but had only brought up against the Town some few of his Romans, placing the Bythinians in the front. When he saw many of them were wounded and slain, he betook himself to his Engines: none of them terrified the besieged so much, as that which they called their Testudo (which was an Engin fenced with boards and raw hides, under the shelter whereof they might safely scale the walls) hereupon Cotta draws up his whole Body out of the Camp, and led them up against a Tower, which they had great hopes to make a breach upon. But seeing that the Tower had not only endured one or two batteries without any hurt at all, contrary to all their judgments, but the Ram also was broken off from the Engin: the Heracleans began to cheer up, Cotta contrariwise to despair of ever taking the Town. The day following they plied their Engin again, but to as little purpose as before: So that Cotta burnt the Engin, and cut off the Carpenters head which made it. And then leaving a sufficient guard at the walls of the City, with the residue of his army, he encamped in the Lycaean Champain; in regard it afforded plenty of provision: whereby he reduced the City to a great exigence, all the country about Heraclea being utterly destroyed. Whereupon they forthwith dispatched an Embassy to the Sythians the inhabitants of Chersonesus, and to the Theodosians, and to the Princes about Bosphorus, about an association: which took effect accordingly, [ Memnon, cap. 51.]

Whilst the enemies plied the City from without, they were almost as badly plagued by broils amongst themselves within the Town: For Mithridates his Garrison-soldiers, were not only not content to feed upon what the Townsmen themselves lived on; but scourged the Citizens, and enjoined them to provide them such things, which at that time could not be easily procured. The Governor Connacorix himself was more urgent than his soldiers; for he did not restrain their insolence, but freely permitted them to do what they did, [ Id. ibid. ]

Lucullus subdued the Chaldeans, [Year of the World 3934] and the Tibarenians, [ Plutarch. ] He gained also Armenia the less, which before Mithridates was Master of [ Id. & Eutrop. lib. 6.] And after he had gone over all Pontus, and settled the Province, he came up with his Fleet to the Cities thereof, which lie upon the sea coast, [ Appian. ]

Amisus was still besieged: Callimarchus the Governor having quite tired out the Romans, with his Engin-devices and his plots, [ Plutarch ] Lucullus came to the Leagure himself, and exhorted them fairly to resign; but seeing he could not prevail, he removed the siege to Eupatoria; seeming as if he had been very careless in the assaulting it. Those that kept the Garrison, encouraged by the like example of carelessness, continued still in their security. Whereupon Lucullus commanded his soldiers in all haste to apply the scaling-ladders to the walls: And so Eupatoria was taken, and immediately pulled down to the ground, [ Memnon, cap. 47.]

Not long after Amisus was taken, [The Julian Period. 4644] which (as Plutarch confirms out of Salust, [Year before Christ 70] ) had held out another winters siege. For at the same hour of the day on which Callimachus was wont to draw off his soldiers, to refresh themselves: on the same did Lucullus with his ladders scale the walls, [ Id. ibid. & Plutarch. ] A little part of the walls being taken by the enemy, Callimachus, either out of his envy that the Romans should have so great a booty, or else contriving thereby a way to escape, (for nobody did hinder any that would hoyst sail and away) left the City and set it on fire. As soon as the flame caught hold of the walls, the soldiers flew presently upon the spoil: But Lucullus, out of pity to the perishing City, would have stopped the fire from without the walls, and exhorted his soldiers also to help to quench it: But none of them regarded him, but shouted and clattred their arms. So that Lucullus was forced to give the plunder to the soldier, that he might save the City from being burnt to the ground. But they did clean contrary; for when, as all places already began to be chapped and gape with the fire, and the flame peep out of every corner, the soldiers themselves set fire on some houses. Whilst the City was taking, the fire was quenched by a storm which fell miraculously. Lucullus repaired many places before he departed thence, [ Plutarch, ] and staving off the soldiers from any farther slaughter of the Citizens, he gave both the City and the Country to those that survived, [ Memnon, cap. 47.]

At the same time was Tyrannio the Grammarian was taken prisoner, whom because Lucullus would not willingly have made a slave, Muraena received in gift and manumitted him, using the gift nothing ingenuously. He was an Amisen by birth, as Strabo who was one of his auditors, shows in his 12 book, [ pag. 548.]

Selene the Queen, (otherwise called Cleopatra, who after the death of her husband Antiochus Pius, reigned jointly with her sons in that part of Syria which Tigranes King of Armenia had not seized upon) solicited the Syrians to drive out Tigranes. And some Cities of Phoenicia she did draw off from their allegiance to him. Tigranes hereupon entered Syria with a vast army to quell the rebellion, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 24. compared with Plutarch in Lucullo. ] In which Expedition, it is probable, that Tigranes recovered those 70 Valleys of Armenia fortified about with hills and mountains, which when he was an hostage he gave to the Parthians as a gratuity: and wasted the Countries of the Parthians which lies about Ninus and Arbela, [ Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 532.] For this undoubtedly is that late war of Tigranes against the Parthians, mention whereof is made in Mithridates his letter to Arsaces the year following (in lib. 4. histor. Salust.) in which also Dio affirms (in his 35. book of histories) That a certain country, about which there was a dispute, was taken from the Parthians.

In the ninth year of Alexandria, Queen of the Jews, to Matthias Curtus the Priests son, Josephus was born: he was Grandfather to Josephus the Historian; as he himself shows in the beginning of the book of his Life.

Alexander sent his son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemy Mennaeus, who had been a very troublesome neighbor to that City: But he marched back again without any remarkable action, [ Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 24,]

About this same time it was noised about that Tigranes was entered Syria with an army of 500000 men, and that he would suddenly come into Judea: the brute thereof, and that not without cause, put the Queen, and the whole Nation into a fright: whereupon they dispatched Ambassadors unto him with rich Presents lying at the Leagure of Ptolemais, which City he took soon after. The Ambassadors, having found him there, entreated that he would be confident he should receive no other than fair and square dealing from their Queen, and the whole Nation of the Jews. He on the other side, commended them for their coming so long a journey to do their homage to him, and bid them hope all well from him, [ Id. ibid. ] For although Appian writes how that Tigranes over-ran all the Nations of the Syrians on this side Euphrates as far as Egypt, [ In Syriac. pag. 118.] and Lucullus saith expressly, in Plutarch that he got Palestine, yet, That he marched not towards Egypt beyond Phoenicia is evident out of the sixth book of Eutropius, who says that Tigranes was master but of part of Phoenicia only.

Lucullus sent Appius Claudius (his wifes brother) Ambassador to Tigranes, to demand the delivery of Mithridates unto him. [ Memnon. cap. 48. & Plutarch. ] The Kings Captain brought him through the upper Countries, a way which they needed not to have gone, winding and turning, and far about; until such time as one of his own free men, a Syrian born, shown him the right way. Having him for their guide, in five days they retched Euphrates, and came to Antioch, which was called Epidaphne. Having received orders to tarry there for Tigranes. (who was gone from thence to subdue some other Cities of Phoenicia, which were not yet reduced under his power) he made many of the Princes in those parts who did not obey the Armenian heartily, to side with the Romans. Amongst whom Zarbienus King of the Gordians was one. [ Plutarch. ]

Appius, besides, promised Lucullus his assistance to many other Cities (brought under Tigranes power) which had covertly sent Ambassadors to him; but charged them for the present to lit still, and not make any commotion. For the Armenians did so Lord it over the Grecians, as was grievous and intolerable. The King himself above the rest, grew so arrogant, and high flown upon his good success, that whatever mortal men wish to themselves and admire, he thought was not only at his disposal, but purposely created for himself: many Kings waited upon him as his Servitours. But four he had in his retinue, as his attendants and guard, who in their liveries ran on foot by his horses side. And when he sat upon his throne, and gave answers to the nations that applied themselves to him, they stood with their hands clasped together, and their fingers folded one within another; which posture above all others, was accounted an acknowledgment of their vassalage. [ Id. ]

L. Metellus, appointed to succeed Verres in the Praetorship of Sicilia, [ Ascanius in Divinat. ] going against the Pirates in Sicilia, (not Cilici, as false in Livies Epitome) came off with honor. [ Liv. lib. 98. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 3.] Upon the Sicilians impeaching Verres of extortion, Cicero, (who was designed the Edil) on their behalf fell into a contest with Ho •• ensius, who was designed Consul. [ Cicero in Bruto. ] In which Q. Cecillus Niger endeavored what he could, but all in vain, that himself, and not Cicero, might have the managing of the impeachment of Verres. This Q. Cecilius Neger was Verres his Quaestor in that Isle. He was a Sicilian indeed by descent, (as Pedianus hath observed, in Divinatione adversus Caecilium ) but a free man by condition, and a Jew by Religion. Plutarch writes in the life of Cicero, where also he relates the jest which Cicero put upon Caecilius for being a Jew, Quid Judaeo cum verre?

That passage of Cicero in his fifth book against Verres, contributes somewhat towards the discovery of the state, in which things were at present. Notwithstanding all this, let him come if he please, let him engage with the Cretans in a battle; let him free the Byzantians, let him call Ptolemy King; let him speak and think whatsoever Hortensius would have him. To which agrees another passage in an Epistle which Mithridates wrote the year following to Arsaces, Salust. lib. 4. histor. The Cretans were at that instant the only people which retained their freedom, and King Ptolemy: And a little after, Ptolemy puts off the day of battle being hired thereunto. The Cretans have been now once assaulted, and are resolved not to make an end, but in their utter extinguishment. By comparing of which two places together, any man may gather, how that the Romans did turn that right which Antiochus (Asiaticus) made use of amongst them for the recovery of the kingdom of Egypt, to their own advantage: that they deemed it convenient that Ptolemy Alexander should be called King, so long as he would purchase the quiet possession of that kingdom by paying a constant salary: and that they fully resolved to commence afresh the first Cretick war, which happened to be interrupted by the fall of M. Antonius; which was performed accordingly, as we shall see in the History of the year following.

Lucullus being marched into Asia, which as yet was in arreares a fourth part of the fruits upon the account of a fine, in which Sylla had amerced it, imposed a tribute proportioned to their houses and number of servants, [ Appian. ] For the Collectors and Usurers had made such havoc of the Cities of Asia, and had treated them so slavishly, that they were not only compelled privately to sell their sons and their daughters, but to put to public sale their ornaments, pictures, images, and the upshot of all was, that they became slaves to their creditors.

Lucullus took such a course with those pestilent fellows, that within four years time, all obligations were satisfied, and possessions restored free again to their owners to inherit. This public debt was twenty thousand talents, which Sylla had laid upon Asia: The creditors were allowed only double the sum, which by their usuries had amounted to 120 thousand talents. The creditors thought this something too hard measure, whereupon they traduced Lucullus at Rome, and wrought some of the Grandees there to be against him. But Lucullus was not only beloved of those Nations to which he had done those good services, but also was mightily endeared to all the other Provinces, who esteemed those people very happy, whose fortune it should be to have such a Governor as he was, appointed over them, [ Plutarch. ]

Lucullus, after he had fully settled Asia with many excellent laws, and an universal peace, did not omit Pleasures and Festivities. For residing at Athens, he delighted the Cities with Shewes, Triumphal Feasts, Wrestling, and Fencings. The Cities kept these Lucullia by course in honor of him, with which notwithstanding he was not so much taken, as he was with the intimation of the cordial affection they bore unto him, [ Idem. ]

Tigranes killed Cleopatra, surnamed Selena, having a while kept her close prisoner in the Castle at Seleucia, [ Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 749.] whereby it happened that Antiochus Asiaticus, who had some hopes of recovering the kingdom of Egypt in right of his mother, was dispossessed also of that part of Syria which she held.

No sooner was Tigranes returned to Antioch, but Appius the Legate declared openly, that he was come to fetch away Mithridates, as belonging to Lucullus his Triumphs, and upon his refusal to surrender him, to proclaim war against Tigranes. Tigranes was somewhat troubled at the Legates peremptoriousness; but held his countenance to see what he had more to say. In almost 25 years time he had not heard a free voice until now: for so many years he had reigned, or rather played the part of a forrager. To Appius he replied: That he knew well enough that Mithridates was a very naughty man, yet he must have a respect to the affiance which was betwixt them: And that all the World might well cry out on him, if he should resign up his wives father into the hands of his enemies. He was therefore resolved not to desert Mithridates, and if the Romans would bring in a war, he could return them as good as they brought. He was much offended at Lucullus, because in his letter he had saluted him King only, and not King of kings: and therefore to be quit, writing back to him, he would not vouchsafe him the title of General. Appius returned with all speed to the General, having amongst many other Presents, accepted only of one cup of Gold, lest happily the King might have taken distaste, if obstinately refused them all, [ Id. compared with Memnon, cap. 48.]

Zarbienus, King of the Gordyans, together with his wife and children, was put to death by Tigranes, upon discovery that he had covertly stroke hands with Lucullus, [ Plutarch, in Lucullo. ]

As soon as Appius was returned, and the war intended with Tigranes appeared on foot: Lucullus paid his holy vows to his gods at Ephesus, as if the work had been done already. And then marched back again into Pontus; and encamped before Sinope, or rather besieged the Kings party of Cilicians which were garrisoned therein, [ Id. compared with Appian. pag. 228.] For as the City was assaulted from without the walls by the Romans, so was it within the walls by the Commander which King Mithridates had appointee to keep the Town: viz. Cleochares, as Orosius, or Bacchis, as Strabo calls him: For he, fearing some piece of treachery ere long, and thereupon committing several massacres amongst the Cuizens, brought things to that pass, that the Citizens had neither heart courageously to resist the enemy, nor yet were they in a capacity to treat upon articles of surrender, [ Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 546,] Which Tragedy we have delivered more at large by Memnon, thus

Leonippus, to whom with Cleochares, the care and defense of the City was entrusted by the King, perceiving things in something a forlorn condition, sends to Lucullus about delivering up the City. But Cleochares and Seleucus the Arch-pirate (for even he was Mithridates his Legate, and was in equal authority with the rest) having scented out the plot, called a Council, and accused Leonippus: but the Citizens would by no means lissen an ear to the accusation, being highly opinionated of the man's integrity; whereupon Cleochares his faction, being afraid of his interest among the Commons, slew him treacherously by night. The Commons indeed laid the accident deeply to heart: but Cleochares and his party bore all the sway, and did what they list themselves: supposing that by their carrying things with such an high hand, they might happily escape calling to an account for the massacre of Leonippus, [ Memnon, cap. 55.]

Mean while Censorinus, Admiral of the Roman Fleet, sailing with 15 Gallies, carrying three oars a bank, which were fraught with provision, from Bosphorus for the Roman Camp, arrives near Sinope. Cleochares and Seleucus their Sinopian Gallies under the command of Seleucus, put to sea, and fought with Censorinus: the Italians were worsted, and their ships with their provision brought away as prize. Cleochares and his Colleague, elevated with this success, deport themselves more tyrannically than before; for they hale the Townsmen to execution without any legal processes, and cruelly abuse them sundry other ways. But it chanced that Cleochares and Seleucus fell at odds, whilst Cleochares deemed it best to continue the war, but Seleucus would have all the Sinopians put to the sword, and the City to be delivered up to the Romans as a gallant gratuity: But seeing they could not agree about the business, they put all they had into ships, and sent them away to Machares, Mithridates his son, who at that instant was resident at Colchis, [ Id. ibid. ]

About the same time, Lucullus drew up closer to the City, and made a most furious storm: But Machares Mithridates his son, dispatched an Embassy unto Lucullus, whereby he petitioned that there might be a League of frienship and association betwixt them. The petition he courteously received, and told him, that there should be a firm League betwixt them, provided that henceforward he should not send any supplies of provision to any of the Sinopians. Who not only observed what was enjoined him, but whatsoever was designed for the relief of Mithridates his Party, he took order to have it conveyed to Lucullus, [ Id. cap. 56.] Upon this Machares King of Bosphorus, having presented Lucullus with a Coronet of a thousand crowns in estimation, was admitted an allye and confederate of the people of Rome, [ Liv. lib. 98. compared with Plutarch, & Appian. ]

Cleochares and Seleucus, observing how things went, thought themselves but in a desperate condition: Whereupon they fell foul upon the Citizens, and massacred many of them, carried abundance of wealth on ship-board, gave the Town first to the soldiers to plunder, and afterwards set it on fire. Thus done, they burnt their greater ships, and in the lighter they sailed away by night to the inner parts of Pontus, inhabited by the Saneg • ans and the Lazians. Lucullus perceiving by the blaze of the flame what was done, commanded his soldiers to scale the walls: And as soon as he was entered the Town, he put to the sword 8000 of the Kings Party who remained behind: but took pity on the rest, and made what speed he could to quench the fire, and restored unto the Citizens their goods. Thus was this miserable City by the counterchange of friends and foes, ruined by them that came to defend it, and preserved by them that came to ruin it, [ Memnon, cap. 56. Plutarch Appian. Orosins lib. 6. cap. 3.]

The reason why Lucullus took such a care of preserving Sinope, and afterwards of his enfranchizing it, is bruited to be some admonition which he received in a dream. For in his sleep one appeared at his bed side, speaking these words; Go a little forwards Lucullus, for Autolychus is coming to meet thee. When he was awake he could not possibly imagine, what this should mean: yet that same day he took the City, and in his pursuit of the Cilicians, (who made what haste they could to ship themselves and away) he espied a Statue lying upon the shore side: The Cilicians purposed to have made it their companion in their escape, and to that end wrapped it up in clothes, and bound it up with cords; but they had not time enough to bring it a ship-board. When they had unfolded it, Lucullus saw, that it was like him who had appeared unto him in the night, and learned afterwards that it was the Statue of Autolychus, who was the founder of the City of Sinope: Upon the hearing this, there instantly came into his mind Sylla's injunctions, who in his Commentaries gives this item; how that nothing is to be accounted so sure and certain, as that which is exhibited in dreams, [ Plutarch, & Appian. ] This Statue of Autolychus, which was Sthenides his handiwork, and Billarus his Sphere he took along with him; but left all other ornaments of the City behind him, [ Strabo, lib. 12.]

After he had done at Sinope, he restored Amisus also to its inhabitants, who in like manner had all conveyed themselves away by shipping: and to the City he granted the exercise of their own laws and their freedom, [ Appian. ] He peopled Cities for other Grecians also, even for as many as would but desire that favor of him: adding withal to each City 120 furlongs of land. Moreover, of the Athenians, who in the time of Sylla had escaped thither to dwell because of Aristions tyranny, as many as he found surviving, he clad decently, gave to each of them 200 drachmes, and sent them back into their Country, [ Plutarch. ]

Amasea (Strabo the Geographers country) as yet stood it out in arms, but it was not long ere it also did fealty to the Romans, [ Memnon, cap. 56.]

Cotta, having destroyed all about Heraclea, once more attempted the walls, but perceiving his soldiers somewhat slack and cool in the charge, gave it over; and sent for Triarius, ordering him with all speed to block up the way, and intercept the Townsmens receiving supplies by sea, [ Id. cap. 51.]

Triarius accordingly took along with him all the ships he had of his own, and 20 Rhodian, which altogether made 43. and with this Fleet sailed away into Pontus: upon timely notice given to Cotta of his coming, Cotta drew up his army to the walls of the City, and Triarius discovered himself at sea. Hereupon the Heracleans, somewhat troubled at Triarius his sudden approach with his Fleet, put to sea with 30 ships, indeed, but they were not so well manned as was requisite: all the other were employed in making good the City against the enemies assaults. The Rhodians gave the first onset on the Heraclean ships, in an instant there were sunk three of the Rhodians ships, and five of the Heracleans. Hereupon the Romans came into the fight, who although they were soundly shattered in the scuffle, yet they did more hurt to, than they received from, the enemy; and in the close, routed the Heracleans, and forced them to retreat back to the City, with the loss of 14 of their ships. The conquering fleet rode into the great Port, and Cotta also drew off his foot from storming the Town. [ Id. cap. 52.]

Triarius his men every day made their sallies out of the port, to hinder the bringing in of provision to the besieged; whereupon there ensued such a scarcity of victuals in the Town, that a pottle of corn was risen to 80 Atticks: and amongst other perplexities, the pestilence brake in amongst them, occasioned either by some distemper of the air, or an unusual course of diet. It ended them not all alike, but some after this manner, some on that, as if their maladies had been different. Amongst whom, Lamachus himself was one, whose pangs of death were more violent and tedious, than any of the others. This contagion raged most amongst the Soldiers of the Garrison, in so much, That of three thousand, there died one thousand. [ Id. ibid. ]

Conacorix, [Year of the World 3935] now even ready to faint under this heavy pressure of so many aflictions, resolved to betray the City to the Romans, and to purchase his own security, though he made the Heracleans pay for it. Damopheles, an Heraclean, was assistant to bring about the plot, one who stood in great emulation with Lamachus, in all consultations, who also, after Lamachus his decease, was appointed over the Garrison. Conacorix, provididing for himself, not daring to trust Cotta overmuch, who was but a slippery fellow, and not much to be relied upon, imparted the matter to Triarius; neither did Damopheles show himself a slug in bringing the business to a head: so that having struck up so fair a bargain for the surrender, as that they thought themselves in a good condition, they applied themselves close to their works. But it happened that the conspirators transactions came to be blazoned amongst the common people: whereupon they flocked altogether, and called for the Governor of the City, and then Brithagoras, a person of eminent authority amongst his Country men, earnestly requested Conacorix, that he would give way to a treaty with Triarius, concerning the general safety of them all; but he was very obstinate against any such pacification; yet did he very chrastily draw the Heracleans with his fair words, into a wile. [ Id. cap. 53.]

Hereupon Conacorix, in the dead of the night, shipped all his men, and quitted the Town, for that was the tenor of the covenant made with Triarius, That they should march away quietly, with all their bag and baggage: as for Damopheles, he opened the gates, and let in the Roman army, and Triarius: some of them came rushing in at the gate, others clambred up the walls. And now the Heracleans saw they were betrayed, some of them yielded up themselves, and the rest were slain: their household-stuff, and whatsoever things they had laid aside, in hopes to secure, were plundered; indeed, the enemy proceeded with a great deal of cruelty against the Citizens, for the Romans remembered, what great losses they had received in the late sea fight, and what great troubles they were put to, in assaulting the Town: In revenge whereof they did not so much as forbear those who had escaped for sanctuary to the consecrated places, but slew them near the Altars and the Temples, though earnestly crying for quarter. Their condition seemed so desperate, that many escaped over the walls, and dispersed themselves about the Country, whilst others were forced to fly to Cotta. [ Id. ibid. ]

Cotta, being certainly informed by these that came in to him, how that the City was taken, many men slain, and the Town plundered, was all a fire at the news, and in great indignation marched as fast as he could to the City. His army also was very deeply discontented, not only that hereby they had lost the glory of their valiant achievements, but were also in a manner cheated of all their prizes and booties: whereupon, they fell most bitterly upon their Country men, and had undone one another, by killing each other, had not Triarius, hearing of the combustion, interposed, and put an end to the civil war, by pacifying Cotta, with a parcel of good words, and promising faithfully an equal distribution of all they had taken in the Town. [ Ibid. ]

Cotta, having received intelligence, how that Conacorix was seized of Teium and Amastus, immediately dispatched away Triarius to recover their Cities again out of his hands, whilst he himself abode at Heraclea, where, taking into his custody, those that submitted themselves, and the prisoners, he proceeded to other matters; in all his administrations, expressing the height of cruelty. For searching up and down in every corner for the wealth of the City, he kept not his fingers off from consecrated things. He took down the statues and images, very fair ones, and good store of them; yea, he carried Hercules out of the market place, and plucked off his ornament from the pyramide, and sundry other things out of the Temple and Cities every whit as rare and beautiful as they, and put them a shipboard. And for his farewell, he commanded his Soldiers to bring fire, and burnt the City in many places. Thus was Heraclea taken and subdued, having stood out two years siege. [ Id. cap. 54.]

Triarius, arriving at the Cities assigned him by Cotta, recovered them upon articles, having engaged Conaorcix (who thought to palliate his delivering up Heraclea by seizing on other Cities) for his failing away without let or molestation. [ Id. ibid. ]

Cotta (having dispatched things after that manner as hath been said) delivered up all his forces, both Foot and Horse, to Lucullus, and dismissed the Auxisiares which he had of the Allies respectively into their Countries, and so sailed away himself with his fleet. But it happened that part of the Fleet which carried the spoils of Heraclea, being over heavily fraughted, sunk under water, not far from shore, and the other moity, was by a contrary North wind dashed against the sands, which caused the ships to discharge much of their loading. [ Ibid. ]

Lucullus, leaving Sornatius behind him, with 6000 soldiers, to order the Province, took along with him 12 thousand Foot, and less than 3000 Horse (two Legion, and five hundred Horse, saith Appian) and entered Cappadocia; where, having Ariobarzanes his friend, he marched very long marches to the River Euphrates, where Cappadocia is severed from Armenia. [ Salust. Histor. lib. 4. apud Nonium, in voc. Naves codicariae. Memnon, cap. 58. Plut. Appian. ]

Euphrates at that instant, was by reason of the winter swelled high, and rough: but about evening, the water began to abate, and by break of day, the river was reduced within the bounds of its own banks. Whereupon the inhabitants fell down in adoration of Lucullus, in regard the waters did not asswage, as we say hab nab before, but as it were on purpose in the very nick to afford him a ready passage. No sooner had he wafted over his army, but a pleasant prodigy presented itself to him. One of the Oxen consecrated to the Perian Diana (whom the Barbarians beyond Ephrates worship with high reverence) though those beasts are not usually taken, but with much ado, came of its own accord, and offered itself for a sacrifice to Lucullus. Lucullus also himself sacrificed a bull to Euphrates, for his so fortunate passage over: All that day he encamped there. [ Plutarch. ]

The next day, and some days after, he marched through Sophenes; he offered not the least injury to the inhabitants, they having both resigned themselves up to him, and cheerfully entertained his army, [ Idem. ] only he demanded some monies from them; for the inhabitants of those Countries have a kind of a natural antipathy against all fighting; insomuch, that they would not vouchsafe to interpose themselves when Tigranes and Lucullus were so hard at it. [ Appian. ]

In those parts there was a Castle, wherein a great deal of Treasure was conceived to be reposited; the Soldiers had a great mind to have a bout with it: But Lucullus, pointing at Taurus, which might be seen aloof off, Let us, said he, rather set upon yonder strong hold; what is here stored up, is only reserved to reward the conquerors, and so marching onwards, he passed Tigres, and entered Armenia. [ Plutarch. ]

Upon this instant of Lucullus his invading Armenia; Alexandra, Queen of the Jews, fell dangerously sick. Whereupon Aristobulus her young son, affecting the kingdom, stole out in the night, taking along with him only one servant, and repaired those Castles, which his fathers friends had the command of: his wife was only privy to the design, whom he left at home with his children. The first place he came to was Agaba, where Galaestes was one of those in command, He received Aristobulus very readily. [ Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 24. compared with lib. 1. Belli. cap. 4.]

The day following, the Queen took notice of Aristobulus his absence, yet had no thoughts of his being gone about innovation in the State. But when as messenger after messenger came and brought the news of this Castle, then of that Castle being seized on by her son: then both the Queen herself, and the whole Nation were in a maze and confusion, fearing that if he should chance to get the kingdom into his hands, he would call them to a strict account for their hard usage of his intimate friends. It was therefore thought fit to secure his wife and children in the Fort which was near the Temple. In the mean time, there was great confluence of men to Aristobulus, hoping to get something by this innovation in the State, so that now there was not wanting either the noise, or the guarb of a King. Aristobulus gleaned up an army out of mount Libanus, Trachonitis, and the neighbouring Provinces, [ Id. ibid. lib. 13. cap. 24.]

Whereupon Hircanus the High Priests, and the Elders of the Jews, make their address to the Queen, desiring her speedy advise in these state emergences, she bid them do whatsoever they in their judgments thought most conducible to the public interrest, and to employ the present strength and treasure of the kingdom to that behoof. For her own particular, she was at present in such a weak condition, both in body and mind, that she could not be lessure for those public administrations. Thus said, she not long after died. [ Ibid, ]

After her succeeded Hircanus, her eldest son, in the third year of the 177 Olympiad. Q. Hortensius, and Q. Metellus (afterwards surnamed Creticus) being Consuls. [ Id. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 1.] His mother in his life time had passed over the kingdom to him, but Aristobulus, though younger brother, did exceed both in strength and authority. [ Id. lib. 1. cap. 4.]

Upon the Consuls casting lots for their Provinces, the managing of war designed against the Cretans, fell upon Hortensius: but he, taking more delight in the City and the Forum, (in which he had the first place after Cicero) freely granted this expedition to his Colleague Metellus. [ Xiphilin. ex Dione. ]

Upon the Senates decree of going to war against the Cretans, [The Julian Period. 4645] the most grave and sage ones amongst them, [Year before Christ 69] deemed it most convenient to dispatch Ambassadors to Rome, to clear all allegations, and to pacify the Senate with fair words, and bag their reconciliation. This motion was entertained; whereupon they sent thirty of their most eminent men, upon this Embassy to Rome; hoping that they should not only obtain a new ratification of their former contracts, but also looked to be thanked for the favor they had shown to their Quaestor and Soldiers, which they had taken prisoners in the late engagement with M. Antonius. The Ambassadors by giviug private visits to the Senators, at their several Houses, had so wrought them to their fide, that when they were brought into the Senate, and had given discreet satisfaction to the charges that were against them, and exactly recited the good offices they had done, and their association of War under the Roman General. It was resolved, That the Cretans impeachments should be taken off, and that henceforward they should be reputed amongst the Friends and Allies of the people of Rome: but Lentu •• s, (surnamed Spinther) got this decree reversed: whereupon this particular business was several times taken to debate by the Senate; and in the upshot, it was concluded, That the Cretans, in regard that they had sided with the Pirates at sea, and had been sharers in the prizes taken, should sent to Rome all their Pirate-ships, even to very boats of four oars, and whatsoever ships they had in their possession, which they had taken from the Romans. Demand also was made, for the resigning up all Prisoners, Runnagadoes, the 300 famous hostages. Lasthenes also, who had fought with Antonius, and Panares, and besides these, 4000 talents of silver. [ Diod. Legat. 35. Appian. Legat. 30. Dio. Legat. 37. all. 38.]

The Romans did not wait for a reply from the Cretans, which were at home, to these particulars; but presently sent one of the Consuls, to receive what was demanded, and if in case they refused to part with them, to wage war with them. And certain it was, they would not part with them: For was it imaginable? that those, who, at the beginning, ere any such things were exacted from them, or before they had obtained a victory, would by no means be brought to acknowledge any misdeameanour committed by them, should now, after they had been flushed with a victory, tamely submit to so many, and such high demands. The Romans knowing full well what would be the result of all, and suspecting the Legates would be tampering with some, by greasing them in the first, to obstruct the wars, made a decree in the Senate, prohibiting any person whatsoever, to lend them anything. [ Dio. ibid. ]

The Cretans, debating the commands of the Senate, the most politick of them were of opinion, That every particular was to be observed; but those of Lasthenes his faction being somewhat obnoxious, and fearing they should be sent to Rome, and there smart for what they had done, animated the people, exhorting them earnestly to contend for their liberty. [ Diodorus. Legat. 35.]

Cotta being now returned to Rome, was highly honored by the Senate, and ennobled with the surname of Ponticus, because he had taken Heraclea. [ Memnon. cap. 61.]

Mithridates had been resident in the parts of Armenia, a year and eight months, and as yet had not been admitted to the sight of Tigranes his son in law. But being at last overcome by his importunity, to present himself, he met him with a gallant train, and received his father in law with a Princely magnificence. Nevertheless, three days passed without any conference betwixt them, but afterwards, by the sumpteousnesse of the entertainments, he gave sufficient intimation of his affection towards him. [ Memnon, cap. 57.] Then in the conference, which was held very private at Court, they abated the suspicion of Metrodorus Sceptius, and other friends on both sides, on whom they fathered the cause of all, and so Mithridates was sent back again into Pontus, being furnished with ten thousand Horse. [ Memnon. ]

Lucullus drew up a company against the City, wherein he was informed that Tigranes had secured his Curtezans, and most of those things which he held most dear, and were had in greatest estimation by him. [ Idem. cap. 58.]

Tigranes having hanged up a fellow, who brought the first news of Lucullus his being upon his march, as a mover of the people; nobody ever after brought him any tidings. But at last, finding it to be so indeed; he sent out Mithrobarzanes against Lucullus, with two (as Appian) or three (as Plutarch hath it) thousand Horse, and a vast number of Foot, with orders to take Lucullus alive, and bring him to him, that thereby others might be deterred from that or the like enterprise. [ Plutarch and Appian. ]

A moiety of Lucullus his Forces were encamped, the remainder, were upon their march, when the Scouts brought news of the enemies approach. Whereupon Lucullus fearing lest the enemy should fall upon his men, finding them in a distraction and in no posture: he made an halt, and applied himself to fortify his Camp: But sent Sextilius the Legate with 1600 Horse and almost as many foot, with orders to stop when he was come up to the enemy, and not to stir till word was brought him that the Camp was thoroughly fortified. Yet Mithrobarzanes came so furiously upon him, that he was necessitated to fight: Mithrobarzanes himself was slain in this engagement, all the rest, excepting a very few, took themselves to their heels, and were slain in the pursuit, [ Plutarch. ]

Tigranes removed from Tigranocerta, and committing the custody of the City to Mancaeus his trust. went about the country to levy an army, and retreating to Taurus, made that place the general Rendezvouz, [ Id. compared with Appian. ] But Lucullus plied him so close, that he could not draw into a Body: For he sent Muraena to suppress and take all companies he found marching to Tigranes: Sextilius also was sent another way, to meet with a great band of Arabians, and to hinder their joining with the King, [ Plutarch. ]

Sextilius, coming upon the Arabians ere they were aware, as they were encamping, took the greatest part of them: Muraena marching after Tigranes, overtook him with a very great company in an uneven and narrow dale, who having gotten some advantage of the place, he engaged him: but Tigranes, leaving behind him all his carriages, made away as fast as he could. Many of the Armenians died in the fight, but far many more were taken prisoners, [ Id. ]

Sextilius, having forced Mancaeus to retreat into Tigranocerta, fell to plunder the Kings Palace which was situate without the walls: and to draw a trench about the City and the Castle, to place the batteries, and undermine the walls, [ Appian. ] At last Lucullus himself came in to them, and laid close siege to the City: supposing that Tigranes would not suffer him to sit still before the Town, but in a rage would come down and fight him, [ Plutarch. ] But the Barbarians did him a great deal of mischief, not solely by their darts, but with their Naphtha, or fire-pitch which they shot out of their Engines. This Naphtha, is a kind of a pitchy substance, so scalding, that it burns up all it cleaves to, neither will any moisture quench it, but with a great deal of difficulty, [ Xiphilin. ex. Dione. ]

Mithridates by Ambassadors and by letters, (as Plutarch, not in person, and then first meeting with Tigranes, as Appian hath it:) was very instant with him, by no means to fight the Romans, but by declining all engagement, to rove about the country with his Cavalry, and to waste all about, if possible thereby to bring the enemy to a distress of victuals. Just as Lucullus had not long since before Cyzicum, made him mouldre away an army without fighting a stroke.

The Armenians and the Gordians joined with Tigranes: To these, every man of the Medes and Adiabaus were brought by their Kings. The Arabians also came flocking in from the Babylonian sea, many Albans from the Caspian sea, and the Iberians their neighbors, and not a few of those free people which inhabit near Araxes, [ Plutarch. ] Of these, some came out of mere affection to the King, others being solicited thereto by gifts: as Plutarch, and others out of very fear, as Cicero hath observed, in Oratione Maniliana. For a strong and vehement opinion had wholly possessed the minds of those barbarous people, that the Roman army was drawn into those quarters, upon no other design, but to ransack their Regions and wealthy Temple. And upon this very account▪ many Nations, and those very considerable ones, rose up in arms against Lucullus.

Upon the general Rendezvouz of all these Forces, Tigranes his eating-tables, and council-tables sounding nothing but Victoria, Victoria, and how roughly they would handle the enemy, if they once got them under their clutches. Taxiles himself, who was Mithridates his Legate, and of his assistance, was in danger of losing his head: because in a Council of War, he was altogether against fighting with the Romans; saying, that the Roman arms were things utterly unvanquishable: and in regard Mithridates himself seemed out of envy to put Tigranes by the glory of that Victory, he would not wait until he came, lest he might share with him in the glory of the day, [ Plutarch. ] whereas but just before he had dispatched some in all haste to call him back to him, [ Memnon, cap. 58.]

Tigranes ordered about six thousand soldiers to go and defend the City in which his Curtezans were kept: who there charging thorough the Roman Brigades, got into the Town; and finding their return intercepted by a valley of archers, sent away the Kings Concubines, and the Treasures safe by night unto Tigranes: But upon break of day, the Romans and the Thracians fighting with those Armenians, slew a very great many of them; neither was the number of the prisoners taken inferior to those they slew in the battle, [ Memnon, cap. 58. and Appian. whose account is rectified out of Memnon. ]

Tigranes marched against Lucullus with the residue of his army; very much troubled (as they say) that he was now to conflict only with one of the Roman Generals; viz. Lucullus, and not with the whole herd of them. For he had in his army, of Archers and Slingers 20000. of Horse 55000. of Foot armed Cap a pe, digested partly into Regiments, partly into Squadrons, 150000. of those who were designed for barracadoing passages, and such like services 35000, [ Plutarch. ]

As soon as Tigranes appeared with all his host upon Taurus, and from the top of the hill, took a view of the Roman army, beleaguring Tigranocerta: the Barbarous rabble in the City, welcomed the Kings arriving with howlings and acclamations, and menacing the Romans from the top of the walls, pointed them to the Armenians on the hill. [ Plutarch. ]

Lucullus, leaving Muraena with six thousand Foot, to continue the siege of Tigranocerta, marched himself against Tigranes, having in his band 24 Regiments of Foot, (amongst whom there were not above 10000) all his Horse, Slingers and Archers, being about 1000, and encamped near a river, in a great spacious field. [ Id. ] No sooner had Tigranes a sight of the Romans Camp, but he presently disdained the thinness of them, and reproached them, saying: If these men be come as Ambassadors, there are abundance of them indeed, but if as enemies, there is but a forty company of them. [ Memnon. cap. 59. Plutarch, Appian, & Xiphilin. ex Dion • . ]

As Lucullus was waiting his army over the river, some of his Commanders advised him to have a care of what he did that day, in reguard it stood in the Kalendar amongst the unlucky (they call them the black) days: For on that very day, the Cimbrians defeated the army under the conduct of Cepion. Lucullus replied, It behooves us therefore to sight the more stoutly now, if happily we may render this so dismal and black day, a day of jollity and graulat •• to the Romans. That day was the day before the Nones of October. [ Plutarch in Lucullo. & Camill.. & Apotheg •• . ] as the year indeed then went with the Romans: but falling in according to the Julian computation, with the fifth month, or July, upon the beginning of the fourth year of the 177 Olympiad, to which this fight is truly referred by Phlegon.

Lucullus, perceiving his Soldiers somewhat fea •• of those which were armed cap a pee, bid them be of good courage, there being greater trouble in stripping than in overcoming them: and he first charging them upon the hill, and perceiving the Barbarians to give ground, cried out, We have overcome them, fellow Soldiers. [Plurarch in Apothegm.] No sooner was Tigranes his right wing forced to fly, but the left also began to shrink, and in conclusion, they all turned their backs, and so the Armenians fled confusedly, and in a hurty, and the slaughter was answerable to the number of men. [ Memnon. cap. 59.] The Romans continuing the execution for 120 furlongs, trampled all the way upon bracelets and chains, till night came upon them. Being forced thereupon to give over the chase, they fell to stripping the dead bodies, which Lucullus by proclamation had prohibited, until such time they had done sufficient execution on the enemy. [ Appian. ]

Phlegon gives up the tally of the number slain of Tigranes forces, to be 5000, and more taken prisoners, besides a rabble route: Orosius saith, [ lib. 16. cap. 3.] That 30000 men were reported slain in that battle; of Foot above 100000, saith Plutarch, fell that day, and very few of the Horse escaped. Of the Roman army there were but 100 wounded, and five slain. Antiochus the Philosopher, in his Commentary, De Diis, mentioning this fight, avows the Sun never to have beheld the like. Strabo [in lib. histor.] relates, How that the Romans themselves were ashamed of what they had done, and jeered themselves, for putting on their arms against such cowardly s •• ves. Livy saith, That the Romans never in all their lives, fought at such a disadvantage for number; the Conquerors, not equalizing the twentieth part of the Conquered; nay, not so much. [ Plutarch. ]

Suppose, we say with Eutropius, Sextus Rufus, and Jornandes, that Lucullus had 18000 men in his army; that number multiplied by twenty, will make 360000. now ascribe to Tigranes, not 150 (as Plutarch) but 250 (as Appian) thousand Foot, or Horse not 50, (as Appian) but 55 thousand as Plutarch: to these add with Plutarch 20000 Archers, and 35000 Pages: the result will be, the aforesaid 360 thousand; which if to be admitted for exact, then neither Phlegons, nor Memnous account, came not near the truth, as too low the one assigning Tigranes 〈◊〉 have in his army 40000 Foot, and 30000 Horse: the other allowing him but 80 thousand Foot and Horse together. As their account is under rated, so Eutropius is as much extravagant in over rating. The King (saith he) came with 600 thousand Clibanarii, and 100 Archers and armed men: The Clibanarii were Horse armed cap a pe in armor of proof, as they are described by Salust. (lib. histor. 4. cited by Nonius in voc. Cataphracti, ) now Plutarch intimates, That Lucullus himself writ to the Senate, that Trigranes had in his army only 17 thousand of those Clibanarii, so that there is no doubt, but Eutropius was extremely mistaken in giving up that monstrous sum of 600 thousand. In Sextus Rufus his Breviary, there are not reckoned above 7500 of those Clibanarii: but of Archers 120 ( all. 130.) thousand.

Tigranes, in the very beginning of the engagement, quitted the field, running as fast as he could to one of his Castles, having scarce 150 Horse in his company; where, finding his son in as forlone a condition as himself, he plucked off the Diadem and Turbant from his head, and resigned them up to him, bidding him, not without tears in his eyes, to shift for himself, if he could devise any possible means, which had not as yet been essayed. The young Prince dared not carry those Ensigns Royal, up and down with him, but committed them to a most trusty friend, to preserve for him; who soon after had the ill fortune to be taken prisoner, and brought to Lucullus; and the Soldiers at the same time also seized upon the Turbant and the Diadem, and gave them to Lucullus, [ Memnon. cap. 59. & Plutarch. compared with Oros. lib. 6. cap. 3. and Xiphilin. in Epitome Dionis. ] as for Lucullus, he marched back to Tigranocerta, and plied the siege more closely than ever before. [ Memnon. ibid. ]

Mithridates made no great haste to the fight, supposing that Lucullus would manage this war with the same caution, and delay as formerly he was want to do: and upon that account, being sent for by Tigranes he played the trewant in his marches. But soon after, lighting by chance upon the way with some few Armenians amazed and ready to drop down for fear, he thought all went not right on Tigranes side: But soon after meeting with other companies stripped and wounded, from whom he received an exact narrative of the defeat; he made what haste he could to find out Tigranes. And finding him both desolate and disconsolate, he insulted not over him, as he had served him formerly; but dismounted from his horse, and (after a mutual bemoaning each others sad misfortune) resigned up to him his own princely Retinue which attended him, and bid him courage for the future, [ Plut. ] Having somewhat cheered him up, he furnished him with royal Robes, as rich as any he was wont to wear. He made also some proposals concerning levying new Forces, (being himself already provided with a considerable army) making no question but another field would repair all the former losses. But Tigranes, ascribing more prowess and discretion to Mithridates, and thinking him fitter to deal with the Romans in a war than himself, left all to his managing and arbitrament, [ Memnon, cap. 59.]

Mancaeus, taking from the walls of Tigranocerta a sad view of his friends defeated, fell to disarming all the Grecian Mercenaries, suspecting they would • rove false to him: who fearing they should be laid hold on, provided themselves with good cudgels, and drew themselves up into a body, and so kept together day and night. And seeing Mancaeus coming and marching against them with his armed Barbarians, wrapping their garments about their arms instead of bucklers, they bravely charged them: and as fast as they slew them, presently divided their arms amongst themselves: And supposing they were now sufficiently provided with arms for the present, after they had seized upon some Forts upon the walls, they called in the Romans that beleagured them, and received them into the Town. So Appian and Plutarch, who dissents in no one particular from him. Dio in his 35 book relates, that the most part of the Inhabitants were Cilicians, and that they, upon some difference which happened betwixt them and the Armenians, let the Romans into the Town by night, who plundered all, but what the Cilicians were owners of. But Memnon delivers out, how that Mithridates, or rather Tigranes his Commanders, seeing how desperately things went on their side; having procured articles for themselves, delivered up the Town to Lucullus, [ Memnon, cap. 59.]

Lucullus, having won Tigranocerta, and taken the Kings Treasures which were there, he gave up the City to the plunder of his soldiers, in which (besides other riches (there were found 8000 talents of coined money: Moreover he gave out of the spoil 800 drachmas to every soldier; and finding many players which Tigranes (being about to dedicate the Theater he had built) had gathered together from all parts, he made use of them for his interluds and Triumphs, [ Plutarch. ] Many wives of the chief Officers which were taken, he preserved from injury, and by that means drew their husbands to his side, [ Dio. lib. 35.] The Grecians he furnished for their journey and sent back into their Country: The Cappadocians, Cilicians, and other Barbarians that were forced thither, he suffered also to return. And so it happened, that by the ruin of one City (for the Works being but half finished, Lucullus had demolished them, and left only a small village) many, having received back their Citizens, were repaired, by whom, as he deserved, he was afterwards esteemed as their Founder, [ Plut. cum Strabone, in fine lib. 11. pag. 532. & lib. 12. pag. 539.]

Then came there Ambassadors almost from all the East begging his friendship, [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 3.] and the Nations of the Sophenians, joined themselves to him: Antiochus King of the Commagens (which is a Country of Syria situate by the river Euphrates and Taurus) Alchaudonius a petty Prince of Arabia and some others having sued for peace by their Ambassadors were received, he joined also a great part of Armenia to himself. [ Plutar. & Dio. lib. 35.]

Q. Metellus advancing with three Legions to the Cretian war, and having overcome Lasthenes near the City of Cydonia, was called Emperor, and destroyed the whole Island with fire and sword: forcing the Cretans into their Castles and Cities, [ Florus lib. 3. cap. 7. Phlegon Olymp. 174. an. 4. apud Photium. Appian legat. 30.] making no reckoning of their friendship when it was offered to him.

Cleopatra the Daughter of Ptolemy was borne at Auletta, being the last Queen of Egypt of the Macedonian race, she lived 39 years as Plutarch witnesseth in Antonio.

Tigranes, and Mithridates, going about the several Countries, raised another army the Command of which Mithridates was entrusted with. [ Plutarch & Appian. ]

Magadates, who in the behalf of Tigranes had with his army commanded all Syria by the space of fourteen years, brought it away to the assistance of his King: by which means Antiochus, the son of Antiochus (the holy) & Silena, who had obtained the name of Asiaticus, because he had had his Education therein, wrought himself into the Kingdom by the connivance of the Syrians. Nor did Lucullus that had newly beat out Tigranes from the lands he had gotten, invey him his ancient possession [ Appian in Syriac. pag. 118. 119. 133.] but Strabo about the end of his eleaventh book writes that Lucullus beat out Tigranes, out of Syria and Phoenicia, and that by the same Lucullus after he had overcome Tigranes, Antiochus the son of Cyzicenus, (or rather his Grandchild by his son) was called King of Syria until that Pompey took that away which Lucullus had conferred, but we read in libr. 40. cap. 2.] of Justin that there were four years space betwixt the time he received it and the time it was taken away.

Tigranes and Mithridates sent Ambassadors to beg aid, both of their Neighbors, and of Arsaces the Parthian King, traducing the Romans to him, and suggesting that as soon as by their being destitute, and forsaken by others, they had conquered them, they would turn their arms upon him. [ Dio. lib. 35.]

This Arsaces was called so being the common appellation of the Kings of Parthia, his proper name was Pacorus from Xiphilinus, but he was called Phradates from Memnon: and it is delivered by Phlegon Trallian [ in Photii Bibliotheca cod. 97] that in the year before which was in the third year of 177 Olympiad that Phraates succeeded Sinatrucus, the deceased King of the Parthians, but Dio more lately reports Phraates to have succeeded Arsacus, yet Appianus says he succeeded Sintricus, which we shall see in its proper place, and that this Arsaces had enjoyment of the Empire six years before the third war of Mithridates was begun, these words mentioned in an epistole he writ to the same man (of which more hereafter) do sufficiently show. Thou being removed a far offand all others being obnoxious I again renewed the war; from whence we conclude his proper name was either Sintricus or Sinatrux.

This Arsaces was offended with Tigranes for stirring up a new war, about a certain Country that was in controversy betwixt them, which Country Tigranes had new yielded up to him again, Moreover the Parthian looked to have the great Vallyes Mesopotamia and Adiabene should have been delivered into his possession, as the reward of his Confederacy, but Lucullus being certified of the Embassages, Tigranes and Mithridates had sent to Arsaces, he also sent some of his with threats if he assisted them, and promises if he would take part with the Romans, And being urged by Lucullus's Ambassadors that he would either assist him, or at least stand Neuter he promising friendship privately to both, performed it to neither, [ Memnon cap. 60. Plutar. & Appian & Dio. 35.]

Amongst the relics of the fourth book of Salusts History there remains the entire letter of Mithridates, to Arsaces about this very affaire in which he seemed to turn the indignation he had conceived against Tigranes for waging the late war into his advantage, for he ( says he ) being guilty shall receive what alliance you please, and extenuates the great victory the Romans had obtained against him by saying, that by constraining the Multitude into so narrow places that they could not fight he lost the field, and they attributed their victory to their own virtue, which indeed was but his imprudence: and afterwaods stirs him up against the Romans in this manner. But you ( says he ) to whom Seleucia the greatest City, the Kingdom of Persia, and very great riches do belong, what can ye look for but deceit for the present, and war for the time to come? the Romans have war everywhere, but it is most violent where the victory of their adversaries affords the richest spoil, they Invade, they Cozen, but of one war they pick occasion for another, and by those means (being made great) they either suppress the designs, or destroy the Authors, which is not difficult, if you in Mesopotamia, and in Armenia inviron their armies whilst they are without victuals, and relief, &c. and thou shalt hrve the reputation to have assisted great Kings, and to have suppressed great Robbers. Which I do desire and exhort you to do, unless you had rather by our ruin enlarge one Empire then by our friendship become a Conquereur yourself.

As soon as the unwelcome tidings of the affairs M. Cotta had managed at Heraclea, arrived at Rome, he was in public disgrace, and his great riches augmented their envy; to avoid which he brought back most of the spoils into the treasury, which yet could not make the Romans the more moderate in as much as they suspected he restored a few things out of that great abundance he had got, having learned also that the prisoners at Heraclea were suddenly to be dismissed by a public decree. [ Memnon cap. 61.]

Moreover Thrasymedes an Heraclensian, before on Assembly, did publicly accuse Cotta, and commemorated the benevolence of his City to the Romans, and shown, that if they had any way transgressed, it was not done by the consent of the City; but by the fraud of their Magistrates, and the power of their adversaries: with great lamentation he laid before them the burning of the City, and forgot not with tears to remember how Cotta had converted all to his private profit. There came also a multitude of captives men and women with their little ones clothed in mourning weeds, and kneeling, with great lamentation held up their hands. The Roman Nobility inclining to commiserate their case, Cotta came forth, and after he had pleaded a little in his own tongue, he returned; when Carbo arising replies: We O Cotta gave you Commission to take, not to destroy the City. And after him some others arose, and with like crimination expressed their indignation against him. To many therefore he seemed worthy of banishment, but with more moderation, they only took away his Dignity. And restored their lands, sea, and harbours, to the Heracleans: with this proviso, that none of them should be made slaves, [ Id. ibid. ]

Thrasymedes, these things being past, sent back the people into their Country, but stayed himself with Brithagora, and Propylo the son of Brithagora for some years at Rome, performing those things which the custom of the Country required, [ Id. cap. 62.]

Lucullus was condemned not of strangers only, but his own Citizens, that he would not pursue Tigranes, but give him leisure to escape, whom he might easily have subdued, had he not aimed at the continuance of his own command; and therefore the Government of Asia (properly so called) which was committed to him before, was assigned to the Praetors, [ Dio, lib. 35.]

Lucullus went then to the Gordyens, and clebrated the Obsequies of their King Zarbienus whom Tigranes had killed, forasmuch as he had secretly entered into League with him, and put fire himself to the pile of wood that was garnished with Royal Robes, and Gold, and the spoils had been taken from Tigranes, pouring on the sacrifice with his friends and kindred, and pronouncing him his friend, and a Confederate of the people of Rome. To these he commanded a sumptuous Monument to be made out of the Kings Treasury, and dedicated to him: by which means the Gordyens were so devoted to Lucullus, they would have left their habitations and have followed him with their wives and children, [ Plutarch. ]

In the Courts of Zarbienus, there was found much Silver and Gold, and in his Granaries, there was laid up ten times three hundred thousand medimni, which is about 5 bushels. So the soldiery was supplied, and it was a great honor to Lucullus that he had taken nothing out of the Treasury, but kept up the war with the spoils of the war, [ Id. ]

Here met him Ambassadors from Arsaces King of the Parthians, desiring his friendship and alliance; which being not unwelcome to Lucullus, he on the other side sent Sicilius, or rather Sextilius to him; but Arsaces suspecting from his Eminence in matters of war, that he had sent rather in relation to the discovery of his Country and strength, than to the treaty they were about, yielded no supply to the Romans; yet he carried himself so, as that he attempted nothing against them, but kept himself as a neuter betwixt both parties, [ Id, cum Dione, lib. 35.]

When Lucullus had learnt that he was wavering in his counsels, [Year of the World 3936] and that he desired privately of Tigranes Mesopotamia, as the reward of his friendship; he resolved to pass by Tigranes and Mithridates as enemies already conquered, and by hastening his march against the Parthians to try their valor and strength. He sent therefore into Pontus to Sernatius his Ambassador there, and to several others, that they would bring the forces they had there to him, as if he had been to advance from the Country of the Gordyens against the Parthians; but the soldiers were refractory and would be won neither with fair means nor foul, declaring, that if they were left there without relief, they would depart to Pontus. The report of these things being brought to Lucullus, corrupted even those soldiers he had with him, by reason of their riches and luxury, hankering after ease, and hating the severity of war: But as soon as they understood the fury of the Ponticks, they cried them up as persons fit to be imitated and esteemed; professing they had already by their many atcheivements merited their rest and discharge. And so Lucullus was forced to lay aside his Expedition into Parthia, [ Plutarch. ]

Furthermore the Island of Delus is seated in the Aegean Sea, [The Julian Period. 4646] to which place they flocked with their Merchandize from all parts. [Year before Christ 68] It is full of riches, small and without a wall, yet secure and feared nothing (as Cicero speaks in his Oration, pro lege Manilia) The Pirate Athenodorus took it, and carried the inhabitants captive, destroying the images of their gods: but Gaius Triarius repaired the ruins and built a wall about it; as Trallianus Phlegon hath observed in his fifth book of his Chronicles, in the fourth year of the 177 Olympiad, [ In Bibliotheca, Phocii, • od. 97.]

Mithridates made arms in every Town, and calling a muster, took account of almost all the Armenians; out of which selecting 70000 Foot, and half as many Horse, he dismissed the rest; which, after he had digested into companies and troops, according to the Italian Discipline, he delivered over to the Ponticks to be trained, [ Appian. ]

In that year wherein Q. Marcius the King did alone execute the office of Consul, Lucullus in the midst of Summer (for by reason of the cold he was not able to invade them sooner) he advanced with his army against Tigranes. After he had passed the mountain Taurus, and discovered the green fields, he was astonished; that the season was there so backward by reason of the cold. Nevertheless, he came down into the plains, and after two or three battles, in which the Armenians assaulted him, he routed and dispersed them. [ Plut. cum. Dione, lib. 35.] And whilst Mithridates remained upon a hill with the Foot, and part of the Horse; Tigranes, fall • ing with the remainder upon the Roman forragers, was overcome; by which means, they fetch their provisions with more security afterwards, and nearer Mithridates, and removed their Tents nearer also, [ Appian. ] and intercepting the supplies were carrying to Tigranes, they brought (which they greatly feared) a great scarcity upon their enemies. [ Plutarch. ]

Lucullus destroyed one part of the Country, supposing the Barbarians might have been provoked to have fought in its defense; but when he found that would not do, he marched out against them, and his Horse being very much pressed by the Cavalry of the enemy, (there being no conflict at all with the Foot) he coming in with his Targets to their relief, put them presently to flight, yet they received no great loss themselves, but casting their arrows back upon those that pursued, they killed many outright, and wounded many, which wounds, were very grievous, and hard to be cured for the arrows had a double point, and so placed, that they were presently mortal, whether they were pulled out or left in. [ Dio. ]

In Crete, when Lasthenes the Governor of Cydonia, was besieged therein by C. Metellus the Proconsul, and had fled from thence to Gnosus, Panares, another Governor of the City, making his peace, delivered it to Metellus; who afterward laying siege to Gnosus, Lasthenes put all his wealth into a house, and set it on fire, and then fled from Gnossus. [ Appian. Legat. 30.] Gnosus, Lyctus, and Erithraea, with many other Cities, were taken by Metellus, [ Livy, lib. 99. Florus. lib. 3. cap. 7. Appian Legat. 30.] but the Cretans being long besieged by Metellus, and brought to great extremity, were constrained to quench their thirst with their own urin;s, and their Cattles. [ Valer. Max. lib. 7. cap. 6.]

Lucullus brought his army against Artaxata, Tigranes's Court, where his wife and children were; which he not enduring, raised his Camp, and after four days march, came and sat down by the Romans, having the river Arsamia betwixt them, which the Romans must of necessity pass to attach Artaxata. [ Plutarch. ]

Lucullus, having performed his sacrifice to his gods, drew forth his army, as if he had been certain of victory; and placing 12 Cohorts in the front, he disposed the rest into reserves, least they might be encompassed by the enemy, in whose army there were placed a great and select body of Horse; before whose colors there stood the Mardian and Iberian Lanceers, that used arrows also on horse-back, in which Tigranes did principally trust, as the most valiant amongst his strangers, yet they performed nothing remarkable, only skirmishing for a while with the Romans, but not able to endure the force of the Legions; they ran away themselves, and drew the Horse after them [ Id. ]

As soon as they were dispersed, and he beheld Tigranes Horse advance, suspecting their splendor and multitude, he remanded his own from the persu • t; in the mean time with those nobles and officers he had about him, marched up against them that came towards him; who, being affrighted, fled before they came to a charge. Of the three Kings, that were then in the field, Mithridates, King of Pontus, ran away most shamefully, not so much as enduring the shour of the Romans. The Romans having them in chase, so long a space as a whole night, were not only weary of killing, but taking prisoners, and were tired with taking and carrying away their very money and prizes. Livy reports, that in the former battle, there were more, but in this, the nobler and more considerable of the enemies, taken and slain. [ Id. ]

The Pirates were at this time grown to that height, that having overspread the whole sea, they did not only intercept provisions, intended for the fleet, but would land and destroy both Provinces and Islands; so that the Romans, that had conquered the whole World, were only unsecure at sea. [Plutarch in Pompeio. Appian. in Mahri. Dio lib. 36. Eutrop. lib. 6. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4.] which the next year, Cicero in his Oration for the Manilian law recalled thus to their Memories, what country for: these years, have you secured from Robbers? what stipend or contribution to yourselves? what Confederate have you defended? or who is it was protected by your ships? how many Islands think you are deserted? how many Cities either forsaken for fear, or taken by Pirates from your friends? it was anciently the property of the Romans to war far from home, and rather exercised their forces in the defense of their friends fortunes, than of their own: shall I say for these many years your s • as have been shut up to your friends, and though our Army was at Brindisi they durst not send but in the midst of winter? why should I complain they were taken that came to us from abroad, when the very Ambassadors of the people of Rome are redeemed, shall I say the sea is not safe for our Merchants: when twelve of our guard ( there being two Praetors Sextilius and Bellino taken as Plutarch reports ) fell into the hands of the Pirates? why should I remember you of Colophon and Samos two noble Cities, or of many more that have been taken, when you know your own harbours, and those very parts you inhabit yourselves, have been taken by those enemies, was there then this Government, when the Roman Ambassadors, Praetors, and Questors were intercepted, when public and private Commerce out of all provinces was forbidden us? when the seas were so shut up that we could have no trading either in private or in common? this (as all things else) he expressed most Elegantly.

The common receptacle of these Pirates, was Silicia the rough and the principal seat of the war: they had in every place Castles, Towers and desert Islands, and secret creeks for their ships, but more especially they came forth out of this part of Silicia called the rough, which was without harbours and rising with exceeding high rocks, from whence by all people they were called by the common name of Cilicians; because that evil which began in Silicia, drew the Syrians, Cyprians, Pamphilians, Ponticks, and all the Eastern Countries into a combination, who by reason of the tediousness of Mithridates's war, being more inclineable to do mischief then to endure it, they changed the land for the sea, so that in a short time there became many thousands of them. [ Appian pag. 234.]

They had above a thousand Pickeroones, and 400 Cities that they had taken, and the Temples at Clarius, Didaemaeus, and Samothrace that were inviolate and untouched before, they pillaged and despoiled that which was dedicated to Tellus at Hermion, to Aesculapius at Epidaurus, to Neptune in Isthmus, Taenarus and Calau • ia, Apollo in Actium and Leucade, Ju • o in Samos Argis and Lucanium, they performed some rites of Strangers in Olympus; some secret Mysteries of which those which had their denomination from the Sun remained, being at first shown by them: after a worser manner they insulted over the Romans, for if any of their prisoners called himself a Roman, they presently counterfeiting fear knockit their knees together, and falling down at his feet, humbly implored his pardon, and whilst he imagined them real and sincere, some of them furnished him with shoes, others with garments least he should be otherwise any longer unknown, and when at this rate they had long mockit and deluded the man, putting down a ladder into the Sea they bad him go down in safety, if he would not they tumbled him down headlong, and drowned him. [ Plutarch in Pompeio. ]

About the Autumnall Equinox great tempests unexpectedly infested Lucullus his Army, [Year of the World 3397] it snow'd for the most part, and froze when it was clear, and the ice was troublesome, by which means it fell out the rivers afforded but little water for the Horses, and if they brake the ice, the pieces hurt their legs and made it difficult to pass: the Country being woody they were daily dabled with the fall of snow from the trees and constrained to rest incommodiously in the wet: first therefore they petitioned Lucullus by their Tribunes, afterwards growing tumultuous they in the night cried out to their arms, Lucullus begged earnestly but in vain, beseeching they would only cheer up so long til they had destroyed the work of the greatest Enemy of the Armenians, since Carthage was taken, for it is reported (as abovesaid in 4526 year of the Julian Period) that Arxata was built by the advice of Hannibal the Carthaginian, but prevailing nothing he retreated [ Id. in Lucullo. ] which retreat of the Roman Army, Cicero endeavors to excuse in his Oration for the Law Manilia after this sort. Although our Army had taken a City in Tigranes Kingdom called Tigranacerta, and had fought several Battails with good success, yet were they moved with the tediousness of their march. I will not say anymore here, the upshot was it was complained, our Soldiers return out of those places was more sudden than their march was long.

Lucullus, returning thorough Armenia into Mesopotamia, past Taurus in another place, and descended into the Country of Migdonia, a Country very warm and fruitful; in which there was a City large and populous called by the Barbarians Nisibis, by the Grecians Antiochia Migdonica. [ id. ibid. cum Orosio lib. 6. cap. 3.]

That City was built by the Macedonians [ Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 2.] but Tigranes had taken that and all Mesopotamia from the Parthians and placed his treasure, and many other considerable things therein, it was encompassed with a double brick wall of a great thickness, and a ditch so deep and broad, that the wall could neither be shaken, nor underminrd. [ Dio. lib. 35.] Guras, Tigranes brother, commanded in chief, under him Callimachus, (he that had performed noble exploits at Amisus) commanded as a person of great knowledge in fortifications, and of great experience in war. [ Plutarch. ]

Lucullus, having formed his leagure, all manner of Engines were provided for a storm, [ Id. ] But in the beginning of the Winter when the Barbarians thought themselves certain of victory, and the Romans already departing, they began to be careless. And Lucullus having gotten the opportunity of a night in which the Moon being not to be seen, and a great tempest with thunder was risen, so as the Barbarians could neither see nor hear, and for that reason leaving a few there only, they had almost deserted the outward wall, and the ditch between, and by his Works he gat easily over the wall: and killing without much ado those few Sentinels he found, and with earth that he threw in (for they had before this thrown down their bridges) he filled up a part of the ditch, and when the Enemy could not hurt them with their arrows nor fire, by reason of the rain, he wan the ditch, and possessed himself immediately of the City, their iuward walls being not made so strong, because they built more confidence upon that without, [ Dio. ]

Those that fled into the Castle, he received upon rerms, [ Id. ] Guras the brother of Tigranes surrendering himself, he entreated civilly. Callimachus he would by no means hear, though he promised to discover great sums of money that were hid: but because he had burnt Amisus, robbing him of his glory, and dispoiling that thing which should have declared his bounty to the Grecians, he reserved him in chains to be punished, [ Plutarch. ] Much money being afterwards taken, Lucullus wintered at Nisibis, [ Dio. ]

In the mean time, those which bare the sway in the Assembly, out of envy charged Lucullus, that out of covetousness and desire of command, he protracted the war. One said Silicia, Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Galatia, Pontus, Armenia, and all the Provinces as far as Phasis, were already conquered, and that now he was only forraging in Tigrane's Countries, as if he had been sent rather to plunder Princes, than to vanquish them: this (as 'tis reported) Lucius Quintius one of the Praetors did speak, by whom the people of Rome being persuaded, gave orders for the sending others to succeed him, and disbanded many of those soldiers that had served faithfully under him, [ Plutarch. ]

In his Camp, P. Clodius, a man of great iusolence and dissolutnesse, brought great disturbance to his affairs; he was brother to Lucullus his wife, with whom (she being a lascivious woman) he was reported to be naught: he degenerating by reason of his manners, was turned from the command Lucullus had first given him: for which cause he stirred up the Fimbrians, (or Valerians) against him; those I mean which he had brought ou • of Fimbria, to destroy L. Val. Flaccus the Consul, and should have taken him for their Commander. These men, being seduced by Clodius, would neither follow him against Tigranes nor Mithridates, but under pretence of w • nter, protracted the time at Gordyene, expecting some other Governor to come and succeed Lucullus, [ Id. ]

Tigranes (when Lucullus was before Nisibis) conceiving it invincible, moved not towards its relief, but sending Mithridate into his own Country, he marched himself into Armenia, where for a while he besieged Lucius Fannius, till Lucullus, hearing his condition, marched to his rescue, [ Dio. lib. 35.]

Mithridates, marching into Pontus, the only kingdom that was left him, there followed him four thousand of his own men, and as many that he received from Tigranes, [ Appian. ] with which, invading one of the Armenian's and other Countries, he assaulted many straggling Romans unawares, and destroyed them, others he fought fairly and vanquished, and recovered many places with great expedition; for because he was of that Country himself, and his father had ruled there before, those men were very inclinable to Mithridates, and took up an indignation against the Romans, for that they were strangers, and some of their Governors Tyrants, and by that means came freely to Mithridates, [ Dio. ] To which that place in Tullius Oration for the Manilian law is to be referred. Mithridates (says he) had now confirmed his own soldiers, and those which had joined themselves to him out of his kingdom, and with great supplies both from foreign Countries and Kings, he was re-enforced, which we have heard indeed doth frequently happen, that Princes calamities do easily procure compassion from most men, especially if they be either Kings themselves, or do live under government; because the name of a King is very reverend and sacred, and by that means he effected more by being overcome, than if he had been safe he durst ever have hoped for.

Mithridates overcame M. Fabius, whom Lucullus had left Governor of those parts; but it was by the assistance of the Thracians who were then at hostility with Fabius, although they had received pay under him formerly, nor were the slaves in the Roman Camp a little conducive to it, [ Id. cum Appiano. ]

For first of all, Fabius having sent out some of the Thracian scouts and they returning with uncertain intelligence, he advanced carelessly, and fell before he was aware upon Mithridates, which time the Thracians revolting, assailed the Romans, and put them to flight; in which conflict, there were five hundred slain. After that, Fabius fearing all the slaves that followed his Camp, fought him for a while doubtfully, when Mithridates promising liberty also to the slaves, they also fell off to his side, and had doubtlessely destroyed all the Fabians, had not Mithridates been hurt with a stone in the knee, by reason of which, and another wound under his eye with a dart, he was sudainly carried off the field. And whilst the Barbarians were solicitous of the health of their King, they gave Fabius opportunity of a safe retreat, with the remainder of his men. The Agari, a people of Scythia, well skilled in confections of the poison of Serpents (and for that reason they were always near his person) had then the care of the King. [ Iid. inter se collati. ]

Fabius, after this being shut up and besieged in Cabiris, was relieved by C. Triarius; for he, marching that way out of Asia to Lucullus, and understanding his success, he got together as great a body as he could, of those that were present, and terrified Mithridates so much, that (imaging them the whole army of the Romans) before ever he saw them, he removed his Camp. Upon which Triarius taking courage, pursuing them into the Country of the Comagens, (or rather Comans, in Cappadocia, of which hear Dio hereafter) he fought and overcame them. Mithridates had encamped on the one side of a river, and the Romans came down on the other, and in hopes he might find them weary, and tired with their march, he advanced immediately himself, and commands the rest should (over another bridge) assault them whilst they were engaged. After they had fought a long time, and with various fortune; the bridge (oppressed with the number of men that were passing) brake, and so hindered Mithridates supplies, and was the occasion of his defeat. It was winter now, and both of them, after this battle, betook themselves to their quarters, and rest. [ Dio. cap. 35.]

Aulus Gabinius, as tribune, prevailed with the people, that an Emperor might be chosen out of those which had been Consuls, with full and absolute power against the Pirates in General; and that his command might last for three years, and he furnished with very large supplies, and many Legates: it is not certain, whether he was put upon this by Pompey (whom notwithstanding he did not name) or carried by a design only of ingratiating himself; however, he did it not for the advantage of the Republic, being a most wicked man, [ Id. lib. 36.] Of whom Cicero in his Oration, after his return to the Senate: Who, had he not been protected by his being Tribune he could neither have avoided the power of the Praetor, the number of his creditors, nor the proscription of his goods; at which time, had he not got that order concerning war with the Pirates, necessity and wickedness would have constrained him to turn Pirate himself; but with less danger and detriment to the Common-wealth, for as much as their adversary had been within their walls.

This order of the people, which the Senate (though against their wills, as Dio affirms in his 36. book) confirmed. Velleius Paterculus, in his second book, and 31. chapter, gives an account of; How that when in the manner of a war, not of thieving, they had frighted the whole World with their ships, and not by any sudden or secret expedition; and had moreover destroyed some Cities in Italy: Cnaeus Pompeius was sent to suppress them, and had an equal command in all places, within fifty miles of the sea, with the Proconsuls; by which decree of the Senate, the Government of the whole World, almost was devolved upon one man: yet the same thing was decreed two years before in the Praetorship of M. Antonius, as Velleius reports; yet it seems to me, that it should rather be six years before, than two since. it appears that M. Antonius died three years before in the Cretian war; and that Marcus Antonius dying in the Cretian war, departed this life two years before, and that the great care of all the sea coasts, within the Roman Empire, was committed to him in the Consulship of Lucullus, and Cotta, Asconius Pedianus, in his Oration of Verres Praetorship in Sicily, has taught us, as is demonstrated before in the year of the World, 3930, and 3933.

By this Gabinian law, Pompey had for three years the command given him, not only of the Navy, but (as Plutarch says) over all men, as well within the Provinces within 400 furlongs of the sea, as in all the Mediterranean, in which compass, he had power to command all Kings, Governors and Cities, to his aide and assistance: so Appian [ pag. 235.] calls it, 50 miles; which Velleius and Plutarch interpret 400 furlongs, attributing to every mile, eight furlongs: Xiphilinus, out of the sixth book of Dion, calling it 400 furlongs, out of the 35 book, three days journey from the sea, comparing every days journey at one hundred thirty three furlongs, which is sixteen miles.

By the same law also, Pompey had power to choose fifteen Deputies out of the Senate, to whom he might commit the charge of several Provinces, that he might take also from the Treasury and the Officers, for receipt of monies, as much thereof as he thought good; and 200 ships, and leavy what forces he pleased. And calling a Convent of the people, he prevailed for many things more of theirs, and doubled his preparation. He manned out 500 ships, though Appian saith • e had but 270, the smaller vessels reckoned and all, of Foot he used 120000, of Horse five, or with Appian, four thousand: Captains, and those which were in command, he chose out of the Senate, four and twenty, or as Appian says, five and twenty, and made them delegates under him. He had two Quaestors allowed him, and six thousand Attick talents; so considerable a thing it did appear, to pursue so many Navies in so great a sea; and where there were so many lurching places, by reason of which, they could easily escape when assaulted, and assail when they were unexpected. [ Appian. ]

Pompey, [The Julian Period. 4647] being very well supplied both with ships of his own, [Year before Christ 67] and his confederates, from Rhodes; he possessed both sides of the Ocean, with Deputies and Commanders of his own, and by that means, in every Port, Bay, Creek, Recesse, Promontory, Frith, or Island, shut up as it were, what ever belonged to the Pirates, in a net. [ Florus, lib. 3. cap. 6.] To those Officers he had chosen out of the Senate, things being settled at sea, he gave Ships, Horse and Foot, and pretorian Standards to everyone, so that everyone had absolute authority in that place that was committed to his charge, and those of the Pirates that were taken by some party, were delivered to others, least any should be drawn to too long a pursuit, or by sailing too far, might protract the war [ Appian. ]

The Gaditane straits were given to Tiberius Nero, the Balearic sea, to Manlius Torquatus, to both of them was committed the care of Spain; Cratilius blocked up the Ligustick sea, M. Pomponius, the French, and the sons of Pompey, (the Emperor) the Adriatique, Sardinia, Corsica, and the adjacent Islands, Publ. Attilius possessed; the Libyan Lentulus; the Egyptian, Marcellinus Lu. Gellius had the command of the Tuscan sea, and the coasts of Italy, C. Lentulus of all betwixt Sicily and Epirus: the Ionian sea was given to Plothus Varo, and Terentius Varo, (the most learned of the Togati) of whom Pliny speaking in his [third book, chap. 11. and seventh book and 30. chap. and 16. book, and fourth chap.] that he was in this war presented with a Naval Crown by Pompey. L. Cinna had the oversight of Peloponnesus, Attica, Eubaea, Thessaly, Macedonia, and Baeotia; L. Cullius of all the Aegean sea, and the Hellespont, (although Florus gives the Asiatic to Caepio) Metellus Nepos of Lycia, Pamphylia, Cyprus, and Phoenicia. P. Piso of Bithynia, and Thracia, and Porcius: Cato lay so close upon the straights of it with his ships, that he blocked up the Propontis, as it had been a gate. [ Florus, lib. 3. cap. 6. & Appian. pag. 236.] Pompey himself, l • ke a King of Kings, overlooked all, requiring everybody to keep their Station, least whilst he perceived the Pirates, before he could accomplish his victory in one place, he should be distrest in another; and ordering that whilst all were ready to relieve one another, they should not suffer the enemy to escape, by roving up and down. [ Appian. ibid. ]

His forces being dispersed in this manner thorough the whole sea, Pompey beginning from the lower part, they encompassed the enemies Navy, and dragged as with a net into their Harbours; those which escaped, fled into Silicia to hide themselves, like Bees to a hive. [ Plutarch in Pompeio. ] And having thus in forty days time, by his own industry, and his Officers, cleared the Tuscan, African Sardoan, Corsican, and Sicilian seas, returning to Rome, he performed what he desired, [ Id. ibid. cum Livio: lib. 99. & Appian. pag. 236.]

Pompey, loosing from Brindisi, he advances (in the beginning of the Cilician war) with 60 very good ships; the enemy prepares to fight him, yet not out of any hope, but that being oppressed, they would seem to venture, but they did no more than give one charge; for immediately finding themselves incompast, they threw away their arms and oars, and with a general shout (with the sign of their submission) they begged their lives. [ Florus, lib. 3. cap. 6. cum Plutarch & Appian. ] Cicero affirms in his Manilian Oration, that in one and fifty days after, he set sails from Brindisi, he had brought all Cicily to subjection to the people of Rome, which story, of the recovering all Silicia in so short a time, is to be looked upon, but as an Oratorical expression in the praise of Pompey, [ Vid. ann. per. Julian, 4651.]

After it was told that Mithridates, having beaten Fabius, was marched against Sornatius and Triarius: the Fimbrian (or Valerian) Soldiers being moved with shame, followed Lucullus when he went to their relief. Mithridates in the mean time (Manius Acilius Glabro, and Cai. Piso, being Consuls) having encamped over against Triarius near Gaziursa, he seeks to drill and provoke him to fight, by training and exercising his men in sight of the Romans, that by engaging him before Lucullus came, and prevailing (as he did hope) he might recover the remainder of the kingdom; but not able to draw him forth, he sends part of his men to Dadasa to besiege a Castle in which the Romans had left their train; to the end, that the Romans coming to its relief, might fall into his hands. Nor did his design deceive him; for Triarius fearing the multitude of Mithrida • s, and expecting Lucullus (whom he had sent for) would come, kept himself close in his Camp: but hearing Dadasa was besieged, his soldiers were afraid of the goods they had there, and in a tumultuous manner threatened, that unless he would draw them out, they would go to defend them without his leave; by which means he marched out against his will, [ Dio. lib. 35.]

When Triarius had drawn out against Mithridates, there happened such a storm as was never known before in any man's memory, throwing down the tents in either Camp, beating the cattle out of the way, and tumbing down some of the soldiers from the Hills; for which cause they both of them retired: but when it was told Triarius that Lucullus was at hand, as if he desired to snatch the victory from him, before day he assaults Mithridates Camp; and after they had fought long with equal fortune and courage, the King trusting to his own wing, at length received the day, and pressing upon the enemy, forced their Foot into a dirty ditch, where having no footing they were cut down without loss; and following his victory, he courageously pursued their Horse thorough the fields, until a Roman Centurion running as a servant by his side as fast as his horse (despairing to kill him by reason of his Breast-plate) gave him a deep wound in his thigh; he was himself cut presently to pieces by those that were about him, and Mithridates carried into the furthest part of the army, [ Appian. cum Plut. & Dione. ]

Upon this, the Kings friends founded a retreat, and called back the soldiers from a notable Victory, which being unexpected, cast some kind of fear upon them lest some evil might have happened from some other place; until it was known, they got tumultuously about the body of their King, and at length Timothy the Physician having stopped the blood, held him up on high to their fight. The Romans (who but by this accident had been utterly destroyed) in this time got away and escaped. Mithridates coming to himself, reproves them that occasioned the retreat, and that very day raises his Camp, and marches against the Romans, which now, the soldiers being afraid, was utterly deserted. Above 7000 soldiers were said to be killed in this fight, amongst which 150 Centurions, and 24 Tribunes, which number of officers was never known to be lost in any battle before, [ Ibid. ] Appian says this encounter happened near the mountain Scotius, a place by reason of Mithridates victory, Triarius misfortune, and the loss of the Roman army very eminent in those parts, [pag. 254.] As Hirtius reports also in his Commentaries of the war in Alexandria, where he shows it is not much more than three miles distant from Zela, a Town in Pontus.

This is the defeat Cicero in his Oration for the Manilian law half a year after commemorates by the By. Your army was resolute and victorius, but Mithridates fell upon them: yet suffer me in this place (like those write the Roman affairs) to slip over our misfortunes, which were so great, that the tidings came not to Lucullus by a Messenger from the fight, but by rumour and report. And afterwards, Having received that overthrow in Pontus, of which a little before I remembered you against my will when our friends and confederates were afraid, the wealth and courage of the enemies increased, and when the Province had no Garrison or strength for to trust to, Asia had been lost O Romans, had not fortune in the nick of time brought Pompey as it were from heaven to the relief othose Countries, whose arrival stopped Mithridates though swelled with his success; and retarded Tigranes who with great strength was threatening of Asia.

Mithridates being cured of his wounds, and suspecting there might be more of the enemy amongst his men, he selected a party upon another pretence, and commanding everyone suddenly to their tents, the Romans were found alone, and killed, [ Dio. lib. 35.]

From thence he went into that Armenia which the Romans call the Lesser; all the provision he could he carried with him, the rest he spoiled lest it should become useful to Lucullus. About which time Attilius a Roman Senator (that for fear of justice had long since fled to Mithridates and been received to favor) was found guilty of conspiracy, whom out of reverence to his former dignity he would not torture, contenting himself only with his death; but his companions he tormented grievously, his servants whom he had made privy to his design, for their Masters sake, he sent away untouched, [ Appian. ]

Lucullus, coming up to Triarius, whom the soldiers being angry did require, privately carried him away, [ Plut. in Lucullo. ] leaving those unburied which had died in the fight; which is thought to be the first thing alienated the affections of his own soldiers, [ Id. in Pompeio. ]

Mithridates sat down with his army upon a hill near Talaura, expecting Tigranes that was coming with great Forces to him, and declined fighting till they were both joined: But Mithridates the Mede, one of Tigranes sons in law, falling suddenly upon the Romans as they were scattered abroad, gave them a great overthrow, [ Plut. Appian. Dio. ]

Q • intus Marcius the King, (that was Consul the year before) was now sent Proconsul into Silicia, Lucullus his chief Province, who as he marched with three Legions thorough Licaonia, being invited by Lucullus to his aid, excused it, complaining his soldiers would not follow him, [ Salust. historiar. lib. 5. apud Priscian. lib. 18. & Dio. lib. 35.]

Marcus being entered into Silicia, received Menemachus (who had revolted from Tigranes) into his favor; and made P. Clodius (whose sister he had married, and Lucullus had married another) the same that had fled from Lucullus for fear of what offenses he had committed at Nisibis, Commander of his Naval affairs, [ Dio. lib. 35.]

Clodius, falling unawars amongst the Cilician Pirates, and being taken prisoner, they demanded a ransom of him: he sends to Ptolemy King of Cyprus that he would pay it and redeem him; but he by reason of his covetousness sending only two talents, which the Pirates despised: nevertheless being in fear of Pompey, they thought it best to enlarge him for nothing, [ Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 684. Appian. Bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 441. Dio. lib. 35, & 38.]

By the Gabinian law, Manius Acilius Glabrio Consul this present year, was made Successor to Lucullus in the command of Bythynia and Pontus, and the Valerian or Fimbrian Legion, (that once before being discharged, had again taken pay) were disbanded, which when they found luxuriating with victory, ease, and plenty, and living at that time without Lucullus, who for the most part was abroad, they began to mutiny, and despise Lucullus as an ordinary person, [ Salust. historiar. lib. 5. apud Priscian. lib. 18. & Dio. lib. 35.]

Dio [ ibid. ] says, that P. Clodius was the chief author of this dissention; and Cicero affirms in his Oration of the answer of the A • uspices, that being set free by Pirates, and having by great treachery corrupted Lucullus his army, he fled thither; Dio says, he went to Antioch in Syria to assist them against the Arabians which they had war with; and there in like manner he stirred up sedition, and was very near being destroyed himself, [ Dio. lib. 35.]

Lucullus was at a stand, he durst not move out of his place, nor durst he stay there; at length he resolves to march against Tigranes, hoping to fall upon him; either when he did not expect him, or when he was tired with his march, and by that means compose the distractions in his Camp, but neither succeeds; his soldiers follow him for a while, but finding they were to bend toward Cappadocia, all of them unanimously without speaking one word, turned their backs, and the Valerians or Fimbrians, when they heard they were discharged at Rome, and that Lucullus's command was conferred upon others, they all stole from their colors. Lucullus in the mean time refuseth no means that might reconcile them, with great dejection & tears in his eyes, he goes to their tents, beseeches everyone, taking some of them by the hand; but they refused his embraces, throwing down their empty purses, and declaring, that as he had alone enriched himself by them, he should alone fight with his enemies, [ Plut. & Dio. ]

The sedition of the soldiers which would not follow Lucullus, kept him from the pursuit of Mithridates and Tigranes, and giving a perfection to his Victory. The Valerian Legious cried out they were disbanded, and forsook him, [ Liv. lib. 98.] But at length overcome by the entreaty of their fellow soldiers, they consented to keep to their colors that Summer, upon condition, that if nobody came to fight them in that time, they might depart. Lucullus was forced to be quiet with these men, or leave that Province (destitute of a Garrison) to the Barbarians; he kept them therefore under no command, neither did he draw them out into battle, but thought it sufficient if they only •• aid. He suffered Tigranes to fortage in Cappadocia, and Mithridates to insult over the whole, [ Plut. in Lucullo. ]

Lucullus had written to the Senate, that he had finished the war with Mithridates, and there were come to him officers deputed for the settling of the affairs in Pontus, as if all had been quiet, [ Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 36.] but they found that even he himself was not at his own disposing, but mocked and derided by the soldiers which were gotten to that height of insolence and contempt of their Commander, that the Summer being past, they took up their arms, and drawing their swords, called for their enemies, which they could find nowhere, having already retired themselves, and going out of the Camp with shouting and throwing up their arms, declared, that the time they had promised Lucullus to tarry was expired, [ Plut. in Lucullo. ]

When Acilius Glabrio, the Consul, was arrived at the province was given him, he sent cryers about and pronounced, that the Senate did discharge Lucullus his army, and confiscate his goods, by reason he had protracted the war, and refused to obey their Commands. The Soldiers upon this for the most part forsook him: only some few; who being very poor and so no • fearing their punishment, chose rather to continue with him; [ Appian ] and upon this score Mithridates recovered most of his Kingdom, and brought no small detriment upon Cappadocia: Luccllus neither withstanding nor Acilius defending it, for although he hasted as if he would have robbed Lucullus, of his victory; yet when he understood their condition, he came not up to the Army, but prolonged the time in Bithynia. [ Dio. lib. 30.]

To this may be added that place of Cicero in his Manilian oration to the Romans in which in favor to Lucullus, he in this manner extenuates the business: L. Lucullus (says he) who in some measure might perhaps be bettered by his misfortunes, being constrained by your command, (because you had resolved according to ancient example to stop the continuance of his Authority) did dissmisse that part of his army, which had served out their time, and sent the ether to Glabrio: and thus having done with Lucullus we will return to the Piratical or maritime war (as Salust and Cicero calls it) that was managed and this summer finished, by Pompey.

The chief and better part of the Pirates having sent their Children wealth, and the unuseful multitude into their Castles, and strong holds near the mountain Taurus, they themselves encountered Pompey at Coracesion in Silicia; where, being overthrown, they were presently besieged; at length they sent out Commissioners and delivered up themselves, their Islands and Towns; which by reason of their strength were very difficult to be taken. [ Plut. in Pomp. ]

Pompey advances into Silicia with a very great number of Engines, resolving by all means to attempt those forts that were seated upon the rocks, but of those things he had no need, the very eminence of his Name and the report of his preparation so terrified the Robbers, that, supposing he would be more merciful if they forbare fighting him, first they which commanded the great Castles of Cragus, and Anticragus, and after them all the Cilicians upon the Mountains, came in and submitted themselves: and much arms both finished and making, besides many ships half made in the Docks, others ready for sail, brass, and iron prepared for those uses, sails, ropes, and divers other materials, a great number of Captives bound that they might either be forced to ransom themselves, or constrained to work in their Prisons. Pompey burns the materials, carries away the ships, and sent the prisoners home, where many of them meet their own monuments, being supposed long since to have been dead, [ Appian in Mithridatic. ] thus they were overcome, and the whole strength of the Pirates subdued in every part of the sea, and that in no more time than three months [ Plutar. ut supra ] or two if we will hear Lucan in his second book.

Pompey burnt above 1300 small boates, and destroyed their places of retreat [ Strabo lib. 14. pag. 665.] there were 72 ships taken by force, and 306 yielded up as Appian reports, Plutarch reckons them 800 and of these 90 with Beaks of Iron: Pliny affirms there were taken or sunk 846, [ lib. 7. cap. 25. & 26.] 120 Towns, Castles, and store-houses, and of those which endeavored to fight there were slain about ten thousand, [Appian]

There were 20000 of the Pirates left alive which Pompey resolved not to kill nor yet thought it safe to suffer them to depart, or that many soldiers and desperate persons should meet together. [Plut.] least poverty therefore might constrain them to some attempt, he disposed them into a certain place remote from the Sea, he gave them those fields he saw forsaken, for to till, and those Cities that wanted Inhabitants to possess, and giving them a capacity of living without it he restrained them from rapine [ Livy 99. lib. vell. Pater. lib. 2. cap. 32. Florus lib. 3. cap. 6. Dio. lib. 36.] he gave them orders to plant in Maltum, Adana, Epiphania, and what other Towns were unfrequented in Silicia (the Stony.) [Appian] and into a sea Town of Silicia called formerly Solos; after Pompeiopolis: which he repaired, having been destroyed by Tigranes the Armenian King he disposed many, and many he transferred to Didymena a place then wanting inhabitants. [Strabo. lib. 14. Plut. in Pomp. Dio. lib. 36.]

Thus that war that was so long, and of so large extent, and wherewith all Nations were infested, Pompey prepared for in the midst of winter, began in the spring, and concluded in the middle of Summer, as Cicero in his Manilian Oration, having spoken of it before, This war (says he) so cruel, so ancient, and so largely dispersed, who would ever have thought that either all the Commanders in the world could have finished in one year; or any one Commander in all the ages of the world? the which Florus admites, That besides the swiftness of dispatch, and the felicity in the success, there should not be one ship lost; and then the perpecuity, there being Pirates no more, which was procured by the singular conduct of the Captain, by removing them that had been so used to the Sea from the sight of it, and pinning them up as it were in the midland Countries, yet is he not to be heard, when he speaks of the speediness of the Conquest; because that what was delivered only of his success in the lower Seas, (which has indeed enough of wonder in it) he attributes to the Generals subduction, as if all had been finished in forty days, which Cicero directly denies, not to speak of Dion who signifies in these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that the greater part of the Seas Pompey made quiet within the compass of a year.

In Crete (which after Silicia Plutarch affirms to be the next fountain of Pirates) the prisoners were so hardly dealt with, that most of them poysened themselves: others sent to Pompey, though he was absent, that they would deliver up themselves [ Florus lib. 3. cap. 7.] he was then in Pamphilia, whither their Ambassadors coming promised all the Cities in Crete would yield themselves to him, he spoils not their hopes; but demands Hostages [ Cicero, pro lege Manilia ] in the mean time he forbad Metellus meddling in that war, and writ to the Citizens that they should not obey him, [ Plutar. in Pompeio ] and also commanded him to depart the Island, for he would take that charge upon him as a part of the care committed to him, [ Appian. legat. 30.] he sent one of his officers L. Octavius thither, but without an army, not so much that▪ he should undertake the war, as to receive the Cities into the favor of the people of Rome; who shutting himself up within the walls with those that were besieged and fighting together with them, he rendered Pompey not only odious, but contemptible. Plut. ut supr. Dio. lib. 36.]

Metellus despising Pompey's command in another province, proceeded in his intended war; and was the more bitter in that he exercised the right of a Conqueror upon his Enemies, hasting to incommodate them before Pompey could come, [ Florus Plut. Dio. ] and sending letters to Rome he complained that the glory of his actions were taken away by Pompey, and past by: he sending his Ambassador into Crete to admit the surrender of the City, to which Pompey replying gave them an account that he ought to do so. [ Liv. lib 99.]

Cornelius Sisenna at this time Governor of Greece came with his army into Crete and admonished Metellus that he should spare the people, but not being able to persuade him from his design, he performed nothing that compelled him. [ Dio. lib. 36.]

Aristion, marching from Sidon, having beaten Lucius Bassus, that was drawn out to meet him, he took Hierapidna, and defended that City against the Romans [ Id. ibid. ]

Metellus, having corrupted many within, took the City Elcuthera by treachery, the conspirators so softening a great tower of brick, (that was extreme hard to be taken) with vinegar for some nights that it could easily be broken, Afterwards having laid a Tax upon Eleuthera, he took Lappa by force, not at all demurring at Octavius commanding there, but he used no violence to him, only killed the Cilicians he found about him [ Id. ibid. ] but dismissed Octavius himself after he had been mocked and abused with many ignominies in the Camp. [ Plutarch. ]

Octavius, disdaining to be thus used, dallied not now as before; but, taking the command of Sisenna's army upon himself: (who was lately dead of a disease) he relieved them that were oppressed by Metellus, and then betook himself to Aristion; and there managed their war by common consent and having for some time continued in that manner, and hearing Metellus was advancing against them, they forsook their Castles, and lancht into the sea, where they were overtaken with a tempest, and after the loss of many of their men constrained to run a shore. [ Dion. lib. 36.]

Marcus Cotta, after he had cast off his treasurer P. Oppius upon suspicion of defrauding the treasury, and conspiring besides was himself (having scrapit together great sums in Bithynia) accused by C. Carbo and the same Carbo (though before that he had received no other honor than to be a Tribune of the people) was for that very act adorned with the honors of a Cousul. [ Id ibid. ] see before at the end of the 3935 year of the world.

Sinatruces, (whom Appian call Sintricus, Dio by the common name of the Kings of Parthia, Arsaces) being dead, his son Phraates succeeded him; the second King of Parthia of that name, who by a most impious appellation, was called, the god. [ Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 242. & Dio. lib. 36. collat. cum Plegont. in Bibliothec. Photi • , cod. 97.] Vid. eund. Anno Mund. 3935.]

Hircanus (as we read in Josephus, the 16. book, cap. 9.) was driven out of his kingdom by Aristobulus his younger brother, three months after the death of his mother Alexandra: But since it appears there were six years from the time Hyrcanus began to reign. R. Hortensius, and Q. Metellus being Consuls, to the latter end of Aristobulus, which was that year Jerusalem was taken by Pompey, C. Antonius, and M. Tullius, Cicero, being Consuls; and of them Josephus himself attributes but three years, and as many months to Aristobulus, Hyrcanus must of necessary be allowed three years, not three months, out of which we conceive two months must be taken out, and the time will be made exact.

About this time, they having joined battle at Jericho, many of Hyrcanus's men went over to his brother Aristobulus; by which means he fled into a Castle, in which the wife and children of Aristobulus were, by Alexandra his mother put to be kept: the rest of his party, for fear of the Conqueror, betook themselves to the protection of a Temple, and in short space, delivered up themselves. At length, the brothers came to treat of peace, and it was agreed Aristobulus should reign still, and his brother be permitted to lead a private life, quietly enjoying that wealth he had gotten by his wits This covenant they both entered into in the Temple, and after all oaths and joining of their hands, and embracing one another in the fight of the people, they withdrew one to his Court, the other as a private person to Aristobulus's house. [ Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 1.] And thus Aristobulus obtained the government of the Kingdom, and chief Priest in three years and three months, as it is said. [ Id. lib. 20. cap. 8.]

Lucius, Tullus, and Aemilius Lepidus, being Consuls, in the beginning of their Consulship, in the Kalends of January, which as the year was then altered by the Romans, fell out in the Julian October, the Senate abrogated a law, which C. Manilus, a Tribune of the people, had the evening before tendered, by which those servants which were made free, should have as good a suffrage as their masters: but for this cause, Manlius fearing himself, and being Mercenary and Ministerial to those that were in power, that he might curry favor with Pompey, he proclaimed another law, That the conduct of the war with Tigranes and Mithridates, together with the Legions and Provinces that were under Luculls; Cilica also under the command of Marcius the King, and Bithynia under Acilius Glabrio, should be resigned to Pompey, and that he should continue in his Maritime commands, as he received them at first. [ Dio, lib. 36. cum Livi. lib. 100. Vellei. Pater. lib. 2. cap. 33. Asconio Pedian. in Ora. Cornelianam, & Plutarch in Pompeio. ]

Livy notes this law to be past with great indignation of the Nobility, it seeming to the Senate no less than a manifest injury to Lucullus, nor was he sent to succeed him in the war so much as in the Tryumph, and to take possession of the spoils he had taken, rather than the administration of the war. [ Plutarch in Lucullo. ] Nor did it please them, that they were forced to call Marcius and Acilius from their commands, before the time they had given them was expired. [ Dio. lib. 36.] But they were chiefly jealous of Pompey's powerto whom by this means, the whole Roman Empire was subjected; for those Provinces which by the former Gabinian law, he did seem not to have obtained, as Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Silicia, the upper Colchis, and Armenia, by this he engrost [ Plutarch in Pompeio. ] that power being given him, both of war and peace, that he might by his own will, judge any body his enemy, or make any his friend and associate, as he thought good himself. He had also the command of all armies, whatsoever, which were out of Italy; all which the people of Rome had never heaped together upon one man before. [ Appian. pag. 238,]

Upon this occasion it was, that Cicero then Praetor, made his Oration for the Manilian law in the 23 year after that cruel slaughter of the Citizens of Rome, which was perpetrated in Asia, by Mithridates command in one day, He now reigneth (says he) the three and twentieth year from that time, and reigneth so, not as to hide himself in Pontus or Cappadocia, but to break out and invade the tributaries, and breath your Asian air.

Pompey was as yet pursuing his victory over the Pirates in Silicia; or as (Plutarch says in his life) the was being ended, and he void of business, he was visiting the Cities thereabout; but when by his letters from Rome, he understood what was done there, his friends being present, and congratulating the news, he is reported to have frowned, and struck his thigh, as if he were already weary, and discontented with his command; whose mind they all knew to be very covetous of it; [ Plutarch in Pompeio. Dio, lib. 36.] And although he had formerly made a show of sailing into Crete to Metellus, he forgot that now, and all his maritime business, if there was anything left undone, and addrest himself wholly to war with the Barbarians, [ Dio, ibid. ] calling back everywhere the Soldiers to him, and requiring the assistance of those Kings and Potentates he had received to amity. [ Plut. ibid. ]

Tigranes the younger, Grandchild to Mithridates, by his daughter, revolting from his father, is overcome by him, but not being taken, he joined with the chief of them that were discontented with his father, and went over to Phraates King of the Parthians. [ Liv. lib. 100. Appian. pag. 242. Dio, lib. 36.]

Pompey, proceeding in his war with Mithridates, renewed his league with Phraates King of Parthia. [ Livy. ] Upon the same conditions were tendered formerly to Sylla and Lucullus, of which Pompey speaks in Lucans eighth book,

And according to agreement, Phraates with Tigranes the younger, invaded Armenia, which was subject to Tigranes, and advancing as far as Artaxata, (having overcome all opposition they met by the way) they sat down before it: whilst Tigranes the elder, for fear of them, retired amongst the mountains. [ Dio. ]

Pompey, to discover Mithridates mind, sent Metrophanes to him with very friendly proposals; but he being in hopes that Phraates (newly possessed of the kindom of Parthia) would have joined with him, rejects them: but understanding that he was preoccupied by Pompey, and engaged to invade Armenia, his heart misgave him, and he sent immediately Ambassadors with propositions of peace. Pompey requires he should lay down arms, and deliver up those that had revolted. [ Dio. ]

As soon as this was heard in Mithridates army, the Runnawayes (of which there was a great number) suspecting they should be given up: and the Barbarians supposing they should be forced to maintain the war without their assistance, fell into a mutiny, and had done some mischief to Mithridates, had he not pretended that he sent his Ambassadors rather to descry the posture and preparation of the enemy, than to desire peace. [ Idem ] He swore moreover he would neither have amity with the Romans, by reason of their covetousness, neither would he deliver up any of them, or do anything, but for the common advantage of all. [ Appian. ]

When Pompey was come into Galatia, Lucullus came to meet him, [ Dio. ] at the Castle of Danala. [ Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 567.] Lucullus, in respect of his age and dignity of his Consulships was the better man: but Pompy's dignity, in respect of the number of his commands, and two Triumphs that he had had, was the greater: Both of them had garlands of laurell carried before them, in honor of their victories. Pompey's laurels by reason he had come a long journey, through dry and squalid Countries, were dead and withered, which Lucullus Lictors observing, they courteously presented him with some of theirs, which were fresh and green: which passage the friends of Pompey looked upon as a good omen, that he should carry both the rewards and ornament of Lucullus victories. [ Plutarch in Lucullo, & Pompeio. ]

Lucullus told him all things were already subdued, neither was there need of that expedition at all; and that there were for the same reason, persons arrived, that the Senate had deputed for the settlement and composure of affairs: but failing to persuade Pompey to go back, he fell to complain and asperse him; [ Dio, lib. 36.] insomuch, that there began to be a great contest betwixt them: Pompeyt objecting to Lucullus his covetousness, Lucullus to Pompey his insatiable desire of command, and neither of them could be accused of saying false in what they said. [ Velleius Pater. lib. 2. cap. 33. Plutarch in Pompeio. ]

For this cause Lucullus disposed of those lands he had taken from the enemy as he pleased, and gave away many good gifts besides, for which he was sharply reproved by Pompey, in that he settled and conferred honors and rewards, whilst the enemy was on foot, which used not to be done, till the war was done and accomplished. Pompey (offended) removes his Camp a little further from him, and commanded no body should obey, or come near him: and by public edict, forbad the confirmation of his acts, or what the council often officers should suggest, having also the greater army he was not a little formidable: and leaving him only 1600 for his Triumph, he drew away all his soldiers which he carried away, though they were as useless to him by reason of their mutinousnesse, as they were angry with Lucullus, [ Plutarch in Pompeio, & Lucullo. ] Only the Valerian (or Fimbrian) Legions he called to himself, which (however they were refractory with Lucullus) served him without any sedition, [ Dio. lib. 35, & 36.]

Lucullus returned from thence to Rome, and brought along with him good store of books (which were part of his Pontick prey) [ Isidor. Origin. lib. 6. cap. 3.] with which he furnished his Library, which was always open to all people, especially the Grecians, [ Plutarch in Lucullo. ] He was the first also that brought Cherryes into Italy, [ Pliny, lib. 15. cap. 25.] And (however he had been injured exceedingly by Pompey) he was received very honourably by the Senate, [ Plutarch in Pomp. ]

Metellus, having overcome the Cretensians, took away the laws from an Island which before that time was free, [ Liv. lib. 100.] and finished the liberty they had so long enjoyed, by laying his taxes upon them, [ Velle. Paterc. lib. 2. cap.